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 Contents vii

The Saga Continues 61

Discussion Questions 62
Notes 63

CHAPTER 3 National Security Agency Surveillance:

Reflecting Society’s Values, Performing Effectively, Earning Trust? 66
Introduction 66
A Leak, a Crisis 68
National Security Agency Surveillance: The Building Blocks 69
The Agencies 69
The Rule of Law 71
The Technologies 72
The Contractors 72
The Federal Bureaucracy 73
The Public Manager 74
Revelations of U.S. Surveillance Unfold 75
The Leaker 76
The News Media 77
The Obama Administration 79
Argument: Surveillance Programs Are Essential 80
Argument: Surveillance Programs Complied With the Law 80
Argument: Lawmakers Knew About
Surveillance Programs and Supported Them 81
Argument: Balancing Secrecy and Transparency Is Difficult 82
Argument: The President Provided General Policy Direction, Not
Specific Oversight 84
The United States Congress 85
Civil Society Watchdogs and Experts 87
World Leaders 88

Case Analysis: National Security Agency Surveillance 89

Conducting a 3D Analysis Using the Model Deliberative Process 89

Reflecting Society’s Values, Performing Effectively, Earning Trust 92
Discussion Questions: Public Managers’ Responsibilities, Decisions, Actions 92
Discussion Questions: Governments and Governance in a Democratic Society 93
Notes 94
viii Contents

PART II STRUCTURE: THE CONCRETE EXPRESSIONS

OF PUBLIC POLICY 99
Public Management’s Perfect Storm: The Structure Dimension 101
Part II Overview 103

CHAPTER 4 Structure: James Madison’s Legacies 105

Introduction 105
Case: Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010:
How Madisonian Democracy Works 106
Madisonian Politics 106
Medicaid Expansion 107
Health Insurance Exchanges 109
Separation of Powers 110
Checks and Balances 111
Primary Checks and Balances 111
Secondary Checks and Balances 114
Between the Branches of Government 115
Within the Branches of Government 117
Between the Public and Government 119
Distributions of Power 121
Federalism 123
Madisonian Governance in the States 124
Local Government: Closest to the People 125
Intergovernmental Relations 126
Checks and Balances in State and Local Governments 129
At the Apex of Power: The People 131
A Logic of Constitutional Governance 132
Defining Governance 132
Viewing Governance in Three Dimensions 133
Key Concepts 134
Case Analysis: Austin Energy 134
Who Should Govern Austin Energy? 135
Austin Deliberates 136
Discussion Questions 138

Notes 138

CHAPTER 5 Structure: The Administrative State 141

Introduction 141
Case: Immigration and Customs Enforcement 142
 Contents ix

Madisonian Politics and the Administrative State:

The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure 144
Direct Government Control: The Bureaucracy 148
Structures for Enabling and Constraining Managers 149
Legislative Delegations of Authority 150
Filling the Gaps: Overhead Structures of the Administrative State 152
Financial Structures: Budgets and Budgeting 153
The Evolution of Contemporary Budgeting 153
The Budget Process 154
Budget Accounting 155
Public Personnel Systems: Protection, Performance, Control 157
Protection: The Civil Service System 163
Performance: Measuring and Paying for Results 165
Control: At-Will Employment 167
Alternatives to Direct Government 170
When Is Direct Government Appropriate? 172
Quangos and Government-Sponsored Enterprises 173
Nonprofit Organizations 175
Reinventing Government? 177
Key Concepts 178
Case Analysis: State of Missouri’s Reform of its
Juvenile Justice System 179
Discussion Questions 181
Notes 181

CHAPTER 6 Structure: Tools for Public Managers 185

Introduction 185
Case: Reorganizing U.S. Foreign Assistance Programs 186
Confronting Public Management’s Challenges: Analytical Tools 188
The Chain of Command: Principals and Agents 189
Transaction Costs 190
Organizational Structure 191
Positions and Tasks 192
Multitask Principal-Agent Problems 194
Common Agency (Multiple Principals) Problems 195
Advisory Tasks, Operating Tasks, and Uncertainty Absorption 195
Routine 196
Observability of Outputs and Outcomes 197
On the Front Lines: Discretion and Local Justice 198
Budgets: Is Bigger Always Better? 200
x Contents

Rules 201
Engaging Third Parties in Public Policy Implementation 203
Contracts 203
The Make-or-Buy Decision 204
Who Bears the Risk? 209
Identifying and Managing Interdependence 210
Creating and Maintaining Management Capacity 213
The Government Performance and Results Act 214
Performance Management in State and Local Governments 216
Key Concepts 217

Case Analysis: Managing the Rollout of HealthCare.gov 217

Mismanagement 218
Mismanagement’s Harvest of Woes 219
As an Election Year Began . . . 220
Why Did It Happen This Way? 221
Discussion Questions 223
Notes 224

CHAPTER 7 Structure: Rules and Regulations 228

Introduction 228
Case: The Financial Crisis of 2008 230
Was Regulation Poorly Managed? 231
Was Regulation Poorly Designed? 233
Something More? 234
Regulation Evolves 236
Why Regulate? 236
How Does Federal Regulation Happen? 239
Where Regulators Work 239
What Regulators Do 241
How Federal Regulations are Produced 242
What is “Rulemaking”? 242
“Notice-and-Comment” Rulemaking 243
Regulation by State and Local Governments 247
Regulation by the States 247
Regulation by Local Governments 250
Enforceability and Enforcement 251
Enforcement: The Basics 251
Enforcement in Practice 252
On Being Regulated 253
Judicial Review of Rulemaking 255
 Contents xi

The Politics of Regulation 256

Key Concepts 258
Case Analysis: Fracking Regulation 258
What Is Fracking? 259
Legal Issues in the Regulation of Fracking 260
What New York Can Learn from Pennsylvania 262
Discussion Questions 263
Notes 263

PART III CULTURE: NORMS, VALUES, AND INSTITUTIONS 267

Public Management’s Perfect Storm: The Culture Dimension 268
Part III Overview 269

CHAPTER 8 Culture: The Building Blocks 271

Introduction 271
Case: Home Visiting in Early Head Start 272
Home Visitor Job Responsibilities and Qualifications 272
Ethical and Professional Issues in Home Visiting 275
The Building Blocks of Culture: Historical Perspective 278
Ethics 279
Ethics Guidelines for Civil Servants 279
Ethics and Individual Action 283
Values 285
Individual Values 285
Public Values 287
Motives 289
Professions and Professional Training 291
Structure, Culture, and Professionals 291
The Role of Professionals in Ensuring Accountability 292
Key Concepts 294
Case Analysis: Pay in Public Organizations 294
Pay as Gift Exchange 294
Pay as a Public Service Bargain 295
Is Performance Pay Reform Worth the Price? 295
Discussion Questions 296
Notes 297

CHAPTER 9 Culture: Institutionalized Values 300

Introduction 300
Case: The Space Shuttle Columbia Accident 301
What are Institutionalized Values? 303
xii Contents

Historical Perspective 304

Culture as Support (or Impediment) for Rules and Routines 305
Organizational Mission 306
Loosely Coupled Organizations 307
High-Reliability Organizations 308
Learning and Innovating Organizations 310
Organizational Learning 310
Innovation 312
Reputation and Trust 313
Reform 315
When the Focus Is Structural Change 316
Culture Influences Success of Structural Change 316
Structural Change Influences Culture 317
Bidirectional Effects of Structure and Culture 318
When the Focus Is Cultural Change 319
Key Concepts 323
Case Analysis: “Corrosive Culture” in the Veterans
Health Administration 323
Discussion Questions 324
Notes 331

PART IV CRAFT: PUBLIC MANAGERS AS CREATORS 335

Evolution of the Craft Perspective 336
Public Management’s Perfect Storm: The Craft Dimension 338
Part IV Overview 339

CHAPTER 10 Craft: Managerial Styles 341

Introduction 341
Case: A Tale of Two Cabinet Secretaries 343
Samuel Bodman, Secretary of Energy 343
John Ashcroft, Attorney General 344
Contrasting Craft 345
How Temperament and Personality Affect Craft 346
The Five-Factor Model of Personality 347
Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) 348
Managerial Pegs in Situational Holes 350
Leadership 351
Leadership in Theory 353
Normative Approaches 353
Positive Approaches 354
Leadership in Practice 356
 Contents xiii

Key Concepts 357

Case Analysis: Kate Maehr and the Greater Chicago Food Depository 358
Discussion Questions 362
Notes 363

CHAPTER 11 Craft: Managerial Heuristics 365

Introduction 365
Case: Michelle Rhee and DC Public School Reform 366
The Status Quo 366
The Reforms 366
The Reformer 368
Moving On 370
Decision Making 370
Managers as Rational Actors 371
Alternatives to Rationality 372
Bounded Rationality 373
Prospect Theory 374
Cognitive Dissonance 375
Groupthink 376
Other Psychological Biases 377
Craftsmanship and Reasonableness 379
How Public Managers Can Learn 380
Paradigms and Ideologies 380
Best Practices 382
Scientific Research 385
Use of Research by Managers and Policymakers 386
Evidence-Based Policy and Practice 387
Science or Scientism? 391
Institutions Providing Analysis and Expertise 392
Learning from Others 393
Being Strategic 393
What Is a Strategy? 394
Framing and Reframing 395
Navigating the Terrain 398
Anticipating How Hard a Problem Will Be 398
Working from the Ground Up 399
Entrepreneurship 401
Precept of Managerial Responsibility 401
Key Concepts 402
Case Analysis: Paul Vallas: CEO, Superintendent 403
xiv Contents

Chicago 404
Philadelphia 405
New Orleans 406
Discussion Questions 407
Notes 408

PART V MANAGING IN THREE DIMENSIONS: REFLECTING

SOCIETY’S VALUES, PERFORMING EFFECTIVELY, EARNING TRUST 413
Public Management’s Perfect Storm: Hurricane Katrina in Three Dimensions 414
Part V Overview 415

CHAPTER 12 3D Public Management: Structure, Culture, Craft 416

Introduction 416
Case: CompStat in 3D 417
What is CompStat? 417
Why Did CompStat Succeed in New York City? 419
Will CompStat Work Anywhere? 420
Distinctive Challenges of Public Management: Managing in 3D 422
Responding to Early Warning 424
Connecting the Dots 425
Confronting a Crisis 426
Managing in an Impossible Job 427
Managing People 430
Reforming Public Management 431
Public Managers as Change Agents 433
Reform as a Political Process 434
Measuring Performance 435
How Are Performance Measures Reported? 437
What Kinds of Performance Are Measured? 438
Challenges of Performance Measurement 439
The Role of Culture 442
The Role of Craft 443
Conundrums of 3D Management 444
The Rule of Law in 3D Management 446
Key Concepts 447
Case Analysis: The Space Shuttle Columbia Accident in 3D 448
Remembering Challenger 448
Immediate Diagnoses 449
The CAIB as Honest Broker 449
 Contents xv

Structure, Culture, Craft 450

Discussion Questions 452
Notes 452

APPENDIX: Argument in Public Management 455

Making Arguments 456
The Elements of an Argument 456
The Importance of Warrants 457
Complete and Incomplete Arguments 459
Forums and Formats for Public Arguments 461
Analysis and Argument as Management Skills 462
Key Concepts 463
Notes 463

Name Index 464

Subject Index 474
 Tables,
Figures, and
Boxes
TABLES
2.1 Types of Accountability Systems 54
2.2 Idealized Perspectives of Bureaucratic
Democracy and Approaches to Democratic Control 101
II.1 Examples of Enabling and Constraining Structures
5.1 Federal Outlays by Function and Subfunction (Excerpt) 158
5.2 Budget Authority by Function in the Adjusted Baseline 160
8.1 Values Found in Recent Public Administration Literature 288
11.1 Organizational Processes and the Four Frames 397

FIGURES
1.1 The Domain of Public Management 7
1.2 Public Management’s Three Dimensions 21
1.3 Memo from Mayor Adrian Fenty and
Timeline for DC Government Contact with the Jacks/Fogel Family 30
3.1 Office of the Director of National Intelligence–Organization Chart 71
4.1 Managerial Hierarchy: National, Regional,
and Local Managerial Positions in the Head Start Program 128
4.2 A Constitutional Logic of Governance 133
5.1 State of Idaho Budget Process 156
6.1 Catawba County, NC Sheriff’s Office Organization,
Fiscal Year 2014 to 2015 193
7.1 Reg Map Step 3: Preparation of the Proposed Rule 246
7.2 Food Additives Regulation Decision Tree 248
8.1 Early Head Start Home Visitor Job Posting in Lane County 273
8.2 Boundaries in Home Visiting 276
9.1 Summary of VA Wait Time Analysis by
White House Deputy Chief of Staff Rob Nabors 325
 Tables, Figures, and Boxes xvii

A.1 Elements of an Argument 457

A.2 Ranking the Strength of Arguments 460

BOXES
1.1 Distinctive Challenges of Public Management 14
1.2 Model Deliberative Process
for Public Management Analysis 24
2.1 A Public Manager’s Guide for Finding the Law 46
4.1 Primary Checks and Balances 112
4.2 Secondary Checks and Balances 114
6.1 Seven Principles of Performance Management 216
7.1 Rulemaking under § 553. of the Administrative Procedure Act 243
8.1 Excerpts From § 2635.101 Basic Obligation of Public Service 280
8.2 American Society for Public Administration’s Code of Ethics 284
9.1 Ten Hints for Involving Frontline
Workers in Creating Innovative Organizations 313
 Preface to the
Second Edition

Public Management: Thinking and Acting in Three Dimensions was born of two convictions:
(1) effective public management and competent public managers are essential to achieving the
duly authorized goals of public policies at all levels of government, and (2) trustworthy public
management is a sustaining factor in the legitimacy of public administration within America’s
constitutional scheme of governance. By the term public management, we mean the decisions
and actions of public officials in managerial roles to ensure that the allocation and use
of resources available to governments are directed toward the achievement of lawful public
policy goals.
Imparting a sense of urgency to this project is the steady outpouring of stories of public misman-
agement and incompetence in recent years. Policies, organizations, and public officials have too
often failed the public, with consequences ranging from unfortunate to tragic. Such failures further
diminish Americans’ trust in their government to, as public opinion pollsters put it, “do what is
right.i” Excuses that cavalierly explain mismanagement as “stuff happens” hardly mollify citizens
who justifiably resent misuses of their tax dollars.
Yet chronic failure is far from the whole story of American public management. In this book, we
highlight examples of successful policies, organizations, and individuals. These stories exemplify how
the daily business of government at all levels is performed with commendable competence by officials
dedicated to effective public service. That the American administrative state ever or even often works
well attracts little media, interest group, or citizen attention. “Another good day at the office” is not a
compelling story.
Public management in our democracy can be dauntingly challenging. Doing what is right is hard
work. Indeed, to manage effectively in a regime of separated powers and checks and balances entails
intellectual and practical challenges that are exceptional among modern industrial democracies.
Educating people to understand and to meet these challenges is the goal of public affairs education
in general, and it is our reason for writing this book. We aim

•• to educate readers to be informed citizens concerning how government works, what is

involved in implementing complex public policies, and how managerial leadership and skill
can contribute to achieving effective public policy outcomes, and

iPew Research Center for People and the Press, “Trust in Government Nears Record Low, but Most Federal Agencies Are Viewed

Favorably,” Survey Report, October 18, 2013, Retrieved from http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/10-18-13%20

Trust%20in%20Govt%20Update.pdf.
 Preface to the Second Edition xix

• to prepare students to participate as professionals by helping them acquire critical analytical and rhetorical
skills appropriate to addressing public management’s distinctive challenges, through adherence to a guid-
ing principle of the rule of law and through deliberative processes informed by the multiple dimensions of
public management.

THE BOOK’S PREMISES

This textbook’s argument is developed from the following premises:

•• The topic of public management is about much more than just what tasks managers do and how they do
those tasks. Instead, it is fundamentally about why public managers do what they do.
•• A public manager in a particular situation confronts and must sort through many details. Many of these
details may seem inconsequential, but they are often of great importance to an accurate understanding of
what matters. As the saying goes, “the devil is in the details.” A manager needs to be able to identify the
most important among all these details. That requires, in turn, knowing the right questions to ask in order
to focus on the key facts.
•• Situations that public managers face, and, therefore, the right questions to ask, will differ depending on
factors that include

{{ the level of government (federal, state, local),

{{ politics and political institutions,
{{ characteristics of the organizations where public managers work and the type of work the

organization does,
{{ the organization’s institutionalized values and cultures/subcultures,

{{ the personalities and skills of the individual managers themselves, and

{{ the context of the organization’s work.

• The real challenges that public managers face typically have no single best response. Instead, relying on
analysis—a way of thinking about and approaching problems—is a more robust approach than searching
for a textbook answer or resorting to a one-size-fits-all best practice.
• An analytical approach typically involves

{{ choosing a framework for viewing public management problems: in this book, that framework comprises
three dimensions: structure, culture, and craft, and
{{ adopting a systematic process for thinking about the problem or challenge: in this book, that process is

the model deliberative process.

• There is more rational, or at least systematic, thinking in public affairs than may be apparent from media
accounts. The institutional framework of American governments tends toward reasoned explanations and
justifications for policies and budgets. Making persuasive arguments does matter in practice, and, to the
extent it does, that is healthy for democratic governance.
xx Preface to the Second Edition

WHY THREE DIMENSIONS?

We believe that managing in the public sector requires an understanding of three distinct dimensions of public action:

• Structure: administrative structures and processes,

• Culture: organizations and their cultures, and
• Craft: individual public managers and their skills and values.

These three dimensions interact in complex ways to produce results that approximate what citizens and their
representatives expect from their governments.
The three dimensions encapsulate the typical ways in which citizens and lawmakers tend to think about and
react to government: as public agencies that serve the public in particular ways (i.e., structure), as the values
institutionalized in public bureaucracies that are reflected in the ways employees do their work (i.e., culture), and
as the individuals who hold positions of authority and responsibility in government and should be held account-
able for how well or poorly government performs (i.e., craft).
The three-dimensional framework is embedded in James Madison’s constitutional scheme of American gov-
ernance that comprises the rule of law: a separation of powers among legislative, executive, and judicial branches;
checks and balances; federalism; and pluralism. Public management is not a thing apart from politics and policy
but an integral, inseparable part of making our democratic institutions work for “the people.”

TEACHING PUBLIC MANAGEMENT WITH THIS BOOK

The pedagogical approach underlying this book draws on the authors’ combined half century of experience teach-
ing both public management and policy analysis to students in professional master’s degree programs (experience
that, in turn, was grounded on a decade of public service).
The book aims to demonstrate that effective public management in the real world will benefit in significant
ways from critical analysis and the manager’s ability to incorporate such analysis into managerial actions and
strategies and to bring the need for such intellectual skills to vivid life through the liberal use of cases, examples,
and insightful anecdotes of public management in actual practice.
A further aspect of our approach is its emphasis on the rule of law. Many texts, whatever methods they use to
prepare professionals for practice, view laws, rules, courts, and legality as specialized topics, thus giving short
shrift to how the rule of law permeates professional work. These texts may deal with particular laws, lawsuits, and
court decisions in the context of considering specific managerial problems, but they do not sufficiently illuminate
the relationship of managerial practice to lawfulness and to upholding the Constitution, which the public manag-
er’s oath of office explicitly requires. In this book, adhering to the rule of law is regarded as the foundation of
public management, and we consider in detail what that proposition means for practice.
Public management is not only thoughtful, analytical deliberation and the lawful action that proceeds
from it, however. It is also rhetoric, the ability to use language effectively in political and organizational con-
texts to bring superiors, peers, and subordinates to agreement, action, and cooperation. The “method” of this
book, then, is argument based on ideas fully developed in the book’s appendix. We believe that the ability to
make persuasive arguments is fundamental to the practice of public management (indeed, it is fundamental
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 XV
ABRAHAM LINCOLN

REMARKS AT THE FUNERAL SERVICES HELD IN

CONCORD, APRIL 19, 1865

“Nature, they say, doth dote,

And cannot make a man
Save on some worn-out plan,
Repeating us by rote:
For him her Old-World moulds aside she threw,
And, choosing sweet clay from the breast
Of the unexhausted West,
With stuff untainted shaped a hero new,
Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true.
How beautiful to see
Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed,
Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead;
One whose meek flock the people joyed to be,
Not lured by any cheat of birth,
But by his clear-grained human worth,
And brave old wisdom of sincerity!
They knew that outward grace is dust;
They could not choose but trust
In that sure-footed mind’s unfaltering skill,
And supple-tempered will
That bent, like perfect steel, to spring again and thrust.
...
Nothing of Europe here,
Or, then, of Europe fronting mornward still,
Ere any names of Serf and Peer
 Could Nature’s equal scheme deface; ...
Here was a type of the true elder race,
And one of Plutarch’s men talked with us face to face.”

Lowell, Commemoration Ode.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
We meet under the gloom of a calamity which darkens down over
the minds of good men in all civil society, as the fearful tidings travel
over sea, over land, from country to country, like the shadow of an
uncalculated eclipse over the planet. Old as history is, and manifold
as are its tragedies, I doubt if any death has caused so much pain to
mankind as this has caused, or will cause, on its announcement; and
this, not so much because nations are by modern arts brought so
closely together, as because of the mysterious hopes and fears
which, in the present day, are connected with the name and
institutions of America.
In this country, on Saturday, every one was struck dumb, and saw
at first only deep below deep, as he meditated on the ghastly blow.
And perhaps, at this hour, when the coffin which contains the dust of
the President sets forward on its long march through mourning
states, on its way to his home in Illinois, we might well be silent, and
suffer the awful voices of the time to thunder to us. Yes, but that first
despair was brief: the man was not so to be mourned. He was the
most active and hopeful of men; and his work had not perished: but
acclamations of praise for the task he had accomplished burst out
into a song of triumph, which even tears for his death cannot keep
down.
The President stood before us as a man of the people. He was
thoroughly American, had never crossed the sea, had never been
spoiled by English insularity or French dissipation; a quite native,
aboriginal man, as an acorn from the oak; no aping of foreigners, no
frivolous accomplishments, Kentuckian born, working on a farm, a
flatboatman, a captain in the Black Hawk War, a country lawyer, a
representative in the rural legislature of Illinois;—on such modest
foundations the broad structure of his fame was laid. How slowly,
and yet by happily prepared steps, he came to his place. All of us
remember—it is only a history of five or six years—the surprise and
the disappointment of the country at his first nomination by the
convention at Chicago. Mr. Seward, then in the culmination of his
good fame, was the favorite of the Eastern States. And when the
new and comparatively unknown name of Lincoln was announced
(notwithstanding the report of the acclamations of that convention),
we heard the result coldly and sadly. It seemed too rash, on a purely
local reputation, to build so grave a trust in such anxious times; and
men naturally talked of the chances in politics as incalculable. But it
turned out not to be chance. The profound good opinion which the
people of Illinois and of the West had conceived of him, and which
they had imparted to their colleagues, that they also might justify
themselves to their constituents at home, was not rash, though they
did not begin to know the riches of his worth.[174]
A plain man of the people, an extraordinary fortune attended him.
He offered no shining qualities at the first encounter; he did not
offend by superiority. He had a face and manner which disarmed
suspicion, which inspired confidence, which confirmed good will. He
was a man without vices. He had a strong sense of duty, which it
was very easy for him to obey. Then, he had what farmers call a long
head; was excellent in working out the sum for himself; in arguing his
case and convincing you fairly and firmly. Then, it turned out that he
was a great worker; had prodigious faculty of performance; worked
easily. A good worker is so rare; everybody has some disabling
quality. In a host of young men that start together and promise so
many brilliant leaders for the next age, each fails on trial; one by bad
health, one by conceit, or by love of pleasure, or lethargy, or an ugly
temper,—each has some disqualifying fault that throws him out of
the career. But this man was sound to the core, cheerful, persistent,
all right for labor, and liked nothing so well.
Then, he had a vast good nature, which made him tolerant and
accessible to all; fair-minded, leaning to the claim of the petitioner;
affable, and not sensible to the affliction which the innumerable visits
paid to him when President would have brought to any one else.[175]
And how this good nature became a noble humanity, in many a
tragic case which the events of the war brought to him, every one will
remember; and with what increasing tenderness he dealt when a
whole race was thrown on his compassion. The poor negro said of
him, on an impressive occasion, “Massa Linkum am eberywhere.”
Then his broad good humor, running easily into jocular talk, in
which he delighted and in which he excelled, was a rich gift to this
wise man. It enabled him to keep his secret; to meet every kind of
man and every rank in society; to take off the edge of the severest
decisions; to mask his own purpose and sound his companion; and
to catch with true instinct the temper of every company he
addressed. And, more than all, it is to a man of severe labor, in
anxious and exhausting crises, the natural restorative, good as
sleep, and is the protection of the overdriven brain against rancor
and insanity.
He is the author of a multitude of good sayings, so disguised as
pleasantries that it is certain they had no reputation at first but as
jests; and only later, by the very acceptance and adoption they find
in the mouths of millions, turn out to be the wisdom of the hour. I am
sure if this man had ruled in a period of less facility of printing, he
would have become mythological in a very few years, like Æsop or
Pilpay, or one of the Seven Wise Masters, by his fables and
proverbs. But the weight and penetration of many passages in his
letters, messages and speeches, hidden now by the very closeness
of their application to the moment, are destined hereafter to wide
fame. What pregnant definitions; what unerring common sense; what
foresight; and, on great occasion, what lofty, and more than national,
what humane tone! His brief speech at Gettysburg will not easily be
surpassed by words on any recorded occasion. This, and one other
American speech, that of John Brown to the court that tried him, and
a part of Kossuth’s speech at Birmingham, can only be compared
with each other, and with no fourth.
His occupying the chair of state was a triumph of the good sense
of mankind, and of the public conscience. This middle-class country
had got a middle-class president, at last. Yes, in manners and
sympathies, but not in powers, for his powers were superior. This
man grew according to the need. His mind mastered the problem of
the day; and as the problem grew, so did his comprehension of it.
Rarely was man so fitted to the event. In the midst of fears and
jealousies, in the Babel of counsels and parties, this man wrought
incessantly with all his might and all his honesty, laboring to find
what the people wanted, and how to obtain that. It cannot be said
there is any exaggeration of his worth. If ever a man was fairly
tested, he was. There was no lack of resistance, nor of slander, nor
of ridicule. The times have allowed no state secrets; the nation has
been in such ferment, such multitudes had to be trusted, that no
secret could be kept. Every door was ajar, and we know all that
befell.
Then, what an occasion was the whirlwind of the war. Here was
place for no holiday magistrate, no fair-weather sailor; the new pilot
was hurried to the helm in a tornado. In four years,—four years of
battle-days,—his endurance, his fertility of resources, his
magnanimity, were sorely tried and never found wanting. There, by
his courage, his justice, his even temper, his fertile counsel, his
humanity, he stood a heroic figure in the centre of a heroic epoch.
He is the true history of the American people in his time. Step by
step he walked before them; slow with their slowness, quickening his
march by theirs, the true representative of this continent; an entirely
public man; father of his country, the pulse of twenty millions
throbbing in his heart, the thought of their minds articulated by his
tongue.
Adam Smith remarks that the axe, which in Houbraken’s portraits
of British kings and worthies is engraved under those who have
suffered at the block, adds a certain lofty charm to the picture. And
who does not see, even in this tragedy so recent, how fast the terror
and ruin of the massacre are already burning into glory around the
victim? Far happier this fate than to have lived to be wished away; to
have watched the decay of his own faculties; to have seen—perhaps
even he—the proverbial ingratitude of statesmen; to have seen
mean men preferred. Had he not lived long enough to keep the
greatest promise that ever man made to his fellow men,—the
practical abolition of slavery? He had seen Tennessee, Missouri and
Maryland emancipate their slaves. He had seen Savannah,
Charleston and Richmond surrendered; had seen the main army of
the rebellion lay down its arms. He had conquered the public opinion
of Canada, England and France.[176] Only Washington can compare
with him in fortune.
And what if it should turn out, in the unfolding of the web, that he
had reached the term; that this heroic deliverer could no longer serve
us; that the rebellion had touched its natural conclusion, and what
remained to be done required new and uncommitted hands,—a new
spirit born out of the ashes of the war; and that Heaven, wishing to
show the world a completed benefactor, shall make him serve his
country even more by his death than by his life? Nations, like kings,
are not good by facility and complaisance. “The kindness of kings
consists in justice and strength.” Easy good nature has been the
dangerous foible of the Republic, and it was necessary that its
enemies should outrage it, and drive us to unwonted firmness, to
secure the salvation of this country in the next ages.
The ancients believed in a serene and beautiful Genius which
ruled in the affairs of nations; which, with a slow but stern justice,
carried forward the fortunes of certain chosen houses, weeding out
single offenders or offending families, and securing at last the firm
prosperity of the favorites of Heaven. It was too narrow a view of the
Eternal Nemesis. There is a serene Providence which rules the fate
of nations, which makes little account of time, little of one generation
or race, makes no account of disasters, conquers alike by what is
called defeat or by what is called victory, thrusts aside enemy and
obstruction, crushes everything immoral as inhuman, and obtains the
ultimate triumph of the best race by the sacrifice of everything which
resists the moral laws of the world.[177] It makes its own instruments,
creates the man for the time, trains him in poverty, inspires his
genius, and arms him for his task. It has given every race its own
talent, and ordains that only that race which combines perfectly with
the virtues of all shall endure.[178]
 XVI
HARVARD COMMEMORATION SPEECH

JULY 21, 1865

“‘Old classmate, say

Do you remember our Commencement Day?
Were we such boys as these at twenty?’ Nay,
God called them to a nobler task than ours,
And gave them holier thoughts and manlier powers,—
This is the day of fruits and not of flowers!
These ‘boys’ we talk about like ancient sages
Are the same men we read of in old pages—
The bronze recast of dead heroic ages!
We grudge them not, our dearest, bravest, best,—
Let but the quarrel’s issue stand confest:
’Tis Earth’s old slave-God battling for his crown
And Freedom fighting with her visor down.”

Holmes.

“Many loved Truth, and lavished life’s best oil

Amid the dust of books to find her,
Content at last, for guerdon of their toil,
With the cast mantle she hath left behind her.
Many in sad faith sought for her,
Many with crossed hands sighed for her;
But these, our brothers, fought for her,
At life’s dear peril wrought for her,
So loved her that they died for her,
Tasting the raptured fleetness
 Of her divine completeness:
Their higher instinct knew
Those love her best who to themselves are true,
And what they dare to dream of, dare to do;
They followed her and found her
Where all may hope to find,
Not in the ashes of the burnt-out mind,
But beautiful, with danger’s sweetness round her.
Where faith made whole with deed
Breathes its awakening breath
Into the lifeless creed,
They saw her plumed and mailed,
With sweet, stern face unveiled,
And all-repaying eyes, look proud on them in death.”

Lowell, Commemoration Ode.

HARVARD COMMEMORATION SPEECH

MR. CHAIRMAN, and Gentlemen: With whatever opinion we
come here, I think it is not in man to see, without a feeling of pride
and pleasure, a tried soldier, the armed defender of the right. I think
that in these last years all opinions have been affected by the
magnificent and stupendous spectacle which Divine Providence has
offered us of the energies that slept in the children of this country,—
that slept and have awakened. I see thankfully those that are here,
but dim eyes in vain explore for some who are not.
The old Greek Heraclitus said, “War is the Father of all things.” He
said it, no doubt, as science, but we of this day can repeat it as
political and social truth. War passes the power of all chemical
solvents, breaking up the old adhesions, and allowing the atoms of
society to take a new order. It is not the Government, but the War,
that has appointed the good generals, sifted out the pedants, put in
the new and vigorous blood. The War has lifted many other people
besides Grant and Sherman into their true places. Even Divine
Providence, we may say, always seems to work after a certain
military necessity. Every nation punishes the General who is not
victorious. It is a rule in games of chance that the cards beat all the
players, and revolutions disconcert and outwit all the insurgents.
The revolutions carry their own points, sometimes to the ruin of
those who set them on foot. The proof that war also is within the
highest right, is a marked benefactor in the hands of the Divine
Providence, is its morale. The war gave back integrity to this erring
and immoral nation. It charged with power, peaceful, amiable men, to
whose life war and discord were abhorrent. What an infusion of
character went out from this and other colleges! What an infusion of
character down to the ranks! The experience has been uniform that it
is the gentle soul that makes the firm hero after all. It is easy to recall
the mood in which our young men, snatched from every peaceful
pursuit, went to the war. Many of them had never handled a gun.
They said, “It is not in me to resist. I go because I must. It is a duty
which I shall never forgive myself if I decline. I do not know that I can
make a soldier. I may be very clumsy. Perhaps I shall be timid; but
you can rely on me. Only one thing is certain, I can well die, but I
cannot afford to misbehave.”
In fact the infusion of culture and tender humanity from these
scholars and idealists who went to the war in their own despite—God
knows they had no fury for killing their old friends and countrymen—
had its signal and lasting effect. It was found that enthusiasm was a
more potent ally than science and munitions of war without it. “It is a
principle of war,” said Napoleon, “that when you can use the
thunderbolt you must prefer it to the cannon.” Enthusiasm was the
thunderbolt. Here in this little Massachusetts, in smaller Rhode
Island, in this little nest of New England republics it flamed out when
the guilty gun was aimed at Sumter.
Mr. Chairman, standing here in Harvard College, the parent of all
the colleges; in Massachusetts, the parent of all the North; when I
consider her influence on the country as a principal planter of the
Western States, and now, by her teachers, preachers, journalists
and books, as well as by traffic and production, the diffuser of
religious, literary and political opinion;—and when I see how
irresistible the convictions of Massachusetts are in these swarming
populations,—I think the little state bigger than I knew. When her
blood is up, she has a fist big enough to knock down an empire. And
her blood was roused. Scholars changed the black coat for the blue.
A single company in the Forty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment
contained thirty-five sons of Harvard. You all know as well as I the
story of these dedicated men, who knew well on what duty they
went,—whose fathers and mothers said of each slaughtered son,
“We gave him up when he enlisted.” One mother said, when her son
was offered the command of the first negro regiment, “If he accepts
it, I shall be as proud as if I had heard that he was shot.”[179] These
men, thus tender, thus high-bred, thus peaceable, were always in the
front and always employed. They might say, with their forefathers the
old Norse Vikings, “We sung the mass of lances from morning until
evening.” And in how many cases it chanced, when the hero had
fallen, they who came by night to his funeral, on the morrow returned
to the war-path to show his slayers the way to death!
Ah! young brothers, all honor and gratitude to you,—you, manly
defenders, Liberty’s and Humanity’s bodyguard! We shall not again
disparage America, now that we have seen what men it will bear. We
see—we thank you for it—a new era, worth to mankind all the
treasure and all the lives it has cost; yes, worth to the world the lives
of all this generation of American men, if they had been demanded.
[180]
 XVII
ADDRESS

AT THE DEDICATION OF THE SOLDIERS’

MONUMENT IN CONCORD, APRIL 19, 1867

“They have shown what men may do,

They have proved how men may die,—
Count, who can, the fields they have pressed,
Each face to the solemn sky!”

Brownell.

“Think you these felt no charms

In their gray homesteads and embowered farms?
In household faces waiting at the door
Their evening step should lighten up no more?
In fields their boyish feet had known?
In trees their fathers’ hands had set,
And which with them had grown,
Widening each year their leafy coronet?
Felt they no pang of passionate regret
For those unsolid goods that seem so much our own?
These things are dear to every man that lives,
And life prized more for what it lends than gives.
Yea, many a tie, through iteration sweet,
Strove to detain their fatal feet;
And yet the enduring half they chose,
Whose choice decides a man life’s slave or king,
The invisible things of God before the seen and known:
Therefore their memory inspiration blows
With echoes gathering on from zone to zone;
For manhood is the one immortal thing
Beneath Time’s changeful sky,
And, where it lightened once, from age to age,
Men come to learn, in grateful pilgrimage,
That length of days is knowing when to die.”

Lowell, Concord Ode.

ADDRESS
DEDICATION OF SOLDIERS’ MONUMENT IN CONCORD, APRIL 19, 1867

Fellow citizens: The day is in Concord doubly our calendar day,

as being the anniversary of the invasion of the town by the British
troops in 1775, and of the departure of the company of volunteers for
Washington, in 1861. We are all pretty well aware that the facts
which make to us the interest of this day are in a great degree
personal and local here; that every other town and city has its own
heroes and memorial days, and that we can hardly expect a wide
sympathy for the names and anecdotes which we delight to record.
We are glad and proud that we have no monopoly of merit. We are
thankful that other towns and cities are as rich; that the heroes of old
and of recent date, who made and kept America free and united,
were not rare or solitary growths, but sporadic over vast tracts of the
Republic. Yet, as it is a piece of nature and the common sense that
the throbbing chord that holds us to our kindred, our friends and our
town, is not to be denied or resisted,—no matter how frivolous or
unphilosophical its pulses,—we shall cling affectionately to our
houses, our river and pastures, and believe that our visitors will
pardon us if we take the privilege of talking freely about our nearest
neighbors as in a family party;—well assured, meantime, that the
virtues we are met to honor were directed on aims which command
the sympathy of every loyal American citizen, were exerted for the
protection of our common country, and aided its triumph.
The town has thought fit to signify its honor for a few of its sons by
raising an obelisk in the square. It is a simple pile enough,—a few
slabs of granite, dug just below the surface of the soil, and laid upon
the top of it; but as we have learned that the upheaved mountain,
from which these discs or flakes were broken, was once a glowing
mass at white heat, slowly crystallized, then uplifted by the central
fires of the globe: so the roots of the events it appropriately marks
are in the heart of the universe. I shall say of this obelisk, planted
here in our quiet plains, what Richter says of the volcano in the fair
landscape of Naples: “Vesuvius stands in this poem of Nature, and
exalts everything, as war does the age.”
The art of the architect and the sense of the town have made
these dumb stones speak; have, if I may borrow the old language of
the church, converted these elements from a secular to a sacred and
spiritual use; have made them look to the past and the future; have
given them a meaning for the imagination and the heart. The sense
of the town, the eloquent inscriptions the shaft now bears, the
memories of these martyrs, the noble names which yet have
gathered only their first fame, whatever good grows to the country
out of the war, the largest results, the future power and genius of the
land, will go on clothing this shaft with daily beauty and spiritual life.
’Tis certain that a plain stone like this, standing on such memories,
having no reference to utilities, but only to the grand instincts of the
civil and moral man, mixes with surrounding nature,—by day with the
changing seasons, by night the stars roll over it gladly,—becomes a
sentiment, a poet, a prophet, an orator, to every townsman and
passenger, an altar where the noble youth shall in all time come to
make his secret vows.[181]
The old Monument, a short half-mile from this house, stands to
signalize the first Revolution, where the people resisted offensive
usurpations, offensive taxes of the British Parliament, claiming that
there should be no tax without representation. Instructed by events,
after the quarrel began, the Americans took higher ground, and
stood for political independence. But in the necessities of the hour,
they overlooked the moral law, and winked at a practical exception to
the Bill of Rights they had drawn up. They winked at the exception,
believing it insignificant. But the moral law, the nature of things, did
not wink at it, but kept its eye wide open. It turned out that this one
violation was a subtle poison, which in eighty years corrupted the
whole overgrown body politic, and brought the alternative of
extirpation of the poison or ruin to the Republic.[182]
This new Monument is built to mark the arrival of the nation at the
new principle,—say, rather, at its new acknowledgment, for the
principle is as old as Heaven,—that only that state can live, in which
injury to the least member is recognized as damage to the whole.
Reform must begin at home. The aim of the hour was to
reconstruct the South; but first the North had to be reconstructed. Its
own theory and practice of liberty had got sadly out of gear, and
must be corrected. It was done on the instant. A thunderstorm at sea
sometimes reverses the magnets in the ship, and south is north. The
storm of war works the like miracle on men. Every Democrat who
went South came back a Republican, like the governors who, in
Buchanan’s time, went to Kansas, and instantly took the free-state
colors. War, says the poet, is

“the arduous strife,

To which the triumph of all good is given.”[183]

Every principle is a war-note. When the rights of man are recited

under any old government, every one of them is a declaration of war.
War civilizes, rearranges the population, distributing by ideas,—the
innovators on one side, the antiquaries on the other. It opens the
eyes wider. Once we were patriots up to the town-bounds, or the
state-line. But when you replace the love of family or clan by a
principle, as freedom, instantly that fire runs over the state-line into
New Hampshire, Vermont, New York and Ohio, into the prairie and
beyond, leaps the mountains, bridges river and lake, burns as hotly
in Kansas and California as in Boston, and no chemist can
discriminate between one soil and the other. It lifts every population
to an equal power and merit.
 As long as we debate in council, both sides may form their private
guess what the event may be, or which is the strongest. But the
moment you cry “Every man to his tent, O Israel!” the delusions of
hope and fear are at an end;—the strength is now to be tested by the
eternal facts. There will be no doubt more. The world is equal to
itself. The secret architecture of things begins to disclose itself; the
fact that all things were made on a basis of right; that justice is really
desired by all intelligent beings; that opposition to it is against the
nature of things; and that, whatever may happen in this hour or that,
the years and the centuries are always pulling down the wrong and
building up the right.
The war made the Divine Providence credible to many who did not
believe the good Heaven quite honest. Every man was an
abolitionist by conviction, but did not believe that his neighbor was.
The opinions of masses of men, which the tactics of primary
caucuses and the proverbial timidity of trade had concealed, the war
discovered; and it was found, contrary to all popular belief, that the
country was at heart abolitionist, and for the Union was ready to die.
As cities of men are the first effects of civilization, and also
instantly causes of more civilization, so armies, which are only
wandering cities, generate a vast heat, and lift the spirit of the
soldiers who compose them to the boiling point. The armies
mustered in the North were as much missionaries to the mind of the
country as they were carriers of material force, and had the vast
advantage of carrying whither they marched a higher civilization. Of
course, there are noble men everywhere, and there are such in the
South; and the noble know the noble, wherever they meet; and we
have all heard passages of generous and exceptional behavior
exhibited by individuals there to our officers and men, during the war.
But the common people, rich or poor, were the narrowest and most
conceited of mankind, as arrogant as the negroes on the Gambia
River; and, by the way, it looks as if the editors of the Southern press
were in all times selected from this class. The invasion of Northern
farmers, mechanics, engineers, tradesmen, lawyers and students did
more than forty years of peace had done to educate the South.[184]
“This will be a slow business,” writes our Concord captain home, “for
we have to stop and civilize the people as we go along.”
It is an interesting part of the history, the manner in which this
incongruous militia were made soldiers. That was done again on the
Kansas plan. Our farmers went to Kansas as peaceable, God-
fearing men as the members of our school committee here. But
when the Border raids were let loose on their villages, these people,
who turned pale at home if called to dress a cut finger, on witnessing
the butchery done by the Missouri riders on women and babes, were
so beside themselves with rage, that they became on the instant the
bravest soldiers and the most determined avengers.[185] And the first
events of the war of the Rebellion gave the like training to the new
recruits.
All sorts of men went to the war,—the roughs, men who liked
harsh play and violence, men for whom pleasure was not strong
enough, but who wanted pain, and found sphere at last for their
superabundant energy; then the adventurous type of New
Englander, with his appetite for novelty and travel; the village
politician, who could now verify his newspaper knowledge, see the
South, and amass what a stock of adventures to retail hereafter at
the fireside, or to the well-known companions on the Mill-dam; young
men, also, of excellent education and polished manners, delicately
brought up; manly farmers, skilful mechanics, young tradesmen,
men hitherto of narrow opportunities of knowing the world, but well
taught in the grammar-schools. But perhaps in every one of these
classes were idealists, men who went from a religious duty. I have a
note of a conversation that occurred in our first company, the
morning before the battle of Bull Run. At a halt in the march, a few of
our boys were sitting on a rail fence talking together whether it was
right to sacrifice themselves. One of them said, ‘he had been
thinking a good deal about it, last night, and he thought one was
never too young to die for a principle.’ One of our later volunteers, on
the day when he left home, in reply to my question, How can you be
spared from your farm, now that your father is so ill? said: “I go
because I shall always be sorry if I did not go when the country
called me. I can go as well as another.” One wrote to his father these
words: “You may think it strange that I, who have always naturally
rather shrunk from danger, should wish to enter the army; but there
is a higher Power that tunes the hearts of men, and enables them to
see their duty, and gives them courage to face the dangers with
which those duties are attended.” And the captain writes home of
another of his men, “B⸺ comes from a sense of duty and love of
country, and these are the soldiers you can depend upon.”[186]
None of us can have forgotten how sharp a test to try our peaceful
people with, was the first call for troops. I doubt not many of our
soldiers could repeat the confession of a youth whom I knew in the
beginning of the war, who enlisted in New York, went to the field, and
died early. Before his departure he confided to his sister that he was
naturally a coward, but was determined that no one should ever find
it out; that he had long trained himself by forcing himself, on the
suspicion of any near danger, to go directly up to it, cost him what
struggles it might. Yet it is from this temperament of sensibility that
great heroes have been formed.
Our first company was led by an officer who had grown up in this
village from a boy.[187] The older among us can well remember him
at school, at play and at work, all the way up, the most amiable,
sensible, unpretending of men; fair, blond, the rose lived long in his
cheek; grave, but social, and one of the last men in this town you
would have picked out for the rough dealing of war,—not a trace of
fierceness, much less of recklessness, or of the devouring thirst for
excitement; tender as a woman in his care for a cough or a chilblain
in his men; had troches and arnica in his pocket for them. The army
officers were welcome to their jest on him as too kind for a captain,
and, later, as the colonel who got off his horse when he saw one of
his men limp on the march, and told him to ride. But he knew that his
men had found out, first that he was captain, then that he was
colonel, and neither dared nor wished to disobey him. He was a man
without conceit, who never fancied himself a philosopher or a saint;
the most modest and amiable of men, engaged in common duties,
but equal always to the occasion; and the war showed him still
equal, however stern and terrible the occasion grew,—disclosed in
him a strong good sense, great fertility of resource, the helping hand,
and then the moral qualities of a commander,—a patience not to be
tired out, a serious devotion to the cause of the country that never
swerved, a hope that never failed. He was a Puritan in the army, with
traits that remind one of John Brown,—an integrity incorruptible, and
an ability that always rose to the need.
You will remember that these colonels, captains and lieutenants,
and the privates too, are domestic men, just wrenched away from
their families and their business by this rally of all the manhood in the
land. They have notes to pay at home; have farms, shops, factories,
affairs of every kind to think of and write home about. Consider what
sacrifice and havoc in business arrangements this war-blast made.
They have to think carefully of every last resource at home on which
their wives or mothers may fall back; upon the little account in the
savings bank, the grass that can be sold, the old cow, or the heifer.
These necessities make the topics of the ten thousand letters with
which the mail-bags came loaded day by day. These letters play a
great part in the war. The writing of letters made the Sunday in every
camp:—meantime they are without the means of writing. After the
first marches there is no letter-paper, there are no envelopes, no
postage-stamps for these were wetted into a solid mass in the rains
and mud. Some of these letters are written on the back of old bills,
some on brown paper, or strips of newspaper; written by fire-light,
making the short night shorter; written on the knee, in the mud, with
pencil, six words at a time; or in the saddle, and have to stop
because the horse will not stand still. But the words are proud and
tender,—“Tell mother I will not disgrace her;” “tell her not to worry
about me, for I know she would not have had me stay at home if she
could as well as not.” The letters of the captain are the dearest
treasures of this town. Always devoted, sometimes anxious,
sometimes full of joy at the deportment of his comrades, they contain
the sincere praise of men whom I now see in this assembly. If
Marshal Montluc’s[188] Memoirs are the Bible of soldiers, as Henry
IV. of France said, Colonel Prescott might furnish the Book of
Epistles.
He writes, “You don’t know how one gets attached to a company
by living with them and sleeping with them all the time. I know every
man by heart. I know every man’s weak spot,—who is shaky, and
who is true blue.” He never remits his care of the men, aiming to hold
them to their good habits and to keep them cheerful. For the first
point, he keeps up a constant acquaintance with them; urges their
correspondence with their friends; writes news of them home, urging
his own correspondent to visit their families and keep them informed
about the men; encourages a temperance society which is formed in
the camp. “I have not had a man drunk, or affected by liquor, since
we came here.” At one time he finds his company unfortunate in
having fallen between two companies of quite another class,—“’tis
profanity all the time; yet instead of a bad influence on our men, I
think it works the other way,—it disgusts them.”
One day he writes, “I expect to have a time, this forenoon, with the
officer from West Point who drills us. He is very profane, and I will
not stand it. If he does not stop it, I shall march my men right away
when he is drilling them. There is a fine for officers swearing in the
army, and I have too many young men that are not used to such talk.
I told the colonel this morning I should do it, and shall,—don’t care
what the consequence is. This lieutenant seems to think that these
men, who never saw a gun, can drill as well as he, who has been at
West Point four years.” At night he adds: “I told that officer from West
Point, this morning, that he could not swear at my company as he
did yesterday; told him I would not stand it anyway. I told him I had a
good many young men in my company whose mothers asked me to
look after them, and I should do so, and not allow them to hear such
language, especially from an officer, whose duty it was to set them a
better example. Told him I did not swear myself and would not allow
him to. He looked at me as much as to say, Do you know whom you
are talking to? and I looked at him as much as to say, Yes, I do. He
looked rather ashamed, but went through the drill without an oath.”
So much for the care of their morals. His next point is to keep them
cheerful. ’Tis better than medicine. He has games of baseball, and
pitching quoits, and euchre, whilst part of the military discipline is
sham fights.
The best men heartily second him, and invent excellent means of
their own. When, afterwards, five of these men were prisoners in the
Parish Prison in New Orleans, they set themselves to use the time to
the wisest advantage,—formed a debating-club, wrote a daily or
weekly newspaper, called it “Stars and Stripes.” It advertises,
“prayer-meeting at 7 o’clock, in cell No. 8, second floor,” and their
own printed record is a proud and affecting narrative.
Whilst the regiment was encamped at Camp Andrew, near
Alexandria, in June, 1861, marching orders came. Colonel Lawrence
sent for eight wagons, but only three came. On these they loaded all
the canvas of the tents, but took no tent-poles.
“It looked very much like a severe thunderstorm,” writes the
captain, “and I knew the men would all have to sleep out of doors,
unless we carried them. So I took six poles, and went to the colonel,
and told him I had got the poles for two tents, which would cover
twenty-four men, and unless he ordered me not to carry them, I
should do so. He said he had no objection, only thought they would
be too much for me. We only had about twelve men [the rest of the
company being, perhaps, on picket or other duty], and some of them
have their heavy knapsacks and guns to carry, so could not carry
any poles. We started and marched two miles without stopping to
rest, not having had anything to eat, and being very hot and dry.” At
this time Captain Prescott was daily threatened with sickness, and
suffered the more from this heat. “I told Lieutenant Bowers, this
morning, that I could afford to be sick from bringing the tent-poles,
for it saved the whole regiment from sleeping outdoors; for they
would not have thought of it, if I had not taken mine. The major had
tried to discourage me;—said, ‘perhaps, if I carried them over, some
other company would get them;’—I told him, perhaps he did not think
I was smart.” He had the satisfaction to see the whole regiment
enjoying the protection of these tents.[189]
In the disastrous battle of Bull Run this company behaved well,
and the regimental officers believed, what is now the general
conviction of the country, that the misfortunes of the day were not so
much owing to the fault of the troops as to the insufficiency of the
combinations by the general officers. It happened, also, that the Fifth
Massachusetts was almost unofficered. The colonel was, early in the
day, disabled by a casualty; the lieutenant-colonel, the major and the
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