Article

Gender, Religion and Sociological Bulletin

72(4) 462–475, 2023
Higher Education: © 2023 Indian Sociological Society
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Strategies of Muslim DOI: 10.1177/00380229231196728
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Women Students
in India
Ramshin Rahiman1

Abstract
Social scientists critically examine the role of higher education in women’s empow-
erment. In the Indian context, gender, religion, caste, class and region are crucial in
determining access to education. The gender gap has been a significant obstacle in
India’s pursuit of educational goals. The status of Muslim women’s education has
been a contested policy from state and community vantage. Prominent scholarly
writings argue that Muslim women were even more isolated from the social and
cultural changes than their men were and even more invisible in the public arena
of society. Their condition is more pathetic in educational and cultural realms. The
primary objective of this paper is to empirically outline the negotiation and strate-
gies employed by Muslim women students in negotiating with their families, religion,
communities and careers. The study followed qualitative methodology to under-
stand Muslim women’s educational choices, the rationale behind their educational
decisions, and their agency in negotiating with their families and the career pros-
pects of young Muslim women. The current paper argues that there is a remarkable
growth in the history of women’s education in India, especially after the 90s, which
could not change the social structure and social status of women in society in gen-
eral and Muslim women in particular. Still, the gender differences remained stable
in the educational practices, in the families, and even in the equity-minded educa-
tional committees. According to various government reports and studies, despite
the improvement in the educational enrolment rate of Muslims, the representations
of the Muslim community in general and Muslim women, in particular, are minimal
in higher education. More than looking at the representation of Muslim women in
education institutions, the current paper will analyse the challenges and experiences
of Muslim women to reach the secondary and higher secondary levels of education.

Keywords
Muslim women, educational attainment, higher education, gender and education,
parental expectations
1
Department of Public Policy, B.S. Abdur Rahman Crescent Institute of Science and Technology,
Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India

Corresponding author:
Ramshin Rahiman, Department of Public Policy, B.S. Abdur Rahman Crescent Institute of Science and
Technology, Vandalur, Chennai, Tamil Nadu 600048, India.
E-mail: [email protected]
Rahiman 463

Introduction
From the late nineteenth century onwards, with the project of modernity, scholars
and reformers have discussed, debated, and negotiated the significance of women’s
education and the roles of women in society and public life. As a matter of
common concern, women’s access to higher education is intrinsically known to be
an essential mechanism to prepare women to be independent and confident
vis-a-a-vis men. Indeed, higher education was often thought to be the mechanism
that would prepare human beings regardless of gender, in an orderly and rational
manner, for participating in public. Consequently, there is a visible and procedural
growth in the enrolment of women in higher educational institutions. However,
some of the recent scholarships underline the fact that, though women’s access to
higher education has increased worldwide, the promise of equality and women’s
mobility has not been realised (Esposito, 1998, p. ix).
The role of higher education in women’s empowerment is a subject of critical
scrutiny in social sciences. However, it is essential to point out that women’s
growing share in higher education does not indicate complete gender equality in
other arenas of society. The increasing performance of women in education the
gender differences remained fairly stable in the educational practices, in the fami-
lies, and even in the equity-minded educational committees. Thereby, women lag
behind men in terms of financial returns to education, family expectations, labour
market participation, and political representation (Mcdaniel, 2009; Paxton &
Kunovich, 2003; Pettit & Hook, 2005; Zeher, 2007). In other words, contestations
on the approach to women empowerment and education need a nuanced and
renewed consideration, which will take into account various contributing factors.
The issue of gender and women in Islam, the contests are more complex
and argumentative among scholars. Muslim women are always represented
as oppressed by patriarchy, veiled, secluded, subjugated and needing rescue
and reform. In the framework of Western values of freedom, equality and self-
determination the modernisation paradigm, seemed to be an indictment of Islam
that threatened to undermine the Muslim community and Muslim family (Esposito,
1998, p. x). Inglehart and Norris (2003a, 2003b) find that compared to residents
of Western countries, larger shares of Muslim support traditional gender roles for
men and women, wider gender gaps and higher education is not considered essen-
tial to girls (McClendon et al., 2018).
Historically, among Indian Muslims, girls’ education has been a debatable
issue, and women’s empowerment was not considered crucial for the socio-
cultural development of the community (Gupta, 2012; Hasan & Menon, 2004;
Kazi, 1999; Kirmani, 2013, 2009). Minault (1998) acknowledged that Muslim
women were even more isolated from the social and cultural changes than their
men and the present situation of Muslim women in India is more pathetic in edu-
cational and cultural realms. In India, women from minority communities are not
adequately aware of their rights and the lower social status of the women denies
their access to various resources such as education, employment, health and polit-
ical participation. Sachar Committee (2006, pp. 12–13) points out that,
464 Sociological Bulletin 72(4)

[T]o the exclusion of all other aspects of a Muslim woman’s life (income, jobs, edu-
cation, security and even caloric intake), the rules of marriage, right to divorce and
maintenance have become the benchmarks of a gender-just existence. The obsessive
focus on select cases of Muslim women passionately discussed in the media results in
identifying the Muslim religion as the sole locus of gender injustice in the community.
Consequently, the civil society and the State locates Muslim women’s deprivation not
in terms of the ‘objective’ reality of societal discrimination and faulty development
policies, but in the religious-community space.… Their lives, morality, and movement
in public spaces are under constant scrutiny and control. A gender-based fear of the
‘public’, experienced to some degree by all women, is magnified manifold in the case
of Muslim women.

Muslim women in India are the most disadvantaged and marginalised section
among other religious communities in India. The recent scholarships recognised
that women’s access to higher education has increased worldwide, but the promise
of equality has, by and large, not been realised. However, more than looking at the
representation of Muslim women in educational institutions, the current paper
will analyse the challenges and experiences of Muslim women to reach the sec-
ondary and higher secondary levels of education.

Methodology
Along with mapping out the educational aspirations and experiences of young
Muslim women, the current study examines the choices made by these women
students and explores why their choices are being challenged by their families.
Additionally, it explores the reasons that hinder the career prospects of young
Muslim women in India. To gain insights into these issues, the study collected
empirical data from thirty young Muslim women who are pursuing higher studies
at various higher educational institutions in the country. The study included
respondents from various disciplines, including sciences, social sciences, and
commerce, as well as different academic levels such as graduate and post-
graduate courses including professional courses. They belong to the age group of
nineteen to twenty-five and pursuing their studies at various national educational
institutions such as Aligarh Muslim University, Delhi University, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, Pondicherry University, Central University of Tamil Nadu and
Central University of Kerala. In this, nearly 50 per cent of the sample belongs to
social science courses due to their willingness and availability to provide the data
was one of the main reasons and remaining are from science and commerce
courses, respectively.
The participants were selected using snowball and purposive sampling tech-
niques, ensuring diversity in terms of geographical regions such as Uttar Pradesh,
Delhi, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujrat, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The major purpose
was to choose Muslim women students who have brothers pursuing higher studies
in different educational institutions, in order to understand the gender attitudes of
parents towards education more intensely. Recognising the heterogeneous nature
of the Muslim community, the study aimed to include respondents from various
caste groups and economic categories within the community. However, the study
Rahiman 465

argues that economic status plays a more significant role than caste differences in
the educational choices of young Muslim women. To understand this dynamic in
detail the study included respondents from upper, middle and lower economic
categories respectively. Various tools and techniques of qualitative methodology
were employed in the study, including open-ended questionnaires, detailed per-
sonal and telephonic interviews and the respondents’ personal narratives and lived
experiences served as primary sources of data.

Gender and Modern Education Strategies

Analysing the debates on gender and higher education, Chanana (2001) argues
that family and educational institutions create a division of gender in the Indian
context. According to her, Indian society is gender biased as social institutions
like family and schools perpetuate gender inequality through formal and informal
socialisation. Social expectations of feminine and masculine roles and behav-
ioural patterns constrain the choices of men and women in their lives. The study
of gender is, in effect, the study of inequality and social differences, which are
critical to understanding women’s disciplinary choices. One of the main concerns
has been the imbalance seen in arts vis-a-vis science at the school level.
As research studies argue, low enrolment rates, high rates of dropouts, and low
achievements are major trends visible in the educational scenario of Muslim
women. Many scholars argue that more than religion, the socio-economic status
of the family is also equally responsible for the backwardness of the Muslim com-
munity in India. Engineer (1994, p. 297) argues that more than religion, patriarchy
is the real culprit for women’s inferior status and the most susceptible factor
behind the backwardness or the low representation of Muslim women in educa-
tion and employment (Hasan & Menon, 2004, p. 235).
The current study observed that conservative gender norms and sexual mores
significantly shape Muslim women’s educational interests and attainment differ-
ently. Families are less interested in investing in their daughters’ education, espe-
cially if the financial and opportunity costs are high and gender segregation in the
labour market offers little hope for strong economic returns. Girls are expected to
play the wife and mother role at a younger age (Lehrer, 1999). Girls are also
unconsciously internalising the gendered expectations, which leads to lower aca-
demic performance or an earlier exit from formal education than males (Buchmann
et al., 2008). The influence of cultural beliefs and practices is also playing a
crucial role in the mobility and choices of Muslim women (Johnson-Hanks, 2006;
Takyi & Addai, 2002).
As a response to the importance of modern education for Muslim women, the
respondents have a positive approach towards modern education and agreed that
it is necessary for everyone, irrespective of gender, to acquire knowledge to
empower themselves and in engaging with society. It indicates the community’s
aspiration towards modern education and its applicability in everyday life.
Although Muslim women have entered into higher levels of education, both pro-
fessional and non-professional, they are still lagging behind in getting a space in
public due to constraints from religion, family, and community in which the girls
466 Sociological Bulletin 72(4)

failed to channel their knowledge in the field of employment and public participa-
tion. The study further argues that they could not use the benefits of education
beyond the boundary of self, family, and community. So, it is a fact that the
increased rate of women’s education does not lead the Muslim community towards
development or modernity as vividly.
The empirical data and research studies show that the number of women attain-
ing education has remarkably increased, and the study question that the promise
of equality has, by and large, not been realised. Because, when one closely exam-
ines the conditions of women in the larger context of India, we can easily find the
deplorable conditions of women in the socio-educational field, and the socioeco-
nomic mobility of educated women is also in question. However, looking at the
number of women who complete the course, join for higher graduation and pursue
career opportunities is significant. Or does education remain a mere status symbol
for public acceptance?

Parental Preferences and Expectations Over Daughters’ Education

The socio-cultural factors of the family and the influence of religion also play a
crucial role in these decisions. As per the empirical data, the current study argues
that Muslim parents are highly gender biased when making decisions about the
educational choices of their daughters. In the study, the respondents shared their
experiences that parents are highly gender biased in taking decisions regarding
their daughter’s selection of institutions, courses, or subjects. Parents are more
concerned and interested in their son’s education choices than their daughters’. It
is significant to understand that the differential gender role greatly affects the
selection of subjects and jobs available. Class and social status of the family do
not play into the decision-making concerning women to a large extent. One of the
respondents shared that

Yes, my parents had encouraged my brother to do an engineering course in a self-

financing institute that demanded huge fees. At the same time, I was forced to choose
the humanities stream, although my passion was to become an engineer. It was chal-
lenging for me to convince my parents about my preferences for studies.

Another student shared her experience that

My parents always respect my brother’s choices and discourage my priorities con-

cerning options in the educational sector. I wanted to study Bachelor of Computer
Applications after plus two. I tried to convince my parents about my interest. They
forced me to opt for regional literature for my further studies.

In the study, only three respondents shared that they do not feel partiality from their
parents and said they are getting equal importance as brothers. The empirical data
argues that it is significant to consider the economic position and educational status
of the family in these cases. Through their constant struggle, many girls have con-
vinced their parents about the importance of education and career preferences on par
with their brothers. The study largely supports the similar argument forwarded by
Rahiman 467

many scholars (Gautam, 2015; Mukhopadhyay, 2021; Mukhopadhyay & Seymour,

1994) in the context of Muslim women. They argue that while selecting the institute
for higher education for women, the family and parents are mainly concerned about
‘female chastity’, which constrains the educational choices of the daughter while
still fulfilling the son’s higher educational aspirations and ambitions. It is evident
from the above field experiences and examples that parents prioritise the fulfilment
of boys’ choices over girls’.
The study argues that, along with various other factors, gender is crucial in
decision-making regarding the subject and career choices of a woman. In the
current study, the women respondents were asked to reflect upon the treatment of
their family on gender relations and career preferences. The main intention is to
understand the role of gender differences in mediating children’s choices within
the family. Analysing the participants’ responses, the study found that the parents
are concerned about their son’s job, which is minimal when considering that of
daughters. Naturally, it shows the preferences of parents towards boys’ education,
expecting returns only from them. The study strengthens the general view of
Indian society that men are patrons of the entire family. It is also interesting to
note that educated Muslim women are neither encouraged to study further, work
nor earn, according to their wishes, by their families. A constructed ‘ideal image
of women’ prescribes women to be meant only for family matters and are discour-
aged from doing any other duties. Endorsing this perception, one student partici-
pant shared her experience:

Generally, my parents believe that my brother will take care of them in the future, and
as a girl, I will go to my husband’s home after marriage, following the community’s
traditions. These perceptions encourage my parents to educate my brother more than
my sisters and me.

Another respondent shared that:

My parents always discourage me from studying by saying, ʻwhatever we spend on a

girl’s higher education, it will neither benefit our family nor the bridegroom’s family
since most girls will be engaged only in family affairs after marriageʼ.

The majority of the respondents shared that their family supports education as a way
of attaining knowledge and enhancing development more in private spaces than
public spaces; however, they believe that education could prepare a girl to become
a better mother, which is the stereotypical view of education within a patriarchal
society. The present study found that the expectations of Muslim families are
grounded in gender values in terms of education and employment. Even in the
21st century women’s education is not linked to her career and is expected to
enhance her role as a mother in the family. At the same time, men’s roles and educa-
tion are primarily centred on expectations over jobs and, thereby, family security.
As Devika (2014), the current study also argues that educated unemployed women
end up doing child rearing to compensate for the loss of decision-making capacities
in their lives. As Gulati (1981) noted, employment opportunities are crucial for
sexual equality and personal fulfilment. It is observed that, despite their high
468 Sociological Bulletin 72(4)

literacy and educational status, the presence of Muslim women in the public sphere,
employment, and politics, is either minimal or zero. Women’s socio-economic,
political, and cultural milieu in India is always a subject of academic discourse.

Education and Socio-economic Challenges

The study noted that a significant chunk of the participants are first-generation
learners in the colleges. Many of their parents lacked primary education and some
had to discontinue their schooling halfway due to socio-economic and cultural
reasons. However, surprisingly the respondents said that these uneducated or liter-
ate parents are the real motivating force behind their daughters’ education. For
them, education is the lost property and their dream is to make their children
capable of attaining it. Interestingly, they are ready to face any difficulties to fulfil
their dream. On the other hand, very few respondents shared their personal experi-
ences, struggles, and aspirations to acquire a job for their self-reliance, which can
be ensured only through education. Another respondent shared that:

I belong to a socially and economically backward family. Being a small-scale vendor,

my father faces financial difficulties educating my sisters and me. But still, they urge us
to study further and attain a job.

Another respondent shared that:

My parents are of the view that their children should not lack opportunities for a better
living out of education which they have missed at their age.

In these narrations, although the parents are uneducated, they could realise the
value of education and job opportunities available to an educated individual from
their lived experiences; hence they encourage their children to acquire better edu-
cation and career. It is observed that other than supporting economically, unedu-
cated parents cannot guide their children in their capacity to suggest fruitful
courses, and the best colleges fulfil their aspirations. The general apprehension is
that science subjects can quickly open up job opportunities more than social sci-
ences, which demand more investment of time to get employed. On the other
hand, upper-middle-class parents prefer to send their children to professional
courses such as law, medicine, and engineering, not only for their employment
and social mobility but also due to the status it symbolises.
Similarly, class differences also play a significant role in choosing courses for
their children. The study found that while people from lower economic classes
aspire to get employed out of education, economically well-off families mostly
expect education as symbolic capital. As Bourdieu (1986, p. 51) says, beyond
economic factors, cultural habits and dispositions inherited from the family fun-
damentally play a vital role in the schooling success of their child. Children from
lower socio-economic backgrounds face their parental cultural capital as a disad-
vantage as the family does not give it.
Rahiman 469

However, the family’s economic status has an important role, along with other
factors, in determining the educational opportunities available to an individual.
The study shows that parents struggle to generate money for their children’s edu-
cation, and most work in small-scale jobs. The study analysed the constrained of
parents in educating their daughters through the self-assessment of students. The
families face various difficulties and challenges in educating their girl child than
boys, mainly due to economic and cultural factors. Because of these reasons,
people from lower economic background are comparatively less in professional
education. It is also important to note that the number of girl children in a family
relatively reduces the chances of women’s higher educational opportunities.
As a respondent shared:

My family faces economic hardships to send us for higher education. Also, we are
subjected to gossip and other challenges from our relatives and community. The com-
munity leaders always discourage my parents from educating us further.

Another student respondent reflected that:

Nowadays, higher education is very costly, and parents face difficulties in sending chil-
dren to reputed institutions. So, they suggested for a nearby average educational institu-
tion and perceive that the less they spend on education, the more they can save for their
marriage.

One respondent expressed her aspiration to continue her study for the following
reasons:

I have often seen my mother and aunts who hardly get any chance to express their opin-
ions at home because of their poor educational background. I do not want to end my
life like them. So I challenged the situation with my strong determination to pursue my
career aspirations. Education will help women to improve their position in the family and
society. It can bring equality in their relationships and give recognition to their identity.

The above narrations show the increasing aspirations of the Muslim community
and women toward higher education. The study observed that ʻeducated ancestryʼ
(Solomon, 1987) plays a crucial role in educating a girl. Women of educated fami-
lies have easier access to pursue higher education than others. In these cases,
parents are confident to send their children to the institutions where their elder
daughters have either studied or are studying.
The third narration highlights how social and cultural constraints limit the
mobility of women, which limits employment and earning opportunities. They do
not have independent access to credit facilities, opportunities for skill upgrada-
tion, or access to markets (Sachar, 2006). They have very limited mobility and
no-decision making power in society as well as in household activities. The
absence of proper education and restricted cultural norms prevent their entry into
the public domain and restrict their visible presence, even in the family. The study
also argues that the major causes of Muslim women’s poor condition in the labour
470 Sociological Bulletin 72(4)

market are mainly due to the socio-religious restrictions and cultural norms
imposed upon them.
From these students’ experiences, the study claims that the choices become more
constrained and more gendered during higher education because the idea of ‘mar-
riageability’ and social security become critical family concerns. The idea of mar-
riage in India is deeply rooted in patriarchy and gender inequality. Generally, it is
considered the duty of a family to invest the money for the marriage of their girl
child. The current study found that in most cases, parents, whether economically
sound or not, invest in their girl child’s marriage rather than spending on her educa-
tion. There would be many factors that indirectly influence the personal decision of
an individual to opt for particular subjects and disciplines for higher studies, such as
the expectation of the parents over children’s education, their attitude, the educa-
tional atmosphere of the family, etc. (Mukhopadhyay & Seymour, 1994).
Mukhopadhyay and Seymour (1994) focus on the impact of the patriarchal
family structure and ideology on Indian women. The study argues that the nature
and extent of parental involvement vary in families, but decisions are always
gender biased.

Education appears to have become a central currency in modern economic and marital
relations and in the transactions of family status. Education is not simply a means for
individual economic security. Still, it often causes a profound impact on the welfare of the
entire natal family - its economic welfare, ability to secure ʻgoodʼ marriages for family
members, and overall family status. (Mukhopadhyay & Seymour, 1994, pp. 105–106)

The study found that one of the main reasons for Muslim families’ reluctance to
invest in girls’ education is the lack of scope for monetary reward, unlike the case
of sons. The study argues that sons are considered to be structurally and economi-
cally more central than daughters to the family’s well-being. So, parents find it
more reliable to invest family resources in sons’ education than daughters because
the returns from the investments will directly get back to the family. It was
expected that higher education, the influence of Western culture, urban lifestyle,
social mobility, and social legislation would reduce the practice of dowry in
society. Contrary to this, the dowry system continued to exist, ironically raising
the marriage age among lower and middle-class families as they had to wait for a
proper proposal that suited their status.
The respondent, who belongs to an upper-middle-class family, shared her
experience, which challenges the conventional assumptions:

My aspiration was to become a doctor, though I was not a studious girl during my
school days. After completing higher secondary, I told my father that I wanted to go
for medical entrance coaching. He provided me with the best coaching centre available
in my hometown. Since I couldn’t crack a seat in the merit quota, my father was ready
to pay a high amount of fees in the management quota despite the resistance from my
entire family. The family insisted my dad find some good marriage proposals keeping
in mind the increasing amount of dowry day by day. Today I have completed my MBBS
and am planning to go for MD. But I am euphoric these days that the girls of my family
are referring to me as a role model to fight for their education.
Rahiman 471

Her experiences bring out new and different dimensions. Her middle-class status
enabled her to continue her study despite all hindrances from the part of the
family. It is a fact that middle-class families encourage their daughters to study,
and the number of women who attain professional degrees has increased rapidly.
However, the current study found that though they are well educated, competent
to handle problems, and can bargain and negotiate, they compromise on these
benefits and are forced to prioritise their family life. The patriarchal population of
the community does not expect or desire Muslim women to have any decision-
making power in life. At the same time, the same majority are of the idea that most
women are dependent on the male members of the family and thus are worthy of
the status of a secondary citizen. The study argues that, though educated, they
could not attain individual liberation. As middle-class women, they are trying to
attain a refined status in both domestic and community strata simultaneously.
Their absence in decision-making is evident, and their educational qualifications
are not counted in public engagement. They seek to establish a new ‘self’ or
‘identity’, where the dichotomy between the ‘domestic sphere’ and ‘social sphere’
becomes more or less blurred.

Education, Family and Marriage

The current study highlights many other factors that limit the choices of Muslim
women in acquiring higher education. It is also significant to note that many
Muslim women succeeded in education due to the strong support of their families
by breaking traditional norms and practices. However, the participants responded
positively and negatively to their challenges in achieving higher education.
Contrary to the above perspectives, where they stress more on the economy, the
students’ responses show marriage is also a significant factor in continuing their
higher education.
The study found that marriage plays a major hindrance than any other factors,
as some of the respondents indicated. Respondents shared that various forms of
discouragement from the family and community affect their aspirations for higher
education. It clearly shows the community’s perspective on education, which
works against women’s progress even today. Many respondents shared that their
families are discouraged by the community leaders from sending them for higher
studies, and the gossip from the community emotionally disturbs their parents. It
is a fact that many Mahallu1 committees help families arrange the marriage of
their daughters socially and economically but it is tough to find any economic
assistance being offered toward women’s education. As another respondent emo-
tionally says,

Whenever we go out for a family function, our relatives always ask when we are getting
married, but they never ask about our education or career choices. Such questions from
family and community disappoint me and put pressure on my parents. So I try to avoid
attending family functions by saying some excuses.

Other respondents also express a similar concern,

472 Sociological Bulletin 72(4)

In other communities, relatives ask about courses or employment opportunities when

they meet girls in their families. But in ours, people give utmost importance to marriage
and related affairs.

The respondents’ experiences signify that they face various challenges from rela-
tives and people outside the family than their parents. The current study found that
early marriages are more common among Muslim communities compared to
other communities. The current study also found that the meaning of education is
different according to gender in the dominant and popular imagination. The
degree of ‘marriageability’ varies and is widely dependent on the family’s eco-
nomic status. Marriage and family commitments remain the defining factors that
condition Muslim women’s lives. The study argues that the meaning of education
among Muslim women is limited to ‘marriageability’ and constructing well-
educated mothers, unlike any other communities.
The empirical data shows that the number of Muslim women subjected to early
marriages is more than other communities, such as Christians and Hindus, though
the trend is significantly changing in India. Socio-cultural and the dominant role
of religion, the patriarchal nature of Muslim society, and economic factors are
equally important factors in setting the trends. Early marriages lead to inequality
and discrimination in women’s social lives in most cases. The focus of the study
is also to understand how marriages adversely affect Muslim women in attaining
higher education and developing careers. Families often play a distinct role in the
decision-making regarding their children, particularly daughters. Early marriage
takes away many openings from women’s lives, such as education, public partici-
pation, and role in decision-making. In the case of married women, the choice of
continued education depends on the interest and the attitude of the husband’s
family. One respondent added ʻWe are not getting enough opportunities to achieve
our aim or career, and we do not have the freedom to choose our life partner
according to our interestsʼ. In the study, the respondents shared that parents and
relatives are the decision-makers without even the consent of their daughters.
Many factors, such as religious, community, and family-related issues, adversely
influence decision-making.

My family and relatives arranged my marriage without my consent. As a 19-year-old

girl, I was interested in completing graduation, but my parents pressured and convinced
me by talking about my husband’s economic and family status and the possibility to
continue education.

Another respondent expressed,

My elder brother registered my name on a matrimonial site without informing me. He

is less educated than me.

The above interviews highlight the conditions of educated Muslim women in the
decision-making on their issues. In the case of the second interviewee, the brother
takes decisions for the educated sister without her consent. The ‘Muslim women’
Rahiman 473

were merely subjects without agency in defining themselves. Although Muslim

women complete their education, albeit fighting many struggles and challenges,
employment or public participation is not guaranteed. Women’s role is conven-
tionally set from birth, and their immediate identity is reduced to daughter, wife,
or mother. In these cases, women eventually encounter many barriers within the
family and society to fulfil their goals.

Conclusion
Women’s access to higher education has increased worldwide, however, it is signifi-
cant to question the absence of women in other arenas of society in general and
Muslim women in particular. Irrespective of differences in religious background,
many families face common problems such as financial constraints, poor standard
of living, family and parental objections, etc. The study found that young Muslim
women are highly aspired and career-oriented; however, their choices are more con-
strained when they reach higher education, and social safety and marriageability are
the concern of the family rather than developing a career. The study found that class
position and gender biases also play a crucial role in the educational development of
women. The lower-class students are comparatively more inspired to pursue higher
studies and careers. The study questions why the education system fails to produce
the same attention and outcome for girls, unlike men, which is closely linked with
family affairs. The study argues that the existing religious system and the patriarchal
nature of the community confined Muslim women into a narrowly defined role,
considering them politically, socially and economically inferior despite ʻbeing
educatedʼ and serving as symbolic capital. As one respondent questioned, ʻdegrees
are of no use if they do not lead to any occupation, and it is not needed to have an
educational qualification and certificate to bring up children and run familyʼ.

Note
1. Mahallu is an Islamic neighbourhood surrounding a main mosque which facilitates
religious living. They often engage in conflict resolution and organise events aiming
at the moral well-being of believers under their jurisdiction.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, author-
ship and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of
this article.
474 Sociological Bulletin 72(4)

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