See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/42973606

Oppression of the Bereaved: A Critical Analysis of Grief in Western Society

Article in OMEGA--Journal of Death and Dying · January 2009

DOI: 10.2190/OM.60.3.c · Source: PubMed

CITATIONS READS
91 4,079

1 author:

Darcy L Harris
Western University
23 PUBLICATIONS 0 CITATIONS

SEE PROFILE

All content following this page was uploaded by Darcy L Harris on 14 October 2015.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

 OMEGA, Vol. 60(3) 241-253, 2009-2010

OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED: A CRITICAL

ANALYSIS OF GRIEF IN WESTERN SOCIETY

DARCY HARRIS, R.S.W., PH.D., FT

King’s University College at the
University of Western Ontario, Canada

Bereaved: Deprived of a close relation or friend through their death.

ABSTRACT

Bereaved individuals often experience profound social pressure to conform to

societal norms that constrict the experience of grief rather than support it.
This article explores grief in Western society1 through an analysis of the
underlying structures and values that are a part of this social system, utilizing
the lens of critical theory. Critical theory examines social norms and condi-
tions in order to identify and expose oppression in various contexts. This
article examines the social rules that govern the expression of grief, the role of
attachment, social pain, and shame as potent forces that promote compliance
with social rules, and the ways that the underlying assumptions and values in
Western society shape how bereaved individuals are expected to react. Impli-
cations for clinicians who work with terminally ill or bereaved individuals are
then reviewed.

1
The term, “Western society” describes a society where there is a prevalence of industry that is built
upon capitalism and a market-based economy. Because the emergence of industry and capitalism are
typically attributed to Western Europe and North American countries, it is often assumed that the term,
“Western” generally refers to these countries. However, other countries in various regions of the world
also now incorporate the values of capitalism into their social structures; thus, the discussion in this
article refers to a philosophical stance that is deemed as “Western-oriented,” but not limited to a
geographic location or particular culture or ethnic identification.

241
Ó 2009, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc.
doi: 10.2190/OM.60.3.c
http://baywood.com
242 / HARRIS

INTRODUCTION

This article began as a point of intersection between a scholarly exploration of

social influences on bereavement and the real-life issues that arose in my clinical
practice setting with clients who were bereaved. Over time, I have found that one
of the more common questions that clients raise in the context of grief counseling
is how one should grieve after a significant loss (i.e., what is normal?). Clients
frequently report distress over not just the loss(es) they have experienced, but also
to their responses to these losses. Sadly, the distress is often magnified by how
these responses are perceived by others with whom they interact on a daily basis,
including family, friends, coworkers, and healthcare practitioners. Upon reflec-
tion, I realized that much of my work as a counselor has been spent attempting to
normalize grief responses that have been deemed as abnormal by social indices,
un-doing the unhealthy suppression of grief, and attempting to re-frame the
pathology-based approach to grief that seems prevalent in Western society in
order to counteract the paralyzing effects that these influences have upon
many of my bereaved clients. As a result, I wanted to uncover and explore the
social context in which these clients have to function in order to help them to better
understand themselves, and to hopefully feel a greater sense of freedom and
empowerment in the midst of their grief. What follows is my attempt to delve into
the social construct of grief in Western society. The purpose of this article is
to explore grief in current Western society through an analysis of the under-
lying structures and values that are a part of this society, utilizing the lens of
critical theory.

DEATH AND LOSS: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS

Although initially focused on small groups that were mostly white and middle-
class, bereavement research has broadened in the last 20 years to include many
diverse groups of grievers and types of losses, and attempts have been made to
engage with the larger social context and underlying assumptions that are part of
the response to death and loss in Western society (Parkes, 2001). There is now
awareness that children grieve differently than adults and that their grief is often
misunderstood because it is different (Oltjenbruns, 2001; Silverman, 2000). The
role of gender socialization in grief responses after a significant loss is also better
understood (Doka & Martin, 2002; Golden, 1996; Hockey, 1997; Lund, 2001;
Staudacher, 1991). It is now known that grief may continue for a long time and, in
fact, that it is very common for a relationship to continue with a deceased loved
one (Klass, Silverman, & Nickman, 1996). It is also understood that there is
a wide variance in how people respond to loss based upon many factors that are
both external and internal (Sanders, 1999; Stroebe, Hansson, & Stroebe, 2001:
Worden, 2009). However, despite much research and anecdotal accounts that
confirm the normalcy of many diverse responses to loss, social expectations of
 OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED / 243

uniformity (and conformity) are still placed upon bereaved individuals in current
Western society.
Because I see the empowerment of bereaved clients in their subjective experi-
ences as a crucial part of my work, I looked for a framework that incorporates
power dynamics into social analysis. I began with critical theory, as it examines
social norms and conditions in order to identify and expose power, control, and
oppression in various contexts. Oppression is defined as the act of using power to
empower and/or grant privilege to a group at the expense of disempowering,
marginalizing, silencing, and subordinating another group (Brown, 1994). The
root of the word oppression is the key element, press. The experience of oppressed
people is that the living of one’s life is confined by barriers which are not acci-
dental and thus avoidable. These barriers are also systematically related to each
other in such a way as to catch one between and among them and restrict or
penalize motion in any direction (Frye, 1998).
One of the cornerstones of critical theory is that knowledge is power. It is
assumed that when oppressive forces are identified and understood, the potential
exists to enact change which will allow freedom from these forces (Littlejohn,
1992). A critical analysis in a social context will almost always include questions
about the ways in which inclusion and exclusion criteria (understood as social
norms) serve the interests of the dominant group (which supports an ideology or
basic belief held by the elite within a particular social structure). In turn, a critical
analysis will also examine how the dominant group utilizes these inclusion-
/exclusion criteria to oppress those who do not fit into these categories as a means
of maintaining dominance (Brookfield, 2005).
The underlying premise of this exploration is that if we are aware of the factors
that influence our perceptions of an experience, we have the opportunity to con-
sciously act and respond with intentionality and purpose, rather than to simply
react or follow rote patterns without reflection. Critical theorists emphasize reflex-
ivity, or the human capacity to reflect upon our history and our actions, as essential
for liberating social change (Swenson, 1998). In the context of bereavement, dis-
secting out social and cultural expectations of how bereaved individuals are
expected to respond to loss (i.e., how they should respond) from the actual reality
of their loss experience (how they actually do respond) provides an ability to
normalize the human response to loss without the oppressive factor of shame and
the inhibition caused by external social constraints which may have the potential to
suppress adaptive, but socially uncomfortable or stigmatized responses.
For the purpose of this article, a working definition of grief will be utilized
rather than a theoretical one. Thus, grief will be simply defined as the highly
unique, personal response to loss (Lang & Caplan, 1993). This definition allows
for the inclusion of all aspects of the grief response (i.e., emotional, social, cogni-
tive, physical, behavioral, etc.) by focusing on the loss experience as identified
subjectively by an individual rather than a specific type of response to be explored,
or the internal/external mechanisms which may mediate the grief response (i.e.,
244 / HARRIS

attachment style, coping style, method of death). This response to loss occurs
within the social construction of what is viewed acceptably as “normal” grief in
Western society. The use of the term society rather than culture is intentional. A
society is an economic, social, and industrial infrastructure in which a varied
multitude of people or peoples are a part, and members of a given society may
consist of many different cultural and ethnic groups (Jenkins, 2002). This explor-
ation focuses on the dominant group’s views of death and grief rather than
upon those of the specific cultural traditions or ethnic groups that make up
Western society.

GRIEF IN WESTERN SOCIETY

In general, Western society is basically described as a death-denying and
product-driven society whose foundation rests upon capitalism and patriarchal
hierarchies in all significant social institutions (Wood & Williamson, 2003). Indi-
viduals who are terminally ill are often viewed with pity for their dependency, and
avoided by many due to their representation of mortality, serving as a reminder
that all of us will eventually die. Death is typically viewed as the failure of medical
technology and a source of shame (Reynolds, 2002). This foundation sets the stage
for how bereaved individuals are perceived and the standards of acceptability for
mourning after a loss.
There are several social rules for grieving in most Western societies that are not
stated explicitly, but which are widely known and recognized. These social rules
identify who, in a given society, is granted the privilege of any exemption from
roles and responsibilities as a result of a socially-recognized condition that is legit-
imized through a political structure or authority figure, such as a physician. For
example, Parsons (1951) described the concept of the sick role as a status that is
granted by a physician to a patient who is deemed unwell. In response for being
diagnosed as “legitimately” sick and therefore relieved of social responsibilities,
the patient is also expected to comply with the rules of the sick role, which include
following the doctors’ treatment recommendations and attempting to get better as
quickly as possible. The use of “doctors’ notes,” which serve to excuse individuals
from work, from certain responsibilities, or which give specific benefits to the
recipients (such as tax deductions for items that are deemed medically necessary)
underscores the power and legitimization of physicians in this society.
Exclusions from work and social responsibilities are legitimized through social
rules, as well as the granting of special social support by identification with the
prescribed role of mourning in losses that meet the criteria of acceptability. These
rules are not posted on the doors of funeral homes and religious centers; they are
implicit and imbued with a great amount of power in their ability to ascribe
legitimacy to the grief response in a mourner. Doka (1989) defined the social rules
of grieving as “A set of norms that attempt to determine who, when, where,
how, how long, and for whom people should grieve” (p. 4). These rules are the
 OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED / 245

“shoulds” and “should nots” that govern individual responses to loss. In Western
society, these rules identify the following:

• Who has permission to be identified as bereaved and whether or not the rela-
tionship to the deceased is valid according to social expectations. For exam-
ple, grief is recognized through workplace leave policies as valid if the loss is
that of a child or spouse, but not if the deceased is the ex-spouse or a close
friend instead of a close family member. One of the functions of any society is
to validate the legitimacy of a loss, and individual subjective experiences of
loss are judged by the social norms of that society. Another example of lack of
validation of loss occurs in perinatal loss, which is seen as a different loss than
the loss of a child that lived outside of the womb. Because the parents may not
actually “hold” their baby or have shared memories of the baby (often referred
to as the “products of conception” rather than as a baby), the baby is prema-
ture, or has deformities, it is not seen as a “true” loss, although research
supports the development of significant prenatal attachment, often at an early
gestational age (Klaus & Kennell, 1976).
• How long grief can last. Funeral leave for most workplaces is 3 days for a
close family member. In my presentations to public audiences, I often ask the
question, “How long do you think grief should last”? The typical responses to
this question are that someone is expected to grieve from 3 months to 1 year
after a significant loss. Many of the clients in my clinical practice reflect this
sentiment when they voice concern that they are still experiencing symptoms
of raw grief a year after their loss. However, current research in the area of
bereavement indicates that the length of time one grieves is dependent upon
many varying factors, which may include personal grieving/coping style,
cultural affiliation, concurrent stresses, and loss history (Klass et al., 1996;
Stroebe et al., 2001; Worden, 2009). It often takes many years for bereaved
individuals to feel they are able to function normally again. For many
individuals, grief continues to manifest at important milestones throughout
one’s life (Oltjenbruns, 2001). Grief may never really have a defined point of
resolution, or the relationship with the deceased individual continues
indefinitely after death, which also has implications for the grieving process
(Klass et al., 1996; Parkes, 1997).
• How grief can and should be manifest. For example, women are generally
allowed to cry “within reason” and men are generally expected to be “strong,”
meaning to show no emotion (Martin & Doka, 2000). Gender socialization
and stereotyping are strong social forces that shape the expectations of how
individuals should grieve. Strong emotions of any type are usually stig-
matized, and bereaved individuals often express embarrassment for “losing
control” of their emotions in front of others.
• If the manner of death is considered “acceptable” or if it is a loss with
some stigma attached to it. For example, family members of individuals who
246 / HARRIS

complete suicide are frequently assumed to be dysfunctional. Deaths through

AIDS and through acts of intention (i.e., murder) or volition (i.e, drunk driv-
ing or drug use) also have significant social stigma attached to them as well
(Doka, 2002). Associated with losses that involve the legal system is the view
that the public has a right to know about the details of deaths, even at the
expense of the surviving family members, as the right of the press to expose
such details supersedes the privacy and needs of the surviving bereaved indi-
viduals (Breithaupt, 2003). Although the detailed coverage of these types of
deaths is rationalized by invoking reference to the freedom of the press, the
reality is that sensationalized media content sells well, which is another exam-
ple of how capitalistic values intrude upon the privacy and needs of grieving
individuals and the survivors of these events.

Social Conformity in Bereavement

Doka (1989) used the term disenfranchised grief to describe grief that does not
fit into socially acceptable norms within a given society. Violation of any of the
social rules of grief can have a deep impact upon the bereaved individual, as these
rules govern the social support and public policies that are extended after the death
of a loved one. Social support is a very important factor in bereavement adjust-
ment, and bereaved individuals will readily adhere to these social rules about their
grief in order to prevent further losses that may occur through the withdrawal of Importante para ver de verdad esa
influencia y porque las seguimos.
their social support system if they do not conform to these unwritten rules
(Nichols, 2001).
Many researchers describe the grief experience as a threat to the attachment
system of the bereaved individual. Threats to the attachment system often result in
a heightened activation of that same system, resulting in an increased sense of
vulnerability in bereaved individuals and the need to seek the safety of social
support (Parkes, 1981, 1997; Weiss, 2001). Another reason that bereaved indivi-
duals attempt to conform to social grieving rules can be found in the concept of
“social pain,” which is described as the “specific emotional reaction to the percep-
tion that one is being excluded from desired relationships or being devalued by
desired relationship partners or groups” (MacDonald & Leary, 2005, p. 202).
These authors state that social pain is felt on many levels and that aversion to this
pain is a powerful motivating force for compliance with social norms and rules. In
addition, individuals who stray from accepted norms of behavior are often shamed
by their social group, which functions as a powerful form of social control to
ensure compliance with social norms (Wurmser, 1981). This sense of shame may
also be internalized by the bereaved individual, who describes frustration at his or
her inability to “keep it together” or to “move on and stop wallowing in self-pity.”
Thus, there are many strong pressures that may influence bereaved individuals to
try to conform to the social grieving rules, even when adherence to these rules
could prolong their personal suffering after a loss.
 OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED / 247

CAPITALISM AND GRIEF: THE CLASH

The undercurrent of these socially-mediated grieving rules can be explored by

understanding the values of the society in which they have been created. Reynolds
(2002) concludes that it is not enough to state that Western society is basically
death denying, and that bereaved individuals are marginalized because they repre-
sent the fact that we are mortal beings. Going deeper, he states that the relationship
between Western society and death and grief is shaped by the driving forces of the
capitalistic economic structure. A capitalistic society is governed by the high value
placed upon productivity, competition, and consumerism. In a capitalistic society,
the active seeking of economic growth, expansion, consumption, and the view of
unlimited possibilities is highly prized. Brookfield (2005) describes capitalistic
societies as those which tend to define human worth “in economic terms by the
elevation of materialistic values over the human values of compassion, skill, or
creativity” (p. 162).
Bereaved individuals are often impaired in their functionality by their grief
experience. These same individuals are often not very good consumers of market
goods (unless these market goods are targeted for bereaved individuals, such as
self help books and pharmaceuticals). The potential for the lack of productivity
and an inability to perform the socially-expected role of consumer presents a threat
to the basic structure of a capitalistic society. If their grief response adheres to the
previously described social rules concerning grief, bereaved individuals will be
allowed a brief, temporary exemption from functionality and the expectation of
being consumers and producers for a limited period of time.
In order to become more socially acceptable, and to counteract the potential for
social isolation or exclusion from lack of conformity to expectations, grieving
individuals may try to “mask” their grief in stoicism or find covert ways to grieve
that keep their experience out of the public eye. By so doing, bereaved individuals
internalize the oppressive forces that are enforced through the social rules of
acceptability after a loss occurs. Death and grief signify vulnerability, which is a
sign of weakness. In a social system that is based upon competition and acquisi-
tion, weakness is not tolerable, and so grief goes underground.
Western society also tends to be a patriarchal society, and patriarchy is
perpetuated in capitalistic societies through the hierarchical structure of most large
companies and social institutions, and the desire to compete and to “dominate” the
market (Hartman, 1995; Rasmussen, 2005). Certainly, a patriarchal society favors
the male-dominant patterns of stoicism and denial of emotionality, which are often
hard to maintain in acute grief. Most bereaved individuals would share that the
most frequent comments they receive from well-meaning others are those that
would minimize their loss or offer distraction from their grief in an attempt to help
them to regain control over their vulnerability and emotionality. This mandate
to minimize one’s experience and to deny a potentially adaptive grief response
in favor of the maintenance of a veneer of control and functionality represents a
248 / HARRIS

unique form of oppression. The cost of noncompliance can be very high, manifest
through job loss secondary to loss of productivity, loss of support, loss of status,
and shame if one appears weak in a competitive market or is not pulling one’s
weight as expected.
Death and grief represent the ultimate loss of control over one’s destiny, one’s
life, and one’s choices. A capitalistic, patriarchal, consumer-driven culture values
Capitalismo=control
control and rationality in order to foster productivity (Bottomore, 1985). The large Muerte=perdida de control sobre
pharmaceutical industry feeds off these values, and quickly offers consumers la vida.
the ability to control their grief through the use of antidepressants, anxioly- Las dos cosas son basicamente
opuestas
tics, and sleeping medications. In Western society, the high value that is placed on
youth and vitality, the warehousing of elderly or disabled individuals into insti-
tutional care out of the public eye, and the fact that most people die in institutional
care settings removed from everyday life prevents a more reflexive and norm-
ative response to mortality. In addition, we do not have time to deal with death
because we are busy producing and consuming, and unless we are personally
affected by a loss, we can function efficiently and without hindrance because death
is hidden from sight. And when all else fails, we can take medication to overcome
our weakness.
The fact that these social norms are so deeply entrenched into every institutional
structure and internalized into individuals’ identification with the need to “be
strong” and “in control” at all times prevents the exposure of these underlying
themes and values as unrealistic and often unhealthy. Death is everywhere, but it is
also nowhere. Grief is a universal experience, but it is expected to be hidden from
sight as if it were a source of shame rather than the result of loving and attaching to
others. As stated in the introduction, much of the focus in grief therapy and support
is often upon the “un-doing” of these oppressive social norms, which ironically
cause prolonged suffering in grieving individuals by preventing the potentially
adaptive aspects of the grief process to unfold naturally without hindrance (Doka
& Martin, 2002).

DIAGNOSIS AND GRIEF

Another aspect of how death is viewed in Western culture is the recent proposal
to include diagnoses of “Complicated Grief Disorder” or “Traumatic Grief Dis-
order” in the soon to be published Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, Volume Five
(DSM-V; Bolen, van den Bout, & Keijser, 2003; Hogan, Worden, & Schmidt,
2003-2004; Horowitz, Siegel, Holen, Bonanno, Milbrath, Stinson, et al., 2003;
Prigerson & Maciejewski, 2005). It has been argued that the inclusion of these
entities as specific disorders would separate the symptomatology of complicated
grief from depressive disorders and traumatic grief from anxiety and trauma-
related disorders, and these distinctions would assist bereaved individuals who fit
these criteria to obtain appropriate treatment. In looking at this issue from a critical
theory perspective, the inclusion of these new diagnoses would give social
 OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED / 249

legitimacy to specific manifestations of grief through inclusion in a definitive

authoritative resource that lists diagnostic labels for psychiatric disorders. By
assigning types of grief responses to diagnostic criteria in the DSM-V, these same
responses would be recognized as a medical issue, legitimizing the associated role
of the bereaved individual through medicalization (see Parsons, 1951) and
potentially assisting with coverage from third party insurance when support is
sought through professional avenues that require payment.
However, in legitimizing the grief experience by assigning it a DSM category,
there is also an undertone of pathologizing it by including it as a mental “disorder”
in this same resource. In other words, if a bereaved individual meets the criteria for
this particular manifestation of grief, she or he may receive the social benefits of
legitimization and access to resources. That same individual must then live with
knowing that a certain degree of “abnormality” is being identified with his or her
experience. In contrast, bereavement researchers and clinicians generally believe
that grief is an adaptive response to loss, and that grief is not a disease or illness
(Engel, 1994; Stroebe et al., 2001). Some researchers in the area of bereavement
advise caution about labeling grief reactions in the DSM because an essentially
normal reaction to the death of a significant person would then become placed in
the realm of psychopathologies, and some of these labels may follow a client for
the rest of his or her life (Hogan et al., 2003-2004; Stroebe, Schut, & Finkenauer,
2001).

CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS

Explore What’s Right About What’s Wrong

Bereaved individuals often mention that they feel that they are going crazy or
“losing it” because their grief sometimes feels overwhelming or they are not able
to function well because of distraction, exhaustion, or intense feelings. Many feel
that something is wrong with them, and they hope that in coming for professional
support, they will regain their functionality more quickly and be able to enter back
into their world as they once did. Clinicians need to contextualize an individuals’
grief experience within the social rules of grief in Western society, which are
based upon market economics rather than true human experience. It is important to
help clients to recognize that it is normal to have difficulty focusing, that grief over
a relationship that is not socially recognized as valid is still their grief, and
deserves to be honored. Often, bereaved individuals may feel that something is
wrong with themselves when the reality of their experience is juxtaposed with
what is deemed right socially. The bereaved individual’s subjective experience
needs to be re-framed as what is “right” against the social rules of grief that are just
plain “wrong.”
250 / HARRIS

Advocate and Inform Where Possible

Professionals who work in thanatology-related areas (i.e., hospice or palliative
care, death education, bereavement counseling or support) are often called upon to
provide information to the public as it relates to their area of expertise, and to offer
comment upon current events that are relevant to death and grief. In these open
discussions, it is possible to raise awareness about specific issues in death and loss
that may marginalize bereaved individuals, including disclosure of recent research
that speaks to the normal complexity of the grief experience. It is important to
remind individuals that the societal pressure to make a quick return to functionality
and efficiency can be highly unrealistic, given the amount of reconstruction that a
significant loss requires on many different levels. Working with terminally ill and
bereaved individuals provides an opportunity to see where the focus on productiv-
ity, youth, and consumerism has not served us well. Engaging the academic com-
munity in reflective analysis of social structures and their impact upon bereaved
individuals is also an important aspect of this process. Finally, in death education,
teaching about and discussing issues that relate to social justice and diversity in
grief may also help increase awareness of the need to question social rules that
oppress instead of support bereaved individuals.

Be Careful With Labels

As stated previously, it is important to be careful with labeling bereaved indi-
viduals with disorders through the use of pathology-based diagnostic systems or
through subtle alignment with pressure to suppress the experience either through
medicalization or adherence to social rules that subvert the normal grief response.
Given the hegemonic propensity for the DSM to be utilized as a dividing line
between those who are “healthy” and those who are mentally ill, great care must be
taken when associating a client’s distress and pain with a reified set of criteria in a
diagnosis code. This is not to say that in some instances, concurrent disorders may
exist alongside the grief. It is also not the intent of this article to oppose the use of
medication when a client may benefit from or require medication in order to help
with daily functioning. However, the focus must remain on the client’s experience,
feelings, and choices so that the unique grief experience of that client will be
allowed to unfold without hindrance and with healthy support from a strengths-
based perspective. It is also important to keep in mind that the ability to apply a
diagnostic label reinforces the power differential between a client and a clinician,
which may have implications for the therapeutic relationship (Brown, 1994).

CONCLUSION
In this article, I have tried to underscore the influence of the capitalistic values in
Western Society upon attitudes toward death, dying, and bereavement. It is
important to recognize that the social rules and expectations for those who are
 OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED / 251

terminally ill and bereaved in this society are grounded in values that are
economically-based, and not humanistically-oriented. The clash of these values with
the reality of the experiences of individuals who face terminal illness or who are
bereaved often results in the marginalization of these individuals, rather than
recognition of the situations where a market-based social system does not reflect
acceptance or understanding of a normal and universal human experience. The role
of individuals who work in thanatology-related areas in Western Society is clear: we
must not allow the normal and healthy expression of grief to be considered a source
of shame. Our imperative is to strive to find ways to normalize death as a natural part
of life, and grief as a normal and adaptive response to the losses we encounter as a
result of healthy human connection, which is necessary for our survival.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
This article is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Joan Mason-Grant, whose work
greatly influenced my thinking about grief with a critical lens.

REFERENCES
Bolen, P. A., van den Bout, J., & de Keijser, J. (2003). Traumatic grief as a disorder distinct
from bereavement-related depression and anxiety: A replication study with bereaved
mental health care patients. American Journal of Psychiatry, 160(7), 1339-1341.
Bottomore, T. (1985). Theories of modern capitalism. London: George Allen & Unwin.
Breithaupt, F. (2003). Rituals of trauma: how the media fabricated September 11. In S.
Chermak, F. Bailey, and M. Brown (Eds.) Media Representations of September 11.
Westport, CT: Praeger.
Brown, L. S. (1994). Subversive dialogues: Theory in feminist therapy. New York:
BasicBooks.
Brookfield, S. D. (2005). The power of critical theory: Liberating adult learning and teach-
ing. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Doka, K. J. (1989). Disenfranchised grief: Recognizing hidden sorrow. Lexington, MA:
Lexington Books.
Doka, K. J. (2002). How we die: stigmatized death and disenfranchised grief. In K. J. Doka
(Ed.), Disenfranchised grief: New directions, challenges, and strategies for practice
(pp. 323-336). Champain, IL: Research Press.
Doka, K. J., & Martin, T. L. (2002). How we grieve: Culture, class, and gender. In K. J.
Doka (Ed.), Disenfranchised grief: New directions, challenges, and strategies for
practice ( pp. 337-347). Champain, IL: Research Press.
Engel, G. L. (1994). Is grief a disease? In R.V. Frankiel (Ed.), Essential papers on object
loss (pp. 10-16). New York: University Press.
Frye, M. (1998). Oppression. In P. S. Rothenberg (Ed.), Race, class, and gender in the
United States (pp. 146-149). New York: St. Martin’s.
Golden, T. R. (1996). Swallowed by a snake: The masculine side of healing (2nd ed.). Ken-
sington, MD: Golden Healing Publishing.
Hartman, H. (1995). The unhappy marriage of Marxism and feminism: Towards a more
progressive union. In D. Tallack (Ed.), Critical Theory: A Reader. New York: Simon
and Schuster.
252 / HARRIS

Hockey, J. (1997). Women in grief: cultural representation and social practice. In D. Field,
J. Hockey, and N. Small (Eds.), Death, Gender and Ethnicity (pp. 89-107), London:
Routledge.
Hogan, N. S., Worden, J. W., & Schmidt, L. A. (2003-2004). An empirical study of the pro-
posed Complicated Grief Disorder Criteria. Omega, 48(3), 263-277.
Horowitz, M. J., Siegel, B., Holen, A., Bonanno, G. A., Milbrath, C., & Stinson, C. H.
(2003). Diagnostic criteria for complicated grief disorder. Journal of Lifelong Learn-
ing in Psychiatry, 1(3), 290-298.
Jenkins, R. (2002). Foundations of sociology: Towards a better understanding of the
human world. New York: Palgrave.
Klass, D., Silverman, P. R., & Nickman, S. (1996). Continuing bonds: New understandings
of grief. Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis.
Klaus, M. H., & Kennell, J. H. (1976) Maternal-infant bonding. St. Louis: Mosby.
Kubler-Ross, E. (1969). On death and dying. New York: Touchstone.
Lang, G. & Caplan, S. (1993). Grief: The courageous journey. London, ON: Cor Age
Books.
Littlejohn, S. W. (1992). Critical theories. In Theories of human communication (4th ed.).
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth
Lund, D. (2001). Men coping with grief. Amityville, NY: Baywood.
MacDonald, G., & Leary, M. R. (2005). Why does social exclusion hurt? The relationship
between social and physical pain. Psychological Bulletin, 131, 202-223.
Marris, P. (1958) Widows and their families. London: Routledge.
Martin, T. L., & Doka, K. J. (2000). Men don’t cry . . . women do: Transcending gender
stereotypes of grief. Philadelphia, PA: Brunner Mazel.
Nichols, D. L. (2001). Social support for the bereaved: Some practical suggestions. In J. D.
Morgan (Ed.), Social support: A reflection of humanity (pp. 33-43). Amityville, NY:
Baywood.
Oltjenbruns, K. A. (2001). Developmental context of childhood: Grief and regrief phe-
nomena. In M. S. Stroebe, R. O. Hansson, W. Stroebe, & H. Schut (Eds.), Handbook of
bereavement research: Consequences, coping, and care (pp. 169-198). Washington,
DC: American Psychological Press.
Parkes, C. M. (1981). Bereavement: Studies of grief in adult life. Madison, CT: Interna-
tional Universities Press.
Parkes, C. M. (1997). Bereavement: What most people should know. In J. D. Morgan (Ed.),
Readings in thanatology (pp. 241-253). Amityville, NY: Baywood.
Parkes, C. M. (2001). A historical overview of the scientific study of bereavement. In M. S.
Stroebe, R. O. Hansson, W. Stroebe, & H. Schut (Eds.), Handbook of bereavement
research: Consequences, coping, and care (pp. 25-46). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Press.
Parsons, T. (1951). The social system. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Prigerson, H. G., & Maciejewski, P. K. (2005). A call for sound empirical testing and
evaluation of criteria for complicated grief proposed for DSM-V. Omega, (52)1, 9-19.
Rasmussen, S. L. (2005). Masculinity and Fahrenheit 9/11. International Journal of
Feminist Politics, 7(1), 137-141.
Reynolds, J. J. (2002). Disenfranchised grief and the politics of helping: Social policy and
its clinical implications. In K. J. Doka (Ed.), Disenfranchised grief: New directions,
challenges, and strategies for practice (pp. 351-388). Champain, IL: Research Press.
 OPPRESSION OF THE BEREAVED / 253

Sanders, C. M. (1999). Grief: The mourning after (2nd ed.). New York: Wiley.
Silverman, P. R. (2000). Too young to know: Death in children’s lives. New York: Oxford.
Staudacher, C. (1991). Men and grief: A survival guide for men surviving the loss of a loved
one: A resource for caregivers and mental health professionals. Oakland, CA: New
Harbinger.
Stroebe, M. S., Hansson, R. O., & Stroebe, W. (2001). Introduction: Concepts and issues in
contemporary research on bereavement. In M. S. Stroebe, R. O. Hansson, W. Stroebe,
& H. Schut (Eds.), Handbook of bereavement research: Consequences, coping, and
care (pp. 3-22). Washington, DC: American Psychological Press.
Stroebe, M., Schut, H., & Finkenauer, C. (2001). The traumatization of grief: A conceptual
framework for understanding the trauma-bereavement interface. Israel Journal of
Psychiatry and Related Sciences, 38, 185-201.
Swenson, C. R. (1998). Clinical social work’s contribution to a social justice perspective.
Social Work, 43(6), 527-537.
Weiss, R. O. (2001). Grief, bonds, and relationships. In M. S. Stroebe, R. O. Hansson, W.
Stroebe, & H. Schut (Eds.), Handbook of bereavement research: Consequences, cop-
ing, and care (pp. 47-62). Washington, DC: American Psychological Press.
Wood, W. R., & Williamson, J. B. (2003). Historical changes in the meaning of death in the
Western tradition. In C. D. Bryant (Ed.), Handbook of death & dying (Vol 1,
pp. 14-23). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Worden, J. W. (2009). Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental
health practitioner (4th ed.). New York: Springer.
Wurmser, L. (1981). The mask of shame. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Direct reprint requests to:

Darcy Harris, R.S.W., Ph.D., FT
Kings University College
Department of Interdisciplinary Programs
266 Epworth Avenue
London, ON, Canada N6A 2M3
e-mail: [email protected]

View publication stats