Recommended Reading for the Week Ending 13th December, 2024

CIRC/45/2024 16 December 2024

1. Dara Shukoh: Pioneer of Inter-faith Dialogue

By: Dr Hafeezur Rahman

Source: https://www.vifindia.org/article/2024/december/07/Dara-Shukoh-Pioneer-of-
Inter-faith-Dialogue

In the annals of medieval Indian history, Prince Dara Shukoh, the eldest son of Mughal
Emperor Shahjahan, shines as a learned personality of considerable eminence, so much so
that his influence is felt even to this day. He was a man of many parts -- an astute politician,
a religious scholar in the liberal mien, an intellectual par excellence, a philosopher far ahead
of his time, a robust multi-lingual translator, and a poet of quality, and above all, a pioneer
of inter-faith dialogue and a champion of religious tolerance.

How did Dara Shukoh acquire all of these sanguine qualities inspite of the vast distance
between himself and the common man of his times? It was through his constant and
consistent interaction with Sufi Mashaikhs, Hindu jogis, sadhus, sanyasis, Budh Bhikshus
and other religious scholars. He had an excellent command over Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit
and Urdu language, besides being well versed in Tafsir (explaining and interpreting verses
of the Quran) and Fiqh (possessing a deep understanding or full comprehension of Islamic
law).

Dara Shukoh’s translation of the Upanishads from Sanskrit to Persian had a great impact
not only in India, but across the world. Khwaja Moinuddin Chishty, the 12th and 13th
century Persian Islamic scholar, had a great impact on Dara Shukoh’s thought process.
Majma-ul-Bahrain (Confluence of Two Oceans), Dara Shukoh’s magnum opus, is a path-
breaking book and a trend setter in inter-faith dialogue. Although, there have been a number
of Sufi saints who have successfully promoted inter-faith dialogue and peaceful co-
existence in India, Dara Shukoh stands out as unique individual in more ways than one.
In fact, Dara Shukoh was against the labelling of Hindus as Kafirs, as he firmly believed
that both Islam and Hinduism shared the same essential core.

This paper tries to critically examine some of these aspects of Dara Shukoh’s Inter-Faith
Dialogue Framework. This study holds immense importance in today’s scenario, where
religious tolerance is on the wane. It is high time that we implement Dara Shukoh’s inter-
faith doctrine.

Born on March 20, 1615 (Sakīnat-ul-Awliya) to Shahjahan and Mumtaz Mahal, Prince
Dara Shukoh received his early education from Hazrat Akhund Mirak, a renowned Peer of
the Qadri Sufi Silsila. He was taught Arabic, Persian, Tafsir and Fiqh at a very early age.
Tasawwuf (a mystical dimension of Islam, also known as Sufism) and spirituality caught
his fancy. He received his spiritual education from prominent Sufis and sages of his time,
including, luminaries such as Hazrat Mian Mir (Sufi of Qadriya Silsila), Mir Badakhshi
and Baba Lal Das. They played a decisive and profound role in the shaping of Prince Dara
Shukoh's Inter-Faith Dialogue.

Though he was one of the main contenders for the Mughal throne during the final years of
Emperor Shahjahan’s life, Dara Shukoh was more inclined towards spiritualism,
intellectualism and scholasticism.

His Inter-faith Dialogue called for maintaining amicable relations with Hindus and
followers of other faiths. His “Risāla-i-Ḥaq Numa” bears testimony to this fact, wherein
Dara Shukoh emphasizes, “I was among those devotees who were inclined to God
naturally, devoid of performance of any sort of austerities. I have got enlightened about the
secrecies of God head from the kindness of Saints and God-fearing people”.

Yet another book, “Safīnat-ul-Auliya”, describes the factors that compelled him to abandon
the mundane life and embrace spirituality. He revered Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jeelani (RA).
Prince Dara Shukoh's spiritual journey can be divided into two distinct phases – a complete
devotion to Sufism and, in the latter half of his short life, a dedication to comparative
religious studies. This is the trigger point for his Inter-faith Dialogue ideology, which
culminates in his magnum opus, “Majma-ul-Bahrain”.

The essence of Majma ul-Bahrain is that all faiths at the core are one and there exists no
difference in the fundamental teachings of either Islam or Hinduism. In fact, while
translating the Quranic verse, “Bismillahir Rahmanir Raheem”, Dara Shukoh avoids using
the Arabic words Allah, Rahman and Raheem. He rather adopts a more neutral approach
and states, “In the name of one who hath no name; with whatever name thou Callest Him.
He uplifteth His head”. This in itself proves his respect and admiration for all religions of
the world. Thus, we can safely claim that Dara Shukoh’s Interfaith Dialogue was
“inclusive” rather than exclusive in nature.

Also, this line of thought highlights Dara Shukoh’s faith in Unitarianism, a straight impact
of the pantheistic ideology of Ibn-ul-Arabi’s philosophy and the Vedantic pantheistic
teachings of Baba Lal Das.

These teachings played a critical role in shaping Dara Shukoh’s world view, which is
essentially engrained in the “Wahdat-i-Adyaan” as explained in Majma-ul-Bahrain. This
can be described as an effort to reconcile Islam and Hinduism on those general truths which
are often earmarked due to mere fervour of the externalities of faith.

In the preface of Majmā-ul-Baḥrain, Dara Shukoh mentions that after learning the true
religion of Sufis and acquiring mystic inspiration, he acquired a thirst to know the truth
about principles of monotheists of Indian religions too.
After engaging in discourses and deliberations with religious divines of the highest spiritual
perfection and a study of their scriptures, he was convinced that there is no essential
difference between Islam and Hinduism.

The central point of Dara Shukoh’s theosophy was the realisation of uncompromising
Quranic Tawhid (monotheism) in the tenet of “Unity in Plurality.”

He says that in the heart of every Muslim, there is no space for more than one; either “I” or
“He,” this tussle must perish on the physical as well as the spiritual plane to ensure the
eternal peace of the soul.

He says that it is the faith of every Muslim to fight against his “lower self” (Nafs) and
outside against “others” who do not recognise the oneness of God. A proud Muslim
conquers others with his innate ego-ism, i.e., “I am and no other”, and cognises himself and
the unity of God through a strong course of elimination by the logic of the sword.

The saint of Islam is always ready to wrestle “others” which look into his heart as dangers
(Khatrat), and fight with them until he acknowledges them to be wanton pranks of his own
self, but outside, he meets humanity with unlimited love of his true heart. He conquers God
and man by receiving into his bosom and expands himself into the universal person
(Shakhs-i-Kul) to feel ones with the whole creation and the creator.

It can be observed through his Majma‘-ul-Baḥrain that Prince Dara Shukoh believed in the
principle of Ijtihad (use of reason to reach some conclusion independently). He stressed on
use of reason “Aql” than blindly following interpretations of traditional Ulema (Islamic
scholars).

He was a sincerely insightful man and loved to reach out on sovereign conclusions after
acquiring a proper understanding through a variety of considerations, and deliberations.
The main reason behind Muslim hostility toward Hindus, as believed by Prince Dara
Shukoh, was their ignorance of Hindu religious beliefs. Hence, he made arrangements for
the translation of their main religious texts into Persian, to make them available to Muslims.
Yogvishta’s translation was a first step in this direction. However, the important translation
in this connection was Dara Shukoh’s translation of Upanishads title as Sirr-i-Akbar. This
was the earliest translation of the Sanskrit Upanishads and he has used simple and fluent
Persian in this translation. He also consulted classical commentaries of Upanishads. The
distinguishing feature of Dara Shukoh’s Interfaith Dialogue was its eclectic nature.

In Majma-ul-Bahrain, Dara Shukoh makes a meaningful attempt to achieve communion

between the basic tenets of Hinduism and Islamic teachings. He did so by adopting many
humanistic elements of Hindu philosophy and tried to find Islamic connections for such
values through the self-intellectual interpretations of those Quranic verses and prophetic
traditions which contain inversely some information about other religions.
He did not rely on the traditional interpretation of these verses, but adopted the Islamic
methodology of Ijtihad to arrive at his own conclusions, which are compatible with both
Islamic and Hindu teachings.

For example, while translating the Quranic term Kitāb-i-Maknūn (Verses 77-79, Chapter
56), he disagrees with most of those translations which imply that Kitāb-i-Maknūn implies
Torat, Injeel or Zaboor. Dara Shukoh coins his own unique translation and insists that by
Kitāb-i-Maknūn actually implies the “Upanishads”.

Prince Dara Shukoh blamed the Muslims’ lack of knowledge of the Upanishads and other
Hindu religious scriptures for that community’s enmity towards their Hindu brethren. To
counter this aggressive ideology and present an alternative and softer approach, Dara
Shukoh translated the Upanishads from Sanskrit to Persian and titled it as “Sirr-i-Akbar”
meaning (The Great Secrets) that essentially indicated the guidelines laid down by the
Upanishads for peaceful living. Contrary to popular perception, Dara Shukoh also
described the Upanishads as a treasure trove of monotheism.

2. Fractured Alliances

By: Synergia Foundation

Source: https://www.synergiafoundation.org/insights/analyses-assessments/fractured-
alliances

One of the countries in SE Asia that has been emerging as one of special interest for India
is the sprawling archipelago of the Philippines. Long ensconced in the safety net of the
United States, the Philippines were at the opposite end of a geopolitical corridor vis-a-vis
India. However, shared geopolitical concerns, especially involving China, have invariably
brought them closer, a closeness recently marked by the export of Brahmos missiles to
Manila, the first such nation to receive the pride of India’s defence industry.

The recent political crisis in the Philippines has sent shockwaves throughout Southeast
Asia. Acrimonious animosity between Vice President Sara Duterte and President Ferdinand
Marcos Jr., who surged into office together on a wave of unity and promise, is at the core
of this controversy.

Adding another layer of complexity to this domestic drama is the significant shift in
Filipino foreign policy that occurred under the leadership of Marcos Jr. The current
president, Marcos, has broken with his predecessor, who pushed for closer relations with
Beijing by increasing military cooperation with the U.S. and adopting a stronger stance on
the South China Sea dispute.

Background

Strong dynasties have traditionally controlled Filipino politics, but the Dutertes and the
Marcoses have emerged as two of the most prominent in recent years. Forming the
"UniTeam" for the 2022 elections, this union between the two clans was more of a strategic
necessity than an expression of true ideological unity. During his presidency from 2016 to
2022, Rodrigo Duterte oversaw the contentious war on drugs and shifted the country's focus
to China. Duterte took a conciliatory approach to the South China Sea issues and expressed
appreciation for Xi Jinping, the leader of China.

Sara Duterte, daughter of the departing president, and Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr.
formed an unexpected alliance during the 2022 election. The relationship was formed
through political manoeuvring despite Rodrigo Duterte's initial reservations. Duterte had
previously criticised Marcos as a weak leader. Unifying their respective strongholds in the
north and south of the country, Sara Duterte, who was previously the favourite for
president, consented to run as Marcos' vice-presidential candidate. This "UniTeam" ran on
a platform of harmony and stability, pledging to improve upon and expand upon Duterte's
programs.

Even though they won by a landslide, the unity facade soon fell. Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
reversed his predecessor's pro-China foreign policy during his administration. He took a
harder line in the South China Sea, supported by closer military ties to the U.S. This change
concerns Beijing as much as the Duterte camp since they consider it an attack on the
original values of the relationship. With terrifying public accusations and threats resulting
from the two families' conflict, it has gotten quite heated. Later characterised as a "revenge
plan," Vice President Sara Duterte's recent remarks about contacting a hitman have
generated controversy in Filipino politics and revealed the divisions within the once-proud
political coalition.

Fortunately, the military has tried to calm the situation. Its Military Chief, Gen. Romeo
Brawner, has assured that the 160,000-member Armed Forces of the country will remain
non-partisan over the matter.

Analysis

The current political unrest in the Philippines has significantly impacted the efficiency and
effectiveness of government policymaking. After campaigning on a platform of stability
and continuity, President Marcos Jr.'s administration is now navigating perilous seas as it
faces internal opposition and outside pressures. Many Filipinos, who had looked to the
"UniTeam" for optimism, are now filled with doubt because of the schism that has opened
within the administration due to the president's disagreement with Vice President Duterte.

What this volatility means for the country's economic future is uncertain and far-reaching.
Investors are wary of the Philippines due to the possibility of political instability, even if
the country is expected to experience consistent growth of 5.5 per cent to 6.0 per cent in
2024. Impending coup rumours or more unrest might halt much-needed reforms and
infrastructure investments. Rebuilding fiscal space and investing in human capital may be
impeded if the government's commitment to executing long-term development-critical
strategic objectives wavers as it fights to maintain a united front. The upcoming months
will surely test the Philippine economy's durability as policymakers navigate the fine line
between political manoeuvring and economic management.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has led the Philippines to adopt a more forceful posture in
the South China Sea, which has turned into a hotbed of geopolitical turmoil. Marcos has
brazenly stated that the Philippines "cannot yield" in territorial conflicts, putting a line in
the sand—or rather, the sea. The days of his predecessor's obliging stance are long gone.
Stronger military ties with the U.S., including more access to Philippine bases, have
coincided with this transformation and clearly show Beijing that Manila will not be
intimidated any more.

Quite predictably, China has not been a pacifist regarding this shift. Threatening escalation,
Beijing's response has included diplomatic protests as well as more forceful measures by
its coast guard and maritime militia. The region has felt the effects of this rising tension,
and other claimant governments, such as Vietnam and Malaysia, have rethought their
approaches. Specifically, the Philippines and Vietnam have discovered common ground,
which has resulted in unusual cooperation between the two countries' coast guards. The
South China Sea is precariously balanced, and the region's stability is at risk as tensions
grow.
ASEAN is in a challenging position as its members struggle to stay unified as tensions in
the South China Sea increase. ASEAN is once again embroiled in the issue, and its
consensus-based approach has been put to the test due to China's growing assertiveness and
the Philippines' increased efforts to resist it. Due to conflicting national objectives and the
possibility of great power competition, the organisation's attempts to create a Code of
Conduct have encountered an obstacle, exposing the deep divisions among its members.

Southeast Asia has become a geopolitical chessboard due to the escalating U.S.-China
rivalry in the region. Southeast Asian countries are balancing their partnerships and
maintaining their strategic independence as Beijing exercises its economic might and
Washington fortifies its alliances. Economic cooperation and regional security are at stake,
so the stakes are high.

Assessment

• The political ramifications between Vice President Sara Duterte and President
Ferdinand Marcos Jr. upend the Filipino administration, eroding public trust and
jeopardising economic stability, particularly foreign investments. This is only going to
weaken a nation already under economic stress.
• By shifting his focus from China to stronger military connections with the US,
Marcos Jr. exacerbates tensions in the South China Sea, straining relationships with
Beijing and affecting the balance of power in the region. But, then, the U.S.-
Philippines go back a long way, including its colonisation by the U.S. for a brief
period. Hence, both sides know what they are doing.
• Southeast Asia is becoming a geopolitical hotspot, posing a risk of violence but also
offering chances for strategic alliances, making ASEAN's unity difficult in the face of
US-China rivalry. Perhaps the Philippines may encourage other nations also to face
up to China's bullying.

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