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Cambridge Texts in Applied Mathematics

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A First Course in the Numerical Analysis of Differential Equations

Arieh Iserles

Mathematical Models in the Applied Sciences

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Thinking About Ordinary Differential Equations

Robert E. O'Malley

A Modern Introduction to the Mathematical Theory of Water Waves

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Rarefied Gas Dynamics

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Symmetry Methods for Differential Equations

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High Speed Flow

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Wave Motion
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An Introduction to Magnetohydrodynamics
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Linear Elastic Waves

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Vorticity and Incompressible Flow

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Infinite-dimensional Dynamical Systems

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Introduction to Symmetry Analysis

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Finite Volume Methods for Hyperbolic Problems

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Introduction to Hydrodynamic Stability

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Theory of Vortex Sound

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Scaling
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Complex Variables: Introduction and Applications (Second edition)

Mark J. Ablowitz and Athanassios S. Fokas

A First Course in Combinatorial Optimization

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Practical Applied Mathematics
Modelling, Analysis, Approximation

SAM HOWISON
Mathematical Institute, Oxford University
Director of The Oxford Centre for Industrial and
Applied Mathematics
  
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 Contents

Preface Page xi

Part I Modelling techniques

1 The basics of modelling 3
1.1 Introduction 3
1.2 What do we mean by a model? 4
1.3 Principles of modelling: physical laws and constitutive relations 6
1.4 Conservation laws 11
1.5 General remarks 12
1.6 Exercises 12

2 Units, dimensions and dimensional analysis 15

2.1 Introduction 15
2.2 Units and dimensions 16
2.3 Electric fields and electrostatics 18
2.4 Sources and further reading 20
2.5 Exercises 20

3 Nondimensionalisation 28
3.1 Nondimensionalisation and dimensional parameters 28
3.2 The Navier–Stokes equations and Reynolds numbers 36
3.3 Buckingham’s Pi-theorem 40
3.4 Sources and further reading 42
3.5 Exercises 42

4 Case studies: hair modelling and cable laying 50

4.1 The Euler–Bernoulli model for a beam 50
4.2 Hair modelling 52
4.3 Undersea cable laying 53
4.4 Modelling and analysis 54
4.5 Sources and further reading 58
4.6 Exercises 58

v
 vi Contents

5 Case study: the thermistor (1) 63

5.1 Heat and current flow in thermistors 63
5.2 Nondimensionalisation 66
5.3 A thermistor in a circuit 67
5.4 Sources and further reading 69
5.5 Exercises 69

6 Case study: electrostatic painting 72

6.1 Electrostatic painting 72
6.2 Field equations 73
6.3 Boundary conditions 75
6.4 Nondimensionalisation 76
6.5 Sources and further reading 77
6.6 Exercises 77

Part II Analytical techniques

7 Partial differential equations 81
7.1 First-order quasilinear partial differential equations: theory 81
7.2 Example: Poisson processes 85
7.3 Shocks 87
7.4 Fully nonlinear equations: Charpitt’s method 90
7.5 Second-order linear equations in two variables 94
7.6 Further reading 97
7.7 Exercises 97

8 Case study: traffic modelling 104

8.1 Simple models for traffic flow 104
8.2 Traffic jams and other discontinuous solutions 107
8.3 More sophisticated models 110
8.4 Sources and further reading 111
8.5 Exercises 111

9 The delta function and other distributions 114

9.1 Introduction 114
9.2 A point force on a stretched string; impulses 115
9.3 Informal definition of the delta and Heaviside functions 117
9.4 Examples 120
9.5 Balancing singularities 122
9.6 Green’s functions 125
9.7 Sources and further reading 134
9.8 Exercises 134
 Contents vii

10 Theory of distributions 140

10.1 Test functions 140
10.2 The action of a test function 141
10.3 Definition of a distribution 142
10.4 Further properties of distributions 143
10.5 The derivative of a distribution 143
10.6 Extensions of the theory of distributions 145
10.7 Sources and further reading 148
10.8 Exercises 148

11 Case study: the pantograph 157

11.1 What is a pantograph? 157
11.2 The model 158
11.3 Impulsive attachment for an undamped pantograph 160
11.4 Solution near a support 162
11.5 Solution for a whole span 164
11.6 Sources and further reading 167
11.7 Exercises 167

Part III Asymptotic techniques

12 Asymptotic expansions 173
12.1 Introduction 173
12.2 Order notation 175
12.3 Convergence and divergence 178
12.4 Sources and further reading 180
12.5 Exercises 180

13 Regular perturbation expansions 183

13.1 Introduction 183
13.2 Example: stability of a spacecraft in orbit 184
13.3 Linear stability 185
13.4 Example: the pendulum 188
13.5 Small perturbations of a boundary 190
13.6 Caveat expandator 194
13.7 Exercises 195

14 Case study: electrostatic painting (2) 200

14.1 Small parameters in the electropaint model 200
14.2 Exercises 202

15 Case study: piano tuning 205

15.1 The notes of a piano: the tonal system of Western music 205
 viii Contents

15.2 Tuning an ideal piano 208

15.3 A real piano 209
15.4 Sources and further reading 211
15.5 Exercises 211

16 Boundary layers 216

16.1 Introduction 216
16.2 Functions with boundary layers; matching 216
16.3 Examples from ordinary differential equations 221
16.4 Case study: cable laying 224
16.5 Examples for partial differential equations 225
16.6 Exercises 230

17 Case study: the thermistor (2) 235

17.1 Strongly temperature-dependent conductivity 235
17.2 Exercises 238

18 ‘Lubrication theory’ analysis in long thin domains 240

18.1 ‘Lubrication theory’ approximations: slender geometries 240
18.2 Heat flow in a bar of variable cross-section 241
18.3 Heat flow in a long thin domain with cooling 244
18.4 Advection–diffusion in a long thin domain 246
18.5 Exercises 249

19 Case study: continuous casting of steel 255

19.1 Continuous casting of steel 255
19.2 Exercises 260

20 Lubrication theory for fluids 263

20.1 Thin fluid layers: classical lubrication theory 263
20.2 Thin viscous fluid sheets on solid substrates 265
20.3 Thin fluid sheets and fibres 271
20.4 Further reading 275
20.5 Exercises 275

21 Case study: turning of eggs during incubation 285

21.1 Incubating eggs 285
21.2 Modelling 286
21.3 Exercises 290

22 Multiple scales and other methods for nonlinear oscillators 292

22.1 The Poincaré–Linstedt method 292
22.2 The method of multiple scales 294
 Contents ix

22.3 Relaxation oscillations 297

22.4 Exercises 299

23 Ray theory and the WKB method 303

23.1 Introduction 303
23.2 Classical WKB theory 304
23.3 Geometric optics and ray theory: why do we say light travels in straight lines? 306
23.4 Kelvin’s ship waves 311
23.5 Exercises 314

References 318
Index 321
Preface

This book was born out of my fascination with applied mathematics

as a place where the physical world meets the mathematical structures
and techniques that are the cornerstones of most applied mathematics
courses. I am interested largely in human-sized theatres of interaction,
leaving cosmology and particle physics to others. Much of my research
has been motivated by interactions with industry or by contact with
scientists in other disciplines. One immediate lesson from these contacts
is that it is a great asset to an interactive applied mathematician to be
open to ideas from any direction at all. Almost any physical situation has
some mathematical interest, but the kind of mathematics may vary from
case to case. We need a strong generalist streak to go with our areas of
technical expertise.
Another thing we need is some expertise in numerical methods. To
be honest, this is not my strong point. That is one reason why the book
does not contain much about these methods. (Another is that if it had
then it would have been half as long again and would have taken five
more years to write.) In the modern world, with its fast computers and
plethora of easy-to-use packages, any applied mathematician has to be
able to switch into numerical mode as required. At the very least, you
should learn to use packages such as Maple and Matlab for their data
display and plotting capabilities and for the built-in software routines for
solving standard problems such as ordinary differential equations. With
more confidence, you can write your own programs. In many cases, a
quick and dirty first try can provide valuable information, even if this
is not the finished product. Explicit finite differences (remember to use
upwind differencing for first derivatives) and tiny time steps will get you
a long way.

Who should read this book? Many people, I hope, but there are some
prerequisites. I assume that readers have a good background in calculus
up to vector calculus (grad, div, curl) and the elementary mechanics of
particles. I also assume that they have done an introductory (inviscid)
fluid mechanics course and a first course in partial differential equations,
enough to know the basics of the heat, wave and Laplace equations

xi
 xii Preface

(where they come from, and how to solve them in simple geometries).
Linear algebra, complex analysis and probability put in an occasional
appearance. High-school physics is an advantage. But the most important
prerequisite is an attitude: to go out and apply your mathematics, to see
it in action in the world around you, and not to worry too much about
the technical aspects, focusing instead on the big picture.
Another way to assess the technical level of the book is to position
it relative to the competition. From that point of view it can be thought
of as a precursor to the books by Tayler [55] and Fowler [18], while
being more difficult than, say, Fowkes & Mahoney [17] or Fulford &
Broadbridge [21]. The edited collections [9, 40] are at the same general
level, but they are organised along different lines. The books [40, 56]
cover similar material but with a less industrial slant.
Organisation. The book is organised, roughly, along mathematical
lines. Chapters are devoted to mathematical techniques, starting in Part I
with some ideas about modelling, moving on in Part II to differential
equations and distributions, and concluding with asymptotic (systematic
approximation) methods in Part III. Interspersed among the chapters are
case studies, descriptions of problems that illustrate the techniques; they
are necessarily rather open-ended and invite you to develop your own
ideas. The case studies run as strands through the book. You can ignore
any of them without much impact on the rest of the book, although the
more you ignore the less you will benefit from the remainder. There
are long sections of exercises at the ends of the chapters; they should
be regarded as an integral part of the book and at least should be read
through if not attempted.
Conventions. I use ‘we’, as in ‘we can solve this by a Laplace trans-
form’, to signal the usual polite fiction that you, the reader, and I, the
author, are engaged on a joint voyage of discovery; ‘we’ also signifies
that I am presenting ideas within a whole tradition of thought. ‘You’ is
mostly used to suggest that you should get your pen out and work though
some of the ‘we’ stuff, a good idea in view of my fallible arithmetic, or
do an exercise to fill in some details. ‘I’ is associated with authorial
opinions and can mostly be ignored if you like.
I have tried to draw together a lot of threads in this book, and in
Marginal notes are usually
writing it I have constantly wanted to point out connections with some-
directly relevant to the current
discussion, often being used to thing else or make a peripheral remark. However, I don’t want to lose
fill in details or point out a track of the argument. As a compromise, I have used marginal notes and
feature of a calculation. This is a footnotes1 with slightly different purposes in mind.
book to work through: feel free
to use the empty margin spaces 1 Footnotes are more digressional and can be ignored by readers who just want to follow
for calculations.
the main line of argument.
 Preface xiii

Acknowledgements. I have taken examples from many sources. Some

examples are very familiar and I do not apologise for this: the old ones are
often the best. Much the same goes for the influence of books; if you teach
a course using other people’s books and then write your own, some im-
pact is inevitable. Among the books that have been especially influential
are those by Tayler [55], Fowler [18], Hinch [26] and Keener [32]. Even
more influential has been the contribution of colleagues and students.
Many a way of looking at a problem can be traced back to a coffee-
time conversation or a Study Group meeting.2 There are far too many
of these collaborators for me to attempt the invidious task of thanking
them individually. Their influence is pervasive. At a more local level,
I am immensely grateful to the OCIAM students who got me out of
computer trouble on various occasions and found a number of errors in
drafts of the book. Any remaining errors are quite likely to have been
caused by cosmic ray impact on the computer memory, or perhaps by
cyber-terrorists. I will be happy to hear about them.
The book began when I was asked to give some lectures at a summer
school in Siena and was continued through a similar event a year later in
Pisa. I am most grateful for the hospitality extended to me during these
visits. I would like to thank the editors and technical staff at Cambridge
University Press for their assistance in the production of the book. In
particular, I am extremely grateful to Susan Parkinson for her care-
ful, constructive and thoughtful copy-editing of the manuscript. Lastly
I would like to thank my family for their forbearance, love and support
while I was locked away typing. This book is dedicated to them.
Colemanballs. At the end of each section of exercises is what would
normally be a wasted space. Into each of these I have put two things. One
is a depiction of a wave form and is explained on p. 212. The other is a
statement made by a real live applied mathematician in full flow. In the
spirit of scientific accuracy, they are wholly unedited. They are mostly
there for their intrinsic qualities (and it would be a miserable publisher
who would deny me that extra ink), but they make a point: interdisci-
plinary mathematics is a collaborative affair; it involves discussions and

2 Study Groups are week-long intensive meetings at which academics and industrial
researchers get together to work on open problems from industry, proposed by the
industrial participants. Over the week, heated discussions take place involving anybody
who is interested in the problem, and a short report is produced at the end. The first UK
Study Group was held in Oxford in 1968, and they have been held every year since,
in Oxford and other UK universities. The idea has now spread to more than 15 coun-
tries on all the habitable continents of the world. Details of forthcoming events, and
reports of problems studied at past meetings, can be found on their dedicated website
www.mathematics-in-industry.org.
xiv Preface

arguments, the less inhibited the better. We all have to go out on a limb,
in the interests of pushing the science forwards. If we are wrong, we try
again. And if the mind runs ahead of the voice, our colleagues won’t take
it too seriously (nor will they let us forget it). Here is one to be going on
with, from the collection [28] of the same title:

‘If I remember rightly, cos π/2 = 1.’

Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 ARTICLE VI.
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GEORGE WASHINGTON, President.

William Jackson, Secretary.

 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.

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loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and
claims shall be held illegal and void.

ARTICLE XV.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be

denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account
of race, color or previous conditions of servitude.

[Revised from the New York Herald of April 2, 1870.]

 FIRST PRONUNCIAMENTO.

The disorganized condition of parties in the United States at

the present time affords a favorable opportunity for a review of the
political situation and for comment on the issues which are likely to
come up for settlement in the Presidential election in 1872. As I
happen to be the most prominent representative of the only
unrepresented class in the republic, and perhaps the most practical
exponent of the principles of equality, I request the favor of being
permitted to address the public through the medium of the Herald.
While others of my sex devoted themselves to a crusade against the
laws that shackle the women of the country, I asserted my individual
independence; while others prayed for the good time coming, I
worked for it; while others argued the equality of woman with man, I
proved it by successfully engaging in business; while others sought to
show that there was no valid reason why women should be treated,
socially and politically, as being inferior to man, I boldly entered the
arena of politics and business and exercised the rights I already
possessed. I therefore claim the right to speak for the unenfranchised
women of the country, and believing as I do that the prejudices
which still exist in the popular mind against women in public life will
soon disappear, I now announce myself as candidate for the
Presidency.
I am quite well aware that in assuming this position I shall
evoke more ridicule than enthusiasm at the outset But this is an
epoch of sudden changes and startling surprises. What may appear
absurd to-day will assume a serious aspect to-morrow. I am content
to wait until my claim for recognition as a candidate shall receive the
calm consideration of the press and the public. The blacks were cattle
in 1860; a negro now sits in Jeff Davis’ seat in the United States
Senate. The sentiment of the country was, even in 1863, against
negro suffrage; now the negro’s right to vote is acknowledged by the
constitution of the United States. Let those, therefore, who ridiculed
the negro’s claim to exercise the right to “life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness,” and who lived to see him vote and hold high public
office, ridicule the aspirations of the women of the country for
complete political equality as much as they please. They cannot roll
back the rising tide of reform. The world moves.
That great Governmental changes were to follow the
enfranchisement of the negro I have long foreseen. While the curse
of slavery covered the land progress was enchained, but when it was
swept away in the torrent of war, the voice of justice was heard, and
it became evident that the last weak barrier against complete
political and social equality must soon give way. All that has been
said and written hitherto, in support of equality for women has had
its proper effect on the public mind, just as the anti-slavery speeches
before secession were effective; but a candidate and a policy are
required to prove it. Lincoln’s election showed the strength of the
feeling against the peculiar institution; my candidacy for the
Presidency will, I confidently expect, develop the fact that the
principles of equal rights for all have taken deep root. The advocates
of political equality for women have, besides a respectable known
strength, a great undercurrent of unexpressed power, which is only
awaiting a fit opportunity to show itself. By the general and decided
test I propose, we shall be able to understand the woman question
aright, or at least have done much toward presenting the issue
involved in proper shape. I claim to possess the strength and courage
to be the subject of that test, and look forward confidently, to a
triumphant issue of the canvass.
The present position of political parties is anomalous. They
are not inspired by any great principles of policy or economy.
Political preachers paw the air; there is no live issue up for
discussion. The only seemingly distinctive feature upon which a
complete and well-defined diversion exists, is on the dead issue of
negro equality, and this is to the political leaders a harp of a
thousand strings.
The minor questions of the hour do not affect parties as such,
and no well-defined division of sentiment exists. A great national
question is wanted, to prevent a descent into pure sectionalism. That
question exists in the issue, whether woman shall remain sunk below
the right granted to the negro, or be elevated to all the political rights
enjoyed by man. The simple issue whether woman should not have
this complete political equality with the negro is the only one to be
tried, and none more important is likely to arise before the
Presidential election. But besides the question of equality others of
great magnitude are necessarily included. The platform that is to
succeed in the coming election must enunciate the general principles
of enlightened justice and economy.
A complete reform in our system of prison discipline, having
specially in view the welfare of the families of criminals, whose labor
should not be lost to them; the rearrangement of the system and
control of internal improvements; the adoption of some better means
for caring for the helpless and indigent; the establishment of strictly
mutual and reciprocal relations with all foreign Powers who will
unite to better the condition of the productive class, and the adoption
of such principles as shall recognize this class as the true wealth of
the country, and give it a just position beside capital, thus
introducing a practical plan for universal government upon the most
enlightened basis, for the actual, not the imaginary benefit of
mankind.
These important changes can only be expected to follow a
complete departure from the beaten tracks of political parties and
their machinery; and this, I believe my canvass of 1872 will effect.
That the people are sick of the present administration and the
principles it professes to sustain, is a proposition, I think, that does
not require to be argued; but as I have now taken a decided stand
against its continuance for another term of four years, and offered
myself as a candidate for the Presidential succession, a few
preliminary observations on the general management of our home
and foreign policy will not be out of place. The present
administration has been a failure from the beginning; weak,
vacillating and deficient in moral courage, it commands neither the
respect nor admiration of foreign Powers nor receives the active
support of its party. The general management of our foreign and
domestic affairs does not seem to have risen to the dignity of a
policy; though it be allowed to have been consistent in its various
parts, it has been destitute of that decision and firmness which
characterized the victorious soldier who is now President.
A decided Cuban policy would not only have settled at once
the inevitable destiny of that island, but would also have given
republican sentiment in Spain an impetus, strengthened the South
American republics and exercised a healthy influence in Mexico and
Canada. But instead of this we have to submit to the consequences of
a policy of cowardice. American citizens abroad are murdered by
Spanish cut-throats, our consuls are insulted, and our flag is
disgraced. This is unworthy of the American nation, and the people
will hold Grant accountable. A giant who never shows his strength is
neither feared nor respected. On the important questions of taxation,
the tariff and the public debt, the administration seems to have no
settled policy. Taxation, whether for the support of the Government
or the payment of the debt, should in all cases be general and never
special. No special interest, nor several special interests, should be
singled out to sustain an extra proportion of taxation. And in regard
to the tariff the same principle should be enforced. Whether the
public debt be a blessing or a curse, it exists. Created to save the
republic, it must be paid strictly according to both the spirit and the
letter of the law. But there is no immediate necessity for paying it off.
By a proper policy its payment might be made to extend through a
hundred years, for even beyond that time will the benefits its
creation produced be felt and appreciated. In older countries the
pressure of national debt becomes a heavier charge and a mightier
burden every succeeding year, but with us this is reversed. The
development of our magnificent resources will render the gradual
payment of our indebtedness easier of accomplishment with each
decade of time.
All other questions, whether of a foreign or domestic nature,
stand illustrated by the Cuban policy of the administration. A bold,
firm and, withal, consistent national policy, if not at all times strictly
within the conservative limits of international law, will always
command the respect and support of the people.
With the view of spreading to the people ideas which hitherto
have not been placed before them, and which they may, by reflection,
carefully amplify for their own benefit, I have written several papers
on Governmental questions of importance and will submit them in
due order. For the present the foregoing must suffice. I anticipate
criticism; but however unfavorable the comment this letter may
evoke I trust that my sincerity will not be called in question. I have
deliberately and of my own accord placed myself before the people as
a candidate for the Presidency of the United States, and having the
means, courage, energy and strength necessary for the race, intend to
contest it to the close.
VICTORIA C. WOODHULL.
 A VIEW OF THE GENERAL SITUATION.

New York, November 10, 1870.

In national as well as in individual affairs, it is well to

occasionally take an exact account of the situation in which we are; to
balance “our general books,” to see whether the balance is to the
“debit or credit” or “profit and loss,” and to decide from the results
obtained whether satisfactory progress has been made. As nothing
more than “a journal” of such affairs as we shall take into the account
has been kept, it will be our duty to “post” these affairs into a new
“ledger” from existing “journals,” and also to enter up the new
balances which we may find standing to the several accounts.
At no time since the close of the Revolutionary War has there
been a time more fitting and inviting for such a work. The whole
world is in a ferment, which was begun by the terrific strife into
which the course of events forced us, and from which we have just
emerged through the reconstruction of an almost demolished
Governmental structure. Not all of the legitimate results of that strife
are even yet externally apparent, either in our own country or in the
world at large. There are various undercurrents, eddies and
outcroppings which have never been taken into any consideration;
but when considered, the destiny of this country, so long
foreshadowed, but which was pretty nearly eclipsed, shines forth
more clearly brilliant than ever before.
Whatever may have been the arguments favorable for the
continuance of the institution of slavery, the destruction of it has
rendered them nugatory, and but few of those who once used them
could now be found to favor its resurrection. The atmosphere is
cleared of the cloud it was draped with, under its influence, and the
radiant sun of freedom now shines for all, and the star of hope our
night was illumined by shall now no more be dimmed by the dense
fogs that were wont to arise from its then already decaying carcass.
With its destruction the lives of two great political parties passed
away, and left the people with no distinct lines of demarkation. It is
true that there bodies still exist, but the process of disintegration is
rapidly going on, and the stench of their decay fills the nostrils of all
whose senses are rendered acute by the intensifying power of
intuitive perception.
Creation is from one point toward one purpose, the extremes
of which course, are beyond the comprehension of human ken. Any
fact in the line of its progress may be considered, and the relations it
bears to contemporaneous facts determined. A fact isolated from all
connections loses its significance. The comparison of a fact with
other facts forms the basis of all relative knowledge, and the further
this comparison is extended, the wider the range of this knowledge
becomes: while an infinite series of facts constitutes the sum total of
creation.
Hence, to obtain a substantially correct knowledge of the
present, the facts of it must not only be considered as facts of the
present, but their relations to, and dependencies upon prior facts,
out of which they arose, must be traced, so that it may be determined
why they exist. It is not sufficient to simply assert that this or that is
thus or so. To do so carries no conviction nor prophetic knowledge of
what must be next, as a necessary sequence. But if a retrospective
glance be taken of the causes that produced it, it is thus
demonstrated why it is thus. If the demonstration is placed with the
fact, and their tendencies are examined, it may be fair to conclude
that what they may next lead to, may be in a measure predicated. The
chief value, then, of an intimate knowledge of the past is, that from it
the future may be foreseen, and that the lesson it teaches may assist
in the formation of aids to the natural order of things.
If a tree or plant is desired in a certain place, for a certain
purpose, its growth is promoted by all the means which experience
has demonstrated will assist. All other growths that draw from the
same source for supplies, and thereby diminish its fountain of
supplies, are destroyed; the weeds are uprooted, and if the natural
supplies which the earth and air furnish are not sufficient for its
demands, that which is lacking is supplied. The same line of action
should govern in the various departments of nature, and especially in
the higher departments of mind.
There is another consideration that should never be lost sight
of when a survey of the situation is to be attempted; and this is, that
while the facts which are to be passed upon bear special relations to
their immediate predecessors and surroundings, that these with
them bear certain definite, general relations to the facts of all past
time, and to those that will be in all future time. The present is a part
of the common order of the universe, extending infinitely backward
and forward—a part of the line of evolvement, neither end of which
can be compassed by human mind; and if we would learn well, we
must learn all there is to learn regarding what we learn.
It is a definite and unanswerable proposition, then, that every
nation of which we have historic record, was a result of pre-existing
causes, and led to further effects, and that each filled and performed
a part, especially its own, which was a natural and necessary result of
the time and place it existed in. By a careful study of the rise and fall
of each of the great nations that have existed and an analytic
comparison of the elements of strength and decay that were
prominent therein, and of their relations to each other, just
deductions as to what the present will lead to, may be arrived at. If
the present is the result of the past, the future must be the result of
the present, and like it be the experiences of creation in the process
of evolution from the infinite to the infinite.
Government, standing forth prominently as the grandest of all
human conceptions and realizations, has in all times been the
representative of civilization, and the principal means of its
diffusion. Bearing this impress of importance, it may be well to
examine the real significance of the term, or to find the relations it
sustains to society. One fact meets us wherever we may search in the
past—the fact of government Though it is one of the universal
necessities and accompaniments of existence, it is extremely
doubtful if its composition is realized to any considerable extent.
Government means control—implies power. No people can create
government because they cannot create power. An existing power
may be organized into form by a people, and this becomes their
government. This power is not in the individuals who exercise it,
they are simply its servants. It is not the people who organize or
consent to it; they are simply represented by it. It is above
individuals, and is independent of peoples, though its channels of
operation may be modified by individuals and peoples. Thus come all
governments, while revolutions are the results of the outworking of
principles, through peoples, who are their representatives. When
analyzed, it thus appears that governments are independent of
peoples, and always exist in some form while peoples come and pass
away.
It is problematically true, that China was the first nation that
arrived at a system of government at all removed from brute,
individual force, and historically so, that there always was a
westward tendency to empire. After China, India; then Assyria,
Egypt, Persia, Greece, Rome, general Europe and America. Each one
of these nations, to Rome, was the result of the course of events,
begun in China, to the course of which each succeeding one added its
experiences. The progress of this course of events has encircled the
world. It can go no further westward without crossing the Pacific and
beginning again in China. What is the significance of this fact, or has
it no special indications? It is evident that the old order of nature has
completed a cycle, and that a new order will be commenced, and
that, the new order is to spring from this country, and consequently,
that we are its representatives. This is made doubly plain, when we
refer to the fact that Asiatic tendencies are now eastward, and that
John Chinaman is the new competition our laboring classes have to
encounter.
It cannot be expected that the new order of events, we, as a
country are inaugurating, will be characterized by the element of the
old, just completed. It had its mission to perform. It accomplished it,
and has passed away. Its fruit is our Government and the civilization
of the present. A new mission begins. Are there any sources from
which its character may be predicated? Though the creation has
completed another cycle of progressive development, the common
course of nature never stops. Therefore the same common order
prevails now, that did when the planes of Iran poured forth its people
westward.
One of the principal features of natural events has been a
tendency on the part of all great nations to acquire universal
dominion. Each in turn attempted it and failed, because of the
imperfectly developed form of the government they sought to control
by. What are the evidences that all future forms may not fail from
similar causes, or specially, that the form we represent will not fail?
The first and most important evidence is, that in its organic
principles the Brotherhood of the Human Race is recognized. All
men are born free and equal, does not mean that all men born in the
United States are free and equal, but that all men everywhere are.
This, then, is the basis idea upon which our Government is built;
whether the structure is yet perfect or not the foundation is, and can
never be overturned. There can be no higher proposition upon which
to build; therefore additions, tending to perfectability, must be made
upon this foundation.
Another evidence is, that the world is becoming
Americanized: that is, the world is assimilating to the American idea
of freedom and equality. How and why? The vast populations other
countries have transplanted to our soil are in constant
communication with friends they left behind, who thus catch the
spirit of equality and freedom, and become imbued with the spirit of
our institutions, and thus involuntarily become like us, while still
subjects of other powers.
All nations contribute to our strength, and by so doing render
us not only peculiarly American in character, but cosmopolitan to the
world. We are not only American, but European, Asiatic and African;
while each of these are becoming American. We are, therefore, the
centre of attraction for the world, and the world involuntarily
recognizes our superior strength by giving up its population to
increase it; while we repay it, not in physical strength, but with
progressive and comprehensive ideas. In accordance with these facts,
patent to every one, it is asserted, that The World is becoming
Americanized, and that this is an evidence that the form of
government by which we tend to universal control is founded on
those general principles which give it that permanency, which
insures its continuance until it shall become universal.
If the order of civilization is observed the same deduction will
be arrived at The material universe has had its geologic periods The
social has had and will have its periods to correspond. Nature
maintains a regular and consistent order everywhere. It is the degree
that this order is understood, by the general mind, that constitutes
the sociologic periods of the world. The first era of civilization was
inaugurated by the Assyrian and Egyptian empires, more especially
the latter, more than 2000 years B. C.
This civilization began to spread in the barbaric world
immediately after the famous conquests of Sesostris, and continued
during the time of the Persian, Grecian and Roman empires,
culminating with the downfall of the latter, and thus completing the
order of civilization made possible by Egypt. Egypt conquered and
levied tribute upon the barbarian. Rome conquered, and the
barbarian became the Roman citizen. The present configuration of
Europe rose from the ruins of Rome, and assumed the form through
which a greater variety of power could operate than in the previous
era.
No part of the world but has felt the mighty modifying
influence of the civilizing power of modern Europe. It has permeated
the entire temperate zone, penetrated the frozen latitudes north and
south, and attacked the Hottentot of Central Africa and the Bushman
of Australia. It organized legislation, perfected and maintained
administration and made it possible for all minds to attain
individuality, and for individuals, as such, to rise by personal merit,
even from the lowest strata of society. By its procreative power a new
continent, full of native purity and vitality, conceived, and a higher
degree of life than it represented burst upon the startled world.
In the first era, it was one controlling mind operating for
personal ends and aggrandizement; in the second, it was several,
operating for the same end; in the third, it will be all minds merged
in one channel, to operate for the good of the whole. The first was
personal civilization thrust upon the barbarism of the world
compelling it into servility; the second was sectional civilization
exerting its influence, first upon its immediate subjects, and through
them upon others less advanced; the third shall be general
civilization, in which the utmost parts of the earth can join in one
grand and common effort for mutual advancement, its peoples
having risen to the recognition of the greatest of all human facts—the
common brotherhood of mankind.
From these general observations the tendencies in the order of
the universe must be inferred, and if there is any inference possible
to be drawn, which will coincide with the present aspect of affairs, it
is, that upon this country devolves the duty, no less than the
privilege, of presenting the world with a form of administrative
government that shall be possessed of the elements of perfection and
duration; and this brings us down to the consideration, whether this
general indication of the centuries does coincide with the condition
in which the world is to-day.
Europe contains but four positive determining powers:
Russia, Prussia, France and England, while the remainder of the
Eastern Continent is unrepresented. The Western Continent contains
the United States. France and Prussia have been the contending
parties for simple European supremacy: the former probably also
entertaining an ulterior design upon Africa. The policy of England
and Russia is more comprehensive, and undoubtedly includes the
possibility of a consolidated Continent. Consistent with this view,
England is performing in India what Cæsar did in Gaul; and Russia,
in Western Asia, what Rome did in “The East.” They comprehend
that every nation is an object upon which change is indelibly
stamped, and that it will remain so until some one of them shall
arrive at a perfect system of government, which shall be the pattern
for all government, or which shall absorb all government. These
countries labor under one insurmountable difficulty. All the effort
they expend to carry their policies abroad detracts just so much from
their actual home strength, and they have no fountain, furnishing
supplies to make good their expenditure, and they thus expand at the
expense of vitality.
Notwithstanding this great difficulty, Russian supremacy
might be a consistent conclusion, could the fact of the rapid diffusion
of principles antagonistic to monarchy be left out of the
consideration; but considered, as it necessarily must be, the
legitimate conclusion is entirely different. It is too well known what
sentiments lie suppressed in various parts of continental Europe—in
Poland, Hungary, Italy, France, Germany, Spain and England—to
ever make it possible that the common order of advancement should
so change as to compel the general mind from general freedom
toward absolute monarchy, as represented by Russia, or to any
monarchy represented by any of the nations of Europe. The common
course of events will not so change, but it will continue in the
direction of general freedom, not only in Europe but over the entire
continent. Considering the progress this sentiment has already made
in connection with events which are transpiring in Europe, it is not
presuming very much to say that it will ultimately convert Western
and Central Europe into great republics, represented by the Latin
and the Teuton.
So much for the special situation of Europe proper, as
connected with its local policies. England and Russia have further
reaching pretensions, and, by so having, their policies become
intermingled with American policies.
The processes of civilization are soon to receive accelerating
powers in Asia. England, by virtue of her great commercial influence,
has already exerted very considerable modifying effect upon the vast
population of India. China, by its fickle action regarding foreigners
resident there, is claiming the attention of all interested countries, in
such manner as will undoubtedly force these countries to use some
other than moral suasion to compel its people to the common usages
of the civilized world. Thus barbarism invites the elements which
ultimately transform it into general worldly utility.
With China, the United States has more intimate connection,
by reason of recent scientific progress, and, with England, will divide
the honor of civilizing Eastern Asia. American influence, however,
will be the preponderant influence, for the Chinese are attracted to
this country, and the genius of our institutions cannot fail to react
through such as come here upon China itself. While this process of
evolution is going on in Eastern Asia, Russia will be effecting the
same purposes in Western Asia, and thus these three nations will in
due course of time reclaim the most densely populated part of the
world and add it to the sum total of civilization.
There is a very important and highly suggestive inference to
be drawn from the tendency the peoples of Europe have been
exhibiting during the past few years. Italian unity has been
accomplished, and German unity is about to be accomplished. It is
not to be supposed that this process will stop short of further
consolidations. Continental Europe is Latin and Teuton, and Slav,
and this process cannot well cease until these are united under their
respective governments. When this shall have been accomplished,
thrones and crowns will have done their work, and the peoples will
be ready to erect the Latinic, the Teutonic, and the Slavonic
Republics, three mighty nations which could in peace and quiet
pursue their respective appointments in the path of progress, until a
necessity should arise for a still wider and more comprehensive
unity, in which, under one head, the three should be united. They
who have studied the general tendencies of governmental evolution
cannot doubt but such a consummation awaits Continental Europe,
nor that Asia is destined to be regenerated as above shadowed forth.
If such be the course events must take, what is the lesson to be
gathered by that part of the world’s people who speak the English
language? The location of the countries they inhabit does not so
readily point to unity, but all their interests will compel it. The
nations of the world instinctively seek equality of power, or rather,
they seek to keep pace with each other in acquiring power. In view of
the prospective union of the three dominant races in Continental
Europe, where shall England look for her compensating power,
except it be in a unity of all peoples speaking the English Language?
It is true that in this Western Continent there is a new race
being built up, in whose composition all other races are destined to
become blended, and which will inevitably be the dominant and the
absorbing future race of the world. However, in the mean time,
England’s only hope for the retention of an existence, or at least of
any general power, will be to unite its peculiar national
characteristics to the younger and more rapidly changing peoples of
America. There might be reasons without number adduced in
support of the suggested course, while valid ones against it cannot be
found. The power such a nation would represent would be one that
neither nor all of the prospective Continental European countries
could hinder from pursuing its predestined work in Asia and Africa,
to which latter division enterprise is just being attracted by the
discovery of immense diamond countries, which are first offered as
the necessary temptation to draw people to it, who shall afterward
find other riches than precious stones within its virgin soil, as other
than golden wealth has been found in California.
Thus, in as comprehensive a manner as possible, is presented
the present general situation and its evident tendencies, which bring
us to the special consideration of the present condition of the
country, which, of all countries, is destined to play the most
prominent part in the third order of civilization—the United States of
America.
We have just arisen mightier than ever from a civil war which
was intended by the world’s conservatism to destroy us, and with a
population of forty millions we step at once into the front ranks of,
and into the lead in, the grand march of progress. Our Government is
a nearer approach to a popular form, and more nearly allied to true
freedom and justice than any other in existence. We have, however,
only to review the causes which led to the civil war to see how far we
still are from a perfect form.
This war was either a necessary result of existing causes or
else it was a great national blunder. Many who recognize no order or
law in the progress of civilization, deny both these propositions, and
affirm that the war was produced solely by the personal ambition of
party leaders, representing the pro and con. of the institution of
slavery. If the matter is viewed from the standpoint of the science of
society, each one of these propositions is relatively true, but neither
is absolutely so. The war was the necessary result of the growth of the
principles of freedom within the general mind, in antagonism to
special, local interests, which evidences that it did arise naturally, out
of the existing conditions, while the individuals who were prominent
upon either side may be considered as responsible for precipitating
it. Those who stood by, constituting much the larger proportion of
the representative men of the nation, and observed the growth of the
conflict between the two extremes, without stepping in to control the
situation, place it altogether in the light of a great national blunder or
crime. Had the circumstances been controlled by this large third
party, the first proposition would have been true, and yet the war
have been prevented.
We are obliged to speak relatively of relative things, and to
consider facts, isolated from the general sum of all facts, and in a
special sense, and in this sense the war was an enormous national
blunder, and should have been averted by a bold grasping and
control of the circumstances on the part of the Government and
those whose duty it was to have known what the result would be.
These servants of the people, to whom was intrusted the welfare of
the country, were utterly false and faithless, and allowed us to be
precipitated, entirely unprepared, into a fratricidal war which cost
the common country millions of lives and billions of treasure.
How much better would it have been had the situation been
understood and controlled; had the Government shown itself
competent to meet it; had it raised armies and occupied the
disaffected country and then abolished slavery, which it was finally
obliged to do, but which could have been done previously without the
sacrifice of life and wealth. Such action would have exhibited the
highest order of statesmanship and would have been the admiration
of ages.
This examination of the causes which led to the war is made to
show, that in our system of government as now administered, there
is no responsibility anywhere, and if we drift into danger and
destruction no one is accountable; and also, that it is the habitual
practice, to evade issues which press for solution, by dodging along
with small expedients, hoping the issues themselves will die out or
pass away. This has been true of us as a government since corruption
first began to find its emissaries among our legislators, and since, it
has continually grown more and more decidedly a feature of its
administration, until to-day we stand a gigantic nation without
giving any indication that we realize our power or that we have any
national policy other than to be quite certain that we do not interfere
with any of the nice arrangements of other nations, or that we do not
lend struggling freedom a sympathetic helping hand, such as we first
acquired life by.
By whom are our legislative halls filled? Do we find any
Jeffersons, Jacksons, Hamiltons, Bentons, Websters or Clays among
them? No! As a rule, to which, however, there a few most honorable
exceptions, there are all small men with ideas no more
comprehensive than the districts or States they represent, and who
make the purposes of personal gain the mainspring of all their
actions. What can such men thus employed, know of a great nation’s
power; or what her policy should be?
There have been two great political divisions of the people
called Republican and Democratic, the issue between which, grew
entirely out of the slavery question and its sequel, War and
Reconstruction. These issues are all settled. Slavery can never more
be made a party issue. All efforts that have been made to galvanize it
into life have proved futile. The Democratic party leaders have pretty
nearly given up the issue as utterly dead, though many of the rank
and file still mouth “the nigger.” The Republican party has absolutely
nothing to make it hold together except possession of place and
power, which in these times of levying official taxation is no
inconsiderable advantage. As for issues and policies, both parties
absolutely lack them. The Democratic and Republican parties exist
to-day in opposition to each other, simply and solely because they
were opposed to each other upon the issues now dead. No live issues
divide them. All of these which are before the people find advocates
and opposers in both ranks, so that in reality there are no political
parties in existence which represent any question to be solved or
settled. Nothing could be more appropriate in the political
musterings and parades of either party than that upon their banners
should be inscribed—
WANTED, A POLICY.
It is evident, if another Presidential canvass passes over, that
some grand issue must come up to give the people inspiration, and
which will be of such character as to divide them, not such as would
unite them unanimously; for to this last condition, it is to be feared,
we have not yet arrived though there may be such things arise as
will command as much unanimity as Washington commanded; but
this could not be, except revolution occurs and it becomes the result
of it.
With a young intelligence such as we represent, no old issues
can be made to divide parties. Upon such questions as have
heretofore been made the distinguishing features of political parties,
there should be no misunderstanding. That there is, demonstrates
that the principles of government have not been taught to the people.
It teaches that party leaders have built up theories which lack the
support of science and principle; and in this way all those issues
upon which the permanent vitality of the country depends have been
put before the people, colored and trimmed to suit their prejudices
and to shape parties into opposition. Were all of these issues taught
to the people as the legitimate deduction of the science of
government, and entirely bereft of partisanship, they would all work
together for the obtaining of more, greater and better conditions and
privileges. To bring about this course for the people is the object of
the science of society which is just beginning to be recognized.
There are but three principles by which all questions should
be tested: Freedom, Equality and Justice; and when legislation shall
be brought to the test of these, and entirely abstracted from
partisanship, there will not be very much further legislation to be
performed. All questions now undecided, which still remain before
the people, such as those of finance, commerce, revenue, internal
improvements, and international policy, should have the touchstone
of these principles applied, and they should be decided thereby. It
should be asked of them, What course do you point out which will be
consistent with freedom, which shall not interfere with equality, and
which shall be just to everybody? We venture to assert that, tried by
these tests, not a single line of policy which is now being pursued by
the Government will stand. Surely its financial policy cannot; for
what is there in it which is consistent with the constitutional
question of freedom? Surely its revenue, its tariff system, cannot, for
what is there in either which is not in direct antagonism with
equality?—while we may look in vain for even the skeleton of justice
wherever money can find its way.
All this is true, and very much more, and it comes of the
departure of legislation and administration from the fundamental
propositions of the Constitution. It is also true that such conditions
cannot last. The people, as a whole, are not entirely unregenerate,
though so many of their self-appointed leaders are. It only remains
for the people to become fully aroused to the depths of corruption to
which legislation and administration have been carried to demand
and obtain the needed redress. This corruption is not confined to
Government, but it has permeated nearly all corporate organizations,
many of which are organized specially to defraud the productive
classes of their hard-earned wealth. The possibility of this being done
is because our system of finance is entirely wrong, and nothing will
save the country from general financial and commercial ruin except
complete revolution in this system. If the ruin comes it will
ultimately fall upon the producing classes. In other words, the
producing interests of the country cannot sustain the inflation of
prices which has been brought about by speculation, in alliance with
fraud, which are the ruling spirits of the day.
 It may be said that such radical changes as will depose the
powers which rule us, and inaugurate the reign of principles, which
will secure freedom, equality and justice to every power, cannot yet
be introduced. We aver that they can; and further, we aver that
unless it is done, revolution such as has never yet been known will
inaugurate them for us. The whole substrata of society is seething
and foaming with pent-up endurance of injustice and wrong, and
unless those abuses which have produced this condition are
remedied at once, the existence of the Government cannot be
counted upon. And it is criminal to seek to ignore this fact. We must
not “lie supinely upon our backs while the enemy binds us hand and
foot,” and delivers us to destruction.
In view, then, of our destiny as a nation, and in view of the
position which the order of events seems to have assigned us, we are
called upon to put our Government in perfect order before the
constructive part of the work of the third part of the order of
civilization is to be begun. We must be perfect within ourselves
before we can expect to become the pattern for others, or expect that
others will gravitate to us. The Review of the General Situation,
then, results in the finding that the process of diffusive government
has culminated, and that the process of a continuously constructive
and concentrating government has already been begun, in which our
Government, as the most progressive representative of the principles
upon which a perfect government can alone exist, is assigned the
leading position, and that we, recognizing this assignment, should
proceed to assume the responsibilities and the duties which
legitimately flow from it; and they are great in the same degree that
our destiny is great.
It was under the realization of what our destiny should be that
the Pronunciamento of April 2, 1870, in the New York Herald, was
made; and now, having offered this general review, my Second
Pronunciamento, which is supplementary to and the completing of
the first, is laid before the people. It is believed that the policy and
principles underlying it, proclaimed therein, will be the final
departure necessary to be made, as the point from which progress
will be continued, until the grand realization of the prophecies of all
ages is fulfilled, when all nations, kindred and tongues shall be
united in one harmonious family, they having risen into the full
knowledge of the truth, that whether we be Christian or Pagan, Greek
or Roman, Atheist or Spiritualist, we are all the children of one
common Father, God, whom we shall ever worship as the Creator,
Ruler and Final Destiny of the Universe.
 SECOND PRONUNCIAMENTO.

CONSTITUTIONAL EQUALITY THE LOGICAL

RESULT OF THE XIV. AND XV.
AMENDMENTS, WHICH NOT ONLY
DECLARE WHO ARE CITIZENS, BUT ALSO
DEFINE THEIR RIGHTS, ONE OF WHICH IS
THE RIGHT TO VOTE, WITHOUT REGARD
TO SEX, BOTH SEXES BEING INCLUDED IN
THE MORE COMPREHENSIVE
PROHIBITORY TERMS OF RACE AND
COLOR.

THE STATE LAWS WHICH PROSCRIBED

WOMEN AS VOTERS WERE REPEALED BY
THE STATES WHEN THEY RATIFIED SAID
AMENDMENTS—THERE ARE NO EXISTING
OPERATIVE LAWS WHICH PROSCRIBE THE
RIGHT OF ANY CITIZEN TO VOTE—THE
PERFECTED FRUITS OF THE LATE WAR—
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED
STATES IS BOUND TO PROTECT ITS
CITIZENS, MALE AND FEMALE, IN THE
EXERCISE OF THEIR RIGHT TO VOTE—THE
DUTY OF CONGRESS IN THE PREMISES.

The time has now arrived when it becomes proper to present

the final and unanswerable proposition, which cannot by any
possibility be controverted, that the several States which, until
recently, assumed and exercised the right of defining which of its
citizens should exercise the right to vote, have by their own voluntary
act not only forever repealed all such prohibitory laws, but also have
forever barred their re-enactment.
Of this I have been fully aware since the proclamation by the
President that the XV. Amendment had become a part of the Organic
Law of the country.
To bring the whole matter properly before the public I
published an address on the 2d of April last, in which I announced
myself a candidate for the Presidency in 1872, and thus asserted the
right of woman to occupy the highest office in the gift of the people.
After that address had had its legitimate effect in arousing the
press of the country to the realization that women are a constituent
part of the body politic, and to a discussion in a much more general
way than had ever been before, I published my second address to the
people, announcing that the XVI. Amendment was a dead letter, and
that the Constitution fully recognized the equality of all citizens.
In this address the general bearings of the Constitution were
examined, and from the blending of its various parts the conclusion
was arrived at that no State should deny the right to vote to any
citizen.
I now take the final step, and show that the States themselves,
by their legislative enactments, have removed the only obstacle
which until then had prevented women from voting, and have
forever debarred themselves from receding to their former position.
It is as follows:
Suffrage, or the right to vote, is declared by the XV. Article of
Amendments to the Constitution to be a Right, not a privilege, of
citizens of the United States.