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Trace fossils concepts problems prospects 1st Edition
William Charles Miller Digital Instant Download
Author(s): William Charles Miller
ISBN(s): 9780444529497, 0444529497
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 51.25 MB
Year: 2007
Language: english
 TRACE FOSSILS
CONCEPTS, PROBLEMS, PROSPECTS
TRACE FOSSILS
CONCEPTS,
PROBLEMS,
PROSPECTS
Edited by
WILLIAM MILLER, III
Geology Department
Humboldt State University
Arcata, CA, USA

AMSTERDAM
BOSTON
HEIDELBERG
LONDON
NEW YORK
OXFORD
PARIS

SAN DIEGO
SAN FRANCISCO
SINGAPORE
SYDNEY
TOKYO
Elsevier
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The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, UK

First edition 2007

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07 08 09 10 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 Contents

Introduction: A User’s Guide— The Cincinnati School 23

William Miller, III xiii Conclusions 28
List of Reviewers xvii Acknowledgements 29
References 29
Contributors xix
Memorial to Roland Goldring (1928–2005)—
John E. Pollard xxi
3. Edward Hitchcock and Roland Bird:
Two Early Titans of Vertebrate Ichnology
I in North America
S. GEORGE PEMBERTON, MURRAY K. GINGRAS,
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
AND JAMES A. MACEACHERN
OF ICHNOLOGY
Introduction 32
1. The Wadden Sea, Cradle of The Ichnology of the Connecticut Valley 33
Invertebrate Ichnology Roland Bird and the Discovery of Sauropod
GERHARD C. CADÉE AND ROLAND GOLDRING Tracks 41
Conclusions 49
Introduction 03 Acknowledgements 49
The Early Beginnings of Ichnology 03 References 49
The Role of Experiments 04
Research in the Wadden Sea 04
Ichnology Elsewhere in the Wadden Sea 08
The Promotion of Ichnology 08 4. The Ichnofacies Paradigm:
Conclusions 10 A Fifty-Year Retrospective
Acknowledgements 10 JAMES A. MACEACHERN, S. GEORGE PEMBERTON,
References 10 MURRAY K. GINGRAS, AND KERRIE L. BANN

2. The Antecedents of Invertebrate Introduction 52

Ichnology in North America: The Rise of the Ichnofacies Concept 53
The Canadian and Cincinnati Schools Continental Ichnofacies 55
S. GEORGE PEMBERTON, JAMES A. MACEACHERN, Softground Marine Ichnofacies 58
AND MURRAY K. GINGRAS Substrate-Controlled Ichnofacies 68
Using the Ichnofacies Paradigm 74
Introduction 14 Acknowledgements 75
The Early Canadian School 15 References 75

v
vi CONTENTS

Acknowledgements 130
II References 131
CONCEPTS, METHODS, THEORY,
AND CONNECTIONS TO THE
EARTH AND BIOLOGIC SCIENCES
8. The Application of Trace Fossils to
Biostratigraphy
ROBERT B. MACNAUGHTON
5. What’s in a Name? Nomenclature,
Systematics, Ichnotaxonomy Introduction 135
MARKUS BERTLING Limitations and Advantages of Trace Fossils in
Biostratigraphy 135
Introduction 81 Characteristic Applications of Trace Fossils in
Treating Names of Trace Fossils: Nomenclature 82 Biostratigraphy 136
Classifying Trace Fossils: Systematics 82 Other Potentially Useful Ichnotaxa 145
Naming Trace Fossils: Ichnotaxonomy 83 Toward Reliable Trace-Fossil Biostratigraphy 146
Conclusions 90 Concluding Discussion 146
Acknowledgements 90 Acknowledgements 147
References 91 References 147

6. Taphonomy of Trace Fossils

CHARLES E. SAVRDA
9. Trace Fossils and Marine
Benthic Oxygenation
Introduction 92 CHARLES E. SAVRDA
Trace Fossil Preservation in Soft Mud 93
Preservation in Heterolithic Softground Introduction 149
Successions 98 Oxygen-Related Ichnocoenoses (ORI) 149
Preservation in Coarse-Grained Substrates 101 Manifestation of ORI in Vertical Sequences 151
Preservation in Firmgrounds 103 Case Study—Cretaceous Bridge Creek
Preservation in Hard Substrates 104 Limestone 153
Preservation in Woodgrounds 105 Potential Limitations and Future Directions 154
Ichnofossil-Lagerstätten 106 Conclusions 156
Conclusions 107 Acknowledgements 156
Acknowledgements 107 References 156
References 107

10. Climatic Control of Marine

7. Uses of Trace Fossils in Trace Fossil Distribution
Genetic Stratigraphy ROLAND GOLDRING, GERHARD C. CADÉE, AND JOHN E. POLLARD
JAMES A. MACEACHERN, S. GEORGE PEMBERTON,
MURRAY K. GINGRAS, KERRIE L. BANN, AND LYNN T. DAFOE Introduction 159
Constraints on Recognition of Climatic Control of
Introduction 110 Trace Fossils 160
Substrate-Controlled Ichnofacies 113 Ichnology of Certain Crustaceans 161
Substrate-Controlled Ichnofacies and the Role of Spatangoid Echinoid Ichnology 164
Autocyclicity 119 Discussion on Modern Distributions of Infaunal
Ichnological Applications to Genetic Echinoids and Ophiomorpha-Forming
Stratigraphy 120 Crustaceans 164
Conclusions 130 Ophiomorpha and Spatangoid Trace Fossils 165
 CONTENTS vii

Other Trace Fossils of Possible Climatic A New Type Ichnospecies for Zoophycos 224
Significance 168 Ichnogenus Zoophycos Massalongo 1855 226
Conclusions 169 Conclusions 228
Acknowledgements 170 Acknowledgements 230
References 170 References 230

11. Climatic Controls on 14. Ichnofacies, Ichnocoenoses, and

Continental Trace Fossils Ichnofabrics of Quaternary
STEPHEN T. HASIOTIS, MARY J. KRAUS, AND TIMOTHY M. DEMKO Shallow-Marine to Dunal Tropical
Carbonates: A Model and Implications
Introduction 172 H. ALLEN CURRAN
Distribution of Organisms and their
Traces—Ichnofossils 173 Introduction 232
Soil Formation and Palaeosols 175 Ichnology of Carbonate vs. Siliciclastic
Soil-Water Balance: Linking Soil, Biota, and Environments 233
Climate 176 The Geologic and Ichnologic Setting: Bahamas and
Climate 177 South Florida 234
Ichnopedologic Associations as Climate Indicators: Ichnocoenoses of the Skolithos Ichnofacies 234
Organism Behaviors and Palaeosols 181 Ichnocoenoses of the Psilonichnus Ichnofacies 241
Predictions of Ichnopedologic Associations of Conclusions 245
Palaeoclimate 184 Acknowledgements 246
Conclusions 192 References 246
Acknowledgements 193
References 193

15. Deep-Sea Ichnology: Development of

Major Concepts
12. The Trace-Fossil Record of Vertebrates ALFRED UCHMAN
STEPHEN T. HASIOTIS, BRIAN F. PLATT, DANIEL I. HEMBREE, AND
MICHAEL J. EVERHART
Introduction 248
Age of Fucoids 248
Introduction 196 From Algae to Worms: Towards Consistent
Vertebrate Ichnology: Concepts and Methods 197 Ichnotaxonomy 249
Locomotion Traces: Trails, Tracks, and Morphological Classifications 250
Trackways 197 What Worms are Doing: Fossil
Burrows and Nests 205 Behaviour 250
Feeding Trace Fossils 211 Environmental Distribution of
Hominid Trace Fossils 214 Trace Fossils and the Ichnofacies
Future Directions 215 Concept 252
Acknowledgements 216 Colonization, Bioturbation and Ichnofabric
References 216 Concepts 253
Substrate 257
Trophic Level 258
Changes Through Geological Time and
13. Zoophycos and the Role of Type Evolutionary Aspects 259
Specimens in Ichnotaxonomy Deep-Sea Fine-Grained Non-Turbiditic
DAVIDE OLIVERO Sediments 261
Neoichnology 262
Introduction 219 Further Perspectives 262
An Enigmatic Fossil 219 Acknowledgements 263
The Type Specimen 224 References 263
viii CONTENTS

16. Continental Ichnology: Conclusions 338

Fundamental Processes and Controls Acknowledgements 340
References 340
on Trace Fossil Distribution
STEPHEN T. HASIOTIS

Introduction 268 19. Early History of Symbiosis in

The Continental Realm 269 Living Substrates: Trace-Fossil Evidence
Terrestrial and Aquatic Biota: Tracemaker from the Marine Record
Classification and Behavior 276 LEIF TAPANILA AND A.A. EKDALE
Synthesis: Continental Ichnocoenoses 279
Conclusion: Two Distinct Parts but One Introduction 345
Ichnology 282 Bioclaustrations as Fossilized Behavior 346
Acknowledgements 283 Criteria for Distinguishing Bioclaustrations 347
References 283 Bioclaustrations in Context with Other Sessile
Associations 349
Early Fossil Record of Bioclaustrations 349
17. Invertebrate Ichnology of Diversity Trends in the Paleozoic 351
Continental Freshwater Environments Conclusions 354
LUIS ALBERTO BUATOIS AND MARÍA GABRIELA MÁNGANO
Acknowledgements 354
References 354
Introduction 285
Continental Ichnofacies 285
Ichnology of Fluvial Systems 287 20. Macroborings and the Evolution of
Ichnology of Lacustrine Systems 299 Marine Bioerosion
The Ichnofabric Approach to Freshwater MARK A. WILSON
Ichnofaunas 307
Applications of Ichnology in Sequence Introduction 356
Stratigraphy of Continental Successions 310 Commonly Bored Hard Substrates 357
Marine vs. Nonmarine 315 Most Common Marine Macroboring Taxa 357
Freshwater Ichnofaunas in Marginal Marine History of Macroboring Through the Phanerozoic 363
Environments 316 Conclusions 365
Acknowledgements 316 Acknowledgements 365
References 316 References 365

18. Traces of Gastropod Predation on 21. Microborings and Microbial Endoliths:

Molluscan Prey in Tropical Reef Geological Implications
Environments INGRID GLAUB, STJEPKO GOLUBIC, MARCOS GEKTIDIS,
SALLY E. WALKER GUDRUN RADTKE, AND KLAUS VOGEL

Introduction 324 Introduction 368

Overview of Potential Trace Fossils Attributed to Preparation and Study of Microbial Endoliths and
Predatory Reef Gastropods 325 Microborings 368
Note on Classification, Ranking Treatment Diversity and Geological Significance of Microbial
of the Gastropod Groups, and Oichnus 325 Euendoliths 369
Shell-Drilling and Shell-Rasping Families and their Microbial Endoliths and Microborings in the Fossil
Potential Trace Fossil Record 325 Record 373
Gastropod Predators that Wedge Distribution and Environmental Ranges of Microbial
Chip-And-Break, and Abrade Shells 333 Endoliths 375
Predatory Gastropods that Engulf Prey, Produce Ichnological Treatment of Microborings 376
Toxins and Acidic Secretions, and Promote Vertical Distribution of Phototrophic Microbial
Corrosion of the Shell or Shell Blisters 336 Euendoliths 378
 CONTENTS ix

Conclusions 378 Technical Uses of Trace Fossils in Gravity and

Future Research 378 Piston Cores 423
Acknowledgements 379 Conclusions 425
References 379 Acknowledgements 426
References 426

22. Stromatolites: A 3.5-Billion-Year

Ichnologic Record 25. Theoretical and Experimental
RUSSELL S. SHAPIRO
Ichnology of Mobile Foraging
KAREN KOY AND ROY E. PLOTNICK
Why Stromatolites are Trace Fossils 382
The Complexity of Form 382 Introduction 428
Models of Formation 383 Ichnofossils: Recording Behavior 429
How Stromatolites have been Used in the Past as What is Foraging? 430
Trace Fossils 385 Foraging Phases 430
Utility as Trace Fossils 386 Controls on Foraging 431
Conclusions 388 Resource Detection 432
Acknowledgements 388 Movement Related to Foraging 433
References 388 A Model for Mobile Foraging 434
Applications to Ichnology 438
Implications for the Early Evolution of Trace
Fossils 438
23. Trace Fossils in Acknowledgements 439
Evolutionary Paleoecology References 439
MARÍA GABRIELA MÁNGANO AND LUIS ALBERTO BUATOIS

Introduction 391
Ediacaran Ecosystems 392
26. Material Constraints on Infaunal
The Cambrian Explosion 394 Lifestyles: May the Persistent and
The Ordovician Radiation 396 Strong Forces be with You
Colonization of Brackish Water Environments 398 PETER A. JUMARS, KELLY M. DORGAN, LAWRENCE M. MAYER,
Continental Ichnofaunas Through the BERNARD P. BOUDREAU, AND BRUCE D. JOHNSON
Phanerozoic 400
Conclusions 403 Introduction 442
Acknowledgements 403 The Materials 445
References 403 The Processes 447
Discussion 453
Conclusions 456
References 456

III
ADVANCES, FRESH APPROACHES, 27. Complex Trace Fossils
WILLIAM MILLER, III
AND NEW DIRECTIONS
Introduction: What are Complex Trace
24. Importance and Usefulness of Trace Fossils? 458
Fossils and Bioturbation in The Concept of Complexity Applied to Biogenic
Paleoceanography Structures 459
LUDVIG LÖWEMARK Classification 461
Interpretation 462
Introduction 413 Conclusions 463
Trace Fossils 414 Acknowledgements 465
Bioturbation 419 References 465
x CONTENTS

28. A Constructional Model for Zoophycos Material and Methods 510

DAVIDE OLIVERO AND CHRISTIAN GAILLARD Bioturbation Activity of Macroscopic
Burrowers 510
Introduction 466 Meiobenthic Trace Fossils 511
Main Characteristics 466 Preservation of Soft-Bodied Meiobenthos 513
Construction of the Lamina 467 Taphonomic History 514
The Construction of Lamellae 469 Tidality in the Epicontinental Germanic
Construction of Lobes 473 Basin? 515
Conclusions 476 Conclusions 515
Acknowledgements 476 Acknowledgements 516
References 476 References 516

29. Arthropod Tracemakers of Nereites? 32. Ichnotaxonomic Review of

Neoichnological Observations of Juvenile Dendriniform Borings Attributed to
Limulids and their Paleoichnological Foraminiferans: Semidendrina igen. nov.
Applications RICHARD G. BROMLEY, MAX WISSHAK, INGRID GLAUB, AND
ANTHONY J. MARTIN AND ANDREW K. RINDSBERG ARNAUD BOTQUELEN

Introduction 478 Introduction 518

Nereites and Its Makers: Previous Hypotheses 479 History 518
Traces of Juvenile Limulus polyphemus: The Dual Nomenclature 519
A Neoichnological Analog for Nereites 480 Details of Morphology 520
Nereites and Its Makers Reconsidered 486 Biological Interpretation 520
Ontogeny and Ichnodiversity 488 Recent Distribution and Ecological
Conclusions 488 Aspects 525
Acknowledgements 488 Stratigraphic Record 525
References 488 Possible Precursors 526
Creation of a New Ichnofamily, Dendrinidae 527
Conclusions 527
30. Macaronichnus isp. Associated with Appendix: Systematic Ichnology 528
Piscichnus waitemata in the Miocene of Acknowledgements 529
References 529
Yonaguni-jima Island, Southwest Japan
NOBUHIRO KOTAKE

Introduction 492 33. Ecological and Evolutionary

Geologic Setting 493 Controls on the Composition of
Piscichnus waitemata Filled with Marine and Lake Ichnofacies
Macaronichnus isp. 494
MOLLY F. MILLER AND DAVID S. WHITE
Discussion 498
Conclusions 500 Introduction 531
Acknowledgements 500 Seilacher’s Model of Control and
References 500 Distribution of Behavior: Ichnofacies 532
Factors Controlling Marine Ichnofacies 532
Ecologically and Ichnologically Important
31. Meiobenthic Trace Fossils as Keys to Aspects of Lakes 534
the Taphonomic History of Shallow-Marine Benthic Animals in Lakes vs. the Ocean 536
Epicontinental Carbonates Comparison of Marine vs. Lacustrine
DIRK KNAUST Ichnofacies 540
Implications and Significance 541
Introduction 502 Conclusions 542
Location and Geologic Setting 503 Acknowledgements 542
Sedimentology 503 References 542
 CONTENTS xi

34. Trace Fossils in an Archaeological Trace Makers 568

Context: Examples from Bison Skeletons, Paleoecologic Interpretations 568
Paleoclimatic Implications 569
Texas, USA Entradichnus Ichnofacies 570
DIXIE L. WEST AND STEPHEN T. HASIOTIS
Conclusions 572
Introduction 545 Acknowledgements 573
Archaeological Setting and Previous Analyses 546 References 573
Approach and Method 547
Ichnology—Architectural and Surficial Morphology,
Tracemaker, and Discussion 547 36. Endobenthic Response through
Invertebrate Traces 547
Human Modifications 555 Mass-Extinction Episodes: Predictive Models
Weathered Bone 558 and Observed Patterns
Discussion and Conclusions 559 JARED R. MORROW AND STEPHEN T. HASIOTIS

Acknowledgements 560
References 560 Introduction 575
Background 576
Endobenthic Ecosystems and Extinction 577
Predictive Models of Endobenthic Response 579
35. Ichnofacies of an Ancient Erg: Observed Endobenthic Responses Across
A Climatically Influenced Trace Fossil Mass-Extinction Intervals 581
Association in the Jurassic Navajo Discussion—Hypothesized and Empirical
Sandstone, Southern Utah, USA Endobenthic Ecosystem Responses
A.A. EKDALE, RICHARD G. BROMLEY, AND DAVID B. LOOPE Compared 592
Directions for Future Research 594
Introduction 562 Acknowledgements 594
Geologic Setting 563 References 595
Organism Traces in Dunes 564
Trace Fossils 564 Index 599
 Introduction: A User’s Guide
William Miller, III

ICHNOLOGY AT THE BEGINNING OF following Seilacher’s initial concepts. This kind of

THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY activity continues to dominate trace fossil research.
Growing gradually and less conspicuously along side
the nomenclatural approach has been a more analytic
We have been describing and attempting to inter-
perspective. This involves the fundamental business
pret trace fossils, more or less effectively, for over a
of trying to determine the trace-producing organisms,
century. One could point to several times in the
comparisons with modern trace producers and
history of paleontology or sedimentary geology when
modern environments, functional interpretations of
ichnology, as a separate discipline, appears to take
structures, computer modeling, and novel approaches
shape for the first time. This is largely a matter of
to the interpretation of paleoethologic, physiologic
when the various early practitioners were active. I will
and physicochemical properties of biogenic structures
leave it to the historians of our discipline to nail down
of all kinds. The one aspect that has never been
all the exact dates, key figures and origins of ideas.
adequately developed is theory. I am not sure that the
A concise historical sketch can be found in the
nomenclatural systems developed 50 years ago really
introduction to Ekdale et al. (1984). It is clear from
qualify as biologic theory; this kind of development
this brief account, and from the longer essay by
may have to wait until connections to behavioral
Osgood (1975) and especially the excellent historical
ecology and evolutionary theory have been more
chapters that follow, that the origins of ichnology are
completely and plausibly established, and is likely to
varied but that the discipline takes on its modern
grow more readily from the analytic side of ichnology.
methodologic and conceptual aspects in the 1950s and
I will be quick to add that the traditional
1960s. In anglophone countries, this development is nomenclatural approach has worked very well in
usually associated with a ‘founder’ (Dolf Seilacher, getting the modern enterprise of ichnology up and on
signaled especially by a series of extremely influential its feet, has made possible the systematic documen-
articles: e.g., 1953, 1962, 1964, 1967a,b) and a ‘founding tation needed before generalizations could be
document’ (Häntzschel, 1962, 1975)—at least for attempted, and has secured important and reliable
invertebrate ichnology. Vertebrate and plant trace applications to sedimentary geology. So, it might
fossil researchers would tell the story a bit differently be better to say that the biologic side of ichnology is
(see the essays that follow). But most of the central where theory development has lagged—it depends on
concepts and methods start to circulate and become whether one sees trace fossils primarily as sedimen-
widely applied or discussed at about this time. tary structures or as ethologic records. Most modern
During the next five decades, the work of ichnology workers have always considered them to be both, but
was largely nomenclatural, not simply limited to the most have emphasized connections to sedimentology
naming and revision of ichnotaxa, but involving the and stratigraphy.
classification and naming of ichnofacies, applying and Now, skip forward to the beginning of the twenty-
modifying behavioral classification, and involving the first century, and we see ichnology as one of the
documentation of whole assemblages of different ages most active branches of paleontology (or sedimentary
and depositional contexts—in many instances geology, if you prefer), with no signs of slowing down.

xiii
xiv INTRODUCTION: A USER’S GUIDE

We have a sense of where we have come from, a good ichnology, reviewing background information that is
idea of what works and does not work, and a whole rarely brought out and recognizing older researchers
host of notions about the potential growing points of who were never adequately acknowledged. The
ichnology. This book should provide a picture of how second contains chapters concerning concepts and
things stand at the beginning of the new century, and practice, indicates connections to other disciplines in
where ichnology may go next. the earth and biologic sciences, and conveys a sense of
the accomplishments and potential of ichnology. The
last part is a mix of chapters that explore new territory,
PURPOSE OF THE BOOK describe novel approaches, and serve as examples of
ongoing work. There is something here for novice and
veteran, outsider and insider, and for the biologists
This collection of historical sketches, reviews of and the geoscientists.
central concepts and previous work, and chapters
describing ongoing research is intended primarily as
a progress report on the state of ichnology at the
beginning of the twenty-first century. It will also
THANKS WHERE THANKS ARE DUE
serve as a kind of stepping stone or developmental
landmark: a collection of chapters in the ‘line of Projects such as this one are impossible without
descent’ from the books and edited volumes that the cooperation of dedicated, well-informed and
I think mark the beginning of the modern, interna- experienced reviewers willing to spend their valuable
tional ichnology that we practice today (most time helping to ensure the quality of the contributions.
significantly represented in the English language To all the reviewers I extend my sincere thanks; but
by Häntzschel, 1962, 1975; Osgood, 1970; Frey, 1975; to those who reviewed several chapters, I owe a great
Basan, 1978; McCall and Tevesz, 1982; Ekdale et al., debt. All are listed in the section that follows. A few
1984; Miller et al., 1984; Curran, 1985; Bromley, reviewers, however, deserve special recognition for
1990, 1996; Ekdale and Pollard, 1991; Maples and working on more than one chapter or for giving
West, 1992; Donovan, 1994; Lockley and Hunt, advice at critical stages in the development of this
1995)—a discipline that continues to expand in book: Richard Bromley, Al Curran, Tony Ekdale,
different directions with new volumes appearing Murray Gingras, John Huntley, Molly Miller,
every year (e.g., Pemberton et al., 2001; Hasiotis, Ron Pickerill, Sally Walker and Andreas Wetzel.
2002; Miller, 2003; McIlroy, 2004; Webby et al., My friend and mentor, Molly Miller, must be singled
2004; and more in press) and its own special out here, because of special help given when it
journal (Ichnos). was desperately needed. I thank John Pollard for
Trace Fossils: Concepts, Problems, Prospects will also providing the Memorial to Roland Goldring, to whom
be useful to new ichnologists as a starting place: the this volume is most appropriately dedicated. I believe
source of inspiration, ideas and methods that will fuel Roland would have liked very much what we have
future research and possibly launch new careers. done here, and would have considered the chapters
Established researchers could use this collection well crafted, interesting and useful.
of chapters as a way to check the progress of their The editors at Elsevier were immensely helpful
own particular brand of ichnology or to keep tabs on and not a little tolerant of my ideas and goals.
what other researchers in the discipline are doing. Femke Wallien invited me to undertake this project
And I hope scientists in other fields will take notice, in the first place, and gave valuable advice about
and see the many potential connections to their organization and production. She, and her assistant
parts of geology and biology. Ichnology as a scientific Tonny Smit, helped me to get the project underway.
discipline is more vibrant than ever, has consolidated More recently, Tirza van Daalen and her assistant
past accomplishments into a strong conceptual Pauline Riebeek have guided the book through the
and methodologic framework, and continues to final stages of assembly to publication. Their help and
push outward with new discoveries, revisions, appli- advice are much appreciated.
cations and connections. This volume contains not Finally, I thank the authors—especially the ones
only the results of our discipline’s accomplishments who took the deadlines as seriously as I did—for a
to date, but also some clear incentives for future remarkable set of chapters. I think we really can get a
growth. sense of how things stand in ichnology at the
The book is divided into three parts. The first part beginning of the twenty-first century from this
consists of historical sketches of the development of collection of work. Moreover, we see how trace fossil
 REFERENCES xv

research is carried out, how the central ideas and Lockley, M. and Hunt, A.P. (1995). Dinosaur Tracks, and other Fossil
concepts have been developed and applied, which Footprints of the Western United States, Columbia University
Press, New York, 338 pp.
problems have persisted despite decades of work, and Maples, C.G. and West, R.R. (Eds.) (1992). Trace Fossils,
some good indications of where the discipline is Paleontological Society, Short Course 5, 238 pp.
heading. McCall, P.L. and Tevesz, M.J.S. (Eds.) (1982). Animal–Sediment
Relations: The Biogenic Alteration of Sediments, Plenum, New
York, 336 pp.
McIlroy, D. (Ed.) (2004). The Application of Ichnology to
Palaeoenvironmental and Stratigraphic Analysis, Geological
Society of London, Special Publication 228, 490 pp.
References Miller III, W. (Ed.) (2003). New Interpretations of Complex Trace
Basan, P.B. (Ed.) (1978). Trace Fossil Concepts, Society of Economic Fossils. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology (Special
Issue), 192, 343 pp.
Paleontologists and Mineralogists, Short Course 5, 181 pp.
Miller, M.F., Ekdale, A.A. and Picard, M.D. (Ed.) (1984). Trace
Bromley, R.G. (1990). Trace Fossils: Biology and Taphonomy, Unwin
Fossils and Paleoenvironments: Marine Carbonate, Marginal
Hyman, London, 280 pp.
Marine Terrigenous and Continental Terrigenous Settings.
Bromley, R.G. (1996). Trace Fossils: Biology, Taphonomy and
Journal of Paleontology, 58, 283–597.
Applications, 2nd edition. Chapman and Hall, London, 361 pp.
Osgood Jr., R.G. (1970). Trace fossils of the Cincinnati area.
Curran, H.A. (Ed.) (1985). Biogenic Structures: Their Usefulness in
Paleontographica Americana, 6, 281–444.
Interpreting Depositional Environments, Society of Economic
Osgood Jr., R.G. (1975). The history of invertebrate ichnology.
Paleontologists and Mineralogists, Special Publication
In: Frey, R.W. (Ed.), The Study of Trace Fossils, Springer-Verlag,
35, 347 pp.
New York, pp. 3–12.
Donovan, S.K. (Ed.) (1994). The Palaeobiology of Trace Fossils, Wiley,
Pemberton, S.G., Spila, M., Pulham, A.J., Saunders, T.,
Chichester, 308 pp.
MacEachern, J.A., Robbins, D. and Sinclair, I.K. (2001).
Ekdale, A.A. and Pollard, J.E. (Eds.) (1991). Ichnofabric and
Ichnology and Sedimentology of Shallow to Marginal
Ichnofacies. Palaios, 6, pp. 199–343.
Marine Systems: Ben Nevis and Avalon Reservoirs, Jeanne d’Arc
Ekdale, A.A., Bromley, R.G. and Pemberton, S.G. (1984). Ichnology:
Basin, Geological Association of Canada, Short Course Notes
Trace Fossils in Sedimentology and Stratigraphy, Society of
15, 343 pp.
Economic Paleontologists and Mineralogists, Short Course
Seilacher, A. (1953). Studien zur Palichnologie. I, Über die
15, 317 pp.
Methoden der Palichnologie. Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und
Frey, R.W. (Ed.) (1975). The Study of Trace Fossils: A Synthesis of
Paläontologie Abhandlungen, 96, 421–452.
Principles, Problems, and Procedures in Ichnology, Springer-Verlag,
Seilacher, A. (1962). Paleontological studies on turbidite sedimenta-
New York, 562 pp.
tion and erosion. Journal of Geology, 70, 227–234.
Häntzschel, W. (1962). Trace fossils and problematica.
Seilacher, A. (1964). Biogenic sedimentary structures. In: Imbrie, J.
In: Moore, R.C. (Ed.), Treatise on Invertebrate Paleontology,
and Newell, N.D. (Eds.), Approaches to Paleoecology, Wiley, New
Part W, Geological Society of America and University of
York, pp. 296–316.
Kansas, pp. W177–W245. Seilacher, A. (1967a). Bathymetry of trace fossils. Marine Geology, 5,
Häntzschel, W. (1975). Trace fossils and problematica.
413–428.
In: Teichert, C. (Ed.), Treatise on Invertebrate Paleontology, Part Seilacher, A. (1967b). Fossil behavior. Scientific American, 217, 72–80.
W, Supplement 1, Geological Society of America and University Webby, B.D., Mángano, M.G. and Buatois, L.A. (Eds.) (2004).
of Kansas, pp. W1–W269. Trace Fossils in Evolutionary Palaeoecology: Proceedings of
Hasiotis, S.T. (2002). Continental Trace Fossils, Society of Economic Session 18 (Trace Fossils) of the First International Palaeontological
Paleontologists and Mineralogists, Short Course Notes 51, Congress, Sydney, Australia, July 2002. Fossils and Strata,
SEPM, Tulsa, Oklahoma, 132 pp. 51, 153 pp.
 List of Reviewers

Ken Aalto Rob MacNaughton

Kerrie Bann Gabriela Mángano
Dave Bottjer Tony Martin
Jane Brockman Ken McKinney
Richard Bromley* Bob Metz
Luis Buatois Molly Miller*
David Burnham Liz Nesbitt
Gerhard Cadée Davide Olivero
Bill Chaisson Paddy Orr
Paul Copper Tim Palmer
Al Curran* Lisa Park
Rick Devlin Bill Phelps
Mary Droser Ron Pickerill*
Tony Ekdale* Andy Rindsberg
Christian Gaillard Francisco Rodriguez-Tovar
Marcos Gektidis Ray Rogers
Elizabeth Gierlowski-Kordesch Steve Rowland
Murray Gingras* Chuck Savrda
Susan Goldstein Jürgen Schneider
Steve Hasiotis Leif Tapanila
John Huntley* John Taylor
Sören Jensen Alfred Uchman
Alan Kohn Sally Walker*
Michal Kowalewski Andreas Wetzel*
Heinz Kozur Paul Wignall
Lisa Levin Mark Wilson
James MacEachern

*Reviewed more than one chapter.

xvii
 Contributors

Kerrie L. Bann (52, 110) Ichnofacies Analysis, Michael J. Everhart (195) Sternberg Museum of
Inc., 9 Sienna Hills Court SW, Calgary, Alberta T3H Natural History, Fort Hays State University,
2W3, Canada Hays, Kansas 67601, U.S.A.
Markus Bertling (81) Geological and Christian Gaillard (465) UMR 5125 CNRS-
Palaeontological Institute, University of Münster, Paléoenvironnements et Paléobiosphère, UFR
Corrensstra. 24, D-48149 Münster, Germany Sciences de la Terre, Université Claude Bernard
Arnaud Botquelen (516) UFR Sciences & Lyon 1, 69622 Villeurbanne cedex, France
Techniques, Paléontologie, University of Brest, C.S. Marcos Gektidis (367) Geologisch-
93837, F-29238 Brest, France Paläontologisches Institut, Johann Wolfgang Goethe-
Bernard P. Boudreau (441) Department of Universität Frankfurt, Senckenberganlage 32-34, 60325
Oceanography, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Frankfurt, Germany
Scotia B3H 4J1, Canada Murray K. Gingras (14, 32, 52, 110) Department
Richard G. Bromley (516, 560) Geological of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, University of
Institute, University of Copenhagen, Oester Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta T6G 2E3, Canada
Voldgade 10, DK-1350 Copenhagen K, Denmark Ingrid Glaub (367, 516) Geologisch-
Luis Alberto Buatois (284, 390) Department of Paläontologisches Institut, Johann Wolfgang Goethe-
Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, 114 Universität Frankfurt, Senckenberganlage 32-34,
Science Place, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5E2, 60325 Frankfurt, Germany
Canada Roland Goldring (3, 158) Deceased
Gerhard C. Cadée (3, 158) Royal Netherlands Stjepko Golubic (367) Biological Science Center,
Institute for Sea Research, P.O. Box 59, 1790 AB Den Boston University, Boston, Massachusetts 02215,
Burg, Texel, The Netherlands U.S.A.
H. Allen Curran (231) Department of Geology, Stephen T. Hasiotis (171, 195, 267, 543,
Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts 01063, 573) Department of Geology, University of Kansas,
U.S.A. 1475 Jayhawk Blvd., Lawrence, Kansas 66045-7613,
Lynn T. Dafoe (110) Department of Earth and U.S.A.
Atmospheric Sciences, University of Alberta, Daniel I. Hembree (195) Department of
Edmonton, Alberta T6G 2E3, Canada Geological Sciences, 316 Clippinger Laboratories,
Timothy M. Demko (171) Department of Ohio University, Athens, Ohio 45701, U.S.A.
Geological Sciences, University of Bruce D. Johnson (441) Department of
Minnesota—Duluth, 229 Heller Hall, 1114 Kirby Oceanography, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova
Drive, Duluth, Minnesota 55812, U.S.A. Scotia B3H 4J1, Canada
Kelly M. Dorgan (441) School of Maine Sciences, Peter A. Jumars (441) School of Marine Sciences
University of Maine, Orono, Maine 04469, U.S.A. & Darling Marine Center, University of Maine,
A.A. Ekdale (344, 560) Department of Geology 193 Clark’s Cove Road, Walpole, Maine 04573, U.S.A.
and Geophysics, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Dirk Knaust (501) Statoil ASA, N-4035 Stavanger,
Utah 84112-0111, U.S.A. Norway

xix
xx CONTRIBUTORS

Nobuhiro Kotake (491) Department of Earth S. George Pemberton (14, 32, 52, 110) Department
Sciences, Faculty of Science, Chiba University, of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, University of
Yayoi-cho, Inage-ku, Chiba 263-8522, Japan Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta T6G 2E3, Canada
Karen A. Koy (427) Department of Earth and Brian F. Platt (195) Department of Geology,
Environmental Sciences, University of University of Kansas, 1475 Jayhawk Blvd., Lawrence,
Illinois—Chicago, 845 West Taylor Street, Chicago, Kansas 66045-7613, U.S.A.
Illinois 60607, U.S.A. Roy E. Plotnick (427) Department of Earth and
Mary J. Kraus (171) Department of Geological Environmental Sciences, University of
Sciences, University of Colorado, Campus Box Illinois—Chicago, 845 West Taylor Street, Chicago,
399, 2200 Colorado Ave., Boulder, Colorado 80309, Illinois 60607, U.S.A.
U.S.A. John E. Pollard (xxi, 158) School of Earth,
David B. Loope (560) Department of Geosciences, Atmospheric and Environmental Sciences,
University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska University of Manchester, Manchester M13 9PL,
68588-0340, U.S.A. United Kingdom
Ludvig Löwemark (412) Department of Gudrun Radtke (367) Hessisches Landesamt
Geosciences, National Taiwan University, P.O. Box für Umwelt und Geologie, Rheingaustr. 186, 65203
Wiesbaden, Germany
13-318, Taipei 106, Taiwan
Andrew K. Rindsberg (477) Geological Survey of
James A. MacEachern (14, 32, 52, 110) Department
Alabama, P.O. Box 869999, Tuscaloosa, Alabama
of Earth Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby,
35486-6999, U.S.A.
British Columbia V5A 1S6, Canada
Charles E. Savrda (92, 148) Department of
Robert B. MacNaughton (134) Geological
Geology and Geography, Auburn University,
Survey of Canada, Natural Resources Canada,
Auburn, Alabama 36849-5305, U.S.A.
3303 33rd Street NW, Calgary, Alberta T2L 2A7,
Russell S. Shapiro (381) Department of
Canada Geological and Environmental Sciences, California
Marı́a Gabriela Mángano (284, 390) Department State University, Chico, California 95929, U.S.A.
of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, Leif Tapanila (344) Department of Geosciences,
114 Science Place, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5E2, Idaho State University, Pocatello, Idaho 83209-8072,
Canada U.S.A.
Anthony J. Martin (477) Department of Alfred Uchman (247) Institute of Geological
Environmental Studies, Emory University, Atlanta, Sciences, Jagiellonian University, Oleandry 2a, 30-063
Georgia 30322, U.S.A. Kraków, Poland
Lawrence M. Mayer (441) School of Marine Klaus Vogel (367) Geologisch-Paläontologisches
Sciences, Darling Marine Center, University of Institut, Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität
Maine, Walpole, ME 04573, U.S.A. Frankfurt, Senckenberganlage 32-34, 60325 Frankfurt,
Molly F. Miller (529) Department of Earth and Germany
Environmental Sciences, 2301 Vanderbilt Place, Sally E. Walker (323) Department of Geology,
Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee 37235, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia 30602, U.S.A.
U.S.A. Dixie L. West (543) Natural History Museum and
William Miller, III (xiii, 457) Department of Biodiversity Research Center, University of Kansas,
Geology, Humboldt State University, 1 Harpst Street, Dyche Hall, Lawrence, Kansas 66045, U.S.A.
Arcata, California 95521, U.S.A. David S. White (529) Hancock Biological Station,
Jared R. Morrow (573) Department of Murray State University, 561 Emma Dr., Murray,
Geological Sciences, 5500 Campanile Dr., 237 GMCS, Kentucky 42071, U.S.A.
San Diego State University, San Diego, CA 92182-1020, Mark A. Wilson (355) Department of Geology,
U.S.A. The College of Wooster, Wooster, Ohio 44691-2363,
Davide Olivero (218, 465) UMR 5125 CNRS- U.S.A.
Paléoenvironnements et Paléobiosphère, UFR Max Wisshak (516) Institute of Palaeontology,
Sciences de la Terre, Université Claude Bernard University of Erlangen, Loewenichstr. 28, D-91054
Lyon 1, 69622 Villeurbanne cedex, France Erlangen, Germany
 Memorial to Roland Goldring (1928–2005)
John E. Pollard
School of Earth, Atmospheric and Environmental Sciences, University of Manchester,
Manchester M13 9PL, UK

Roland Goldring (Figs. 1 and 2), the senior British early issues of Palaeontology (Goldring, 1958; Amos
ichnologist, died on August 30, 2005 from a heart et al., 1960).
attack while cycling to the University of Reading. In In 1956, Roland moved to become an assistant
appreciation of his many contributions to ichnology, lecturer at St Andrew’s University, Scotland; then in
sedimentology and palaeontology, particularly fos- 1959 he was appointed to a lectureship at Reading
sil–sediment relationships over five decades, this book University. From here Roland published his first
is dedicated to his memory. The selected publications article on ichnology, ‘Trace Fossils of the Baggy Beds
cited and listed below reflect the breadth and of North Devon’ (Goldring, 1962) which became a
development of Roland’s interests in his long aca- classic study as it combined the use of trace fossils
demic career. with sedimentology of shallow marine sandstones–
Although born in London on June 28, 1928, Roland fields he continued to research for the next four
grew up in the coastal town of Westward Ho! in North decades. In 1962, the new sedimentology laboratories
Devon before returning to London for secondary were opened at Reading as Postgraduate Research
education at Royal Commercial Travellers’ Schools at Institute for Sedimentology (P.R.I.S) and Roland
Pinner, Middlesex. After school and National Service invited Dolf Seilacher to present his scheme of
in the army (1946–1948), Roland proceeded to Bristol ichnofacies as an inaugural address. This address
University, graduating with an Honours B.Sc. in and Seilacher’s subsequent lecture to the
Geology in 1952. He then studied for a Ph.D. in Palaeontological Association at the Geological
Bristol (1952–1955) on palaeontology and stratigraphy Society on behaviour of trilobites deduced from
of Devonian and Carboniferous rocks of the North trace fossils opened the eyes of several younger
Devon coast under the supervision of Professor Scott palaeontologists and sedimentologists to the potential
Simpson, who had studied the type section of the of trace fossils.
Devonian of the Eifel region before the Second World During the 1960s Roland continued to research and
War under Professor Rudolf Richter. In 1955–1956, publish on trace fossils and shallow marine sand-
Roland held a post-doctoral research associateship stones, visiting Australia to examine the Ediacara
jointly between universities of Bristol and Frankfurt Series (Goldring and Curnow, 1967) and preparing his
am Main. As a rare British researcher in Germany at Geological Society Memoir on sedimentology of the
that time he met many of the leaders of the research Baggy Beds (Goldring, 1971). Ichnology articles varied
schools at Frankfurt and Wilhelmshaven, such as from reviews on deltaic and shallow marine deposits
Rudolf Richter, Walter Häntzschel, Wilhelm Schäfer, (Goldring, 1964), to limulid undertracks (Goldring
and younger researchers Dolf Seilacher and Hans-Eric and Seilacher, 1971) and burrowing of Micraster in the
Reineck, becoming familiar with the new concepts of Chalk (Goldring and Stevenson, 1970) in the landmark
sedimentology, aktuogeology and aktuopalaeontol- volume Trace Fossils (Crimes and Harper, 1970).
ogy. Much of Roland’s early palaeontological work In 1969, Roland visited the U.S.S.R. for six weeks on
on Upper Devonian and Lower Carboniferous trilo- behalf of the Royal Society to meet Professor
bites and brachiopods was published in German R.F. Hecker and report on the state of palaeontology
journals (Goldring, 1955, 1957a,b) and later in the and sedimentology in the U.S.S.R. He was one of the

xxi
xxii MEMORIAL TO ROLAND GOLDRING (1928-2005)

FIGURE 1 Roland preparing for fieldwork in Saudi Arabia in 2003.

first British geologists to visit Russia in that part of the Goldring and Alghamadi, 1999). During this decade
cold war period. he received the Lyell Fund of the Geological Society
Roland Goldring’s research fields broadened in (1970), served as editor of Palaeontology (1966–1975)
the 1970s as although he continued some work on and Vice-President of the Palaeontological
Devonian rocks and trace fossils including those in Association (1973–1975). His breadth of interest and
Poland (Goldring and Kazmierczak, 1974) and experience continued in the 1980s including ichnol-
Germany (Goldring and Langenstrassen, 1979), ogy of the flysch (Crimes et al., 1981) and event beds
he moved into the study of Tertiary estuarine (Goldring and Aigner, 1982; Frey and Goldring,
sedimentation and ichnofaunas in southern England 1992), but later focused on preparation of his text
with his students at P.R.I.S. (Goldring et al., 1978; book Fossils in the Field (1991). This book presented
 SELECTED PUBLICATIONS CITED ABOVE xxiii

FIGURE 2 Roland (right) on winter fieldwork in the UK in 1999.

his unique perspectives on palaeontology and fos- Goldring, 1996, 1999b; Goldring et al., 1998, 2005a)
sil–sediment relationships, particularly in field ana- and abroad with visits to Mongolia (Goldring and
lysis and was successful enough to need a second Jensen, 1996), China (Bin et al., 1998) and Malta
edition less than a decade later (1999a). (Goldring et al., 2003). He also developed and applied
By the late 1980s, Roland’s reputation as an his teaching skills and the uses of ichnofabric analysis
ichnologist and sedimentologist led to him becoming (Goldring, 1995; Taylor et al., 2003), particularly
involved in the analysis of trace fossils and bioturba- assisting in short courses taught to the oil industry
tion in the wealth of hydrocarbon cores obtained from in the UK, France, Norway and even Saudi Arabia
North Sea oilfields and preparation of an atlas of (Goldring et al., 2005b).
ichnofabrics of the Fulmar Formation for a major oil Roland’s unabated enthusiasm, wide interests and
company (Goldring and Pollard, 1988). This fed meticulous research are shown not only by his co-
his enthusiasm for ichnofabric analysis and develop- authorship of two chapters in this volume, but also
ment of such new techniques as the ‘ichnofabric that at the point of his untimely death he had eight
constituent diagram’ (I.C.D.) (Taylor and Goldring, articles in press or in revision in which he was either
1993) and a series of articles and presentations at lead author or co-author. We remember, therefore,
symposia (Goldring et al., 1991; Pollard et al., 1993). with some sadness but much gratitude, our friend and
Roland organised several trace fossil symposia quiet colleague who has left us a lasting legacy of a
(Palaeontological Association, Reading, 1980; life’s work of over eighty papers in fields of ichnology,
International Palaeoecological Congress, Lyons, 1983; sedimentology, taphonomy and fossil–sediment
Lyell Meeting, London, 1992) and he attended most of relationships.
the International Ichnofabric Workshops between 1991
and 2003.
Despite his retirement from his academic post SELECTED PUBLICATIONS CITED
as Reader in Geology at University of Reading in ABOVE
1993, Roland remained extremely enthusiastic and
Amos, A.J., Camphell, J.S.W. and Goldring, R. (1960).
active in ichnology research, both in Mesozoic and Australosutura gen. nov. (Trilobita) from the Carboniferous of
Tertiary rocks in England (Goldring and Pollard, 1995; Australia and Argentina. Palaeontology, 3, 227–236.
xxiv MEMORIAL TO ROLAND GOLDRING (1928-2005)

Bin, Hu, Wang, G. and Goldring, R. (1998). Nereites (or Neonereites) Goldring, R. and Curnow, C.N. (1967). The stratigraphy and facies
from Lower Jurassic lacustrine turbidites of Henan, central of the late Precambrian at Ediacara, South Australia. Journal of
China. Ichnos, 6, 203–209. the Geological Society of Australia, 14, 195–214.
Crimes, T.P. and Haper, J.C. (Eds.) (1970). Trace Fossils, Seel House Goldring, R. and Jensen, S. (1996). Trace fossils and biofabrics at the
Press, Liverpool, 547 pp. Precambrian–Cambrian boundary interval in Western Mongolia.
Crimes, T.P., Goldring, R., Homewood, P., van Stuijvenberg, J. and Geological Magazine, 133, 403–415.
Winkler, W. (1981). Trace fossil assemblages of deep-sea fan Goldring, R. and Kazmierczak, J. (1974). Ecological succession in
deposits, Gurnigel and Schlieren flysch (Cretaceous–Eocene), intraformational hardground formation. Palaeontology, 17,
Switzerland. Eclogae Geologica Helvetica, 74, 953–995. 949–962.
Frey, R.W. and Goldring, R. (1992). Marine event beds and Goldring, R. and Langenstrassen, F. (1979). Open shelf and near-
recolonization surfaces as revealed by trace fossil analysis. shore clastic facies in the Devonian. Special Papers in
Geological Magazine, 129, 325–335. Palaeontology, 23, 81–97.
Goldring, R. (1955). The Upper Devonian and Lower Carboniferous Goldring, R. and Pollard, J.E. (1988). Atlas of Trace Fossils and
Trilobites of the Pilton Beds in North Devon, with an appendix Ichnofabric Analysis of the Fulmar Formation in the Central North
on Goniatites of the Pilton Beds. Senckenbergiana Lethaea, 36, Sea, 2 volumes, 54 plates. (For Shell UK Exploration and
27–48. Production, London).
Goldring, R. (1957a). The last toothed Productellinae in Europe. Goldring, R. and Pollard, J.E. (1995). A re-evaluation of Ophiomorpha
Paläontologisches Zeitschrift, 31, 207–228. burrows in the Wealden Group (Lower Cretaceous) of southern
Goldring, R. (1957b). Pseudophillipsia (Tril.) from the Permian England. Cretaceous Research, 16, 665–680.
(or Uralian) of Oman, Arabia. Senckenbergiana Lethaea, 38, Goldring, R. and Seilacher, A. (1971). Limulid undertracks and their
195–210. sedimentological implications. Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und
Goldring, R. (1958). Lower Tournaisian trilobites in the Paläontologie, Abhandlungen, 37, 422–442.
Carboniferous Limestone facies of the south-west province of Goldring, R. and Stevenson, D.G. (1970). Did Micraster burrow?
In: Crimes, T.P. and Harper, J.C. (Eds.), Trace Fossils, Seel House
Great Britain and of Belgium. Palaeontology, 1, 231–244.
Goldring, R. (1962). The trace fossils of the Baggy Beds (Upper Press, Liverpool, pp. 179–184.
Goldring, R., Bosence, D.W.J. and Blake, T. (1978). Estuarine
Devonian) of North Devon, England. Paläontologisches Zeitschrift,
sedimentation in the Eocene of southern England.
36, 232–251.
Sedimentology, 25, 861–876.
Goldring, R. (1964). Trace-fossils and the sedimentary
Goldring, R., Pollard, J.E. and Taylor, A.M. (1991). Anconichnus
surface in shallow-water marine sediments. In: van
horizontalis: a pervasive ichnofabric-forming trace fossil in post-
Straaten, L.M.J.U. (Ed.), Deltaic and Shallow Marine Deposits:
Paleozoic offshore siliciclastic facies. Palaios, 6, 250–263.
Developments in Sedimentology 1, Elsevier, Amsterdam,
Goldring, R., Astin, T.R., Marshall, J.A.E., Gabbott, S. and
pp. 136–143.
Jenkins, C.D. (1998). Towards an integrated study of the
Goldring, R. (1971). Shallow-water sedimentation as illustrated in
depositional environment in the Bencliff Grit (U. Jurassic) of
the Upper Devonian Baggy Beds. Memoir of the Geological Society
Dorset. In: Underhill, J.R. (Ed.), Development and Evolution of the
of London, 5, 1–88, 12 plates.
Wessex Basin, Geological Society, Special Publication, 133,
Goldring, R. (1991). Fossils in the Field: Information Potential and
pp. 355–372.
Analysis, Longman, Harlow, 218 pp. Goldring, R., Gruszczynski, M. and Gatt, P.A. (2003). A bow-form
Goldring, R. (1995). Organisms and the substrate: response and burrow and its sedimentological and paleoecological signifi-
effect. In: Bosence, D.W.J. and Allison, P.A. (Eds.), Marine cance. Palaios, 17, 622–630.
Palaeoenvironmental Analysis from Fossils, Geological Society, Goldring, R., Pollard, J.E. and Radley, J.D. (2005a). Trace fossils and
Special Publication, 83, pp. 151–180. pseudofossils from the Wealden strata (nonmarine Lower
Goldring, R. (1996). The sedimentological significance of Cretaceous) of southern England. Cretaceous Research, 26,
concentrically laminated burrows from Lower Cretaceous 665–685.
Ca-bentonites, Oxfordshire. Journal of the Geological Society, Goldring, R., Taylor, A.M. and Hughes, G.W. (2005b). The
London, 153, 255–263. application of ichnofabrics towards bridging the dichotomy
Goldring, R. (1999a). Field Palaeontology, 2nd edition. Longman, between siliciclastic and carbonate shelf facies: examples from
Harlow and John wiley, New York, 191 pp. the Upper Jurassic Fulmar Formation (U.K.) and Jubaila
Goldring, R. (1999b). Sedimentological aspects and preservation of Formation (Saudi Arabia). Proceedings Geologists’ Associationd,
Lower Cretaceous (Aptian) bentonites (fuller’s earth) in south- 116, 235–249.
ern England. Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und Paläontologie Pollard, J.E., Goldring, R. and Buck, S.G. (1993). Ichnofabrics
Abhandlungen, 214, 3–24. containing Ophiomorpha: significance in shallow-water facies
Goldring, R. and Aigner, T. (1982). Scour and fill: the significance of interpretation. Journal of the Geological Society, London, 150,
event separation. In: Einsele, G. and Seilacher, A. (Eds.), Cyclic 149–164.
and Event Stratification, Springer, pp. 354–382. Taylor, A.M. and Goldring, R. (1993). Description and analysis of
Goldring, R. and Alghamadi, J.A. (1999). The stratigraphy and bioturbation and ichnofabric. Journal of the Geological Society,
sedimentology of the Reading Formation (Palaeocene to Eocene) London, 150, 141–148.
at Knowl Hill, near Reading (southern England). Tertiary Taylor, A.M., Goldring, R. and Gowland, S.G. (2003). Analysis and
Research, 19, 107–116. application of ichnofabrics. Earth-Science Reviews, 60, 227–259.
 S E C T I O N I

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

OF ICHNOLOGY

1
2
 C H A P T E R

1
The Wadden Sea, Cradle of Invertebrate
Ichnology
Gerhard C. Cadée and Roland Goldring

SUMMARY : Invertebrate ichnology developed (in 1928) of the first marine institute devoted entirely
separately from vertebrate ichnology; many inverte- to the study of recent sedimentary environments:
brate traces were first interpreted as fossil algae. Senckenberg am Meer in Wilhelmshaven, Germany.
Recent traces have helped to discover their real
nature. The study of recent traces of invertebrates in
the Wadden Sea played an important role in the THE EARLY BEGINNINGS OF
development of ichnology. In 1928, Rudolf Richter ICHNOLOGY
(1881–1957) founded the first marine institute devoted
entirely to Aktuogeologie and Aktuopaläontologie in
Wilhelmshaven, and the school of researchers inspired The study of invertebrate ichnology developed
by him was crucial. Their work became widely known separately from that of vertebrate ichnology.
and influential when research articles and reviews of Vertebrate (paleo)ichnology is the older of the two:
their work in the Wadden Sea began to be published bird-like dinosaur tracks were discovered in 1802
in the English language. Häntzschel’s contribution on in the Connecticut Valley (USA) and the first
‘Trace Fossils and Problematica’ to the Treatise on published record of fossil tracks of quadrupedal
Invertebrate Paleontology and Seilacher’s important reptiles discovered in Dumfriesshire, Scotland in
contributions to the classification of trace fossils and 1814 dates from 1828 (e.g., Buckland, 1828). The
the use of trace fossil assemblages to estimate the earliest history of ichnology characteristically deals
depth of deposition crown the work started by Richter practically only with vertebrate traces (Winkler, 1886).
in the Wadden Sea. In his excellent history, Osgood (1975) gives the
reasons for the slow development of invertebrate
ichnology: most trace fossils were originally inter-
preted as fossil brown algae, fucoids, during what he
INTRODUCTION named the ‘Age of Fucoids’ (1828–1881) and therefore
omitted by Winkler (1886). When it became clear that
Ichnology, the study of fossil and recent traces most fossil ‘fucoids’ were caused either by sedimen-
made by organisms, has a history of about 200 years. tary processes or by burrowing and crawling organ-
In understanding the nature and producers of traces, isms, the popularity of their study considerably
the study of recent organisms has been very impor- decreased.
tant. Shallow, easily accessible intertidal areas have The ‘Age of Fucoids’ culminated in voluminous
proved to be the best area to start such studies. In this monographs such as of Heer (1877) in which
chapter we will underline the important role, research numerous Flysch Lebensspuren were described in
in the Wadden Sea has played in the past and in great detail as plants. It ended in the 1880s when
particular the role of Rudolf Richter the founder the paleobotanist Nathorst (1881, 1886) proved

Copyright ß 2007, Elsevier B.V.

Trace Fossils: Concepts, Problems, Prospects 3 All rights reserved.
4 1. THE WADDEN SEA, CRADLE OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY

experimentally that many fucoids of earlier authors casting the traces in plaster, including those made by
were in fact traces of invertebrate organisms. Nathorst crustaceans (Carcinus maenas, Crangon vulgaris, Idotea
(1881), Winkler (1886), Osgood (1975) and Häntzschel baltica, Corophium, Gammarus), polychaetes (Glycera,
(1962, 2nd edition 1975) cite a few paleontologists who Terebella), and an amphiurid with its symbiotic bivalve
rightly described traces as invertebrate trails. Mysella bidentata. His well-illustrated study in
Hitchcock (1858) used the first real ichnogenus name Swedish (with an extended summary in French)
ending in -ichnus (e.g., Cochlichnus) for an invertebrate clearly indicates why fossil traces had hitherto been
meander trail; Dawson (1862) studied trails by identified as ‘fucoids’. He shows, for example, traces
modern Limulus (the horseshoe crab) comparing it produced by crustaceans Idotea baltica (Nathorst, 1881,
with fossil traces Protichnites, and Dawson (1864) plate III), where two animal traces meet each other,
interpreted Rusophycus as resting traces of trilobites where-after both animals used the same path: such
(see for Dawson also Pemberton et al., this volume). traces resemble a bifurcating fucoid. Nathorst also
Nicholson (1873: pp. 288–289) regarded Skolithos as recognised that one organism may produce more than
dwelling burrows. Indeed, those working on one type of trace.
Paleozoic rocks in North America and Great Britain Osgood (1975) identifies the years between 1881
mostly attributed traces to animal activity. In Great and 1920 as the ‘Period of Controversy’ and describes
Britain, Salter’s work was influential for the British the heated debate pro and contra Nathorst’s ideas.
Geological Survey (a.o. Salter, 1857). Only in 1886 did Nathorst take part in the discussion.
However, invertebrate ichnology as a science was ‘Fucoids’ were disproved, but there was no surge in
in our opinion born in 1880 in Kristineberg (Sweden), interest. It was in continental Europe, especially
where Nathorst (1881) experimented with live inver- through Mesozoic and Cenozoic workers, that the
tebrates to understand fossil traces. A few years fucoid controversy raged (a.o. Saporta, 1884). In any
earlier he had already published how worms were case there was a steady publication of ichnological
able to form branching traces suggesting a ‘fucoid’ literature (generally with discussion as to the produc-
nature (Nathorst, 1873). ers) in the early part of the twentieth century, mainly
in the English-speaking world and a few in French
(a.o. Fraipont, 1912). Seilacher (1975) gives two
THE ROLE OF EXPERIMENTS reasons for the decline in interest in Europe: first,
‘fucoids’ could no longer be used as reliable fossil
guides or as indicators of shallow-water sediments
Buckland was the first experimenter in ichnology deposited in the photic zone. Second, ‘fucoids’ fell
(1837: footnote p. 261). He compared the Scottish fossil into a taxonomic no-man’s land. They were either
tracks of Dumfriesshire (Buckland, 1828) ‘with the omitted from textbooks, or listed under ‘incertae
tracks which I caused to be made on soft mud, and sedis’ or ‘problematica’. And, the chief biostratigra-
clay, and upon unbaked pie-crust, by a living Emys phically useful groups are not actually trace fossil
and Testudo Graeca’ (respectively a marsh and a land producers! Nathorst’s studies in Sweden did not
tortoise). From his experiments, he concluded that the result in a new research school for trace fossils that
fossil track was made by a land tortoise. Nathorst might have started at Kristineberg. Nathorst returned
(1881) was probably unaware of Buckland’s work, to the study of fossil plants. Only later did Rudolf
so this indicates that the still existing divide between Richter start the first organised study of ichnology in
vertebrate and invertebrate ichnology was already the Wadden Sea. Removing the cradle of ichnology
present. from Kristineberg to the Wadden Sea proved
Nathorst’s (1881) first idea was to let animals crawl successful.
over wet plaster in order to get preservable traces.
This worked with some (terrestrial) worms and
raindrop impressions. However, a mixture of plaster
with salt water did not harden and few of the marine
RESEARCH IN THE WADDEN SEA
animals he wanted to work with liked to perform in a
mixture of plaster of Paris and freshwater. He used Rudolf Richter (1881–1957) changed his law studies
Kristineberg’s Zoological Station (founded only a few for geology in 1904 after a field excursion with the
years earlier in 1877) for his experiments. Here, he famous geologist Emanuel Kayser to the Devonian
collected marine mud from several depths and was strata in the Eifel, Germany (Ziegler, 1981). In 1908, he
surprised to observe that a number of traces were started working at the Senckenberg Museum in
produced within a few hours. Finally he succeeded in Frankfurt and was soon a world authority on
 RESEARCH IN THE WADDEN SEA 5

FIGURE 1.1 Map of the Wadden Sea; shaded areas are tidal flats.

trilobites, not only on their taxonomy and the role of observation-post on piles on the tidal flat) in the
trilobites in Devonian biostratigraphy, but also on the Wadden Sea near Mellum, with his wife Emma who
paleobiology of trilobites. This work was influenced was also a geologist and collaborator. Here, he said
by Dollo (1910), and by the traces trilobites produced, he learned much more than during his visits to the
leading to his still very readable articles on ‘Bau und (non-tidal) marine institute of Naples or to the rocky
Leben der Trilobiten’ (Richter, 1919–1920). In shores near the Helgoland Marine Institute (Richter,
Germany, Walther (1893–1894) and later Abel (1927, 1926c; Schäfer, 1962b). Walking over a tidal flat surface
1935) had promoted the study of modern environ- is an ideal experience for a geologist who wants to see
ments to gain a better understanding of the mode of geology at work. In 1920, he gave a lecture at the
formation of fossil sediments. It was Richter who Senckenberg Museum in Frankfurt on the importance
selected the Wadden Sea for this purpose (Fig. 1.1). of the study of the Wadden Sea for geology and
The mesotidal Wadden Sea extends from the North paleontology. This was never published, but from his
Sea coast of The Netherlands across northern series of publications on ‘Flachseebeobachtungen’
Germany into Denmark. It is bounded on the seaward (Observations in a shallow sea, Richter, 1920–1926) it
side by a line of barrier islands (Frisian Islands), is clear what kind of studies he had in mind: a better
interrupted by the estuaries of the Ems, Weser and understanding of sedimentation processes and (trace)
Elbe. Richter (1926c) recalled his first visits to the fossils by comparison of old and modern deposits
Wadden Sea in The Netherlands in 1911. In 1919, he (Fig. 1.2). In 1928, he succeeded in founding the
stayed several weeks on a Wohnbake (a small fixed first marine institute devoted entirely to actuogeology
6 1. THE WADDEN SEA, CRADLE OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY

FIGURE 1.2 (A–E) Figures from Richter (1920) to illustrate his objectives in studying Wadden
Sea traces, by comparing the modern (tube worm) Sabellaria ‘reefs’ with the fossil trace Skolithos
(pipe rock). (A) ‘Sand coral’ ‘reef’ at low tide, Wadden Sea. (B,C) Fragments viewed from the
side and above. (D,E) Skolithos (pipe rock), Lower Devonian, Rhineland, bar = 1 cm. (F) Cluster of
tubes with annelids; left, external view of two tubes; right, worms seen in three positions. (After
Schäfer, 1962, Fig. 130.) (All with permission from Senckenbergische Naturforschende
Gesellschaft, Frankfurt/Main, Germany.)

and actuopaleontology ‘Senckenberg am Meer’ in When Richter became director of Senckenberg

Wilhelmshaven, Germany. In 1929, Richter published Museum in Frankfurt in 1934, he appointed Walter
the manifesto of this institute and from the beginning Häntzschel as his successor as Director at
ichnology was to be one of its major research fields. In Wilhelmshaven. While in Frankfurt, Richter played
the 1920s with Richter, the period of the ‘Modern an important role to keep Nazi influence in
approach of Ichnology’ started (Osgood, 1975). The Senckenberg at bay (Ziegler, 1992). He also retained
foundation of Senckenberg am Meer was also a his interest in traces (e.g., Richter, 1942) and remained
milestone in the study of actuogeology, the science an influence on the development of ‘his’ Senckenberg
that ‘makes stones alive’ (Reineck, 1981). am Meer. Häntzschel (1904–1972) started his geologi-
Richter’s Wadden Sea studies did not remain cal research on Cretaceous sediments in Germany, and
unnoticed: already in 1928 a long English review of became increasingly interested in fossil traces (see
his publications in German on Scolithus was prepared Häntzschel, 1924, 1931, 1934). From 1934 to 1938,
by Bucher (1928) and this has certainly influenced Häntzschel spent probably the happiest time of
early ichnologists such as the Fentons in the USA, as it his life exploring the Wadden Sea tidal flats. This
was published in the American Midland Naturalist resulted in a new series of articles now on modern
of which naturalist/paleontologist Caroll Lane traces, among which star-like traces drew his interest
Fenton was associate editor from 1923 to 1960 and (Häntzschel, 1935, 1939a, 1940). His work in the
where the Fentons published a number of their Wadden Sea, although published in German, was
articles on fossil and recent traces starting with nevertheless not unknown in North America. It was
Fenton and Fenton (1931). Pemberton and again Bucher (1938) who after his visit to
MacEachern (1994) give a complete list of their later Wilhelmshaven and the tidal flats of the Wadden Sea
ichnological articles. in 1937, reviewed in English the many articles
 RESEARCH IN THE WADDEN SEA 7

published in German by scientists from the institute. library was destroyed by the occupation after the war.
Rindsberg (pers. comm., 2005) mentioned the influ- Schäfer returned to Wilhelmshaven in 1947 and
ence Bucher’s review had on a.o. the Fentons. started with the help of K. Lüders to rebuild
Trask invited Häntzschel to contribute to his and re-open the marine institute and research
benchmark book Recent Marine Sediments published regained impetus. In his article on the influence
in 1939. His contribution was translated from the of some 30 benthic organisms on layered
German by Marie Siegrist and Trask himself sediments (Schäfer, 1956), we can see the influence
(Häntzschel, 1939b). This study mainly deals with of Hans-Erich Reineck (inventor of the box-core to
the tidal sediments themselves rather than with the take undisturbed sediment samples), who started
traces, although the presence of fecal pellets and working as an actuogeologist at Wilhelmshaven in
the role of filter feeders in depositing mud are 1954. The illustrations in this article demonstrate
mentioned (Häntzschel, 1939b, reprinted in 1955 and the great capacities of Schäfer as an artist. In 1961,
1968). In 1938, Häntzschel was appointed as curator Schäfer moved to Frankfurt and H.-E Reineck took
at the Dresden Museum, providing the opportunity over as Director. At Frankfurt Schäfer completed
to resume his study of Cretaceous outcrops. The his magnum opus. This monumental encyclopedia
Second World War destroyed his hopes for a better ‘Aktuopaläontologie nach Studien in der Nordsee’ pub-
life for himself and his family. He was drafted in 1942 lished in 1962 gives an excellent overview of the work
and returned later after three years in a Russian done not only in Wilhelmshaven but also by others
prison camp to find Dresden and its museum such as Linke and Wohlenberg in the Wadden Sea and
destroyed. Not until 1949 was he able to secure the nearby North Sea. Linke’s (1939) work in part
a new position at the Geological Institute of of the Wadden Sea (the Jade Busen) is rarely
Hamburg University as a librarian, where he mentioned in the ichnological literature, but Linke
remained until his retirement in 1969. In Hamburg, gives inter alia an excellent overview of burrows
he returned to his beloved trace fossils and in an and traces of the Wadden Sea fauna. The English
important article from this period he was able to relate translation of Schäfer’s book is now well known:
the fossil lebensspur Ophiomorpha to callianassid ‘Ecology and Palaeoecology of Marine Environments’
crustaceans (Häntzschel, 1952). In Hamburg, he also (1972).
became the foremost expert on trace fossil literature. H.-E Reineck (1918–1999) joined the institute as
This led to his greatest contribution to ichnology, a geologist in 1954, and was its Director from 1961
the trace fossil part of the Treatise on Invertebrate until 1984 (Flemming, 1999). Mainly because of
Paleontology (1962, 2nd edition 1975). The invitation his studies of the Wadden Sea tidal sediments
to take part in the First International Salt Marsh Reineck became a sedimentologist and wrote a
Conference in March 1958 at Sapelo Island, and textbook (in English, with Singh, 1973, later editions
his visit later to several of the leading marine in 1980 and 1986) on modern sediments. He often
institutes in the USA marked his growing interna- stressed: ‘Nowhere is the seabottom so easy to study
tional fame. It also marked the growing interest in as on a tidal flat’ (e.g., Reineck, 1957). He became
the work done in the Wadden Sea. Among the few well known, due to his inventions of new methods
European scientists invited were three who worked to take undisturbed sediment samples with the
in this area: in addition to Walter Häntzschel, Wilhelm box-corer (in German, ‘Kastengreifer’), and artificially
Schäfer and the Dutch sedimentologist L.M.J.U van hardened soft sediment samples in order to study
Straaten (Ragotzkie et al., 1959). Hertweck (1972), them in cross sections and thin slides, just like
Lehmann (1972) and Seilacher (1975) provide a more ancient sedimentary rocks (Reineck, 1957, 1963b,c,
detailed picture of this great successor of Richter. 1967a, 1970b), thus building on earlier inventions
In 1938, Wilhelm Schäfer (1912–1981) followed by Senckenberg am Meer scientists such as
Häntzschel as Director at the age of only 26. This Schwarz (1929) and Häntzschel (1936). He was
proved to be another excellent choice by Richter. By one of the few European scientists invited to take
training, Schäfer was a marine biologist but he soon part in the Conference on Estuaries held in 1964
became interested in actuopaleontology as can be at Jekyll Island, Georgia, USA. The publication of
judged from his publications in the first years the proceedings of this conference (Lauff, 1967;
at Senckenberg am Meer (see Flemming and Reineck, 1967b) became a landmark in estuarine
Gutmann, 1992), and his review book (Schäfer, research, which has since made many of its contribu-
1962a, translated in English in 1972). During the war tors well cited. Also, Reineck published many articles
Schäfer was in military service, Senckenberg am on recent traces (e.g., Reineck, 1958, 1968; Reineck
Meer was severely damaged and finally closed, the et al., 1967, 1968). With his Kastengreifer he was not
8 1. THE WADDEN SEA, CRADLE OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY

restricted to the Wadden Sea but could also use it in in the Dutch sector of the Wadden Sea (Veenstra,
deeper waters, which gave rise to well-illustrated 2004). One of his interests was in tidal flat
articles such as Reineck (1963a) and Reineck et al. sediments and their recognition in the geological
(1967, 1968). The art of making ‘Reliefgüsse’ (relief past (van Straaten, 1950, 1952, 1954a,b, 1956).
casts) was further perfected to real artwork by He also discovered a shell-rich layer present at
Hertweck, who joined the institute in 1964 (e.g., about 25-cm depth below many Wadden Sea tidal
Hertweck and Reineck, 1966), and ‘Kunstharz’ (poly- flats that proved to be due to the bioturbating
ester resin) was used to fill open burrows. Reineck activities of the lugworm Arenicola. This worm
retired in 1984 (Flemming, 1999) to be followed by continuously ingests sand particles and defecates
Burghard Flemming, but remained active in research, them at the surface. Shells and shell fragments are
and continued publishing on tracks and traces (e.g., too large to be swallowed and so become concentrated
Reineck and Flemming, 1997). at the feeding depth of lugworms. Quantitative
Research by the Wilhelmshaven team resulted in research on annual rates and seasonal variation of
numerous articles, at first mainly in German. But once bioturbation by polychaetes and birds in the Wadden
the scientists started publishing in English, and went Sea was mainly carried out from the Netherlands
abroad to conferences such as the salt marsh con- Institute for Sea Research at the western part of the
ference in 1958 at Sapelo Island and the Estuaries Wadden Sea on the island of Texel by Cadée (1976,
Conference in 1964 at Jekyll Island, their work became 1979, 1990, 2001), though earlier estimates of the
known outside Germany. Wadden Sea work at sediment reworking rates by lugworms in the
Senckenberg am Meer concentrated more on ichno- Wadden Sea had been made by Linke (1939).
facies zonation (Hertweck, 1970a,b, 1994; Dörjes and Wattenmeer station Sylt at the northern end of the
Hertweck, 1975). The export of their knowledge was Wadden Sea became an important institute for
also promoted by co-operative research with, for Wadden Sea research before the second World War
example, James ‘Jim’ Howard and Robert ‘Bob’ Frey (Wohlenberg, 1937), and particularly after Karsten
in the Sapelo Island region (Howard et al., 1972); in Reise became its director. Reise (1985) is already a
Italy (e.g., Hertweck, 1973), and Taiwan (Reineck and ‘classic’ concerning tidal flat ecology.
Cheng, 1978; Dörjes, 1978). Such co-operation, parti-
cularly that with the group of Howard and Frey, who
had developed their own research methods such as THE PROMOTION OF ICHNOLOGY
the use of X-rays in studying the production of traces
(Howard, 1968; Howard and Elders, 1970), was
fruitful for both groups. Ichnology left its cradle in In the 1960s, ichnology research started blooming
the Wadden Sea and moved globally. The aims and all over the world and became accepted as an
history of Senckenberg am Meer are well important area which was attracting international
documented, mostly in German (e.g., Richter, 1929; symposia (e.g., Crimes and Harper, 1970). Probably
Häntzschel, 1956; Schäfer, 1967; Reineck, 1981; no one has done more to promote ichnology than
Flemming, 2004). Dolf Seilacher. Though never part of the
Wilhelmshaven team, being a student of Otto
Schindewolf at the University in Tübingen, his
first research on traces was carried out on the Island
ICHNOLOGY ELSEWHERE IN THE of Mellum (in the Jade-Weser estuary in the Wadden
WADDEN SEA Sea) in 1949 (Seilacher, 1951). There he studied the
formation of tubes by the worm Lanice conchilega
Not all Wadden Sea ichnology studies were based (Fig. 1.3). He mentions his fruitful contacts with the
at Wilhelmshaven. Wohlenberg (1937) worked from Wilhelmshaven group particularly with Schäfer.
Sylt, and contributed a detailed study of traces and Seilacher’s early studies in the Wadden Sea
burrows made by the supratidal beetles. These beetles (Seilacher, 1951, 1953a, 1957) formed the base for
formed the main subject of an article by Larsen (1936) his later influential ethological classification system
who worked in the Danish Wadden Sea from the of traces, building on earlier classifications by
Skalling Laboratory, where Thamdrup (1935) had Richter (1927) and Krejci-Graf (1932), but much
worked on the tidal flat fauna, including pioneer easier to use and thus more appealing.
studies on the burrows of these animals. Two articles (Seilacher, 1953b,c) are landmarks in
Van Straaten (1920–2004), a well-known Dutch the behavioural classification approach in ichnology.
sedimentologist, worked from Groningen University Seilacher’s publications are also legendary for
 THE PROMOTION OF ICHNOLOGY 9

FIGURE 1.3 The formation of tubes by the polychaete Lanice conchilega (sand mason).
(A,B) The tube is first free at the sediment surface. With the help of respiratory currents (arrows)
the worm digs into the sediment. (C) In older worms the respiratory current is reversed, thereby
enabling the worm to dig deeper. As the tube cannot be widened, the growing worm has to add a
new tube which becomes W-shaped. The fringed, feeding crown is finally added (from Seilacher,
1951, Figs. 2 and 4). (D) Lengthening and branching of the tubes into laminated sands and muds
(after Schäfer, 1962, Fig. 190). (All with permission from Senckenbergische Naturforschende
Gesellschaft, Frankfurt/Main, Germany.)

their excellent illustrations. In this he followed his undisturbed sediment samples by methods and
‘teacher’ Schäfer! apparatus invented by Reineck (1957), and used by
Seilacher (1957) observed that not all fossil traces Schäfer (1956).
had counterparts in the sediments of the Wadden Sea, Although Seilacher’s early articles were in German,
and that many of the then known Wadden Sea traces they were noticed a.o. by Goldring in the UK
had no fossil counterpart. He realised that this (Goldring, 1962) and Lessertisseur in France.
discrepancy was due to the fact that so many of the Lessertisseur had frequent contacts with Seilacher,
Wadden Sea traces studied were surface traces, often and Lessertisseur’s 1955 publication, based on his
with little fossilisation potential, whereas many 1953 thesis, gives an ecological classification of
ancient traces could be shown to have been formed traces reviewing the German work in French also
by organisms burrowing below the sediment surface. and commenting favourably on the trace assemblages
These had to be studied in a different way. He approach by Seilacher (1954). His article is
promoted the study of modern traces in vertical illustrated with a nice set of plates of invertebrate
sections such as that which could be readily examined traces on tidal flats along the French Atlantic
along eroding creeks in the Wadden Sea. Such studies coast. Goldring visited Seilacher in Tübingen in
were aided by the new methods of collecting 1956 and helped to make his work better known in
10 1. THE WADDEN SEA, CRADLE OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY

the UK (Goldring et al., 2000). In the early Georgia, Athens), Günther Hertweck and Burghard
1960s, Seilacher started publishing in English Flemming (Wilhelmshaven) and Geert-Jan Brummer
as well. He was invited as a guest speaker at the (NIOZ, Texel), we thank John Pollard particularly
opening of the new sedimentology laboratories in for his help in the finishing stage. The libraries
Reading, UK in 1962 in which he presented his of Naturalis (Leiden) and NIOZ (Texel) proved
scheme of ichnofacies (Goldring et al., 2000). In 1963, excellent for supplying literature. We thank referees
Seilacher was invited to give a speech at a meeting of Sally Walker and Andres K. Rindsberg for their
the Geological Society of America in Cincinnati, very useful comments. Coauthor Roland Goldring
followed by an invitation for consultation at Humble has been very co-operative in writing this chapter,
Petroleum. Thus, with Seilacher’s post-war UK and he has commented on the last draft before it was
North American journeys, enthusiasm and his ten sent by the editor to referees. Sadly he died the
principles (Seilacher, 1994), this led to a major 30th August 2005.
response in activity and the establishment of ichnol-
ogy in the 1960s. More especially, it was his realisation
that ichnology could be a major tool in the interpreta-
tion of ancient sediments, and thus highly significant
to the petroleum industry. Beginning (Seilacher, 1954) References
with his distinction between flysch (deep water and
Abel, O. (1927). Lebensbilder aus der Tierwelt der Vorzeit, 2nd edition.
turbiditic) and molasse (shallow marine and terres- Gustav Fischer, Jena, 714 pp.
trial) traces in Alpine sediments (Seilacher, Abel, O. (1935). Vorzeitliche Lebensspuren, Gustav Fischer, Jena,
1955 — figure reproduced in the ‘Treatise’ 2nd edition, 644 pp.
1975) and at the 5th International Sedimentology Buckland, W. (1828). Note sur des traces the tortues observées dans
le grès rouge. Annales des Sciences Naturelles, 13, 85–86.
Congress at Geneva, this led to the principles of
Buckland, W. (1837). Geology and Mineralogy Considered
ichnology and enunciation of ichnofacies (Seilacher, with Reference to Natural Theology, 2nd edition. Pickering,
1964). London, 618 + 129 pp.
Bucher, W.H. (1928). Observations on organisms and sedimentation
on shallow sea-bottoms (review of Rud. Richter’s work).
CONCLUSIONS American Midland Naturalist, 11, 236–242.
Bucher, W.H. (1939). Key to articles published by an institute for
the study of modern sediments in shallow seas. Journal of
Since the early beginnings of ichnology, paleontol- Geology, 46, 726–755.
Cadée, G.C. (1976). Sediment reworking by Arenicola marina on tidal
ogists (Nathorst, Abel, Richter, Häntzschel and
flats in the Dutch Wadden Sea. Netherlands Journal of Sea Research,
Seilacher) have played a dominant role in the study 10, 440–460.
of modern invertebrate traces, because they wanted to Cadée, G.C. (1979). Sediment reworking by the polychaete
understand the fossil traces they found. Without the Heteromastus filiformis on a tidal flat in the Dutch Wadden Sea.
vision of Richter in the early 1920s and his founding of Netherlands Journal of Sea Research, 13, 441–456.
the Senckenberg am Meer research institute in Cadée, G.C. (1990). Feeding traces and bioturbation by birds on a
tidal flat in the Dutch Wadden Sea. Ichnos, 1, 23–30.
Wilhelmshaven, the Wadden Sea would never have Cadée, G.C. (2001). Sediment dynamics by bioturbating organisms.
played the role it did in ichnology. Ichnologists have In: Reise, K. (Ed.), Ecological Comparisons of Sedimentary Shores,
exported their knowledge gained in the Wadden Sea, Ecological Studies 151. Springer, Berlin, pp. 127–148.
certainly since they started publishing in English. Crimes, T.P. and Harper J.C. (1970). Trace Fossils. Geological Journal,
Actuoichnology of invertebrates has come of age and Special Issue, 3, 1–597.
Dawson, J.W. (1862). On the footprints of Limulus as compared with
left its cradle in the Wadden Sea long ago and is now
Protichnites of the Potsdam sandstone. Canadian Naturalist and
studied at all academic levels and from (tropical) tidal Geologist, 7, 271–277.
areas to the deep sea. It has proved its value for the Dawson, J.W. (1864). On the fossils of the genus Rusophycus.
interpretation and classification of fossil traces and Canadian Naturalist (New Series), 1, 363–367.
their (paleo)environmental significance. Dollo, L. (1910). La paléontologie éthologique. Bulletin de la Société de
Géologie, Paléontologie et d’Hydrologie, Mémoires, 23, 378–421.
Dörjes, J. (1978). Sedimentologische und faunistische
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aktuopaläontologische Studien. Senckenbergiana Maritima, 10,
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Dörjes, J. and Hertweck, G. (1975). Recent biocoenoses and
ichnocoenoses in shallow-water marine environments.
We very much appreciate the interest and help In: Frey, R.W. (Ed.), The Study of Trace Fossils, Springer-Verlag,
of our colleagues Sally Walker (University of New York, 459–491 pp.
 REFERENCES 11

Fenton, C.L. and Fenton, M.A. (1931). Apparent gastropod trails in Harper, J.C. (Eds.), Trace Fossils, Geological Journal Special Issue 3,
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Hertweck, G. (1970b). The animal community of a muddy Pemberton, S.G. and MacEachern, J.A. (1994). Carroll Lane Fenton
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Pemberton, S.G., Gingras, M.K. and MacEachern, J.A. (2007). The Richter, R. (1924b). Flachseebeobachtungen IX. Zur Deutung
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Fossils: Concepts, Problems, Prospects. Richter, R. (1926a). Flachseebeobachtungen XII. Bau, Begriff und
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(1959). Proceedings Salt Marsh Conference, Sapelo Island, (Blanckenhorn, 1917). Senckenbergiana, 8, 200–219.
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Nordsee. Abhandlungen Senckenbergische Naturforschende Würmer, ein Überblick über ihre biologischen Grundformen
Gesellschaft, 505, 1–138. und deren geologische Bedeutung. Paläontologische Zeitschrift, 9,
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im Format 5 x 5 cm für projizierbare Dickschliffe. Senckenbergiana Richter, R. (1929). Gründung und Aufgaben der Forschungsstelle
Lethaea, 44, 357–362. für Meeresgeologie Senckenberg in Wilhelmshaven. Natur und
Reineck, H.-E., (1963c). Der Kastengreifer. Natur und Museum, 83, Museum, 59, 11–30.
102–108. Richter, R. (1942). Marken und Spuren im Hunsrückschiefer.
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Reineck, H.-E. (1967b). Layered sediments of tidal flats, beaches, Salter, J.W. (1857). On annelide-burrows and surface
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Kramer, Frankfurt am Main, 142 pp. auf den jungen Schichtverband. Senckenbergiana Lethaea, 37,
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Reineck, H.-E. (1981). Die Wissenschaft die Steine lebendig macht. Waldemar Kramer, Frankfurt am Main, 666 pp., (translated in
Natur und Museum, 111, 343–346, (Rudolf Richter Heft). 1972 as Ecology and Paleoecology of marine environments.
Reineck, H.-E., Gutmann, W.F. and Hertweck, G. (1967). Das University of Chicago Press, Chicago).
Schlickgebiet südlich Helgoland als Beispiel rezenter Schäfer, W. (1962b). 60 Jahre Mellum. Natur und Museum, 92,
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Environments, Springer, Berlin, 439 pp. Seilacher, A. (1951). Der Röhrenbau von Lanice conchilega
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and other oddities. Courier Forschungsinstitut Senckenberg, 201, Methoden der Palichnologie. Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und
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In: Frey, R.W. (Ed.), The Study of Trace Fossils, Springer, van Straaten, L.M.J.U. (1954b). Sedimentology of recent tidal flat
New York, pp. v–viii. deposits and the Psammites du Condroz (Devonian). Geologie en
Seilacher, A. (1994). Response by Adolf Seilacher. Journal of Mijnbouw, 16, 25–47.
Paleontology, 68, 917–918. van Straaten, L.M.J.U. (1956). Composition of shell beds formed
Thamdrup, H.M. (1935). Beiträge zur Ökologie der in tidal flat environment in the Netherlands and the Bay of
Wattenfauna auf experimenteller Grundlage. Meddelelser fra Arcachon. Geologie en Mijnbouw, 18, 209–226.
Kommissionen for Danmarks Fiskeri- og Havundersøgelser Serie Veenstra, H.J. (2004). In memoriam Lambertus Marius Joannes
Fiskeri X, 2, 1–125. Ursinus van Straaten 1920–2004. Annual Report 2004 of the
Trask, P.D. (Ed.) (1939). Recent Marine Sediments, American Geological Society (London), 1, 44–45.
Association Petroleum Geologists, Tulsa, Oklahoma, 736 pp., Walther, J. (1893–4). Einleitung in die Geologie als historische
(later and enlarged editions in 1955 and 1968). Wissenschaft, Fischer, Jena, 1055 pp.
van Straaten, L.M.J.U. (1950). Environment of Winkler, T.C. (1886). Histoire de l’Ichnologie. Ėtude ichnologique
formation and facies of the Wadden Sea sediments. sur les empreintes de pas d’animaux fossiles. Archives du Musée
Tijdschrift Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, 67, Teyler (Série 2), 2, 241–440.
94–108. Wohlenberg, E. (1937). Die Wattenmeer-Lebensgemeinschaften
van Straaten, L.M.J.U. (1952). Biogenic textures and formation of im Königshafen von Sylt. Helgoländer Wissenschaftlige
shell beds in the Dutch Wadden Sea. I and II. Proceedings Meeresuntersuchungen, 1, 1–92.
Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen Ziegler, W. (1981). In Memoriam Rudolf Richter. Natur und Museum,
(B)55(5), 500–516. 111, 341–343.
van Straaten, L.M.J.U. (1954a). Composition and structure of recent Ziegler, W. (1992). Rudolf Richter 1881–1957. In: Klausewitz, W. (Ed.),
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Mededelingen, 19, 1–108. Jubiläumsband, 1, Kramer, Frankfurt am Main, pp. 335–350.
 C H A P T E R

2
The Antecedents of Invertebrate Ichnology
in North America: The Canadian
and Cincinnati Schools
S. George Pemberton, James A. MacEachern, and Murray K. Gingras

SUMMARY : The development of ichnology in has been in use for approximately 175 years, but it is
North America radiated from two independent only within the last 20 or 30 years that the importance
centers: the Canadian School, consisting of profes- of ichnology has been recognized.
sional geologists generally associated with the In the past and to a certain degree even recently,
Geological Survey of Canada, and the Cincinnati trace fossils were classified as ‘Problematica,’ and
School, consisting predominantly of amateur paleon- Caster (1957) defined these as ‘the residuum of
tologists. Both schools had considerable impact but paleontologic materials, or of materials supposedly
worked somewhat in isolation from the active of organic origin, still awaiting definitive systematic
European ichnological centers in Germany, France, assignment’ (Caster, 1957, p. 1025). For most of the
and England. North American researchers were quick nineteenth century, ichnofossils were interpreted to
to realize that many of the markings described as represent fucoids—i.e., fossilized remnants belonging
fucoids were not seaweeds, but were, in fact, to an order of algae (Fucales), which includes margin-
produced by animals. al-marine and marine seaweeds, and rockweeds such
as modern Sargassum and Fucus. It is easy to see how
this early misinterpretation evolved. Many bedding-
plane-oriented trace fossils display graceful, curving
INTRODUCTION
morphologies and possess repeating components
that are superficially similar to modern plants. The
Trace fossils (or ichnofossils) are biologically singular beauty of such examples has been celebrated
produced sedimentary structures that include tracks, in Dolf Seilacher’s (1995) book Fossile Kunst (trans-
trails, burrows, borings, fecal pellets, and other traces lated title Fossil Art). Trace fossils have been recog-
made by organisms. Markings that do not reflect a nized as burrows and trails since the 1880s. This
behavioral function are excluded. Owing to their resulted from insightful interpretations published by
nature, trace fossils can be considered as both Nathorst (1873, 1881) that were aimed at dispelling the
paleontological and sedimentological entities, thereby notion that ichnofossils represented the remains of
bridging the gap between two of the main subdivi- fossilized algae. By the early 1900s, most researchers
sions in sedimentary geology. In the multi-disciplin- accepted trace fossils to be the inorganic expression of
ary field of sedimentary geology, ichnology is playing an animal’s interaction with a substrate.
an important role in the interpretation of sedimentary Osgood (1970, 1975) divided the development of
facies, depositional environments, and sequence ichnology into 3 broad sections: (1) the Age of Fucoids
stratigraphic discontinuities. The term ‘ichnology’ from 1823 to 1881, which envelopes the period when

Copyright ß 2007, Elsevier B.V.

Trace Fossils: Concepts, Problems, Prospects 14 All rights reserved.
 THE EARLY CANADIAN SCHOOL 15

biogenic structures were considered to be fossil present day. The Geological Survey of Canada,
marine algae, initiated with the article by Brongniart established in 1842, provided the impetus for
(1823) and ending with the landmark Nathorst (1881) extensive geological examination of strata. The early
article; (2) the Period of Reaction extending from 1881 to researchers took an active interest in trace fossils and
1925, describing the period when the vegetable origin very early on interpreted them correctly as structures
of fucoids was seriously questioned; and (3) the produced by the activities of organisms. William
Development of the Modern Approach from 1925 to Logan, J. William Dawson, Elkanah Billings, and
1953, spanning the establishment of the Senckenberg George Matthew were all, in some regard, linked to
Laboratory by Rudolf Richter in 1925 and ending with the Geological Survey of Canada, and were respon-
the seminal works of Dolf Seilacher. We can now add sible for fundamental advances in how traces fossils
another division: The Modern Era, which started with were studied.
the pioneering work of Seilacher in 1953 and extends
to the present day.
The roots of ichnology go back to the early pioneer
European work of Sternberg, Brongniart, Buckland,
William Edmond Logan (1798–1875)
Salter, and Nathorst (see Osgood, 1970, 1975; Biography
Häntzschel, 1975; for details). However, in North Sir William Edmond Logan is, perhaps, Canada’s
America, two centers of excellence emerged: the most famous geologist. In fact, during a survey in 1998
Canadian School inhabited by William Logan, John the prominent Canadian magazine Maclean’s (July 1,
Dawson, Elkanah Billings, and William Matthew; and 1998 issue) determined that Sir William Edmond
the Cincinnati School, dominated by Uriah James, his Logan was the most important scientist in Canadian
son Joseph James, and Samuel Miller. These two history. He was a stratigrapher, structural, and
groups made important ichnological discoveries and, economic geologist, and was the first director of the
despite being isolated from the mainstream research- Geological Survey of Canada. Details on Logan’s life
ers, were instrumental in the development of the have been summarized from Harrington (1883) and
modern conceptual framework of ichnology.
Winder (1972, 2004).
William Logan (Fig. 2.1A) was born on April 29,
1798 in Montreal, where he received his early
THE EARLY CANADIAN SCHOOL education at Skakel’s Private School. He was then
sent to Scotland and continued his education, first at
Canada played an important role in the develop- the Edinburgh High School (1814–1816), and then
ment of ichnology and this tradition continues to the Edinburgh University (1816–1817), where he studied

A B

FIGURE 2.1 (A) Sir William Edmond Logan 1798–1875 (courtesy of the Public Archives of
Canada). (B) Type Specimen (GSC Holotype 6299) of Climactichnites wilsoni. This slab was on the
wall in Logan’s office (photograph courtesy of the Geological Survey of Canada).
16 2. THE ANTECEDENTS OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA

chemistry, mathematics, and logic. His early work was to McGill University in Montreal to establish the
in the copper mining industry near Swansea in Logan Chair in Geology. The first holder of the chair
southern Wales. While in Wales, he produced highly was his good friend William Dawson. Both McGill
accurate topographic and cross-sectional maps of University in Montreal (1856) and the University of
nearby coal seams, which were later adopted by the Bishop’s College in Lennoxville, Quebec (1855) con-
Geological Survey of Great Britain. In 1840, Logan ferred honorary degrees on him. During his career, he
proposed his theory on the in situ formation of coal, was a Fellow of the Geological Society of London
which enabled geologists to determine the location of (1837), a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh
workable deposits of coalified strata. He subsequently (1861), and a member of the Academy of Natural
studied the coalfields of Pennsylvania and Nova Sciences of Philadelphia (1846), the American
Scotia in 1841. Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston (1859), and
Logan was appointed the first director of the the American Philosophical Society (1860).
Geological Survey of Canada in 1842, a position he
held until 1869. In order to get this position, Logan Contributions to Ichnology
compiled an impressive list of testimonials including Although ichnology was not a main thrust of
letters from four of the most influential British Logan’s research, he was cognizant of the importance
geologists of the time: Henry de la Beche, Roderick of the subject and recognized that traces were, indeed,
Murchison, Adam Sedgwick, and William Buckland. constructed by organisms. His work on paleoichnol-
His early work at the Geologic Survey included ogy in Nova Scotia provided the first demonstration
further studies of the coalfields of Nova Scotia and of the existence of land animals in the Upper
New Brunswick. He also analyzed the copper-bearing Paleozoic, when he described the first ever traces
rocks on the north shore of Lake Superior, and observed of land animals from the Carboniferous
undertook geologic work on the Gaspe Peninsula. System. The trace consisted of a series of small, but
Logan, with the help of one assistant, Alexander well-marked footprints, found in the lower coal
Murray, identified and mapped the major geological measures of Horton Bluff, Nova Scotia (Logan, 1842).
structures of the Province of Canada, in particular the Later, in 1851, Logan documented the occurrence of
Laurentian and Huronian series of the Precambrian tracks and footprints from the Potsdam Sandstone of
Shield (Logan, 1858). In 1863, Logan published the Lower Canada (Logan, 1851, 1852). The tracks were
monumental work ‘The Geology of Canada,’ followed in found in a quarry at the village of Beauharnois, on the
1865 by an atlas, and in 1869 by a larger geological south side of the St. Lawrence River, about twenty
map. During most of his time at the Survey, Logan miles above the city of Montreal. They occur on
maintained a twelve-hour day in the field, usually the bedding planes between sandstone units and
alone carrying all of his own supplies. In the evenings argillaceous interbeds. The Potsdam Sandstone was
he wrote up his notes and completed his maps. In determined to be Lower Silurian in age, through the
1869, at the age of 71, he recognized that a younger correlation of the presence of Lingula or Scolithus
man should take over his post and he resigned as the (= Skolithos) and ‘Fucoid’ horizons, in conjunction
Director. Upon ‘retirement,’ he divided his time with graptolite zones. Plaster casts of the tracks were
between an estate he purchased in Wales and made by Logan and shown to Prof. Owen, who
conducting further exploration in Canada. While proposed a classification for them under the ichno-
preparing to do field work in the eastern townships genera Protichnites (P. septem-notatus, P. octo-notatus,
of Quebec, Logan became ill and following a short P. latus, P. multinotatus, P. lineatus, and P. altnans); the
illness, died on July 22, 1875. Sir William Logan was ichnospecies were defined on the basis of variations of
then buried in the churchyard at Cilgerran, Wales. the median furrow and appendage impressions
Based on the high caliber of his work, Sir William (Owen, 1852). In all the occurrences of the tracks,
Edmond Logan received many honors during his there is no clear evidence of unequivocal marks of toes
lifetime. In 1851, based on the excellence of his display or nails, and most display a median track or
of Canadian minerals at the London exposition, Logan impression. Protichnites is now generally considered
became the first Canadian-born citizen to be inducted to be the locomotion structure of trilobites or other
into the Royal Society of London. Similarly, Logan was arthropods (Häntzschel, 1975).
awarded the Cross of the Legion of Honor at the Paris In 1860, Logan described another occurrence of
Exhibition in 1855. The following year, Queen Victoria fossil tracks or trails from the Potsdam Sandstone in
knighted Logan and he also received the Wollaston the vicinity of Perth, Ontario (Fig. 2.1B). These tracks
Medal from the Royal Society in 1867. Although never consisted of a number of parallel ridges and furrows
associated with a university, he did donate $19, 000 similar to ripple marks, which were arranged between
 THE EARLY CANADIAN SCHOOL 17

two narrow, contiguous parallel ridges. The track is met two individuals who would play prominent roles
gently sinuous, somewhat resembling a ladder of in his subsequent geological career—Sir Charles Lyell,
rope. The transverse ridges are either straight or who was touring North America, and Sir William
curved, and there is locally a median ridge, which Logan, who would be the first director of the
can be sinuous or straight, running between the two Geological Survey of Canada.
parallel side ridges. Logan proposed the name In 1850, at the age of 30, Dawson was appointed
Climactichnites wilsoni (Logan, 1860) Superintendent of Education for Nova Scotia. This
position afforded him the opportunity to tour the
countryside, and he accumulated an immense body of
Sir John William Dawson (1820–1899) information dealing with the geology, paleontology,
and mineral resources of Nova Scotia. This material
Biography was assimilated and his first and, arguably, most
Sir John William Dawson stands as one of Canada’s important book, ‘Acadian Geology,’ was published in
most outstanding scientists. During his long and 1855 and appeared in three editions (Dawson, 1868).
illustrious career, he distinguished himself as In 1854, Edward Forbes, a professor of geology and
a geologist, a paleontologist, an educator, an admin- zoology at the University of Edinburgh, died, and
istrator, and a churchman. Details on Dawson’s life Lyell, who was greatly impressed with Dawson’s
and the significance of his work may be found in work, urged him to apply for the vacant chair. Soon
publications by Adams (1899), Ami (1900), O’Brien after, however, he received word that the position has
(1971), Clark (1972), and Hofmann (1982). been filled by a zoologist who had been supported
Dawson (Fig. 2.2A) was born on October 19, 1820 at strongly by the medical school. By strange coinci-
Pictou, Nova Scotia, where his father John was dence, he received, almost on the same day, a letter
a prominent businessman. At an early age, he offering him the principalship of McGill University in
developed a love for the natural sciences and made Quebec. He accepted this position with the proviso
large collections of fossil plants from the Nova Scotia that he also assumed the chair of natural history.
Coal Measures. Dawson was educated at the Pictou Under his guidance, McGill progressed from an
Academy. On two separate occasions he spent time at obscure college with three faculties and 16 professors
Edinburgh University, where Robert Jamieson and in 1855, to a world-class educational institution with
Edward Forbes influenced him. In 1841, he graduated more than 120 professors by 1900.
with a Master of Arts degree from Edinburgh In addition to his teaching duties, Dawson admi-
University and returned to Nova Scotia to pursue nistered the university, initiated and acted as first
his geological research. During this period, Dawson librarian for the university, and was a prominent

A B C

FIGURE 2.2 (A) Sir John Dawson Logan (1820–1899) (courtesy of the Redpath Museum,
McGill University). (B) Original drawing of Dawson’s Rusichnites acadicus(after Dawson, 1864).
(C) Photograph of the specimen depicted in B, Rusophycus acadicus, Redpath Museum No. 3177.
18 2. THE ANTECEDENTS OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA

figure in almost all phases of the educational system Eozoon canadense. His involvement was inevitable,
in Quebec. During all this, he still managed to find since in the 1860’s he was the only accomplished
time to carry out original research in numerous areas. microscopist in Canada and specimens of Eozoon
As pointed out by Hofmann (1982), Dawson’s were, as a matter of course, brought to him for
scientific productivity was enormous and included investigation (O’Brien, 1971). After examination of the
articles not only in geology and paleontology, but also specimen, Dawson declared that it was a foraminifer.
in agriculture, anthropology, and theology. Ami (1900) Dawson’s advocacy of Eozoon as a foraminifer
listed 364 contributions in the most comprehensive received much opposition. In 1866, he also proposed
bibliography ever assembled on Dawson’s work. Of that curious holes in rocks containing Eozoon were
these, Clark (1972) indicated that 198 dealt with some worm burrows similar to Scolithus (= Skolithos)
aspect of paleontology. (Dawson, 1866). However, Dawson knew that, if his
Throughout his career, Dawson received many opinion were correct, evolutionists would have had to
honors and held numerous important positions. He contend not only with an immense gap in time and in
received an honorary LLD from McGill University the paleontological record, but also with the presence
(1857) and Edinburgh University (1884); he was of a very advanced and complex form preceding in
elected an honorary or corresponding member of time much simpler Foraminifera (O’Brien, 1971;
many learned societies. He was a fellow of the Royal Hofmann, 1971). Once aware of the consequences
Society of London (1862), was awarded the Lyell Gold Eozoon was offered to the theory of evolution, Dawson
Medal by the Geological Society of London (1881), was determined to exploit them to the fullest.
was the first president of the Royal Society of Canada It is important to understand Dawson’s deep
(1882), was elected president of the American involvement in synthesizing science and religion.
Association for the Advancement of Science (1882), Such motivation was responsible for most of
was created a Knight Bachelor by Queen Victoria Dawson’s involvements in other controversies. While
(1884), was elected president of the British Association the origin of Eozoon has been established as undoubt-
for the Advancement of Science (1886), and was edly inorganic, the significance or relevance of the
elected president of the Geological Society of controversy on science is important to remember.
American (1893). ‘. . . It provides an example of the manner in which
In 1893, Dawson was seized with a severe attack of every aspect of 19th Century paleontology was
pneumonia, and his health became so seriously scrutinized for its bearing on evolution. It is also a
impaired that he was forced to retire. He passed classic case of the confrontation of younger specialists
away on November 19, 1899 at the age of 79. with each other and with the older generation of
broadly trained naturalists’ (O’Brien, 1971, p. 28).
Contributions to Ichnology Despite Dawson’s keen opposition to evolution and
The synthesis of natural science and religion was its proponents (particularly Charles Darwin); he
influential in Dawson’s works. In effect, his career remained a forerunner in the most controversial
shows the durability of the two theologies’ tradition issues apparent in geology during the nineteenth
(O’Brien, 1971). It was this deep involvement in the century. Even if all his beliefs and interpretations were
two theologies’ tradition which thrusted Dawson into to be proven wrong at some point in time, it is his
numerous controversies. The reassuring synthesis of contribution to the progress of geological thought
science and religion that was so convincing in his during this time that is important.
youth, seemed to crumble on all sides as he grew It was Dawson’s keen eye for observation and his
older (O’Brien, 1971). During the span of Dawson’s determination, which resulted in numerous other
career, geology was in a state of continual controversy, contributions both to geology, and more specifically,
where both new and old ideas were questioned and ichnology. He went on to propose seven new
debated. John William Dawson was well known to be ichnogenera to the taxonomic classification of ichno-
a man always involved with a controversial issue. fossils, of which two are still considered trace fossils
At the forefront of such controversies stood the (Diplichnites Dawson, 1873; and Sabellarites Dawson,
question of the origin of Eozoon canadense, ‘the dawn 1890), three are pseudofossils (Archaeospherina
animal of Canada.’ The discovery was made in 1858 in Dawson, 1875; Eozoon Dawson, 1865; and
the rocks of Precambrian age, located in the Ottawa Rhabdichnites Dawson, 1873), and two are invalid
valley (Logan, 1858). The coral-like surface of the (Rusichnites Dawson, 1864, Fig. 2.2B; and
specimen immediately suggested to Sir William Logan Astropolithon Dawson, 1878). Demonstrating that
that it might be a fossil; potentially a very important Cruziana and Rusophycus represent the works of
discovery. In 1865, Dawson named the specimen animals rather than the remains of algae marks one
 THE EARLY CANADIAN SCHOOL 19

of the most significant turning points in the history compared its activities to the ichnogenus Protichnites.
of invertebrate ichnology. The distinction for achiev- He experimented with the animals under different
ing this breakthrough is generally attributed substrate consistencies and noted that different mark-
to Nathorst (1873, 1881) who, in a series of ings were produced depending on the nature of the
well-documented articles, was able to defend and substrate. This represents one of the first experimental
disseminate this viewpoint. However, nearly a decade neoichnological studies, and predates the landmark
before Nathorst’s work appeared in press, Dawson, work of Nathorst (1873, 1881) and Darwin (1881).
had already demonstrated that Rusophycus could not Unfortunately, geologists, largely overlooked
be a plant but, instead, must have been produced by Dawson’s work on Rusophycus, much like the original
the burrowing activities of trilobites (Fig. 2.2C). He article by Nathorst in 1873, because it appeared in
also understood the toponomic relationship of the an obscure regional journal. Perhaps more impor-
trace, and its ethologic significance (Pemberton and tantly, all these works show that the ‘age of fucoids’
Frey, 1991). Likewise, Dawson (1890) indicated that was not merely the ‘dark age’ of ichnology, as
Asterophycus Lesquereux was not fossilized seaweed, commonly subsequent authors have depicted it. Nor
but represented the burrow of an annelid. Dawson did North America lag behind Europe in the early
summarized his criteria for distinguishing between development of the discipline, as has commonly been
algae and the traces of animals as follows: assumed.
‘The author of this work has given much attention
to these remains, and has not been disposed to claim
for the vegetable kingdom so many of them as some of Elkanah Billings (1820–1876)
his contemporaries. The considerations, which seem
most important in making such distinctions are the Biography
following: 1. The presence or absence of carbonaceous Elkanah Billings is generally regarded as Canada’s
matter. True Algae not infrequently present at least a first paleontologist. Details of Billings’s life are
thin film of carbon representing their organic matter, summarized from Whiteaves (1877), Ami (1901), and
and this is more likely to occur in their case, as organic Clark (1971).
matters buried in marine deposits and not exposed to Elkanah Billings (Fig. 2.3A) was born on May 5,
atmospheric oxidation are very likely to be preserved. 1820 by the Rideau River, on a farm located three
2. In the absence of organic matter, the staining of the miles from the town of Bytown (now Ottawa) in the
containing rock, the disappearance or deoxidation of Township of Gloucester, Upper Canada (now
its ferruginous coloring matter, or the presence of iron Ontario). He received extensive formal education
pyrite may indicate the removal of organic matter by from an early age, initiated by a governess and
decay. 3. When organic matter and indications of it are extended through a family tutor. Later he attended
altogether absent, and form along remains, we have to several local private schools up to the age of
distinguish from Algae, trails and burrows similar to seventeen. From 1837 to 1839, he spent two years at
those of aquatic animals, casts of shrinkage cracks, St. Lawrence Academy at Potsdam, New York, in
water marks, and rill marks widely diffused over the preparation for a law career. In 1939, Elkanah entered
surfaces of beds. 4. Markings depressed on the upper the Law Society of Upper Canada and was articled to
surfaces of beds, and filled with the material of the several lawyers from both Bytown and Toronto, and
succeeding layer, are usually mere impressions. The at the end of his studies was called to the bar in 1845.
cases of possible exceptions to this are very rare. On While articled to the legal firm Baldwin and Wilson
the contrary, there are not infrequently forms in relief of Toronto, he met and later in, married Eleanor,
on the surfaces of rocks which are not Algae, but may a sister of the junior partner Adam Wilson (later Chief
be shallow burrows arched upwards on top, or Justice of Ontario). For eight years he practiced law in
castings of worms thrown up upon the surface. Bytown and surrounding area. Following his return to
Sometimes, however, they may have been left by Bytown in 1852, he opened a law office but almost
denudation of the surrounding material, just as immediately became editor of the Bytown Citizen and
footprints on dry snow remain in relief after the retained the position until shortly before joining the
surrounding loose material has been drifted away by Geological Survey of Canada in 1856 (Whiteaves,
the wind; the portion consolidated by pressure being 1877). As editor of the Bytown Citizen, he began to
better able to resist the denuding agency.’ (Dawson, define his interests in the natural sciences through the
1888, pp. 26–27). writing of popular articles on geological topics and
Dawson also made observations in modern natural history subjects. His love for natural history
settings of Limulus (Dawson, 1862a,b, 1878) and may have been fostered by his eldest brother,
20 2. THE ANTECEDENTS OF INVERTEBRATE ICHNOLOGY IN NORTH AMERICA

A B

FIGURE 2.3 (A) Elkanah Billings 1820–1876 (courtesy of the Geological Survey of Canada).
(B) Original figure of Licrophycus ottawaensis from Billings (1862). Specimen is now considered to
be Phycodes (courtesy of the Geological Survey of Canada).

Bradish who became an accomplished botanist and of geologic formations. As a result of Billing’s
entomologist (Clark, 1971). Between 1852 and 1856, he determination of the age of the rocks of the ‘Quebec
began to learn the principles of geology and zoology. Group’ as Germantown and Chazy, Logan was able to
Beginning in 1852, he began to accumulate a large demonstrate his ‘great overlap,’ now referred to as
collection of fossils from local Ordovician outcrops Logan’s Line.
and quarries. His collection of asteroids, crinoids, and
Among his most important scientific publications
cystids was particularly good. In 1854, his first two
scientific articles concerned with the latter group were are two articles entitled ‘On some new genera and
published in the Journal of the Canadian Institute of species of Cystoidea from the Trenton Limestone’
Toronto. These articles stamped him as a capable which appeared in 1854. It was these two articles that
paleontologist and show that, by this time, he had established his ability as a scientist. In his first report
achieved a mastery of zoological taxonomy and the to the Survey in 1857, he described one hundred and
rules of nomenclature. six new species belonging to thirty-five genera (of
Billings initiated the publication of ‘Canadian which thirteen were new). He continued the work on
Naturalist and Geologists’ in 1856 for two reasons. the ‘Canadian Organic Remains’ series, of which
Through the articles he could qualify himself as a Decades Ill and IV were published in 1858 and 1859,
field geologist and at the same time, they provided concerned largely with fossil echinoderms. He
the youth of Canada with a convenient means initiated a second series entitled ‘Palaeozoic Fossils,’
of learning the natural history of their country. the first volume appearing in 1865, and the first part
Following the publication of the journal, William E. of the second in 1874. During his time at the Survey,
Logan appointed Billings, Paleontologist to the he erected sixty-one new genera and one thousand
Geological Survey of Canada. While at the and sixty-five new species. In a bibliography of more
Geological Survey of Canada from 1856 until his than two hundred titles (Walker, 1901), ninety were
death in 1876, Billings’ time was devoted to the concerned directly or indirectly with paleontological
description and naming of Silurian, Ordovician, and subjects (Clark, 1971). This work received recognition
Devonian fossils of Upper Canada (Ontario), Lower in 1867 when the Natural History Society voted
Canada (Quebec) and Newfoundland. His recognition him a silver medal ‘for his life-long efforts in the
of fossil assemblages was instrumental in the promotion of science in Canada’ and the jurors of
determination of the precise limits and distribution the International Exhibition of London in 1862 and
Other documents randomly have
different content
paresse et sa frivolité. Ta maison, que tu veux prospère, elle te la
démolira. Tout ton travail de chaque jour ira se perdre, inutile, chez
les marchands de fanfreluches. Nous en connaissons tous, de ces
Arlettes, dont la famille se prive d’une nourriture saine et abondante,
pour arriver à leur payer leurs talons en échasses et leurs chapeaux
hérissés de baïonnettes. Vois-tu, Victorin, chacun de nous doit
songer à son pays. Une famille qui se détruit, c’est une pierre de
l’édifice qui s’émiette et prépare la ruine de l’ensemble. Quand,
aujourd’hui, on nomme avec respect les Bouziane des Mayons —
c’est la petite cité qu’on respecte ; et, en elle, la terre de Provence ;
et, en celle-ci, le terroir de France… Mon brave Victorin, tu as été un
de mes plus dociles et de mes plus intelligents écoliers : il est
impossible que tu ne me comprennes pas. Dis-moi que tu me
comprends.
Victorin baissa la tête.
— Pardonnez-moi, monsieur Augias, mais j’ai fait des promesses,
je ne suis plus libre. Ne me tourmentez pas davantage… Je vous
promets de réfléchir à vos paroles. Je sais que vous me parlez pour
mon bien.
Il se retirait vers la porte, à reculons, en saluant gauchement,
très troublé et malheureux.
— Tu réfléchiras.
 XII
UN SOIR D’ÉTÉ SUR L’AIRE

Toute l’éloquence de maître Augias avait été, semblait-il,

dépensée en pure perte ; car, en vérité, elle n’avait rien changé aux
résolutions de Victorin. Elle ne les avait même point ébranlées.
Pourtant, il n’y a pas de discours qui soient perdus. C’est quelquefois
à longue échéance, après des années, qu’une parole oubliée se
réveille en nous et détermine un acte, qui peut-être importe au
monde. L’effet du discours de M. Augias, malgré le « je vous promets
de réfléchir » qui était de simple politesse, paraissait avoir été nul.
Ce discours détermina pourtant, une heure plus tard, l’attitude de
Victorin vis-à-vis de Martine et des Revertégat, qu’il trouva chez lui.
C’est en songeant à ce que venait de lui dire son vieux maître que,
sans rien vouloir changer à ses projets, Victorin se dit qu’il était
convenable de faire bon visage aux parents de Martine, et d’être, en
leur présence et en présence du père Bouziane, aussi aimable envers
elle qu’il avait cru pouvoir l’être le jour de la chasse aux cigales.
Ainsi, sans qu’il s’en doutât, il entretenait chez eux une illusion dont
la force se dresserait contre lui dans la lutte à venir.
Dans l’après-midi, deux heures auparavant, lorsque Martine était
arrivée avec ses parents, la mère Bouziane l’avait prise à part un
moment, sous le prétexte de lui montrer une vache achetée la
veille ; et, dans l’étable, elle lui avait dit :
 — Martine, ma belle, nous sommes malheureux, Bouziane et moi,
parce que Victorin, qui t’a toujours aimée, depuis le temps, où, tout
petits, vous jouiez ensemble, a été détourné de toi par cette gueuse
d’Arlette. Et ç’a été juste au moment où nous calculions, son père et
moi, qu’il se déclarerait à nous comme ton fiancé. Il t’aime toujours
bien ; mais l’autre l’attire avec des manigances. Est-ce que tu ne
deviendrais pas volontiers sa femme, toi ?
— Volontiers, dit Martine, il est si brave !
La mère Bouziane embrassa Martine. Elle était émue, et fit
silence un moment.
— Eh bien, alors, défends-toi, dit-elle, défends-le, que nous te
soutiendrons. On t’aime beaucoup ici. Et puis on sait quelle bonne
travailleuse tu es, forte et courageuse, de bonne volonté autant
qu’un homme ; et que tu ne laisseras pas tomber notre bastide, la
vieille maison des Bouziane, qui est honorée de tout le monde aux
Mayons, et bien plus loin dans la contrée.
— Que je me défende ? dit Martine. Et que puis-je faire, pauvre
de moi ?
— Un peu de coquetterie n’est pas un mal, dit la mère Bouziane.
Agace-le, des fois. Qu’il en vienne à te comparer à cette Arlette de
malheur, une maigrichonne, une mesquine, qui n’a jamais porté que
le poids de son ombrelle. Je n’ai pas à dire à une jolie fille de quelle
manière elle doit s’y prendre, et comment on regarde un jeune
homme, quand on veut l’emmasquer (ensorceler) d’amour.
— Pour ça, dit Martine en riant, je ne veux pas m’en charger ; je
crois bien que j’y serais trop maladroite et ridicule. Il faudrait, des
fois, le dimanche, quitter mes bons souliers qui sont faits pour nos
chemins pleins de pierres, et mettre des escarpins ; et puis, me
relever une robe trop longue en la prenant à poignée comme j’en ai
vu des fois ; il faudrait avoir des chapeaux avec, dessus, des queues
de dindons ; car je crois bien que c’est cela qui lui plaît, à ce nigaud
de Victorin. Mais me voyez-vous déguisée ainsi ? Ah ! misère de moi !
quelle caricature ! non, ma foi, je ne pourrais pas.
 Et, devant l’image qu’elle évoquait, Martine éclata de rire,
montrant toutes ses belles dents blanches. Elle riait si fort que sa
gaieté fit sourire la grave maman Bouziane.
— Ah ! Martine ! s’écria-t-elle, quel trésor nous aurions en toi ! Ne
nous abandonne pas, fillette ; je ne t’en dis pas davantage.
Martine redevint sérieuse :
— Misé Bouziane, je ne peux pas me changer par politique. Il
faudra que Victorin me veuille telle que je suis, et me le dise. Ah !
alors, alors oui, que je saurai lui répondre. Pourquoi c’est vrai que je
l’aime ; mais ce n’est pas aux filles à parler premières. Et quand bien
même ce serait la mode, moi, voyez-vous, je ne pourrais pas !
Comme ma mère, qui m’a élevée, et comme vous, je suis d’ancien
temps.
Et, tout juste comme maître Augias avait dit à Victorin, misé
Bouziane dit encore :
— J’ai parlé pour le bien de tous. Tu réfléchiras.
Et, tout comme Victorin ne s’était pas cru influencé par le
discours de maître Augias, de même Martine ne se doutait guère
qu’elle venait de recevoir une suggestion à laquelle, tôt ou tard, elle
obéirait.
En effet, à l’arrivée de Victorin, c’est rendue forte
inconsciemment par les paroles de la mère qu’elle accueillit le fils
avec un sourire et des regards qui, sans être voulus, étaient plus
féminins qu’à l’ordinaire.
Et comme, ayant aperçu, sur le chemin, Victorin encore un peu
éloigné, elle avait couru vers lui, il n’avait pu s’empêcher de lui dire :
— Qu’est-ce qui t’arrive de si heureux aujourd’hui ? Tu parais
toute en bonheur. C’est pourtant là-bas qu’était la fête ; pourquoi n’y
es-tu pas venue ?
La belle fille se ressaisit :
— Des fêtes où il y a tant d’hommes des villes, je ne les aime pas
beaucoup, dit-elle aussi froidement qu’elle le put.
 Et, parlant comme malgré elle, elle s’entendit prononcer ces
paroles qu’elle aurait voulu reprendre aussitôt :
— Et puis, pour te voir danser avec une Arlette, tu sais… Ce
n’était pas la peine de me déranger.
Il éprouva comme un petit choc au cœur. Et, charmé dans son
orgueil d’homme :
— Est-ce que tu serais jalouse ? fit-il en souriant.
— Jalouse, moi ? d’une Arlette ? Ah ! bien non ; mais j’ai pour elle
tout juste les sentiments que sentent à son endroit tes père et mère.
Demande-leur si ça leur ferait plaisir à eux de te voir danser avec
Mlle Arlette des Mayons ?
— Et comment sais-tu que j’ai dansé avec elle ? fit Victorin très
amusé.
— Je n’en savais rien quand je l’ai dit ; je le sais maintenant que,
par ta réponse, tu me l’apprends toi-même. Et ce n’était pas difficile
à deviner.
Ainsi causant de bonne amitié, ils revenaient vers la maison.
— Et alors, jeunesses ? cria le père Revertégat, vous vous le
comptez au plus juste ? Beau temps, où vos père et mère étaient
comme vous ! Allons, venez vous mettre à table. Le lièvre, c’est ma
chasse, et les perdreaux, celle de Bouziane. La salade fère sent bon
l’aïé ; et l’on se passera de soupe, vu qu’avec tout le reste, il y aura
de quoi se remplir le ventre à faire péter la courroie.
La table était dressée dehors sous les mûriers.
— De la soupe, dit misé Bouziane, je n’en ai fait que pour le
grand-père. Déjà il l’a mangée. S’il manque une aile à l’un des
perdreaux, ne vous étonnez pas, c’est lui qui s’en est régalé. Un
verre de notre vieux vin par-dessus, et il s’est rendormi, le grand-
père, avec l’air d’un bienheureux.
Par une ruse de femme, misé Bouziane avait pris soin de séparer
à table les deux jeunes ; en sorte qu’ils commencèrent bientôt à se
désirer d’être un peu seuls ; et, dès le repas fini, tous deux s’en
allèrent hors de l’abri des vieux mûriers, sur l’aire, encore toute
luisante de pailles entassées, sous le grand plafond d’azur noir piqué
d’étoiles qui faisait dire à Victorin :
— Si on ne dirait pas qu’on regarde un grand crible à travers
lequel on verrait trembloter un grand feu.
Pendant qu’ils s’éloignaient, les Revertégat et les Bouziane
clignèrent des yeux les uns vers les autres, mais ils continuèrent à
parler d’autre chose.
Tout à coup :
— Chut ! fit Revertégat.
A peu de distance, assise sur la paille, dans l’aire, Martine s’était
mise à chanter :

Le jeune et beau leveur de liège,

Par les bûcherons écouté,
Apprit l’art du chant sans solfège
Comme les cigales d’été.

Et Victorin, auprès d’elle, répondait à sa chanson :

Tous ceux que la gloire émerveille,

Un jour par elle sont trahis.
Cigalous a revu sa vieille
Et son vieux, et son beau pays ;
Mais il a trop souffert, pechère,
De son mal, amour et misère ;
Et, le lendemain du retour,
Aux bras du père et de la mère,
Il est mort en chantant l’amour.

Les deux voix étaient fraîches, pleines, et montaient dans l’air

calme vers les étoiles. Au refrain, les deux jeunes gens chantèrent
ensemble :

Et dans le ciel, le ciel d’un été qui flamboie,

L’esprit de Cigalous doucement est monté ;
 Le peuple entier des cigales en joie
L’emporta dans l’azur d’un éternel été !

— C’est joli, tout de même, ces deux voix mariées, disaient les
Revertégat et les Bouziane.
De nouveau, les deux couples des parents échangèrent un
malicieux regard d’intelligence.
Et, là-bas, sur l’aire, quand elle eut chanté seule son dernier
couplet, Martine, comme alanguie, dans la tiédeur de la nuit, sous la
caresse d’une brise chargée de la senteur des pinèdes, se renversa
sur la paille rafraîchie de rosée. Un singulier bien-être détendait son
corps souple. L’éternel amour sortait de toutes les choses, avec la
chaleur que, depuis l’aurore, elles avaient bue à longs traits. La terre
ardente exhalait l’esprit du jour ; quelque chose de plus fort que
toute volonté humaine pénétrait la chair des deux jeunes créatures.
Victorin, en ce moment, n’aimait pas Martine plus qu’il n’aimait
Arlette ; mais il aimait la vie impérieuse, et il la ressentait mieux
qu’au bal tout à l’heure, parce qu’il était sous la magie de la saison
et de l’heure.
Alors, comme Martine, immobile, subissait le même
enchantement, il s’étendit à son tour sur les pailles bruissantes, il en
prit une, et, rampant avec lenteur vers la jeune fille, le bras tendu,
du bout de la paille frémissante, il lui caressa les cheveux.
Cette caresse la fit frissonner toute. D’un bond, elle se leva toute
droite et s’encourut vers la maison.
— Eh bien, Martine, vous avez chanté comme deux anges ! Et le
chanteur, qu’en as-tu fait ?
— Il est là qui vient, je pense, dit-elle avec calme.
Pour la troisième fois, les parents échangèrent un joyeux regard
de complicité.
 XIII
L’INSTITUTEUR ET LE PRÊTRE

Maître Augias était le correspondant d’un journal de Marseille. Et

M. le curé, celui d’un journal religieux qui se publiait à Aix-en-
Provence. M. le curé n’avait pas assisté au banquet des Amis de
Maurin ; mais cette fête l’intéressait et il avait prié maître Augias de
lui en communiquer le compte rendu. C’est pourquoi, le lendemain
du banquet, l’ancien instituteur se rendit chez le curé. Les deux
hommes s’estimaient et ne s’en cachaient point.
Chez M. le curé, maître Augias trouva un visiteur, à qui, dès son
entrée, il fut présenté en ces termes.
— Monsieur le Doyen, j’ai la satisfaction de vous présenter
Monsieur Augias qui fut autrefois instituteur aux Mayons. Il jouit ici
de la considération et de la sympathie générales. Monsieur Augias
est un des rares citoyens de France qui comprennent qu’on peut être
prêtre sans être clérical, le cléricalisme n’étant, à ses yeux, que
l’intrusion du prêtre dans la politique.
Le doyen tendit la main à maître Augias. Le curé nomma le
doyen :
— Notre doyen, Monsieur Delmazet, curé de Z… et, par
conséquent, notre voisin.
 Tout de suite, maître Augias exprima la crainte qu’il avait de
déranger les deux prêtres ; il manifesta l’intention de se retirer.
— Je reviendrai, dit-il après s’être excusé. Je reviendrai dans un
autre moment, monsieur le curé, vous conter les incidents de la fête
littéraire d’hier.
Le curé se mit à rire :
— Le banquet de Maurin, dit-il, était installé sous les fenêtres de
l’école, et votre jeune confrère, notre instituteur, m’avait invité à
prendre place dans une salle du rez-de-chaussée, d’où, à travers les
persiennes, j’ai pu entendre les joyeux et savoureux discours des
Amis de Maurin. La présence de plusieurs dames m’assurait, par
avance, la convenance des propos.
— Il ne faudrait pas toujours s’y fier, dit maître Augias ; comme le
latin, le provençal, dans les mots, brave quelquefois l’honnêteté. Et
vous vous exposiez à en entendre de salées.
— Il faut croire qu’on se les racontait à voix basse, car je n’ai rien
perçu de tel. Ce que j’ai entendu n’était que bonne et loyale gaîté.
Il y eut un petit silence, après lequel M. le curé dit tout à coup :
— Permettez-moi de vous parler d’un sujet qui vous est pénible,
monsieur Augias : j’ai entrevu votre fils hier.
Augias eut un petit mouvement de défense instinctive. Le curé se
hâta d’ajouter :
— Croyez que ce n’est ni étourderie ni indiscrétion si je vous parle
de lui en présence de monsieur Delmazet ; c’est pure sympathie,
Monsieur. Soyez sûr que si monsieur Delmazet ou moi pouvons vous
être utiles en ce qui concerne ce jeune homme, nous le ferons de
grand cœur.
M. Augias remercia du regard M. Delmazet, qui lui répondit par
un bon sourire.
— Vous avez donc un fils, Monsieur, et quelque sujet, dit-il, d’être
mécontent de lui ? Quel âge a-t-il ?
Maître Augias, mis en confiance, s’expliqua et conclut :
 — J’étais un intransigeant autrefois, monsieur l’abbé ; je faisais de
la politique ma préoccupation principale ; et, persuadé que la
présence d’un prêtre dans une petite commune, mettait
journellement la république en danger, je me serais cru déshonoré si
j’avais permis à mon enfant de recevoir d’un prêtre une leçon de
morale. Je lui en donnais moi-même cependant d’une façon attentive
et suivie. Dans mon école jamais l’enseignement moral ne fut
négligé, mais mon fils n’en profita point. La morale laïque est-elle
décidément impuissante à combattre avec efficacité les mauvais
penchants ? je le crois par moments, messieurs ; et cette pensée
afflige ma vieillesse, car j’étais et je suis encore un positiviste
convaincu. Mais si la morale telle que nous l’enseignons ne peut
parvenir à former un honnête homme, que deviendra mon pays ?
Serons-nous condamnés à subir la fin lamentable des nations
décadentes, et condamnés sans ressource ?
M. Delmazet prit la parole :
— Vous savez bien, Monsieur, qu’une morale révélée et appuyée
par les sanctions divines ne peut être que la nôtre, et qu’elle a, de
toute évidence, une incomparable puissance ; mais les principes
qu’elle enseigne ne sauraient devenir de mauvais principes dès qu’on
ne les enseigne pas comme révélés et soumis aux sanctions du
surnaturel. La morale chrétienne servie par des hommes qui ont le
malheur de ne plus croire, reste la vraie morale et demeure la vérité
bénie. Moins active à coup sûr, moins facile à imposer, elle n’en est
pas moins la source des plus hautes vertus humaines qui peuvent
être héroïques sans être saintes. Et puisque vous souffrez d’une
manière touchante à l’idée seule que vous avez peut-être donné à
votre fils un enseignement imparfait, si vous en jugez par les
résultats, ma conscience, Monsieur, m’oblige à vous rappeler que la
morale religieuse, pas plus que la vôtre, n’est sûre de transformer
les âmes qu’elle s’efforce de diriger dans les voies de Dieu. Jésus,
notre divin maître, a répondu d’avance à vos inquiétudes comme il a
répondu à toutes les misères, à toutes les angoisses. Il a parlé du
bon grain qui, tombant dans une terre favorable, lève vite et fructifie
bien, tandis que, tombé sur le rocher ingrat, il périt sans multiplier et
même sans germer. Oui, que certaines natures d’enfant soient
ingrates comme le rocher, et incapables de produire le bien, c’est un
triste mystère en présence duquel le prêtre demeure souvent navré
comme vous l’êtes.
Maître Augias saisit la main que lui tendait le prêtre et la serra
avec émotion.
— Je suis un libéral, monsieur Augias, un fils de paysans, et, pour
tout dire, un homme de théorie républicaine, c’est-à-dire un homme
qui rêve de voir le gouvernement de la nation aux mains des plus
intelligents et des plus honnêtes.
— Ce fut aussi mon rêve, murmura le vieil Augias.
M. Delmazet continua :
— Il est fâcheux qu’en haine du cléricalisme vos confrères aient
perdu l’habitude de prononcer le nom du Dieu des chrétiens. C’est
un usage qui passera, car ce nom représente le mystère qui nous
entoure de toutes parts et auquel l’homme ne saurait échapper
puisqu’il vit et meurt malgré lui. En attendant, vous êtes tous
chrétiens par le meilleur de vous-mêmes, apporté en vous par des
générations de chrétiens. Si donc, Monsieur, vous avez sur tel ou tel
de vos collègues, les instituteurs, une influence, si petite soit-elle,
mettez-la au service de la vérité sociale essentielle ; à savoir que,
sans unité morale, les nations vont à la décomposition et à la ruine.
Il faut que la France reste elle-même, c’est-à-dire qu’elle défende les
idées de justice, de charité, de tolérance. Allez donc et enseignez
l’essentiel de la morale évangélique, même si vous ne nommez pas
Celui qui en est pourtant le fondateur historique. C’est à nous,
prêtres, de compléter votre œuvre si nous le pouvons ; et nous le
pourrons si nous nous en montrons dignes, si nous renonçons à
lutter contre votre œuvre, si nous nous faisons, sans vous et
cependant avec vous, les collaborateurs de Dieu. Nous apprendrons
aux enfants, au sortir de l’école, que votre morale est la nôtre, mais
que, pour nous, elle a d’autres soutiens encore que l’estime ou la
réprobation du monde. Car votre morale a des sanctions, en effet ;
je viens de les nommer. L’universelle réprobation atteint, tôt ou tard,
ceux qui se mettent hors la loi du monde moral chrétien. Elle a, de
même, un fondement humain, votre morale sans révélation : c’est la
nécessité de vivre parmi les hommes. Comment vivre parmi les
hommes sans consentir au travail, qu’il soit intellectuel ou manuel ;
sans consentir la mutualité des services, c’est-à-dire la fraternité, ne
fût-elle qu’économique ; sans accepter enfin la notion de bonne foi
et celle de dévouement ? La nécessité de ces vertus, sans lesquelles
tout s’écroule, voilà le fondement suffisant de la morale sociale
purement humaine. Prêchez-la, Monsieur ; nous nous efforcerons d’y
ajouter, nous, prêtres, selon nos moyens, quelque chose de la lueur
divine qui vous effleure à votre insu.
Il semblait à maître Augias qu’une douce clarté, en effet, celle
dont parlait le bon prêtre, pénétrait en lui comme une consolation et
une espérance.
Il passa sur son front, puis, furtivement, sur ses yeux, une main
qui tremblait un peu.
Mis en confiance définitive, il murmura :
— Les prêtres ont eu des torts, Monsieur ; ils se sont trop
occupés des choses du siècle, selon l’expression ecclésiastique.
— On s’efforce vers un idéal qu’on n’atteint pas toujours, dit le
prêtre ; tous les hommes en sont là. Leurs forces trahissent leurs
plus nobles volontés.
— Nous autres alors, dit Augias, qui, à vos yeux, sommes
couverts de péchés, et qui n’avons pas le caractère sacré qui ajoute
quelque chose de plus respectable à toutes vos paroles, comment
serons-nous écoutés ? Nos enfants même nous reprocheront un jour
nos moindres défaillances et s’en autoriseront pour excuser les leurs.
— Nous leur enseignerons qu’ils n’ont pas à juger les parents,
monsieur Augias.
— Nos fautes réelles, dit M. Augias, nous gêneront quand il nous
faudra prêcher à nos enfants des vertus que nous n’avons pas.
M. Delmazet réfléchit un instant.
 — Le pécheur, dit-il enfin, répondra : « Faites ce que j’enseigne,
non ce que je fais. » Et il a le devoir d’ajouter avec contrition que
c’est précisément pour avoir péché, c’est pour s’être trompé, qu’il
peut, mieux parfois que de plus sages, dénoncer l’erreur et montrer
combien elle est pernicieuse. Où en serait le monde, si l’expérience
des pécheurs n’avait pas le droit d’affirmer le bon et le juste ?
L’expérience n’est pas la sagesse, mais elle sait reconnaître,
quelquefois mieux que la sagesse théorique, les bienfaits de la vertu
réalisée. Croyez-moi, monsieur Augias, nous serons bien forts si
nous nous unissons pour faire des générations de braves gens !
Mais, pour cela, il faudrait que l’école primaire fût chargée d’un autre
enseignement que celui de l’arithmétique et de la géographie. Il
faudrait que l’instituteur fût vraiment et surtout un professeur de
morale, un éducateur national. Je crois avoir compris que le maître,
dans vos écoles, ne donne que peu de temps à la surveillance des
caractères, à la formation des caractères ; c’est pourtant ce qui
importe par-dessus tout. Si cela lui plaît, il peut se dispenser
d’enseigner autre chose que les éléments des sciences. Il y a
pourtant une morale sociale qui est de nécessité ; et, quand on veut
être libre, il faut apprendre à accepter librement les disciplines
nécessaires, et savoir qu’on a des devoirs précis envers le corps
social, puisqu’on reçoit de lui toutes les commodités de la vie, à
quelque rang qu’on se trouve placé. Vos efforts individuels sont
touchants, mais, étant isolés, ne peuvent pas grand’chose. Il faudra
bien qu’un jour la République apprenne aux enfants les disciplines
consenties qui assurent seules les vraies libertés.
M. Augias avait écouté religieusement ; il soupira et dit :
— Cela viendra peut-être, Monsieur. En attendant, permettez-moi
de vous remercier de vos paroles ; je sors d’ici avec un peu plus de
courage et de bonne volonté qu’au moment où j’y suis entré. Si vous
revenez rendre visite à M. le curé, je le prie instamment de vouloir
bien m’en faire prévenir. Je serai si heureux de vous entendre
encore ! Au revoir, Messieurs.
Il sortit et regagna son logis.
Arnet, qui le rencontra, ne put s’empêcher de lui dire :
 — Vous avez l’air de sourire aux anges, maître Augias ?
— Voyons, mon brave Arnet, je vous ai vu causer parfois, vous, le
républicain rouge, avec M. le curé ; que pensez-vous de lui ?
— C’est un brave homme, dit Arnet sans hésiter.
— Et des curés, en général, qu’en pensez-vous ? Sans plaisanter,
Arnet, les croyez-vous inutiles ?
Le visage d’Arnet refléta un instant la gravité de la question ; il
garda d’abord le silence, puis tout-à-coup :
— Qui sait ? dit-il. Et il ajouta : « Il faut de tout pour faire un
monde ».
— Vous ne croyez pas si bien dire, mon vieil ami !
 XIV
LE CHAPITRE DU CHAPEAU

Arlette était femme de chambre chez la comtesse ; et elle disait,

en réponse aux questions indiscrètes sur la situation qu’elle occupait
au château :
— Madame la comtesse avait besoin d’une collaboratrice dévouée
pour les ouvrages de lingerie et elle m’a jugée digne de cet emploi
de confiance.
Arlette ne garda pas longtemps cet emploi de confiance.
Arlette collectionnait les idées fausses, qu’elle empruntait aux
livres et aux sots indistinctement, et qu’elle faisait siennes.
Arlette ignorait que le costume prend son pittoresque et sa
beauté de son appropriation au milieu où il est porté. Arlette n’avait
pas le sens du ridicule.
Arlette donc mettait des escarpins à rubans pour marcher dans
les sentiers pierrailleux ; et des robes longues pour les traîner sur la
poussière des grand’routes.
Arnet l’avait maintes fois galégée à ce sujet :
— La mode viendra un jour pour les braconniers comme moi,
petite, d’aller chasser le sanglier avec le « calitre » (chapeau haut de
forme) sur la tête, tu verras ! Ce sera magnifique. Seulement le
calitre serait plutôt un chapeau pour la chasse aux lions, pourquoi on
leur ferait peur.
Mais Arlette voulait voir dans ces propos la jalousie basse du
vieux chasseur, à qui les raffinements de toilette étaient interdits, et
pour cause.
Arlette n’avait jamais entendu dire, même à l’école, que
l’association humaine est établie sur l’échange des services ; et que,
privée du travail de toutes les autres, chaque créature ne saurait
avoir aucun des avantages dont elle jouit en société ; que, par
conséquent, elle doit en échange un certain travail, un effort ; et que
chacun de nous tire sa noblesse morale de cet effort même et de ce
travail. Chacun paie les avantages que lui procurent l’effort, le travail
d’autrui. La dignité interdit la paresse. Riche ou pauvre, qui échappe
à la contribution générale, nécessaire, trahit le groupe, n’est qu’une
vie parasitaire. C’est dans le cœur des écoliers qu’il faudrait faire
entrer ces vérités. Si l’école formule ces choses, c’est trop souvent
sans nul souci d’en faire arriver à la mémoire du cœur le sens
profond, émouvant. En sorte qu’Arlette les ignorait. Bien plus, elle
considérait la nécessité de travailler comme une humiliation, une
véritable dégradation !
Le travail manuel surtout lui semblait presque avilissant. Mais qui
lui aurait pu dire, et en termes assez simples pour être compris
d’elle, qu’il est le plus nécessaire, étant à l’origine de la vie ; et que
les plus nobles travaux sont ceux qui comportent une lutte directe et
constante contre les choses et les éléments hostiles.
Les plus vieux maçons pourtant savent dire encore :
— Sans nous, Paris, la grand’ville, n’existerait pas !
Beau cri d’orgueil de ces anciens, et reste des âges où chaque
métier s’enorgueillissait d’être nécessaire à tous les autres ! Mais
personne n’avait transmis avec assez de conviction ces sortes de
pensées à la pauvre Arlette, qui par suite, mettait tout son orgueil à
imiter, de travers, les parures des bourgeoises, qu’elle blâmait, tout
en enviant leur oisiveté.

É
 Arlette se faisait de la liberté une idée tout à fait singulière. Était
libre, à ses yeux, qui ne travaillait pas. Libre, qui pouvait chanter aux
heures où tout sommeille, et dormir quand tout travaille. Être libre,
pour elle, c’était échapper à la loi de services mutuels qui,
précisément, donne la vraie libération, l’affranchissement de la
dignité. On l’eût bien étonnée en venant lui dire : « Chacun sert ou
doit servir, chacun est assujetti à une œuvre de ses bras ou de son
esprit pour laquelle il reçoit un salaire, indemnité ou récompense —
le mot ne change rien au fait — et chacun de nous est tenu par des
engagements auxquels il doit obéir s’il a de la probité. »
Arlette n’avait retiré de l’instruction primaire que le sot orgueil de
pouvoir lire des romans.
Avec les idées qui étaient les siennes, Arlette était prédestinée à
ne faire que de brefs séjours dans les maisons où elle servait.
Servir, ce mot surtout paraissait odieux à cette fille d’un pauvre
montagnard qui, toute sa vie, avait été employé aux plus infimes
besognes et les avait accomplies passivement, sans pensée et même
sans rêve.
Il arriva donc qu’un jour où l’on donnait au château un déjeuner
de cérémonie à Monseigneur de Fréjus et Toulon et à son vicaire
général, la jeune fille qui, d’ordinaire, servait à table, fut indisposée.
La comtesse fit venir Arlette.
— Mademoiselle, lui dit-elle, voulez-vous me faire, pour
aujourd’hui, le plaisir de servir à table ?
Arlette eut une moue dédaigneuse. La comtesse ajouta :
— Bien entendu, ce service supplémentaire vous vaudra une
indemnité.
— Oh ! madame la comtesse, ce n’est pas l’argent qui me fait
souci.
— Et qu’est-ce donc, mon enfant ?
— C’est que, dit Arlette, je n’ai pas été engagée pour cela.
— C’est entendu ; mais vous pouvez bien rendre ce service à la
maison dont vous faites partie ?
 — Sans doute, madame la comtesse, mais je voudrais qu’il fût
bien entendu que c’est à titre exceptionnel, et seulement pour faire
plaisir à Madame la Comtesse.
— C’est entendu, mademoiselle Arlette. Mais peut-être ne
connaissez-vous pas le service de table, et c’est ce qui vous
inquiète ?
Arlette se redressa, révoltée :
— Ce n’est pas bien difficile ! dit-elle pincée.
— N’importe ; priez la cuisinière, qui est au courant, de vous
l’expliquer. Vous savez, n’est-ce pas, qu’on présente les plats à la
gauche du convive ?
— A la gauche ? Parfaitement, dit Arlette, la tête haute. Et elle se
promit à elle-même de présenter les plats à droite, pour prouver son
indépendance.
— C’est bien. Allez, Mademoiselle, je vous remercie.
Et comme Arlette s’éloignait, elle s’entendit rappeler. Elle portait
si haut la tête que la comtesse venait de s’apercevoir que le chapeau
d’Arlette était démesuré, hérissé de plumes un peu pelées et de
couleurs flamboyantes.
— Vous venez d’arriver à peine, Mademoiselle ?
— Pourquoi, Madame la comtesse ?
— C’est que, dit la châtelaine qui s’amusait, c’est que vous portez
là un chapeau de ville, comme si vous alliez sortir pour visiter les
belles rues de Marseille.
— Madame la comtesse, je suis enrhumée et forcée de garder
mon chapeau sur ma tête.
— Vous le quitterez du moins pour servir à table, j’espère ? lui fut-
il répondu avec un sourire.
— Si c’est une obligation, Madame la comtesse, je ne saurais y
souscrire, dit Arlette, hautaine, je suis entrée ici pour faire un service
au sujet duquel on n’a aucune observation à me faire, car je suis au
courant. Pour ce qui est de servir à table, je le ferai volontiers
aujourd’hui, par complaisance, mais avec mon chapeau si le soin de
ma santé me l’impose.
— J’aime à voir la fierté de votre âme, dit gravement la comtesse.
Arlette se rengorgea — et sortit avec l’allure d’une amazone
victorieuse.
Monseigneur de Fréjus et Toulon fut, par précaution, informé des
prétentions de Mlle Arlette, dont le chapeau empanaché tournait
autour de la table comme un gigantesque papillon en délire.
Personne ne pouvait s’empêcher de regarder la donzelle. Elle se
croyait admirée, — et, distraite par tant de regards flatteurs, elle
renversait minutieusement un peu de toutes les sauces à la droite de
chacun des convives.
Huit jours après, Arlette, remerciée sous un prétexte, n’était plus
lingère au château.
— Tu comprends, disait-elle à Victorin, je leur ai fait comprendre
ma liberté ; et les nobles n’aiment pas ça.
Et, un jour, comme elle répétait, pour la vingtième fois, à
Victorin, cette histoire et cette conclusion, en présence de maître
Augias :
— Ma pauvre fille, lui dit le vieil instituteur, que vois-tu d’avilissant
dans la profession, bien comprise, de domestique ? Bien compris par
le maître et par le serviteur, ce métier — car c’est un métier comme
un autre — est un des plus honorables. La maison bien ordonnée est
une réduction de la société. Chacun de nous ne peut pas tout faire.
Le chef d’une maison importante, d’une famille nombreuse a besoin
d’être aidé afin de pouvoir accomplir au dehors sa part du travail
social. Je ne parle pas des jouisseurs riches et oisifs qui ne valent
pas mieux que toi. Mais le maître qui travaille est soutenu par ses
serviteurs qui lui permettent de donner son temps, hors de sa
maison, à son industrie, ou à ses malades ou à son bureau. Et, sans
qu’il soit nécessaire de prononcer de grands mots, la femme de
chambre qui, modestement, balaie et frotte chez lui, se trouve prêter
une aide indirecte, mais incontestable, à des travaux supérieurs,
nécessaires à tous et dont elle est incapable.
Arlette pensait : — Cause toujours…
Elle aimait beaucoup cette locution.
 XV
LE MUSEAU DE VENDANGE

Les Revertégat possédaient, dans la plaine, en bordure de la

route, entre les Mayons et Gonfaron, plusieurs hectares de vignes
bien exposés sur une pente au midi.
On vendangeait chez eux depuis quelques jours, et il était
nécessaire de terminer la vendange le lendemain soir, à cause des
menaces de pluie, lorsque trois des vendangeurs déclarèrent ne
pouvoir continuer le travail.
Jusqu’à ce jour-là, les Revertégat, d’accord avec les Bouziane,
avaient évité d’employer, parmi les travailleurs, la petite Arlette. Le
père Revertégat, en personne, les avait choisis. Mais, quand il se vit
privé tout à coup de trois de ses vendangeurs, effrayé qu’il était par
la précoce menace des grosses pluies de la Saint-Michel, il chargea
le garçon de ferme, Mïus, de trouver des remplaçants.
— Ce ne sera pas commode, maître. Tout le monde, des Mayons,
a mis en même temps les vendanges en train. Il faudra que j’aille
chez vingt personnes avant d’en trouver une seule qui soit libre.
Le père Revertégat examina attentivement l’horizon.
— C’est du vent d’Est, dit-il ; je ne serais pas étonné si nous
attrapions un poulpe dès ce soir (c’est-à-dire, si nous étions mouillés
comme à la pêche aux poulpes). Et, si ça commence, ça n’est pas
près d’être fini. Nous avons vendangé trop tard ; saint Michel se
fâche.
— Et alors, maître, dit Mïus, chez qui faut-il aller d’abord ?
— Nous n’avons pas le choix. Prends le diable si tu veux, mais
sauvons ce qui reste aux souches, et tâche de trouver plutôt quatre
travailleurs que trois.
— Peuh ! dit Mïus, si une bonne pluie gonflait encore un peu les
grappes, ce serait tout profit.
— Bon ! dit Revertégat ; mais si, pendant trois semaines, comme
c’est arrivé des fois, toutes les fontaines d’en haut s’ouvraient
ensemble, adieu vendanges ! Tout ce beau raisin serait perdu.
Et il promenait un regard inquiet sur le vaste champ de vignes,
où bourdonnait la joyeuse équipe de quinze vendangeurs.
Il se retourna vers Mïus :
— Allons, ne perds pas de temps. Finis la journée, et puis tu iras.
— C’est convenu, maître.
Mïus se promit bien d’engager Arlette avant tout autre. Et voilà
pourquoi, le lendemain, Arlette, au grand mécontentement de
Martine, vint chez les Revertégat, se joindre aux vendangeurs ; mais,
bien entendu, elle n’arriva point des premières, par habitude de
paresse.
Le travail de Victorin consistait à porter les cornudes pleines,
jusqu’à la cuve bâtie à l’intérieur de la ferme. Il attrapait par une
corne, avec l’aide d’un camarade, la cornude débordante de raisins
gonflés et saignants ; à eux deux, ils l’enlevaient à la hauteur de
l’épaule gauche, où l’attendait le coussinet maculé du sang de la
vigne. Et bientôt, Victorin, gagnant la ferme, s’éloignait, la main
gauche à la hanche, la main droite retenant par-dessus sa tête la
cornude inclinée. Il allait, ceint de la taïole, chemise ouverte, le cou
nu, la poitrine au vent, d’une marche balancée, harmonieuse.
Dans la haute cuve, bientôt pleine, Mïus dansait, la tête touchant
presque au plafond du cellier et se tenant d’une main à la corde qui
s’accroche à la poutre.
 Victorin n’avait pas vu avec grand plaisir l’arrivée d’Arlette,
inattendue pour lui. Tout déterminé qu’il fût à l’épouser malgré sa
famille, le gaillard se jugeait en droit, n’étant pas marié encore, de
jouir en paix tout un jour des gentillesses de Martine et des libertés
que garçons et filles se croient permises durant la vendange, qui est
le temps de faire la moustouïre (oindre ou barbouiller de moust le
visage des vendangeuses ; survivance du temps des bacchantes).
Il est d’usage que, lorsqu’une vendangeuse oublie une grappe à
la souche, le garçon qui s’en aperçoit cueille la grappe pour l’écraser
joyeusement sur le visage de la coupable, qu’en même temps, il
essuie avec des baisers. Doux châtiment, que peu d’entre elles
veulent éviter et que recherchent plus d’une.
En attendant de provoquer à la moustouïre quelqu’un des jeunes
vendangeurs, Arlette répondait par des haussements d’épaules et
des mines pincées aux galégeades qui l’avaient accueillie dès son
arrivée, et qui la poursuivaient encore. Ou bien, parfois, elle feignait
de ne rien entendre.
— C’est dommage que le temps menace. S’il faisait tant soit peu
soleil, nous l’aurions vue avec « l’ombrette ».
— Elle n’était pas si fière quand elle était encore dans les brayes
de son père, qu’il était toujours déguenillé.
— Tais-toi, qu’elle va t’entendre. On peut pas lui lever d’être
hardie. Elle t’arracherait les yeux.
— Moi, disait une fille, je suis contente qu’elle n’en soit pas, du
pays. On devrait travailler à la faire partir.
— Ah vaï ! elle partira bien d’elle-même, avec tant de nigauds qui
ne demandent qu’à l’enlever.
Les galégeades directes qu’on lui avait lancées d’abord l’ayant
trouvée insensible en apparence, s’étaient résolues en médisances
chuchotées.
Comme si elle eût voulu braver les hostilités qu’elle sentait autour
d’elle, Arlette tira de sa poche, et se mit en devoir d’enfiler, une paire
de vieux gants.
 — Té vé ! Arlette qui a peur de s’abîmer les mains !
— Eh ! la gavotte ! Tu veux te faire passer pour la marquise des
Mayons, alors ?
Ces derniers mots avaient été jetés avec mépris par un jeune
Mayonnais aux larges épaules.
— Est-ce que je ne suis pas libre de moi-même ? dit Arlette. C’est
joli, pour un gros garçon comme toi, Toinet, d’être insolent avec les
filles ! C’est lâche.
Victorin arrivait. Il posa devant Arlette sa cornude vide :
— Je ne sais pas à qui de vous elle parle, mes hommes, cria-t-il,
mais elle a raison dans ce qu’elle vient de dire, vous en conviendrez.
Et puis, le premier qui lui manque de respect, celui-là aura affaire à
moi. Travaillez, que nous n’avons pas de temps à perdre.
Il avait posé à terre sa cornude vide. Il se mit sur l’épaule une
des cornudes pleines et s’en alla.
Martine était parmi les travailleurs ; mais comme la présence
d’Arlette, imposée par les circonstances, lui était déplaisante, elle
s’arrangeait pour devancer de quelques pas les autres vendangeurs,
et, ainsi, se tenait à l’écart sans affectation. Elle était la fille du
maître, et ce zèle de sa part semblait très naturel. Tout le pays
devinait pourtant la nature des sentiments qu’inspirait Arlette aux
Bouziane et aux Revertégat. Et la vaillante petite population des
Mayons, si industrieuse, et qui sait le prix du travail et des biens qui
en sont la récompense, approuvait les deux vieilles familles
enracinées dans leurs traditions. On se réjouissait de pouvoir dire
d’Arlette : « Elle n’est pas d’ici ». Quelque chose avait transpiré, çà et
là, des amours de Victorin et des résistances du père.
On aimait Martine ; on trouvait qu’avec Victorin, celle-là, oui,
ferait un beau « parèou » ; et maître Alessi, un conseiller municipal,
était allé jusqu’à dire d’Arlette :
— Par malheur, elle ne nous est pas tout à fait étrangère ! Mais, à
la plus petite faute de sa part, je trouverais bien le moyen d’en
débarrasser le pays.
 — Bah ! lui répondit quelqu’un, c’est une ambitieuse ; et si
Victorin ne l’épouse pas, elle voudra s’en aller à Marseille ou à Paris ;
c’est bien sûr, son ambition, à elle, comme ç’a été celle d’Augustin
Augias. Nous sommes, pour ces deux-là, un trop petit pays !
Et va de rire.
C’était là, envers Arlette, les sentiments de tous, aux Mayons, et
c’est ce qui inspirait leurs lazzis aux vendangeurs des Revertégat.
Quand Victorin, après avoir parlé en maître, se fut éloigné, celui
qui avait galégé Arlette « un peu trop fort », un grand garçon nommé
Toinet, vexé d’avoir eu à supporter sans rien dire les menaces du
jeune Bouziane, se mit à chantonner une antique chanson de
vendangeurs :

Dedans sa cabane,
Le pauvre dormait.
Ni homme ni femme
Nul ne le voyait.

Les vendangeurs, hommes et femmes, que la cueillette courbait

vers les pampres touffus qu’il fallait écarter pour voir la grappe, se
relevèrent en entendant les vieux couplets. Dans les longues allées
de vignes verdoyantes, les étoffes, jupes ou corsages, mettaient de
joyeuses notes, rouges, bleues ; et, çà et là, éclataient les
scintillements dorés des chapeaux de paille, car le soleil avait reparu.
Toinet chantait. Les autres écoutaient…

Lui prend mal de tête,

Un grand mal au cœur ;
N’était pas le fiasque
Il serait bien mort.

Oh ! voisins, voisines,
Levez-vous matin ;
Et plantez des souches
Pour avoir du vin.
 Et tous en chœur, chantant et riant :

Planterons des souches,

Marcottes ferons,
Les hommes, les femmes
Tout pur le boiront.

Et tous de crier :
— Bravo, Toinet !
— Tu ne chantes pas, Arlette ? cria Toinet content de son succès
et enhardi par l’approbation unanime. A quoi penses-tu donc,
petite ? Elle a des distractions, voyez, à moins qu’elle le fasse exprès
de laisser derrière elle au moins trois grappes à une souche ! C’est
pour te faire embrasser, mâtine ? Eh bien, ce sera par moi, que tu le
veuilles ou non ! Les raisins laissés à la souche, c’est l’escavène à
l’hameçon, le piège d’amour, friponne ! Attends-moi, j’arrive !
Il s’élançait. On riait. Arlette, qui sentait en ce garçon un ennemi
véritable, voulut le fuir. La moustouïre est, à l’ordinaire, lutte
d’amour ; elle allait être, ici, sous son apparence d’amoureuse gaieté,
une lutte haineuse. Toinet avait arrêté Arlette par sa jupe, qui
craqua.
— Laisse-moi, Toinet, cria-t-elle, que tu m’as toute déchirée.
Alors, par la taille il la saisit, et la maintint tout contre lui.
— Ne te lamente pas pour cette déchirure. Nous savons bien que
tu aurais honte de paraître, comme nous, à ton arrivée ici, en habit
de travail… Tu arrives toute pimparée, afin de plaire en route aux
darnagas que tu pourrais rencontrer, et tu vas tout de suite changer
de robe dans le cellier, hein ? Et là, peut-être, Mïus, tant qu’il veut,
t’embrasse. Eh bien ! c’est à mon tour ! La moustouïre est un droit du
vendangeur ! Tiens-toi bien, Arlette, que la pénitence est douce !
Il avait, dans sa main droite, un grapillon de raisin rouge ; de la
gauche, il tenait sa victime qui se défendait, criante et griffante ; et
Toinet, ayant écrasé le raisin juteux sur le visage irrité, cherchait
maintenant à y planter un baiser. Sur la joue blanche, le jus
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