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 THE OLD STORY.
There is without doubt a large criminal and semi-criminal class
among colored people. This is but another way of saying that the
social uplift of a group of freedmen is a serious task. But it is also
true, and painfully true, that the crime imputed carelessly and
recklessly against colored people gives an impression of far greater
criminality than the facts warrant.
Take, for instance, a typical case: A little innocent schoolgirl is
brutally murdered in New Jersey. A Negro vagabond is arrested.
Immediately the news is heralded from East to West, from North to
South, in Europe and Asia, of the crime of this black murderer.
Immediately a frenzied, hysterical mob gathers and attempts to
lynch the poor wretch. He is spirited away and the public is almost
sorry that he has escaped summary justice. Without counsel or
friends, the man is shut up in prison and tortured to make him
confess. “They did pretty near everything to me except kill me,”
whispered the wretched man to the first friend he saw.
Finally, after the whole black race in America had suffered
aspersion for several weeks, sense begins to dawn in Jersey. After all,
what proof was there against this man? He was lazy, he had been in
jail for alleged theft from gypsies, he was good natured, and he drank
whiskey. That was all. Yet he stayed in jail under no charge and
under universal censure. The coroner’s jury found no evidence to
indict him. Still he lay in jail. Finally the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People stepped in and said, “What are you
holding this man for?” The Public Prosecutor got red in the face and
vociferated. Then he went downtown, and when the habeas corpus
proceedings came and the judge asked again: “Why are you holding
this man?” the prosecutor said chirpily, “For violating election laws,”
and brought a mass of testimony. Then the judge discharged the
prisoner from the murder charge and congratulated the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People—but the man is
still in jail.
 Such justice is outrageous and such methods disgraceful. Black
folk are willing to shoulder their own sins, but the difference between
a vagabond and a murderer is too tremendous to be lightly ignored.
 “SOCIAL EQUALITY.”
At last we have a definition of the very elusive phrase “Social
Equality” as applied to the Negro problem. In stating their grievances
colored people have recently specified these points:
1. Disfranchisement, even of educated Negroes.
2. Curtailment of common school training.
3. Confinement to “Ghettos.”
4. Discrimination in wages.
5. Confinement to menial employment.
6. Systematic insult of their women.
7. Lynching and miscarriage of justice.
8. Refusal to recognize fitness “in political or industrial life.”
9. Personal discourtesy.
Southern papers in Charlotte, Richmond, New Orleans and
Nashville have with singular unanimity hastened to call this
complaint an unequivocal demand for “social equality,” and as such
absolutely inadmissible. We are glad to have a frank definition,
because we have always suspected this smooth phrase. We
recommend on this showing that hereafter colored men who hasten
to disavow any desire for “social equality” should carefully read the
above list of disabilities which social inequality would seem to
prescribe.
 ASHAMED.
Any colored man who complains of the treatment he receives in
America is apt to be faced sooner or later by the statement that he is
ashamed of his race.
The statement usually strikes him as a most astounding piece of
illogical reasoning, to which a hot reply is appropriate.
And yet notice the curious logic of the persons who say such
things. They argue:
White men alone are men. This Negro wants to be a man. Ergo he
wants to be a white man.
Their attention is drawn to the efforts of colored people to be
treated decently. This minor premise therefore attracts them. But the
major premise—the question as to treating black men like white men
—never enters their heads, nor can they conceive it entering the
black man’s head. If he wants to be a man he must want to be white,
and therefore it is with peculiar complacency that a Tennessee paper
says of a dark champion of Negro equality: “He bitterly resents his
Negro blood.”
Not so, O Blind Man. He bitterly resents your treatment of Negro
blood. The prouder he is, or has a right to be, of the blood of his black
fathers, the more doggedly he resists the attempt to load men of that
blood with ignominy and chains. It is race pride that fights for
freedom; it is the man ashamed of his blood who weakly submits and
smiles.
 JESUS CHRIST IN BALTIMORE.
It seems that it is not only Property that is screaming with fright at
the Black Spectre in Baltimore, but Religion also. Two churches
founded in the name of Him who “put down the mighty from their
seats and exalted them of low degree” are compelled to move. Their
palatial edifices filled with marble memorials and Tiffany windows
are quite useless for the purposes of their religion since black folk
settled next door. Incontinently they have dropped their Bibles and
gathered up their priestly robes and fled, after selling their property
to colored people for $125,000 in good, cold cash.
Where are they going? Uptown. Up to the wealthy and exclusive
and socially select. There they will establish their little gods again,
and learned prelates with sonorous voices will ask the echoing pews:
“How can the Church reach the working man?”
Why not ask the working man? Why not ask black people, and
yellow people, and poor people, and all the people from whom such
congregations flee in holy terror? The church that does not run from
the lowly finds the lowly at its doors, and there are some such
churches in the land, but we fear that their number in Baltimore is
not as great as should be.
 “EXCEPT SERVANTS.”
The noticeable reservation in all attempts, North and South, to
separate black folk and white is the saving phrase, “Except servants.”
Are not servants colored? Is the objection, then, to colored people
or to colored people who are not servants? In other words, is this
race prejudice inborn antipathy or a social and economic caste?
 SOCIAL CONTROL

By JANE ADDAMS, of Hull House

I always find it very difficult to write upon the great race problem
which we have in America. I think, on the whole, that the most
satisfactory books on the subject are written by people outside of
America. This is certainly true of two books, “White Capital and
Black Labor,” by the Governor of Jamaica, and William Archer’s
book entitled “Afro-America.” Although the latter is inconclusive, it
at least gives one the impression that the man who has written it has
seen clearly into the situation, and that, I suppose, is what it is very
difficult for any American to do.
One thing, however, is clear to all of us, that not only in the South,
but everywhere in America, a strong race antagonism is asserting
itself, which has various modes of lawless and insolent expression.
The contemptuous attitude of the so-called superior race toward the
inferior results in a social segregation of each race, and puts the one
race group thus segregated quite outside the influences of social
control represented by the other. Those inherited resources of the
race embodied in custom and kindly intercourse which make much
more for social restraint than does legal enactment itself are thus
made operative only upon the group which has inherited them, and
the newer group which needs them most is practically left without.
Thus in every large city we have a colony of colored people who have
not been brought under social control, and a majority of the white
people in the same community are tacitly endeavoring to keep from
them those restraints which can be communicated only through
social intercourse. One could easily illustrate this lack of inherited
control by comparing the experiences of a group of colored girls with
those of a group representing the daughters of Italian immigrants, or
of any other South European peoples. The Italian girls very much
enjoy the novelty of factory work, the opportunity to earn money and
to dress as Americans do, but this new freedom of theirs is carefully
guarded. Their mothers seldom give them permission to go to a party
in the evening, and never without chaperonage. Their fathers
consider it a point of honor that their daughters shall not be alone on
the streets after dark. The daughter of the humblest Italian receives
this care because her parents are but carrying out social traditions. A
group of colored girls, on the other hand, are quite without this
protection. If they yield more easily to the temptations of a city than
any other girls, who shall say how far the lack of social restraint is
responsible for their downfall? The Italian parents represent the
social traditions which have been worked out during centuries of
civilization, and which often become a deterrent to progress through
the very bigotry with which they cling to them; nevertheless, it is
largely through these customs and manners that new groups are
assimilated into civilization.
Added to this is the fact that a decent colored family, if it is also
poor, often finds it difficult to rent a house save one that is
undesirable, because situated near a red-light district, and the family
in the community least equipped with social tradition is forced to
expose its daughters to the most flagrantly immoral conditions the
community permits. This is but one of the many examples of the
harmful effects of race segregation which might be instanced.
Another result of race antagonism is the readiness to irritation
which in time characterizes the intercourse of the two races. We
stupidly force one race to demand as a right from the other those
things which should be accorded as a courtesy, and every meeting
between representatives of the two races is easily characterized by
insolence and arrogance. To the friction of city life, and the
complications of modern intercourse, is added this primitive race
animosity which should long since have been outgrown. When the
white people in a city are tacitly leagued against the colored people
within its borders, the result is sure to be disastrous, but there are
still graver dangers in permitting the primitive instinct to survive
and to become self-assertive. When race antagonism manifests itself
through lynching, it defiantly insists that it is superior to all those
laws which have been gradually evolved during thousands of years,
and which form at once the record and the instrument of civilization.
The fact that this race antagonism enables the men acting under its
impulsion to justify themselves in their lawlessness constitutes the
great danger of the situation. The men claim that they are executing
a primitive retribution which precedes all law, and in this belief they
put themselves in a position where they cannot be reasoned with,
although this dangerous manifestation must constantly be reckoned
with as a deterrent to progress and a menace to orderly living.
Moreover, this race antagonism is very close to the one thing in
human relations which is uglier than itself, namely, sex antagonism,
and in every defense made in its behalf an appeal to the latter
antagonism is closely interwoven. Many men in every community
justify violence when it is committed under the impulsion of these
two antagonisms, and others carelessly assert that great laws of
human intercourse, first and foremost founded upon justice and
right relations between man and man, should thus be disregarded
and destroyed.
If the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
will soberly take up every flagrant case of lawbreaking, and if it allow
no withdrawal of constitutional rights to pass unchallenged, it will
perform a most useful service to America and for the advancement of
all its citizens. Many other opportunities may be open in time to such
an association, but is not this its first and most obvious obligation?
 THE TEACHER.

By Leslie Pinckney Hill.

Lord, who am I to teach the way

To little children day by day,
So prone myself to go astray?

I teach them Knowledge, but I know

How faint they flicker, and how low
The candles of my knowledge glow.

I teach them Power to will and do,

But only now to learn anew
My own great weakness through and through.

I teach them Love for all mankind

And all God’s creatures; but I find
My love comes lagging still behind.

Lord, if their guide I still must be,

O let the little children see
The teacher leaning hard on thee!
 Employment of Colored Women in
Chicago

From a Study Made by the Chicago School of Civics and

Philanthropy

In considering the field of employment for colored women, the

professional women must be discussed separately. They admit fewer
difficulties and put a brave face on the matter, but in any case their
present position was gained only after a long struggle. The education
is the less difficult part. The great effort is to get the work after
having prepared themselves for it. The Negro woman, like her white
sister, is constantly forced to choose between a lower wage or no
work. The pity is that her own people do not know the colored girl
needs their help nor realize how much they could do for her.
Two of the musicians found the struggle too hard and were
compelled to leave Chicago. One girl of twenty-three, a graduate of
the Chicago Conservatory of Music, is playing in a low concert hall in
one of the worst sections of the city, from 8 in the evening till 4 in the
morning. Her wages are $18 a week, and with this she supports a
father and mother and younger sister.
There are from fifteen to twenty colored teachers in the public
schools of Chicago. This information was obtained from the office of
the superintendent, where it was said no record was kept of the
number of colored teachers. When they are given such a place they
are always warned that they are likely to have difficulty. As a rule
they are in schools where the majority of the children are Negroes.
They are all in the grades, but they say that their opportunities for
promotion are equal to those of white women. Indeed, they say that
there are two places where they are not discriminated against
because of their color. One is in the public schools, the other is under
the Civil Service Commission.
However, the professional women do not have the greatest
difficulty. The real barriers are met by the women who have had only
an average education—girls who have finished high school, or
perhaps only the eighth grade. These girls, if they were white, would
find employment at clerical and office work in Chicago’s department
stores, mail order houses and wholesale stores. But these positions
are absolutely closed to the Negro girl. She has no choice but
housework.
When the object of the inquiry was explained to one woman she
said: “Why, no one wants a Negro to work for him. I’ll show you—
look in the newspaper.” And she produced a paper with its columns
of advertisements for help wanted. “See, not one person in this whole
city has asked for a Negro to work for him.”
A great many of the colored women find what they call “day work”
most satisfactory. This means from eight to nine hours a day at some
kind of housework, cleaning, washing, ironing or dusting. This the
Negro women prefer to regular positions as maids, because it allows
them to go at night to their families. The majority of the women who
do this work receive $1.50, with 10 cents extra for carfare. There was
a higher grade of day work for which the pay was $2 a day besides
the carfare. This included the packing of trunks, washing of fine linen
and lace curtains, and even some mending.
The records of the South Side Free Employment Agency showed
that the wages of colored women were uniformly lower than those of
white women. Of course, there is no way of judging of ability by
records, but where the white cooks received $8 per week the Negro
cooks were paid $7, and where the white maids received $6,
sometimes, but not as frequently as in the case of the cooks, the
Negro maid received less. One dollar and a half was paid for “day
work.” At the colored employment agency which is run in connection
with the Frederic Douglas Centre they have many more requests for
maids than they have girls to fill the places. Good places with high
wages are sometimes offered, but the girls are more and more
demanding “day work” and refusing to work by the week. At the
South Side Free Employment Agency during the months of January,
February and March of this year forty-two positions for colored
women were found.[2] These forty-two positions were filled by thirty-
six women, some of them coming back to the office two or three
times during the three months. The superintendent said it was
difficult to find places for the colored women who applied, and they
probably succeeded in placing only about 25 per cent. of them. In the
opinion of those finding the work for the girls in this office, the
reason for the difficulties they encounter are the fact that they do not
remain long in one place and have a general reputation for
dishonesty. The fundamental cause of the discrimination by
employers against them is racial prejudice either in the employer
himself or in his customers.
2. 454 white women in the same time.
One girl who has only a trace of colored blood was able to secure a
position as salesgirl in a store. After she had been there a long time
she asked for an increase in wages, such as had been allowed the
white girls, but the request was refused and she was told that she
ought to be thankful that they kept her at all.
In many cases, especially when the women were living alone, the
earnings, plus the income from the lodgers, barely covered the rent.
When they work by the day they rarely work more than four days a
week. Sometimes the amount they gave as their weekly wage fell
short of even paying the rent, but more often the rent was covered
and a very small margin left to live on.
Such treatment has discouraged the Negro woman. She has
accepted the conditions and seldom makes any real effort to get into
other sorts of work. The twelfth question on the schedule, “What
attempts have you made to secure other kinds of work in Chicago or
elsewhere?” was usually answered by a question: “What’s the use of
trying to get work when you know you can’t get it?”
The colored women are like white women in the same grade of life.
They do not realize the need of careful training, and they do not
appreciate the advantages of specialization in their work. But the
Negro woman is especially handicapped, for she not only lacks
training but must overcome the prejudice against her color. Of the
270 women interviewed, 43 per cent. were doing some form of
housework for wages, yet all evidence of conscious training was
entirely lacking. This need must be brought home to them before
they can expect any real advancement.
A peculiar problem presents itself in connection with the
housework. Practically this is the only occupation open to Negro
women, and it is also the only occupation where one is not expected
to go home at night. This the Negroes insist on doing. They are
accused of having no family feeling, yet the fact remains that they
will accept a lower wage and live under far less advantageous
conditions for the sake of being free at night. That is why the “day
work” is so popular. Rather than live in some other person’s home
and get good wages for continued service, the colored woman prefers
to live in this way. She will have a tiny room, go out as many days a
week as she can get places, and pay for her room and part of her
board out of her earnings, which sometimes amount to only $3 or
$4.50 per week.
Occasionally laundry, sewing or hair work is done in their homes,
but the day work is almost universally preferred.
Many of the Negroes are so nearly white that they can be mistaken
for white girls, in which case they are able to secure very good
positions and keep them as long as their color is not known.
One girl worked for a fellowship at the Art Institute. Her work was
good and the place was promised her. In making out the papers she
said Negro, when asked her nationality, to the great astonishment of
the man in charge. He said he would have to look into the matter, but
the girl did not get the fellowship.
A young man, son of a colored minister in the city, had a position
in a business man’s office, kept the books, collected rents, etc. He
had a peculiar name, and one of the tenants remembered it in
connection with the boy’s father, who had all the physical
characteristics of the Negro. The tenant made inquiries and reported
the matter to the landlord, threatening to leave the building if he had
to pay rent to a Negro. The boy was discharged.
A colored girl, who was very light colored, said that more than
once she secured a place and the colored people themselves had told
the employer he had a “Negro” working for him. The woman with
whom she was living said: “It’s true every time. The Negroes are their
own worst enemies.”
 To summarize, the isolation which is forced upon the Negro, both
in his social and his business life, constitutes one of the principal
difficulties which he encounters. As far as the colored woman is
concerned, as we have shown, the principal occupations which are
open to her are domestic service and school teaching. This leaves a
large number of women whose education has given them ambitions
beyond housework, who are not fitted to compete with northern
teachers and yet cannot obtain clerical work because they are
Negroes. Certain fields in which there is apparently an opportunity
for the colored women are little tried. For example, sewing is
profitable and there is little feeling against the employment of Negro
seamstresses, and yet few follow the dressmaking profession.
Without doubt one fundamental reason for the difficulties the
colored woman meets in seeking employment is her lack of industrial
training. The white woman suffers from this also, but the colored
woman doubly so. The most hopeful sign is the growing conviction
on the part of the leading Negro women of the city that there is need
of co-operation between them and the uneducated and unskilled,
and that they are trying to find some practical means to give to these
women the much-needed training for industrial life.
 THE BURDEN

If blood be the price of liberty,

If blood be the price of liberty,
If blood be the price of liberty,
Lord God, we have paid in full.

COLORED MEN LYNCHED WITHOUT TRIAL.

 1885 78
1886 71
1887 80
1888 95
1889 95
1890 90
1891 121
1892 155
1893 154
1894 134
1895 112
1896 80
1897 122
1898 102
1899 84
1900 107
1901 107
1902 86
1903 86
1904 83
1905[3] 60
1906[3] 60
1907[3] 60
1908[3] 80
1909 73
1910[4] 50

Total 2,425

3. Estimated.
4. Estimated to date.

The policy usually carried out consistently in the South of refusing

the colored woman the courtesies accorded the white woman leads to
some unfortunate results. One of the courtesies refused is the title of
“Mrs.” or “Miss.” Thus a Kentucky newspaper, in its recent
educational news, notes “the resignation of Mrs. Mattie Spring Barr
as a substitute teacher and the unanimous election of Miss Ella
Williams,” while a few paragraphs below it says that “Principal
Russell of the Russell Negro School asked that Lizzie Brooks be
promoted to the position of regular teacher and that Annie B. Jones
be made a substitute.” Here we have two groups of women doing
similar important work for the community, yet the group with Negro
blood is denied the formality of address that every other section of
the country gives to the teacher in a public school.

How much the South loses by this policy is shown by a

Northerner’s experience in the office of one of the philanthropic
societies. Two probation officers, volunteers, were going out to their
work. The secretary of the society addressed the first, a white
woman, as Mrs. Brown: the second, a little middle-aged black
woman, he called Mary. When they had left the Northerner
questioned the difference in address. “I couldn’t call a nigger Mrs. or
Miss.,” the secretary expostulated. “It would be impossible.” “But
here in your own city,” the Northerner answered, “I happen to know
a number of educated colored girls, some of them college graduates,
who have a desire for social service. Under you they might learn the
best methods of charitable work, but they would not care to be called
‘Annie’ or ‘Jane’ by a young white man. Can you afford to lose such
helpers as these?”
He had but one answer. “It would never do for me to say Mrs. or
Miss to a nigger. It would be impossible.”

Throughout the country there are a number of colored postal

clerks. These men, with others in the service, belong to the Mutual
Benefit Association. At a recent meeting in Chicago the delegates to
this Mutual Benefit Association voted in the future to admit only
clerks of the Caucasian race. According to one of the colored clerks,
the meeting that passed this vote was “packed,” colored members
receiving no notice to elect delegates to it.

The black servant is more acceptable to some people than the

educated colored man. As an instance of this is Mr. U. of
Washington, a highly cultivated Negro of some means. As owner of a
cottage and a few acres of land in a small Virginia town, he good-
naturedly allowed an old black woman to live rent-free upon his
place. On her death he went down to claim the property, but found
the woman’s daughter had put in a counter claim. The case went to
court, and in his plea before the jury the woman’s lawyer said: “Are
you going to take property away from this black mammy’s daughter
to give it to a smart nigger from Washington?” And despite Mr. U.’s
former yearly payment of taxes, despite the deed which he himself
held, he lost his suit.

In Wilcox County Ala., there are 10,758 Negro children and 2,000
white children of school age, making a total population of 12,758.
The per capita allowance for each child in the State this year is $2.56.
According to the recent apportionment of the school fund on this
basis, Wilcox County receives $32,660.48. Of this amount the 10,758
Negro children have been allowed one-fifth, or $6,532.09, about 60
cents each, while the 2,000 white children receive the remaining
four-fifths, or $26,128.39, about $13 each. Further investigation
shows that only 1,000 of the 10,758 Negro children are in school,
leaving 6,758 with absolutely no provision for obtaining even a
common school education.
 TALKS ABOUT WOMEN

NUMBER TWO By Mrs. JOHN E. MILHOLLAND

A most interesting and instructive morning was given at the

Berkeley Lyceum on Wednesday, December 7, under the auspices of
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The
weather was bitterly cold, and although the great fall of snow during
the night had made getting about a not only troublesome but
dangerous experience, the little theatre was well filled with many
well-known women in sympathy with the cause and interested in all
sorts of activities for progress. The chairman, Mr. John Haynes
Holmes, introduced Madame Hackley, who gave the musical part of
the program, and did it well with her customary finish and
appreciation.
Madam Hackley was trained in Paris, and gave several French
selections with great skill.
Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, the speaker, was most enthusiastically
received, and made, as usual, a most effective and touching speech,
to which her audience listened with not only interest but surprise, as
many present had never dreamed of the struggles of these women in
their efforts for educational advancement.
Without doubt Mrs. Terrell is one of the best orators we have to-
day. She has much dignity, with a very easy and fluent mode of
speaking. She is direct, and when, as on this occasion, she is talking
for the women of her race, her enthusiasm and sincerity carry
conviction to her listeners. When she had finished Mrs. Terrell was
warmly congratulated, and the enthusiastic daughter of the great
orator, Robert Ingersoll, Mrs. Walston R. Brown, declared that “Mrs.