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 Sociocultural Identities in Music Therapy

Copyright © 2021 by Barcelona Publishers

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored,

or distributed under any circumstances, without prior written
permission from Barcelona Publishers.

Print ISBN: 9781945411694

E-ISBN: 9781945411700

Barcelona Publishers
10231 Plano Rd.
Dallas TX 75238
Website: www.barcelonapublishers.com
SAN 298-6299

Copy-editor: Jack Burnett

Cover Design: Matthew King
Production Manager: Dr. Demi Stevens
 To Carolyn Kenny, who honored the whole aesthetic of the
therapist and client, whose narrative we are missing here yet
lives on through so many
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In many ways, acknowledgments are complex due to the many
different ways that people have contributed to the production of this
book. In this acknowledgment, I would like to reflect on those
whose impacts appear most saliently to me.
I acknowledge music therapy clients whose sociocultural contexts
have not been adequately recognized and valued within the
therapeutic process and relationship, historically and in the
contemporary moment. I acknowledge the pain and harm that this
lack of acknowledgment continues to cause. Despite the lack of
acknowledgment, I acknowledge the therapeutic growth that has
occurred due to the resilience of clients whose sociocultural identities
are marginalized and minoritized.
I acknowledge music therapists and music therapy students
whose sociocultural contexts have also not been adequately
recognized and valued within the music therapy profession and
within educational institutions and curricula. I acknowledge the pain
and harm that this has caused and continues to cause. I also
acknowledge that your contributions have often been undervalued
and even ignored and erased. The stories in this book bear witness
to this.
A very sincere gratitude goes to the authors of the chapters
within this book. Your stories have touched mine in very significant
ways. Thank you for the vulnerability it took to share these in a
public space. Your examples of critical sociocultural reflexivity are
such a wonderful gift to the music therapy community.
To my dear friend and mentor, Ken Bruscia, for continuing to
believe in me and continuing to support me in so many ways. And to
Barcelona Publishers for taking another chance on one of my
projects. Special thanks to Jack Burnett for his copyediting
suggestions, Matthew King for his great cover design, and so much
appreciation to Dr. Demi Stevens for always being so gracious and
accommodating, especially at the very last moments in this process!
To my dear friends who continue to stand by me, even when
physical and sometimes emotional distance get in the way. I value
every connection and know that my very being is interdependent
with yours. Thank you for being you and for helping me become
who I continue to become.
To my immediate and extended family, without whom I would
not be, in all the ways I am. Your love continues to sustain me
through the valleys and peaks of my life journey.
Last, but not least, I acknowledge those unacknowledged people
and efforts that have been rendered inconsequential by our
underestimation of just how intimately we are linked to each other,
how your labor is linked to mine, and how what we consume daily
(even the materials that are used for this book) makes possible the
actualization of this entire process. Indeed, to have accomplished
the creation of this book requires those who provide the very food
without which we could not do the work that we do. I acknowledge
you! Our interconnectedness and interdependence are global.
Hence, to thank one is to thank all. As Martin Luther King, Jr., put
this with the eloquence of a prophet, poet, and philosopher, “We are
caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single
garment of destiny.” I am undetachable from this beautiful network,
and I am thankful for the gravity of ethical responsibility that this
reality has bestowed.
 CONTRIBUTORS
ezequiel bautista is an indigenous, xicanx music therapist working
in a children’s hospital on O’odham land. he is pursuing his master of
music therapy at slippery rock university and is dedicated to the
process of unlearning oppressive ways of being in the world with
others. he acknowledges those that precede him in the fight for
justice and hopes this book may be a place of both solace and
discomfort for those striving for social change.

Akash Bhatia, MA, MT-BC, LPC, is a music therapist at the

Institute for Therapy through the Arts (ITA) in Evanston, IL. He is
co-chair of ITA’s annual Integrated Creative Arts Therapy
Conference. He primarily works with children and adolescents with
anxiety, depression, and autism spectrum disorder. He has developed
a music therapy program at an inpatient psychiatric hospital and has
researched music and wellness with a mental health support group
for South Asian adults.

Kathryn Eberle Cotter, MA, MT-BC, MFT, currently works as the

clinical director of youth mentoring at her local YMCA and has a
private music therapy practice working primarily in bereavement and
palliative care settings. Her previous practice included hospice care,
supplemental education, and working with incarcerated youth.
Kathryn is passionate about accessibility to mental health services
and overall wellness resources and focuses her practice on achieving
this aim for individuals, families, and communities.

Petra Gelbart, PhD, MT-BC, works as a music therapist with

seniors, children, and parents in New York City. She periodically
teaches classes at Ramapo College of New Jersey, including a course
titled Music and the Mind. Her research, writing, and advocacy have
focused on intercultural communication, trauma, and marginalized
groups in Europe as well as the United States.

Maevon Gumble, MMT, MT-BC, is a music therapist based in

Pittsburgh, PA (U.S.), currently working with a local community
mental health clinic (Familylinks) while also maintaining a private
practice (Becoming Through Sound) that primarily supports trans,
nonbinary, and gender-nonconforming persons within gender-
affirming voicework. Maevon has published and presented on
gender-affirming voicework and served as a guest editor for a
special issue on queering music therapy for Voices: A World Forum
for Music Therapy.

Susan Hadley, PhD, MT-BC, is a professor and the director of

music therapy at Slippery Rock University (PA, U.S.). Her books
include Experiencing Race as a Music Therapist: Personal Narratives,
Therapeutic Uses of Rap and Hip Hop, Feminist Perspectives in Music
Therapy, Narrative Identities, and Psychodynamic Music Therapy:
Case Studies. She has published numerous articles, chapters, and
reviews; serves on the editorial boards of several journals; and is
co–editor-in-chief of Voices: A World Forum for Music Therapy.

Spencer Hardy, MA, MT-BC, currently works as a music therapist

and the expressive therapies coordinator at Primary Children’s
Hospital. Spencer also works part-time for the Utah Pride Center in
co-leading a music and art therapy group for LGBTQ+ youth.
Spencer has given many presentations and participated in work
centering LGBTQ+ voices and queer identity, including publishing in
the peer-reviewed journals Music Therapy Perspectives, Arts and
Psychotherapy, and Voices: A World Forum for Music Therapy.

Doug Keith, PhD, MT-BC, is director of creative arts therapies at

SRH University Heidelberg, where he also directs the international
MA in music therapy. He has published works on music therapy with
disabled children and adults with HIV, music therapy in the NICU
context, music therapy curriculum, and internationalization in music
therapy.

Joyu Lee, 李若萸, FAMI, MM, MT-BC, owner and founder of Music
and Your Mind, LLC, is a professional cellist and music therapist with
over 18 years of experiences in music therapy, cello performance,
music education, and arts administration. She specializes in Guided
Imagery and Music, music-focused relaxation, and anxiety, pain, and
depression treatment and management. Joyu currently works at
UNC Health in Chapel Hill, NC, primarily working with teens and
young adults with eating disorders and in mental health.

Jessica Leza, MA, MT-BC, provides music therapy for students

with developmental disabilities in Texas public schools. She
graduated with a bachelor of music in music composition from the
University of North Texas and a master of arts in music therapy from
Texas Woman’s University. Jessica completed a music therapy
internship at Banner Good Samaritan Medical Center in Phoenix, AZ,
and has received additional training in Neurological Music Therapy
(NMT).

Ming Yuan Low, 刘明元, MA, MT-BC, is a PhD candidate in Drexel

University’s Creative Arts Therapies program. His dissertation
involves an interpretive phenomenological analysis of autistic adults’
experiences in Nordoff-Robbins Music Therapy. His research interests
include participatory action research in partnership with autistic
people and critical inquiries in music therapy. He has served in
multiple elected and appointed roles within the American Music
Therapy Association and is a founding member of the Malaysian
Music Therapy Association.
Kristen McSorley, MMT, MT-BC, is currently the music therapy
internship director at a private agency in Portland, OR. She is most
interested in music therapy work that holds space for essential
human experiences such as play, creativity, joy, grief, and belonging.
She strives to teach and practice in a way that upholds these values,
considering each person’s resources, past traumas, cultural context,
and systemic barriers.

Hiroko Miyake, 三 宅 博 子 ( み や け ひ ろ こ ), PhD, RMT, is an

associate professor at Kunitachi College of Music, Japan. She works
with people with disabilities in her clinical practice and also conducts
community music projects with diverse people. Miyake’s research
interest concerns how different people can create a collaborative
space through music.

Marisol S. Norris, PhD, MT-BC, is a board-certified music

therapist and critical arts therapies educator. Her music therapy
practice and supervisory experience span medical and community
health settings and have profoundly informed her multicultural-
relational lens. Marisol’s personal and professional work centers on
Black aesthetics and the discursive construction of race in music
therapy theory and praxis, the role of cultural memory and
aesthetics in monoracial and crossracial meaning-making processes,
and culturally sustaining practices in therapy and education.

Freddy Perkins, MT-BC, is a master of music therapy candidate at

Slippery Rock University and an analytical music therapy trainee at
Molloy College. His master’s thesis utilizes music improvisation to
understand the self-integrative experiences of Black queer cismen.
He currently works with adolescents experiencing depression,
anxiety, trauma, and mood dysregulation. Freddy also works in
private practice with QPOC. He serves on the steering committee for
the Black Music Therapy Network and is a member of Team
Rainbow.
Sandra Ramos-Watt, MA, MT-BC, LCAT, is a New York State–
licensed mental health practitioner. She is the founder of CATs of
Color, a network of creative arts therapists of color that addresses
the need for greater multiracial diversity in the C.A.T. professions.
Sandra served as a two-term board member for the New York State
Office of the Professions/ Mental Health Practitioners. In her clinical
practice, Sandra focuses on how one’s way of being in the world is
situated within the frameworks of their social and cultural histories.

Sangeeta Swamy, PhD, MT-BC, LPC, is assistant professor and

director of music therapy at Valparaiso University. She has published
in peer-reviewed journals and chapters and presented nationally and
internationally. Her research, scholarship, and pedagogy focus on
critical spiritual theory, intersectional identity, sociocultural issues in
GIM, and mindfulness and contemplative traditions in the
educational and therapeutic space.

Natasha Thomas, PhD, MT-BC, is a clinical assistant professor at

IUPUI, steering committee member for Black Music Therapists
Network, and committed advocate for creative and culturally
sustaining support for marginalized communities. Her research and
clinical work are inclusive of emerging technology, as well as the
perspectives of disability and queer identities, and the unique ways
in which those perspectives and resources can intersect to impact
quality of life, identity construction, and meaning-making.

Annette Whitehead-Pleaux, MA, MT-BC, is the president and

CEO of the Center for Cultural Responsiveness, a nonprofit that
provides education, training, and supervision in diversity, inclusion,
and equity to colleges, universities, and practitioners. They teach at
several universities. They have 10 publications in peer-reviewed
journals and 12 chapters. Annette is co-editor of Cultural
Intersections in Music Therapy: Music, Health, and the Person and a
frequent presenter and trainer at conferences across the globe.
 CONTENTS
Cover Image
Title Page
Copyright & Permissions
Dedication
Acknowledgments
Contributors
Introduction - Susan Hadley

Conceptual Origins and Theoretical Framing

Situating Myself: Embracing Complexities
What Lies Ahead

Chapter 1. Me: A Personal and Professional Necessity -

Marisol Norris

Location of Self
Exploring Me Through a Culturally Sustaining Lens:
A Whole Lot of Black Backs Made Bridges
Embarking on an Intentional Practice of Critical
Cultural Reflexivity
If Not a Culturally Sustaining Practice, Then What?
Implications

Chapter 2. transfronterizx - ezequiel bautista

 growing up in the borderlands
music in the borderlands
final thoughts
Chapter 3. “What Are You?” Finding Connection As A
Brown, Male Music Therapist" - Akash Bhatia

Point of Entry
Values, Identity, and Signature Theme
A Brown, Male Music Therapist in an Inpatient
Psychiatric Hospital
Summary and Implications for Music Therapists

Chapter 4. A Skeptic In The Land Of Music Therapy:

Evaluating Evidence At The Beginnings Of Practice -
Petra Gelbart

Ethnomusictherapist
Only Americans Go to Therapy
Telling Fortunes
A Conversion Experience?
The Maligned, Wonderful Placebo

Chapter 5. Making A Detour: Paths For Diverse People To

Live In Diverse Ways - Hiroko Miyake

Introduction
The Experiences Developing My Sociocultural
Identities
Examples of Work in Which I Have Engaged
Ambiguous Ways to Communicate with People’s
Sociocultural Identities
 Implications of Self-Reflection
Chapter 6. The Long Journey Toward Self-Acceptance:
Living As A Queer Transgender Music Therapist -
Spencer Hardy

Growing Up
Values and Beliefs
Stereotypes and Microaggressions
Privilege
Fear and Internalized Transphobia
Theoretical Orientation
Clinical Work and Self-Disclosure
The Empowerment of Queer Youth
Intersectionality
Supporting Diversity Within the Music Therapy Field
Conclusion

Chapter 7. Caught Unaware: Honest Acknowledgments

and Clinical Applications in an Ongoing Process -
Kathryn Eberle Cotter

On the Tracks
My Identity Formation
My Foundational Values
Becoming Aware
Resisting Defensiveness and Acknowledging Bias
Learning and Unlearning
Receiving and Witnessing Truth
A Lifelong Endeavor
In Conclusion
Other documents randomly have
different content
all say it; they say it every day, and it is the sole detail
upon which they all agree. There is some approach to agreement
upon another point: that there will be no revolution. … Nearly
every day some one explains to me that a revolution would not
succeed here. 'It couldn't, you know. Broadly speaking, all
the nations in the empire hate the government—but they all
hate each other too, and with devoted and enthusiastic
bitterness; no two of them can combine; the nation that rises
must rise alone; then the others would joyfully join the
government against her, and she would have just a fly's chance
against a combination of spiders. This government is entirely
independent. It can go its own road, and do as it pleases; it
has nothing to fear. In countries like England and America,
where there is one tongue and the public interests are common,
the government must take account of public opinion; but in
Austria-Hungary there are nineteen public opinions—one for
each state. No—two or three for each state, since there are
two or three nationalities in each. A government cannot
satisfy all these public opinions; it can only go through the
motions of trying. This government does that. It goes through
the motions, and they do not succeed; but that does not worry
the government much.' …

"The recent troubles have grown out of Count Badeni's

necessities. He could not carry on his government without a
majority vote in the House at his back, and in order to secure
it he had to make a trade of some sort. He made it with the
Czechs—the Bohemians. The terms were not easy for him: he must
pass a bill making the Czech tongue the official language in
Bohemia in place of the German. This created a storm. All the
Germans in Austria' were incensed. In numbers they form but a
fourth part of the empire's population, but they urge that the
country's public business should be conducted in one common
tongue, and that tongue a world language—which German is.
However, Badeni secured his majority. The German element was
apparently become helpless. The Czech deputies were exultant.
Then the music began. Badeni's voyage, instead of being
smooth, was disappointingly rough from the start. The
government must get the 'Ausgleich' through. It must not fail.
Badeni's majority was ready to carry it through; but the
minority was determined to obstruct it and delay it until the
obnoxious Czech-language measure should be shelved.

"The 'Ausgleich' is an Adjustment, Arrangement, Settlement,

which holds Austria and Hungary together [see above; also, in
volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867]. It dates from 1867, and
has to be renewed every ten years. It establishes the share
which Hungary must pay toward the expenses of the imperial
government. Hungary is a kingdom (the Emperor of Austria is
its King), and has its own parliament and governmental
machinery. But it has no foreign office, and it has no army—at
least its army is a part of the imperial army, is paid out of
the imperial treasury, and is under the control of the
imperial war office. The ten-year rearrangement was due a year
ago, but failed to connect. At least completely. A year's
compromise was arranged. A new arrangement must be effected
before the last day of this year. Otherwise the two countries
become separate entities. The Emperor would still be King of
Hungary—that is, King of an independent foreign country. There
would be Hungarian custom-houses on the Austrian frontier, and
there would be a Hungarian army and a Hungarian foreign
office. Both countries would be weakened by this, both would
suffer damage. The Opposition in the House, although in the
minority, had a good weapon to fight with in the pending
'Ausgleich.' If it could delay the 'Ausgleich' a few weeks,
the government would doubtless have to withdraw the hated
language bill or lose Hungary.

"The Opposition began its fight. Its arms were the Rules of
the House. It was soon manifest that by applying these Rules
ingeniously, it could make the majority helpless, and keep it
so as long as it pleased. It could shut off business every now
and then with a motion to adjourn. It could require the ayes
and noes on the motion, and use up thirty minutes on that
 detail. It could call for the reading and verification of the
minutes of the preceding meeting, and use up half a day in
that way.
{40}
It could require that several of its members be entered upon
the list of permitted speakers previously to the opening of a
sitting; and as there is no time limit, further delays could
thus be accomplished. These were all lawful weapons, and the
men of the Opposition (technically called the Left) were
within their rights in using them. They used them to such dire
purpose that all parliamentary business was paralyzed. The
Right (the government side) could accomplish nothing. Then it
had a saving idea. This idea was a curious one. It was to have
the President and the Vice-Presidents of the parliament
trample the Rules under foot upon occasion! …

"And now took place that memorable sitting of the House which
broke two records. It lasted the best part of two days and a
night, surpassing by half an hour the longest sitting known to
the world's previous parliamentary history, and breaking the
long-speech record with Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour effort, the
longest flow of unbroken talk that ever came out of one mouth
since the world began. At 8.45, on the evening of the 28th of
October, when the House had been sitting a few minutes short
of ten hours, Dr. Lecher was granted the floor. … Then burst
out such another wild and frantic and deafening clamor as has
not been heard on this planet since the last time the
Comanches surprised a white settlement at midnight. Yells from
the Left, counter-yells from the Right, explosions of yells
from all sides at once, and all the air sawed and pawed and
clawed and cloven by a writhing confusion of gesturing arms
and hands. Out of the midst of this thunder and turmoil and
tempest rose Dr. Lecher, serene and collected, and the
providential length of him enabled his head to show out above
it. He began his twelve-hour speech. At any rate, his lips
could be seen to move, and that was evidence. On high sat the
President imploring order, with his long hands put together as
in prayer, and his lips visibly but not hearably speaking. At
intervals he grasped his bell and swung it up and down with
vigor, adding its keen clamor to the storm weltering there
below. Dr. Lecher went on with his pantomime speech,
contented, untroubled. … One of the interrupters who made
himself heard was a young fellow of slight build and neat
dress, who stood a little apart from the solid crowd and
leaned negligently, with folded arms and feet crossed, against
a desk. Trim and handsome; strong face and thin features;
black hair roughed up; parsimonious mustache; resonant great
voice, of good tone and pitch. It is Wolf, capable and
hospitable with sword and pistol. … Out of him came early this
thundering peal, audible above the storm:

"'I demand the floor. I wish to offer a motion.'

"In the sudden lull which followed, the President answered,

'Dr. Lecher has the floor.'

"Wolf. 'I move the close of the sitting!'

"President. 'Representative Lecher has the floor.'

[Stormy outburst from the Left—that is, the Opposition.]

"Wolf. 'I demand the floor for the introduction of a

formal motion. [Pause.] Mr. President, are you going to grant
it, or not? [Crash of approval from the Left.] I will keep on
demanding the floor till I get it.'

"President. 'I call Representative Wolf to order. Dr.

Lecher has the floor.' …

"'Which was true; and he was speaking, too, calmly, earnestly,

and argumentatively; and the official stenographers had left
their places and were at his elbows taking down his words, he
leaning and orating into their ears—a most curious and
interesting scene. … At this point a new and most effective
noisemaker was pressed into service. Each desk has an
extension, consisting of a removable board eighteen inches
long, six wide, and a half-inch thick. A member pulled one of
these out and began to belabor the top of his desk with it.
Instantly other members followed suit, and perhaps you can
imagine the result. Of all conceivable rackets it is the most
ear-splitting, intolerable, and altogether fiendish. … Wolf
went on with his noise and with his demands that he be granted
the floor, resting his board at intervals to discharge
criticisms and epithets at the Chair. … By-and-by he struck
the idea of beating out a tune with his board. Later he
decided to stop asking for the floor, and to confer it upon
himself. And so he and Dr. Lecher now spoke at the same time,
and mingled their speeches with the other noises, and nobody
heard either of them. Wolf rested himself now and then from
speech-making by reading, in his clarion voice, from a
pamphlet.

"I will explain that Dr. Lecher was not making a twelve-hour
speech for pastime, but for an important purpose. It was the
government's intention to push the 'Ausgleich' through its
preliminary stages in this one sitting (for which it was the
Order of the Day), and then by vote refer it to a select
committee. It was the Majority's scheme—as charged by the
Opposition—to drown debate upon the bill by pure noise—drown
it out and stop it. The debate being thus ended, the vote upon
the reference would follow—with victory for the government.
But into the government's calculations had not entered the
possibility of a single-barrelled speech which should occupy
the entire time-limit of the sitting, and also get itself
delivered in spite of all the noise. … In the English House an
obstructionist has held the floor with Bible-readings and
other outside matters; but Dr. Lecher could not have that
restful and recuperative privilege—he must confine himself
strictly to the subject before the House. More than once, when
the President could not hear him because of the general
tumult, he sent persons to listen and report as to whether the
 orator was speaking to the subject or not.

"The subject was a peculiarly difficult one, and it would have

troubled any other deputy to stick to it three hours without
exhausting his ammunition, because it required a vast and
intimate knowledge—detailed and particularized knowledge—of
the commercial, railroading, financial, and international
banking relations existing between two great sovereignties,
Hungary and the Empire. But Dr. Lecher is President of the
Board of Trade of his city of Brünn, and was master of the
situation. … He went steadily on with his speech; and always
it was strong, virile, felicitous, and to the point. He was
earning applause, and this enabled his party to turn that fact
to account. Now and then they applauded him a couple of
minutes on a stretch, and during that time he could stop
speaking and rest his voice without having the floor taken
from him. …

{41}

"The Minority staid loyally by their champion. Some

distinguished deputies of the Majority staid by him too,
compelled thereto by admiration of his great performance. When
a man has been speaking eight hours, is it conceivable that he
can still be interesting, still fascinating? When Dr. Lecher had
been speaking eight hours he was still compactly surrounded by
friends who would not leave him and by foes (of all parties)
who could not; and all hung enchanted and wondering upon his
words, and all testified their admiration with constant and
cordial outbursts of applause. Surely this was a triumph
without precedent in history. …

"In consequence of Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour speech and the

other obstructions furnished by the Minority, the famous
thirty-three-hour sitting of the House accomplished nothing. …
Parliament was adjourned for a week—to let the members cool
off, perhaps—a sacrifice of precious time, for but two months
remained in which to carry the all-important 'Ausgleich' to a
consummation. …

"During the whole of November things went from bad to worse.

The all-important 'Ausgleich' remained hard aground, and could
not be sparred off. Badeni's government could not withdraw the
Language Ordinance and keep its majority, and the Opposition
could not be placated on easier terms. One night, while the
customary pandemonium was crashing and thundering along at its
best, a fight broke out. … On Thanksgiving day the sitting was
a history-making one. On that day the harried, bedeviled and
despairing government went insane. In order to free itself
from the thraldom of the Opposition it committed this
curiously juvenile crime: it moved an important change of the
Rules of the House, forbade debate upon the motion, put it to
a stand-up vote instead of ayes and noes, and then gravely
claimed that it had been adopted. … The House was already
standing up; had been standing for an hour; and before a third
of it had found out what the President had been saying, he had
proclaimed the adoption of the motion! And only a few heard
that. In fact, when that House is legislating you can't tell
it from artillery-practice. You will realize what a happy idea
it was to sidetrack the lawful ayes and noes and substitute a
stand-up vote by this fact: that a little later, when a
deputation of deputies waited upon the President and asked him
if he was actually willing to claim that that measure had been
passed, he answered, 'Yes—and unanimously.' …

"The 'Lex Falkenhayn,' thus strangely born, gave the President

power to suspend for three days any deputy who should continue
to be disorderly after being called to order twice, and it
also placed at his disposal such force as might be necessary
to make the suspension effective. So the House had a
sergeant-at-arms at last, and a more formidable one, as to
power, than any other legislature in Christendom had ever
possessed. The Lex Falkenhayn also gave the House itself
authority to suspend members for thirty days. On these terms
the 'Ausgleich' could be put through in an hour—apparently.
The Opposition would have to sit meek and quiet, and stop
obstructing, or be turned into the street, deputy after
deputy, leaving the Majority an unvexed field for its work.

"Certainly the thing looked well. … [But next day, when the
President attempted to open the session, a band of the
Socialist members made a sudden charge upon him, drove him and
the Vice President from the House, took possession of the
tribune, and brought even the semblance of legislative
proceedings to an end. Then a body of sixty policemen was
brought in to clear the House.] Some of the results of this
wild freak followed instantly. The Badeni government came down
with a crash; there was a popular outbreak or two in Vienna;
there were three or four days of furious rioting in Prague,
followed by the establishing there of martial law; the Jews
and Germans were harried and plundered, and their houses
destroyed; in other Bohemian towns there was rioting—in some
cases the Germans being the rioters, in others the Czechs—and
in all cases the Jew had to roast, no matter which side he was
on. We are well along in December now; the new
Minister-President has not been able to patch up a peace among
the warring factions of the parliament, therefore there is no
use in calling it together again for the present; public
opinion believes that parliamentary government and the
Constitution are actually threatened with extinction, and that
the permanency of the monarchy itself is a not absolutely
certain thing!

"Yes, the Lex Falkenhayn was a great invention, and did what
was claimed for it—it got the government out of the
frying-pan."

S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain),

Stirring Times in Austria
(Harper's Magazine, March, 1898).
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (December).
Imperial action.

On the last day of the year the Emperor closed the sittings of
the Austrian Reichsrath by proclamation and issued a rescript
continuing the "Ausgleich" provisionally for six months.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898.
Prolongation of factious disorders.
Paralysis of constitutional government.

Though scenes in the Austrian Chamber were not quite so

violent, perhaps, as they had become near the close of 1897,
the state of factious disorder continued much the same
throughout the year, and legislation was completely stopped.
The work of government could be carried on only by imperial
decrees. The ministry of Baron von Gautsch, which had
succeeded that of Count Badeni, attempted a compromise on the
language question in Bohemia by dividing the country into
three districts, according to the distribution of the several
races, in one of which German was to be the official tongue,
in another Czech, while both languages were to be used in the
third. But the Germans of the empire would accept no such
compromise. In March, Baron von Gautsch retired, and Count
Thun Hohenstein formed a Ministry made up to represent the
principal factions in the Reichsrath; but, the scheme brought
no peace. Nor did appeals by Count Thun, "in the name of
Austria," to the patriotism and the reason of all parties, to
suspend their warfare long enough for a little of the
necessary work of the state to be done, have any effect. The
turbulence in the legislature infected the whole community,
and especially, it would seem, the students in the schools,
whose disorder caused many lectures to be stopped. In Hungary,
too, there was an increase of violence in political agitation.
A party, led by the son of Louis Kossuth, struggled to improve
what seemed to be an opportunity for breaking the political
union of Hungary with Austria, and realizing the old ambition
 for an independent Hungarian state.
{42}
The ministry of Baron Banffy had this party against him, as
well as that of the clericals, who resented the civil marriage
laws, and legislation came to a deadlock nearly as complete in
the Hungarian as in the Austrian Parliament. There, as well as
in Austria, the extension of the Ausgleich, provisionally for
another year, had to be imposed by imperial decree.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (April).

Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and
the "Concert of Europe."

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (June).

The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume)

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (September).

Assassination of the Empress.
Jubilee of the Emperor's reign.

On the 10th of September, Elizabeth, Empress of Austria and

Queen of Hungary, was assassinated at Geneva by an Italian
anarchist, named Luigi Luccheni, who stabbed her with a small
stiletto, exceedingly thin and narrow in the blade. The
murderer rushed upon her and struck her, as she was walking,
with a single attendant, on the quay, towards a lake steamer
on which she intended to travel to Montreux. She fell, but
arose, with some assistance, and walked forward to the
steamer, evidently unaware that she had suffered worse than a
blow. On the steamer, however, she lost consciousness, and
then, for the first time, the wound was discovered. It had
 been made by so fine a weapon that it showed little external
sign, and it is probable that the Empress felt little pain.
She lived nearly half an hour after the blow was struck. The
assassin attempted to escape, but was caught. As Swiss law
forbids capital punishment, he could be only condemned to
solitary confinement for life. This terrible tragedy came soon
after the festivities in Austria which had celebrated the
jubilee year of the Emperor Francis Joseph's reign. The
Emperor's marriage had been one of love: he had suffered many
afflictions in his later life; the state of his realm was such
as could hardly be contemplated without despair; men wondered
if he could bear this crowning sorrow and live. But he had the
undoubted affection of his subjects, much as they troubled him
with their miserably factious quarrels, and that consciousness
seems to have been his one support.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.
Continued obstruction by the German parties in Austria.
Extensive secession of German Catholics from their
Church, and its significance.
Withdrawal of the Bohemian language decrees.
Obstruction taken up by the Czechs.

During most of the year the German parties in the Austrian

Reichsrath continued to make legislation impossible by
disorderly obstruction, with the avowed purpose of compelling
the government to withdraw the language decrees in Bohemia. A
still more significant demonstration of German feeling and
policy appeared, in a wide-spread and organized movement to
detach German Roman Catholics from their church, partly, it
would seem, as a proceeding of hostility to the Clerical
party, and partly as a means of recommending the Germans of
the Austrian states to the sympathy of the German Empire, and
smoothing the approach to an ultimate union of some of those
states with the Germanic federation. The agitation against the
Catholic Church is called "Los von Rom," and is said to have
had remarkable results. "Those acquainted with the situation
in Austria," says a writer in the "Quarterly Review," "do not
wonder that in various parts of the Empire there is a marked
tendency among the German Catholics to join Christian
communions separated from Rome. Many thousand Roman Catholics
have recently renounced their allegiance to the Holy See.
Further secessions are announced as about to take place. The
movement is especially strong in great centres like Eger,
Asch, and Saatz, but has made itself felt also in Carinthia,
and even in coast districts. This is a grave political fact,
for it is a marked indication of serious discontent, and a
sure sign that some arrangement under which certain districts
of Austria might be joined to Germany would not be unwelcome
to a section of the people."

Quarterly Review,
January, 1899.

In September the Austrian Ministry of Count Thun resigned, and

was succeeded by one formed under Count Clary-Aldingen. The
new premier withdrew the language decrees, which quieted the
German obstructionists, but provoked the Czechs to take up the
same rôle. Count Clary-Aldingen resigned in December, and a
provisional Ministry was formed under Dr. Wettek, which lasted
only until the 10th of January, 1900, when a new Cabinet was
formed by Dr. von Körber. In Hungary, Baron Banffy was driven
from power in February, 1899, by a state of things in the
Hungarian Parliament much like that in the Austrian. M.
Koloman Szell, who succeeded him, effected a compromise with
the opposition which enabled him to carry a measure extending
the Ausgleich to 1907. This brought one serious difficulty of
the situation to an end.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1901.
Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901;
and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900.
Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume)

WAR BUDGETS.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (February).

Attempted pacification of German and Czech parties by a
Conciliation Board.

"On Monday last [February 5] the German and Czech Conciliation

Board met for the first time in Vienna, under the presidency of
the Austrian Premier, Dr. von Körber, and conferred for two
hours. … Dr. von Körber is at the head of what may be called a
'business' Ministry, composed largely of those who had filled
subordinate offices in previous Ministries. It was hoped,
perhaps, that, since the leading politicians with a political
'past' could apparently do nothing to bring about a
settlement, men with no past, but with a capacity for
business, and in no way committed on the racial question,
might do better in effecting a working arrangement. The
appointment of this Conciliation Board seemed a promising way
of attempting such a settlement. Dr. von Körber opened
Monday's proceedings with a strong appeal to both sides,
saying: 'Gentlemen, the Empire looks to you to restore its
happiness and tranquillity.' It cannot be said that the Empire
is likely to find its wishes fulfilled, for when the Board came
down to hard business, the old troubles instantly revealed
themselves.
{43}
The Premier recommended a committee for Bohemia of twenty-two
members, and one for Moravia of fifteen members, the two
sitting in joint session in certain cases. Dr. Engel then set
forth the historical claims of the Czechs, which immediately
called forth a demand from Dr. Funke, of the German party,
that German should be declared the official language
throughout Austria. Each speaker seems to have been supported
by his own party, and so no progress was made, and matters
remain in 'statu quo ante.' The singularly deficient
constitution of this Board makes against success, for it seems
that the German Nationalists and Anti-Semites have only one
delegate apiece, the Social Democrats were not invited at all,
while the extreme Germans and extreme Czechs, apparently
regarding the Board as a farce, declined to nominate delegates
to its sittings. … There is unhappily little reason for
believing that the Board of Conciliation will effect what the
Emperor himself has failed to accomplish."

Spectator (London),
February 10, 1900.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).

Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume)

CHINA.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (September-December).

Warnings by the Emperor.
Clerical interference in politics.
The attitude of Hungary.
Economic decline of Austria.
Pessimistic views in Vienna.
The pending elections.

The Vienna correspondence of the "London Times" seems to be

the best source of information concerning the critical
conditions that are prevailing in the composite Empire, as the
Nineteenth Century closes, and the events by which those
conditions are from time to time revealed. The writer, whose
reports we shall quote, is evidently well placed for
observation, and well prepared for understanding what he sees.

In a dispatch of September 14, he notes the significance of a

reprimand which the Emperor had caused to be administered to
the Archbishop of Sarajevo, for interference in political
affairs:

"The chief of the Emperor's Cabinet called the Archbishop's

attention to newspaper reports of a speech made by him at the
close of the Catholic Congress recently held at Agram, in
which he was represented to have expressed the hope that
Bosnia would be incorporated with Croatia at the earliest
possible date. As that question was a purely political one and
foreign to the sacred vocation of the Archbishop, and as its
solution fell exclusively within the jurisdiction of certain
lay factors, and more especially within the Sovereign
prerogatives of his Majesty, the chief of the Cabinet was
instructed, in case the reports were correct, to communicate
to his Grace the serious warning and firm expectation of the
Emperor that his Grace would abstain in future, both in word
and deed, from interference in political questions. As was to
be expected, this sharp reprimand to an ecclesiastic of such
high position and repute has made a great sensation. It meets
with warm approval from the entire Hungarian Press. … There
is, on the other hand, bitter mortification in Clerical
circles. It is evidently felt that the warning to abstain from
politics may be of more than mere local and individual
significance."

In another dispatch on the same day the correspondent reported

a still more significant imperial utterance, this time from
the Emperor's own lips: "Yesterday the Emperor, who is
attending the manœuvres in Galicia, received the Polish
Parliamentary Deputation and, addressing their president,
informed him that the dissolution of the Reichsrath and the
coming elections were the last constitutional means which
would be employed by his Government. That implies that, if the
new Parliament will not work, the Constitution will be
suspended. … The dissolution of the Reichsrath takes place in
opposition to the wish of the moderate element of all parties,
who did their utmost to dissuade the Prime Minister from
taking such a drastic measure. The opinion of those who did
not approve of dissolution is that in the absence of a new
suffrage the next Parliament will prove more unruly than the
last. … Yesterday's Imperial warning requires no comment.
It means no more than it says—namely, an eventual suspension
of the Constitution. It does not point to any alternative
regime in case the Parliamentary system should break down.
Indeed, there is nothing to show that any such alternative has
been under the consideration of the Emperor and his Ministers. No
less an authority than Dr. Lueger, the Anti-Semitic
burgomaster of Vienna, has just expressed his opinion on the
subject to a local journalist in the following words:

'I am firmly convinced that nobody, not a single man in

Austria, including all statesmen and Parliamentary
politicians, has the faintest idea of how the situation will
develop.'"

A few days later (September 25) the "Times" correspondence

summarized an important speech by the Hungarian statesman,
Count Apponyi, to his constituents, in which the same forecast
of a political catastrophe in Austria was intimated. Count
Apponyi,—"after dwelling upon the importance of maintaining
the Ausgleich, remarked that affairs in Austria might take a
turn which would render its revision indispensable owing
either to a complete suspension of the constitutional system
in Austria, the maintenance of which was one of the conditions
of the arrangement of 1867, or such modifications thereof as
 would make the existing form of union between the two
countries technically untenable or politically questionable.
In either case the revision could only confirm the
independence of Hungary. But even then Count Apponyi believed
that by fallowing the traditions of Francis Deák it would be
possible to harmonize the necessary revision with the
fundamental principles of the Dual Monarchy. It would,
however, be a great mistake to raise that question unless
forced to do so by circumstances. Count Apponyi went on to say
that the importance of Hungary, not only in the Monarchy but
throughout the civilized world, was enormously increased by
the fact that it secured the maintenance of Austria-Hungary,
threatened by the destructive influence of the Austrian chaos,
and thus constituted one of the principal guarantees of
European tranquillity. The peace-abiding nations recognized
that this service to the dynasty, the Monarchy, and the
European State system was only possible while the
constitutional independence and national unity of Hungary was
maintained. It was clear to every unprejudiced mind that
Hungarian national independence and unity was the backbone of
the Dual Monarchy and one of the most important guarantees of
European peace. But the imposing position attained by Hungary
through the European sanction of her national ideal would be
imperilled if they were of their own initiative to raise the
question of the union of the two countries and thus convert
the Austrian crisis into one affecting the whole Monarchy."

{44}

An article in the "Neue Freie Presse," of Vienna, on the

hostility of the Vatican to Austria and Hungary was partially
communicated in a despatch of October 11. The Vienna journal
ascribes this hostility in part to resentment engendered by
the alliance of Catholic Austria with Italy, and in part to
the Hungarian ecclesiastical laws.

See above: A. D. 1894-1895.

It remarked: "Never has clericalism been so influential in the
legislation and administration of this Empire. The most
powerful party is the one that takes its 'mot d'ordre' from
the Papal Nunciature. It guides the feudal nobility, it is the
thorn in the flesh of the German population, it has provoked a
20 years' reaction in Austria, and, unhindered and protected,
it scatters in Hungary that seed which has thriven so well in
this half of the Monarchy that nothing is done in Austria
without first considering what will be said about it in Rome."
A day or two later some evidence of a growing resentment in
Austria at the interference of the clergy in politics was
adduced: "Thus the Czech organ, inspired by the well-known
leader of the party, Dr. Stransky, states that a deputation of
tradespeople called on the editor and expressed great
indignation at the unprecedented manner in which the priests
were joining in electoral agitation. They added that they
'could no longer remain members of a Church whose clergy took
advantage of religious sentiment for political purposes.' The
Peasants' Electoral Association for Upper Austria has just
issued a manifesto in which the following occurs:—'We have for
more than 20 years invariably elected the candidates proposed by
the Clerical party. What has been done during that long period
for us peasants and small tradespeople? What have the Clerical
party and the Clerical members of Parliament done for us? How
have they rewarded our long fidelity? By treason. … We have
been imposed upon long enough. It is due to our self-respect
and honour to emancipate ourselves thoroughly from the
mamelukes put forward by the Clerical wirepullers. We must
show that we can get on without Clerical leadingstrings.'"

On the 26th of October the writer summarized a report that day

published by the Vienna Stock Exchange Committee, as
furnishing "fresh evidence of the disastrous effects of the
prolonged internal political crisis." "The report begins by
stating that the Vienna Stock Exchange, formerly the leading
and most important one in Europe, and which, in consequence of
the geographical situation of the town, was called upon to be
the centre of financial operations with the Near East, has for
years past been steadily declining. Every year the number of
those frequenting the Bourse diminishes, and there has been an
annual decrease in the amount of capital that has changed
hands. Of late years, and particularly within the last few
months, this has assumed such dimensions that it has become an
imperative duty for the competent authorities to investigate the
causes of the evil and to seek a remedy. It is recognized that
the deplorable domestic situation has largely contributed to
the decline of the Bourse. The deadlock in the Legislative
Assembly has occasioned stagnation in industry and commerce,
whereas outside the Monarchy there has been an unprecedented
development of trade. Further prejudice has been caused by
what is called in the report the anti-capitalist tendencies,
which represent all gains and profits to be ill-gotten. The
profession of merchant has been held up by unprincipled
demagogues as disreputable. The authorities are reproached
with having encouraged those tendencies by undue tolerance."

Early in November, the Vienna letters began accounts of the

electioneering campaign then opening, though elections for the
new House were not to take place until the following January:
"Every day," wrote the correspondent, "brings its contingent
of electoral manifestos, and all parties have already had
their say. Unfortunately, nothing could be less edifying. It
may be said of them all that they have profited little by
experience, and it is vain to search for any indication of a
conciliatory disposition among Czechs or Germans, Liberals or
Clericals. One and all are as uncompromising as ever, and
neither the leaders nor the rank and file are prepared to
reckon with the real exigencies of the situation, even to save
their own Parliamentary existence. The feudal nobility, who
stand aloof from Parliamentary strife, have alone lost nothing
of their position and influence. They disdainfully refuse to
take either the requirements of the State or the legitimate
wishes of the Crown into account. They are preparing in
 alliance with Ultramontanism to hold their own against the
coming storm. Their action in the pending electrical campaign
is of an occult nature; their proceedings are seldom reported
by the newspapers, and when they meet it is by groups and
privately.

"The political speeches which have hitherto been delivered in

various parts of the country are bewildering. The Germans are
split up into several fractions, and even on the other side
there have been separate manifestos from the Young Czechs and
also from the Old Czechs, who have long ceased to play a part
in the Reichsrath. It is confusion worse confounded, in fact
complete chaos. The prospect of a rallying of the
heterogeneous and mutually antagonistic groups on the basis of
resistance to Hungarian exigencies, though possible, is not
yet at hand, whatever the future may reserve. … The words of
warning that came from the Crown as to this being the last
attempt that would be made to rule by constitutional methods
has clearly failed to produce that impression among
Parliamentary politicians which might justly have been
anticipated. Not even the most experienced and best informed
among the former members of the Reichsrath are disposed to
make any prophecy as to what will follow the dissolution of
the next Chamber."

{45}

In the following month, a significant speech in the Reichsrath

at Buda-Pesth, by the very able Hungarian Prime Minister, M.
Szell, WIIS reported. "He foreshadowed the possibility of a
situation in which Austria would not be able to fulfil the
conditions prescribed in the Ausgleich Act of 1867 with regard
to the manner of dealing with the affairs common to both halves
of the Monarchy. He himself had, however, made up his mind on
the subject, and was convinced that even in those
circumstances the Hungarians would by means of provisional
measures regulate the common affairs and interests of the two