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 Programming WCF Services

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 THIRD EDITION

Programming WCF Services

Juval Löwy

Beijing • Cambridge • Farnham • Köln • Sebastopol • Taipei • Tokyo

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Programming WCF Services, Third Edition
by Juval Löwy

Copyright © 2010 Juval Löwy. All rights reserved.

Printed in the United States of America.

Published by O’Reilly Media, Inc., 1005 Gravenstein Highway North, Sebastopol, CA 95472.

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While every precaution has been taken in the preparation of this book, the publisher and author assume
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ISBN: 978-0-596-80548-7

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 To my family

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 Table of Contents

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi

1. WCF Essentials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
What Is WCF? 1
Services 2
Service Execution Boundaries 3
WCF and Location Transparency 4
Addresses 4
TCP Addresses 5
HTTP Addresses 6
IPC Addresses 6
MSMQ Addresses 7
Service Bus Addresses 7
Contracts 7
The Service Contract 8
Hosting 11
IIS 5/6 Hosting 12
Self-Hosting 13
WAS Hosting 19
Custom Hosting in IIS/WAS 19
Windows Server AppFabric 20
Choosing a Host 22
Bindings 24
The Common Bindings 25
Choosing a Binding 26
Additional Bindings 27
Using a Binding 29
Endpoints 29
Administrative Endpoint Configuration 30

vii

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 Programmatic Endpoint Configuration 34
Default Endpoints 36
Metadata Exchange 39
Metadata over HTTP-GET 39
The Metadata Exchange Endpoint 42
The Metadata Explorer 49
More on Behavior Configuration 51
Client-Side Programming 53
Generating the Proxy 53
Administrative Client Configuration 57
Programmatic Client Configuration 64
The WCF-Provided Test Client 64
Programmatic Versus Administrative Configuration 67
WCF Architecture 67
Host Architecture 69
Working with Channels 70
The InProcFactory Class 71
Transport-Level Sessions 75
Transport Session and Binding 76
Transport Session Termination 76
Reliability 77
Bindings, Reliability, and Ordered Messages 78
Configuring Reliability 79
Requiring Ordered Delivery 80

2. Service Contracts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Operation Overloading 83
Contract Inheritance 86
Client-Side Contract Hierarchy 87
Service Contract Factoring and Design 90
Contract Factoring 90
Factoring Metrics 93
Contract Queries 95
Programmatic Metadata Processing 95
The MetadataHelper Class 98

3. Data Contracts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

Serialization 103
.NET Serialization 105
The WCF Formatters 107
Data Contract via Serialization 110
Data Contract Attributes 111
Importing a Data Contract 113

viii | Table of Contents

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 Data Contracts and the Serializable Attribute 116
Inferred Data Contracts 117
Composite Data Contracts 118
Data Contract Events 119
Shared Data Contracts 123
Data Contract Hierarchy 123
Known Types 124
Service Known Types 126
Multiple Known Types 128
Configuring Known Types 129
Data Contract Resolvers 129
Objects and Interfaces 141
Data Contract Equivalence 143
Serialization Order 144
Versioning 146
New Members 146
Missing Members 147
Versioning Round-Trip 151
Enumerations 154
Delegates and Data Contracts 155
Generics 156
Collections 160
Concrete Collections 160
Custom Collections 162
The CollectionDataContract Attribute 163
Referencing a Collection 164
Dictionaries 165

4. Instance Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

Behaviors 169
Per-Call Services 171
Benefits of Per-Call Services 171
Configuring Per-Call Services 172
Per-Call Services and Transport Sessions 173
Designing Per-Call Services 174
Choosing Per-Call Services 177
Per-Session Services 177
Configuring Private Sessions 178
Sessions and Reliability 182
The Session ID 184
Session Termination 185
Singleton Service 185
Initializing a Singleton 187

Table of Contents | ix

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 Choosing a Singleton 189
Demarcating Operations 190
Instance Deactivation 193
Configuring with ReleaseInstanceMode.None 194
Configuring with ReleaseInstanceMode.BeforeCall 194
Configuring with ReleaseInstanceMode.AfterCall 195
Configuring with ReleaseInstanceMode.BeforeAndAfterCall 196
Explicit Deactivation 197
Using Instance Deactivation 198
Durable Services 198
Durable Services and Instance Management Modes 199
Instance IDs and Durable Storage 199
Explicit Instance IDs 201
Instance IDs in Headers 203
Context Bindings for Instance IDs 205
Automatic Durable Behavior 210
Throttling 217
Configuring Throttling 219

5. Operations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
Request-Reply Operations 225
One-Way Operations 226
Configuring One-Way Operations 226
One-Way Operations and Reliability 227
One-Way Operations and Sessionful Services 227
One-Way Operations and Exceptions 228
Callback Operations 230
The Callback Contract 231
Client Callback Setup 232
Service-Side Callback Invocation 235
Callback Connection Management 239
The Duplex Proxy and Type Safety 241
The Duplex Factory 244
Callback Contract Hierarchy 246
Events 247
Streaming 251
I/O Streams 251
Streaming and Binding 252
Streaming and Transport 253

6. Faults . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
Error Isolation and Decoupling 255
Error Masking 256

x | Table of Contents

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 Channel Faulting 257
Fault Propagation 261
Fault Contracts 263
Fault Debugging 267
Faults and Callbacks 273
Error-Handling Extensions 276
Providing a Fault 277
Handling a Fault 280
Installing Error-Handling Extensions 282
The Host and Error Extensions 285
Callbacks and Error Extensions 289

7. Transactions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
The Recovery Challenge 293
Transactions 294
Transactional Resources 295
Transaction Properties 295
Transaction Management 297
Resource Managers 301
Transaction Propagation 301
Transaction Flow and Bindings 301
Transaction Flow and the Operation Contract 302
One-Way Calls 304
Transaction Protocols and Managers 305
Protocols and Bindings 306
Transaction Managers 307
Transaction Manager Promotion 310
The Transaction Class 311
The Ambient Transaction 312
Local Versus Distributed Transactions 312
Transactional Service Programming 314
Setting the Ambient Transaction 314
Transaction Propagation Modes 316
Voting and Completion 324
Transaction Isolation 327
Transaction Timeout 329
Explicit Transaction Programming 331
The TransactionScope Class 331
Transaction Flow Management 333
Non-Service Clients 340
Service State Management 342
The Transaction Boundary 343
Instance Management and Transactions 343

Table of Contents | xi

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 Per-Call Transactional Services 345
Per-Session Transactional Services 348
Transactional Durable Services 362
Transactional Behavior 365
Transactional Singleton Service 371
Instancing Modes and Transactions 374
Callbacks 375
Callback Transaction Modes 376
Callback Voting 378
Using Transactional Callbacks 378

8. Concurrency Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383

Instance Management and Concurrency 383
Service Concurrency Modes 384
ConcurrencyMode.Single 384
ConcurrencyMode.Multiple 385
ConcurrencyMode.Reentrant 389
Instances and Concurrent Access 392
Per-Call Services 392
Sessionful and Singleton Services 393
Resources and Services 393
Deadlocked Access 394
Deadlock Avoidance 395
Resource Synchronization Context 396
.NET Synchronization Contexts 397
The UI Synchronization Context 400
Service Synchronization Context 405
Hosting on the UI Thread 406
A Form as a Service 412
The UI Thread and Concurrency Management 415
Custom Service Synchronization Contexts 417
The Thread Pool Synchronizer 418
Thread Affinity 423
Priority Processing 425
Callbacks and Client Safety 429
Callbacks with ConcurrencyMode.Single 429
Callbacks with ConcurrencyMode.Multiple 430
Callbacks with ConcurrencyMode.Reentrant 431
Callbacks and Synchronization Contexts 431
Callbacks and the UI Synchronization Context 432
Callback Custom Synchronization Contexts 435
Asynchronous Calls 439
Requirements for an Asynchronous Mechanism 439

xii | Table of Contents

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 Proxy-Based Asynchronous Calls 440
Asynchronous Invocation 442
Polling or Waiting for Completion 445
Completion Callbacks 447
One-Way Asynchronous Operations 452
Asynchronous Error Handling 456
Asynchronous Calls and Transactions 457
Synchronous Versus Asynchronous Calls 457

9. Queued Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461

Disconnected Services and Clients 461
Queued Calls 462
Queued Calls Architecture 463
Queued Contracts 463
Configuration and Setup 464
Transactions 471
Delivery and Playback 471
Service Transaction Configuration 473
Nontransactional Queues 476
Instance Management 477
Per-Call Queued Services 478
Sessionful Queued Services 480
Singleton Service 483
Concurrency Management 484
Throttling 485
Delivery Failures 485
The Dead-Letter Queue 487
Time to Live 487
Configuring the Dead-Letter Queue 488
Processing the Dead-Letter Queue 490
Playback Failures 494
Poison Messages 495
Poison Message Handling in MSMQ 4.0 495
Poison Message Handling in MSMQ 3.0 501
Queued Versus Connected Calls 501
Requiring Queuing 502
The Response Service 504
Designing a Response Service Contract 505
Client-Side Programming 509
Queued Service-Side Programming 512
Response Service-Side Programming 514
Transactions 514
The HTTP Bridge 518

Table of Contents | xiii

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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
From dark abodes to fair ethereal light,
The enraptured innocent has winged her flight;
On the kind bosom of eternal love
She finds unknown beatitudes above.
This know, ye parents, nor her loss deplore—
She feels the iron hand of pain no more;
The dispensations of unerring grace
Should turn your sorrows into grateful praise;
Let, then, no tears for her henceforward flow
Nor suffer grief in this dark vale below.

Her morning sun, which rose divinely bright,

Was quickly mantled with the gloom of night;
But hear, in heaven's best bowers, your child so fair,
And learn to imitate her language there.
Thou, Lord, whom I behold with glory crowned,
By what sweet name, and in what tuneful sound,
Wilt thou be praised? Seraphic powers are faint
Infinite love and majesty to paint.
To thee let all their grateful voices raise,
And saints and angels join their songs of praise

Perfect in bliss, now from her heavenly home

She looks, and, smiling, beckons you to come;
Why then, fond parents, why these fruitless groans?
Restrain your tears, and cease your plaintive moans.
Freed from a world of sin, and snares, and pain,
Why would ye wish your fair one back again?
Nay, bow resigned; let hope your grief control,
And check the rising tumult of the soul.
Calm in the prosperous and the adverse day,
Adore the God who gives and takes away;

See him in all, his holy name revere,

Upright your actions, and your hearts sincere,
Till having sailed through life's tempestuous sea
 Till, having sailed through life s tempestuous sea,
And from its rocks and boisterous billows free,
Yourselves, safe landed on the blissful shore,
Shall join your happy child to part no more.

DENMARK VESEY.
No class of persons in the world, who have the name of being free,
are more sorely oppressed than the free colored people of the
Southern States. Each state has its code of black laws, which are
rigorously enforced, and the victim made to feel his degradation at
all times and in all places. An undeveloped discontent pervades the
entire black population, bond and free, in all the slave states. Human
bondage is ever fruitful of insurrection, wherever it exists, and under
whatever circumstances it may be found. Every community the other
side of "Dixon's Line" feels that it lives upon a volcano that is liable
to burst out at any moment; and all are watchful, and fearfully in
earnest, in looking after the colored man's affairs, and inventing
sterner enactments to keep him in subjection. The most oppressive
of all the states is South Carolina. In Charleston, free colored ladies
are not allowed to wear veils about their faces in the streets, or in
any public places. A violation of this law is visited with "thirty-nine
lashes upon the bare back." The same is inflicted upon any free
colored man who shall be seen upon the streets with a cigar in his
mouth, or a walking stick in his hand. Both, when walking the
streets, are forbidden to take the inside of the pavement.
Punishment of fine and imprisonment is laid upon any found out
after the hour of nine at night. An extra tax is placed upon every
member of a free colored family. While all these odious edicts were
silently borne by the free colored people of Charleston in 1822 there
was a suppressed feeling of indignation, mortification, and
discontent, that was only appreciated by a few. Among the most
dissatisfied of the free blacks was Denmark Vesey, a man who had
purchased his freedom in the year 1800, and since that time had
earned his living by his trade, being a carpenter and joiner. Having
been employed on shipboard by his master, Captain Vesey, Denmark
had seen a great deal of the world, and had acquired a large fund of
information, and was regarded as a leading man among the blacks.
He had studied the Scriptures, and never lost an opportunity of
showing that they were opposed to chattel-slavery. He spoke freely
with the slaves upon the subject, and often with whites, where he
found he could do so without risk to his own liberty. After resolving
to incite the slaves to rebellion, he began taking into his confidence
such persons as he could trust, and instructing them to gain
adherents from among the more reliable of both bond and free.
Peter Poyas, a slave of more than ordinary foresight and ability, was
selected by Vesey as his lieutenant; and to him was committed the
arduous duty of arranging the mode of attack, and of acting as the
military leader.
"His plans showed some natural generalship; he arranged the night
attack; he planned the enrolment of a mounted troop to scour the
streets; and he had a list of all the shops where arms and
ammunition were kept for sale. He voluntarily undertook the
management of the most difficult part of the enterprise,—the
capture of the main guard-house,—and had pledged himself to
advance alone and surprise the sentinel. He was said to have a
magnetism in his eye, of which his confederates stood in great awe;
if he once got his eye upon a man, there was no resisting it."
Gullah Jack, Tom Russell, and Ned Bennett. The last two were not
less valuable than Peter Poyas; for Tom was an ingenious mechanic,
and made battle-axes, pikes, and other instruments of death, with
which to carry on the war. All of the above were to be generals of
brigades, and were let into all the secrets of the intended rising. It
has long been the custom in Charleston for the country slaves to
visit the city in great numbers on Sunday, and return to their homes
in time to commence work on the following morning. It was
therefore determined by Denmark to have the rising take place on
Sunday. The slaves of nearly every plantation in the vicinity were
enlisted, and were to take part.
"The details of the plan, however, were not rashly committed to the
mass of the confederates; they were known only to a few, and were
finally to have been announced after the evening prayer-meeting on
the appointed Sunday. But each leader had his own company
enlisted, and his own work marked out. When the clock struck
twelve, all were to move. Peter Poyas was to lead a party ordered to
assemble at South Bay, and to be joined by a force from James's
Island; he was then to march up and seize the arsenal and guard-
house opposite St. Michael's Church, and detach a sufficient number
to cut off all white citizens who should appear at the alarm posts. A
second body of negroes, from the country and the Neck, headed by
Ned Bennett, was to assemble on the Neck and seize the arsenal
there. A third was to meet at Governor Bennett's Mills, under
command of Rolla, another leader, and, after putting the governor
and intendant to death, to march through the city, or be posted at
Cannon's Bridge, thus preventing the inhabitants of Cannonsborough
from entering the city. A fourth, partly from the country and partly
from the neighboring localities in the city, was to rendezvous on
Gadsden's Wharf and attack the upper guard-house. A fifth,
composed of country and Neck negroes, was to assemble at
Bulkley's farm, two miles and a half from the city, seize the upper
powder magazine, and then march down; and a sixth was to
assemble at Denmark Vesey's and obey his orders. A seventh
detachment, under Gullah Jack, was to assemble in Boundary Street,
at the head of King Street, to capture the arms of the Neck company
of militia, and to take an additional supply from Mr. Duquercron's
shop. The naval stores on Mey's Wharf were also to be attacked.
Meanwhile a horse company, consisting of many draymen, hostlers,
and butcher boys, was to meet at Lightwood's Alley, and then scour
the streets to prevent the whites from assembling. Every white man
coming out of his own door was to be killed, and, if necessary, the
city was to be fired in several places—slow match for this purpose
having been purloined from the public arsenal and placed in an
accessible position."
The secret and plan of attack, however, were incautiously divulged
to a slave named Devany, belonging to Colonel Prioleau, and he at
once informed his master's family. The mayor, on getting possession
of the facts, called the city council together for consultation. The
investigation elicited nothing new, for the slaves persisted in their
ignorance of the matter, and the authorities began to feel that they
had been imposed upon by Devany and his informant, when another
of the conspirators, being bribed, revealed what he knew. Arrests
after arrests were made, and the Mayor's Court held daily
examinations for weeks. After several weeks of incarceration, the
accused, one hundred and twenty in number, were brought to trial:
thirty-four were sentenced to transportation, twenty-seven acquitted
by the court, twenty-five discharged without trial, and thirty-five
condemned to death. With but two or three exceptions, all of the
conspirators went to the gallows feeling that they had acted right,
and died like men giving their lives for the cause of freedom. A
report of the trial, written soon after, says of Denmark Vesey,—
"For several years before he disclosed his intentions to any one, he
appears to have been constantly and assiduously engaged in
endeavoring to embitter the minds of the colored population against
the white. He rendered himself perfectly familiar with all those parts
of the Scriptures which he thought he could pervert to his purpose,
and would readily quote them to prove that slavery was contrary to
the laws of God,—that slaves were bound to attempt their
emancipation, however shocking and bloody might be the
consequences,—and that such efforts would not only be pleasing to
the Almighty, but were absolutely enjoined, and their success
predicted, in the Scriptures. His favorite texts, when he addressed
those of his own color, were Zechariah xiv. 1-3, and Joshua vi. 21;
and in all his conversations he identified their situation with that of
the Israelites. The number of inflammatory pamphlets on slavery
brought into Charleston from some of our sister states within the last
four years, (and once from Sierra Leone,) and distributed amongst
the colored population of the city, for which there was a great
facility, in consequence of the unrestricted intercourse allowed to
persons of color between the different states in the Union, and the
speeches in Congress of those opposed to the admission of Missouri
into the Union, perhaps garbled and misrepresented, furnished him
with ample means for inflaming the minds of the colored population
of this state; and by distorting certain parts of those speeches, or
selecting from them particular passages, he persuaded but too many
that Congress had actually declared them free, and that they were
held in bondage contrary to the laws of the land. Even whilst walking
through the streets in company with another, he was not idle; for if
his companion bowed to a white person, he would rebuke him, and
observe that all men were born equal, and that he was surprised
that any one would degrade himself by such conduct,—that he
would never cringe to the whites, nor ought any one who had the
feelings of a man. When answered, 'We are slaves,' he would
sarcastically and indignantly reply, 'You deserve to remain slaves;'
and if he were further asked, 'What can we do?' he would remark,
'Go and buy a spelling-book and read the fable of Hercules and the
Wagoner,' which he would then repeat, and apply it to their
situation. He also sought every opportunity of entering into
conversation with white persons, when they could be overheard by
negroes near by, especially in grog shops; during which
conversation, he would artfully introduce some bold remark on
slavery; and sometimes, when, from the character he was
conversing with, he found he might be still bolder, he would go so
far, that, had not his declarations in such situations been clearly
proved, they would scarcely have been credited. He continued this
course until some time after the commencement of the last winter;
by which time he had not only obtained incredible influence amongst
persons of color, but many feared him more than their owners, and,
one of them declared, even more than his God."
The excitement which the revelations of the trial occasioned, and the
continual fanning of the flame by the newspapers, were beyond
description. Double guard in the city, the country patrol on
horseback and on foot, the watchfulness that was observed on all
plantations, showed the deep feeling of fear pervading the hearts of
the slaveholders, not only in South Carolina, but the fever extended
to the other Southern States, and all seemed to feel that a great
crisis had been passed. And indeed, their fears seem not to have
been without ground, for a more complicated plan for an
insurrection could scarcely have been conceived. And many were of
opinion that, the rising once begun, they would have taken the city
and held it, and might have sealed the fate of slavery in the south.
The best account of this whole matter is to be found in an able
article in the Atlantic Monthly for June, 1861, from the pen of that
eloquent friend of freedom T. W. Higginson, and to which I am
indebted for the extracts contained in this memoir of Denmark
Vesey.

HENRY HIGHLAND GARNETT.

Though born a slave in the State of Maryland, Henry Highland
Garnett is the son of an African chief, stolen from the coast of his
native land. His father's family were all held as slaves till 1822, when
they escaped to the north. In 1835, he became a member of Canaan
Academy, New Hampshire. Three months after entering the school,
it was broken up by a mob, who destroyed the building. Mr. Garnett
afterwards entered Oneida Institute, New York, under the charge of
that noble-hearted friend of man, Beriah Green, where he was
treated with equality by the professors and his fellow-students.
There he gained the reputation of a courteous and accomplished
man, an able and eloquent debater, and a good writer. His first
appearance as a public speaker was in 1837, in the city of New York,
where his speech at once secured for him a standing among first-
class orators. Mr. Garnett is in every sense of the term a progressive
man. He is a strenuous advocate of freedom, temperance,
education, and the religious, moral, and social elevation of his race.
He is an acceptable preacher, evangelical in his profession. His
discourses, though showing much thought and careful study, are
delivered extemporaneously, and with good effect. Having complete
command of his voice, he uses it with skill, never failing to fill the
largest hall. One of the most noted addresses ever given by a
colored man in this country was delivered by Mr. Garnett at the
National Convention of Colored Americans, at Buffalo, New York, in
1843. None but those who heard that speech have the slightest idea
of the tremendous influence which he exercised over the assembly.
He spent some years over a church at Troy, and another at Geneva,
New York, and in 1850 visited England, where he remained,
lecturing, in different sections of the United Kingdom, upon
American slavery, until 1852, we believe, when, being joined by his
family, he went as a missionary to Jamaica. After spending three
years among the people of that island, he returned to the United
States, and is now settled over Shiloh Church, New York city. Mr.
Garnett is about forty-five years of age, unadulterated in race, tall
and commanding in appearance, has an eye that looks through you,
and a clear, ringing voice. He has written considerably, and has
edited one or two journals at different times, devoted to the
elevation of his race. The following from his pen will give but a faint
idea of Mr. Garnett's powers as a writer:—
"The woful volume of our history, as it now lies open to the world, is
written with tears and bound with blood. As I trace it, my eyes ache
and my heart is filled with grief. No other people have suffered so
much, and none have been more innocent. If I might apostrophize
that bleeding country, I would say, O Africa, thou hast bled, freely
bled, at every pore. Thy sorrow has been mocked, and thy grief has
not been heeded. Thy children are scattered over the whole earth,
and the great nations have been enriched by them. The wild beasts
of thy forests are treated with more mercy than they. The Libyan lion
and the fierce tiger are caged, to gratify the curiosity of men, and
the keeper's hands are not laid heavily upon them. But thy children
are tortured, taunted, and hurried out of life by unprecedented
cruelty. Brave men, formed in the divinest mould, are bartered, sold,
and mortgaged. Stripped of every sacred right, they are scourged if
they affirm that they belong to God. Women, sustaining the dear
relation of mothers, are yoked with the horned cattle to till the soil,
and their heart-strings are torn to pieces by cruel separations from
their children. Our sisters, ever manifesting the purest kindness,
whether in the wilderness of their fatherland, or amid the sorrows of
the middle passage, or in crowded cities, are unprotected from the
lust of tyrants. They have a regard for virtue, and they possess a
sense of honor; but there is no respect paid to these jewels of noble
character. Driven into unwilling concubinage, their offspring are sold
by their Anglo-Saxon fathers. To them the marriage institution is but
a name, for their despoilers break down the hymeneal altar, and
scatter its sacred ashes on the winds.
"Our young men are brutalized in intellect, and their manly energies
are chilled by the frosts of slavery. Sometimes they are called to
witness the agonies of the mothers who bore them, writhing under
the lash; and as if to fill to overflowing the already full cup of
demonism, they are sometimes compelled to apply the lash with
their own hands. Hell itself cannot overmatch a deed like this; and
dark damnation shudders as it sinks into its bosom, and seeks to
hide itself from the indignant eye of God."
Mr. Garnett paid a second visit to England a few months since, for
the purpose of creating an interest there in behalf of emigration to
Central Africa.

JAMES M. WHITFIELD.
There has long resided in Buffalo, New York, a barber, noted for his
scholarly attainments and gentlemanly deportment. Men of the most
polished refinement visit his saloon, and, while being shaved, take
pleasure in conversing with him; and all who know him feel that he
was intended by nature for a higher position in life. This is James M.
Whitfield. He is a native of Massachusetts, and removed west some
years since. We give a single extract from one of his poems.
"How long, O gracious God, how long
Shall power lord it over right?
The feeble, trampled by the strong,
Remain in slavery's gloomy night?
In every region of the earth
Oppression rules with iron power;
And every man of sterling worth,
Whose soul disdains to cringe or cower
Beneath a haughty tyrant's nod,
And, supplicating, kiss the rod
That, wielded by oppression's might,
Smites to the earth his dearest right,—
The right to speak, and think, and feel,
And spread his uttered thoughts abroad,
To labor for the common weal,
Responsible to none but God,—
Is threatened with the dungeon's gloom,
The felon's cell, the traitor's doom,
And treacherous politicians league
With hireling priests to crush and ban
All who expose their vain intrigue,
And vindicate the rights of man.
How long shall Afric raise to thee
Her fettered hand, O Lord, in vain,
And plead in fearful agony
For vengeance for her children slain?
I see the Gambia's swelling flood,
And Niger's darkly-rolling wave,
Bear on their bosoms, stained with blood,
The bound and lacerated slave;
While numerous tribes spread near and far
Fierce, devastating, barbarous war,
Earth's fairest scenes in ruin laid,
To furnish victims for that trade
Which breeds on earth such deeds of shame,
 As fiends might blush to hear or name."

Mr. Whitfield has written several long poems, all of them in good
taste and excellent language.

ANDRE RIGAUD.
Slavery, in St. Domingo, created three classes—the white planters,
the free mulattoes, and the slaves, the latter being all black. The
revolution brought out several valiant chiefs among the mulattoes,
their first being Vincent Ogé. This man was not calculated for a
leader of rebellion. His mother having been enabled to support him
in France as a gentleman, he had cherished a delicacy of sentiment
very incompatible with the ferocity of revolt. But Andre Rigaud, their
next and greatest chief, was a far different man. A native of Aux
Cayes, educated at Bourdeaux, and afterwards spending some time
at Paris, maturing his mind amid scenes of science and literature,
Rigaud's position among his followers was an exalted one. His father
was white and his mother black. He was tall and slim, with features
beautifully defined. Nature had been profligate in bestowing her gifts
upon him.
While at the Military School at Paris, besides being introduced into
good society, he became acquainted with Lafayette, Condorcet,
Gregoire, and other distinguished statesmen, and his manners were
polished and his language elegant. In religion he was the very
opposite of Toussaint. An admirer of Voltaire and Rousseau, he had
made their works his study. A long residence in the French
metropolis had enabled him to become acquainted with the followers
of these two distinguished philosophers. He had seen two hundred
thousand persons following the bones of Voltaire, when removed to
the Pantheon, and, in his admiration for the great author, had
confounded liberty with infidelity. In Asia, he would have governed
an empire; in St. Domingo, he was scarcely more than an outlawed
chief; but he had in his soul the elements of a great man. In military
science, horsemanship, and activity, Rigaud was the first man on the
island, of any color. Toussaint bears the following testimony to the
great skill of the mulatto general: "I know Rigaud well. He leaps
from his horse when at full gallop, and he puts all his force in his
arm when he strikes a blow." He was high-tempered, irritable, and
haughty. The charmed power that he held over the men of his color
can scarcely be described. At the breaking out of the revolution, he
headed the mulattoes in his native town, and soon drew around him
a formidable body of men.
After driving the English and Spaniards from the island, and
subduing the French planters, Toussaint and Rigaud made war upon
each other. As the mulattoes were less than fifty thousand in
number, and the blacks more than five hundred thousand, Rigaud
was always outnumbered on the field of battle; but his forces,
fighting under the eyes of the general whom they adored, defended
their territory with vigor, if not with success. Reduced in his means
of defence by the loss of so many brave men in his recent battles,
Rigaud had the misfortune to see his towns fall, one after another,
into the power of Toussaint, until he was driven to the last citadel of
his strength—the town of Aux Cayes. As he thus yielded foot by foot,
every thing was given to desolation before it was abandoned, and
the land, which under his active government had just before been so
adorned with cultivation, was made such a waste of desolation, that,
according almost to the very letter of his orders, "the trees were
turned with their roots in the air." The genius and activity of
Toussaint were completely at fault in his attempt to force the
mulatto general from his intrenchments.
The government of France was too much engaged at home with her
own revolution to pay any attention to St. Domingo. The republicans
in Paris, after getting rid of their enemies, turned upon each other.
The revolution, like Saturn, devoured its own children; priest and
people were murdered upon the thresholds of justice. Murat died at
the hands of Charlotte Corday. Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette were
guillotined, Robespierre had gone to the scaffold, and Bonaparte was
master of France.
The conqueror of Egypt now turned his attention to St. Domingo. It
was too important an island to be lost to France or destroyed by civil
war, and, through the mediation of Bonaparte, the war between
Toussaint and Rigaud was brought to a close.
Petion and several other generals followed Rigaud, when, at the
conclusion of his war with Toussaint, he embarked for France. When
Napoleon's ill-fated expedition came to St. Domingo, Rigaud
returned, made his appearance at Aux Cayes, and, under his
influence, the south soon rallied in arms against Toussaint. He
fought bravely for France until the subjugation of the blacks and the
transportation of their chief to the mother country, when Napoleon
felt that Rigaud, too, was as dangerous to the peace of St. Domingo
as Toussaint, and he was once more forced to return to France. Here
he was imprisoned—not for any thing that he had done against the
government of Bonaparte, but for fear that the mulatto chief would
return to his native island, take up arms, and assist his race, who
were already in rebellion against Leclerc.
Although the whites and the free colored men were linked together
by the tender ties of nature, there was, nevertheless, a hatred to
each other, even stronger than between the whites and the blacks.
In the earlier stages of the revolution, before the blacks under
Toussaint got the ascendency, several attempts had been made to
get rid of the leaders of the mulattoes, and especially Rigaud. He
was hated by the whites in the same degree as they feared his all-
powerful influence with his race, and the unyielding nature of his
character, which gave firmness and consistency to his policy while
controlling the interests of his brethren. Intrigue and craftiness could
avail nothing against the designs of one who was ever upon the
watch, and who had the means of counteracting all secret attempts
against him; and open force, in the field, could not be successful in
destroying a chieftain whose power was often felt, but whose person
was seldom seen. Thus, to accomplish a design which had long been
in meditation, the whites of Aux Cayes were now secretly preparing
a mine for Rigaud, which, though it was covered with roses, and to
be sprung by professed friends, it was thought would prove a sure
and efficacious method of ridding them of such an opponent, and
destroying the pretensions of the mulattoes forever. It was proposed
that the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile should be
celebrated in the town by both whites and mulattoes, in union and
gratitude. A civic procession marched to the church, where Te Deum
was chanted and an oration pronounced. The Place d'Armes was
crowded with tables of refreshments, at which both whites and
mulattoes seated themselves. But beneath this seeming patriotism
and friendship, a dark and fatal conspiracy lurked, plotting treachery
and death. It had been resolved that, at a preconcerted signal, every
white at the table should plunge his knife into the bosom of the
mulatto who was seated nearest to him. Cannon had been planted
around the place of festivity, that no fugitive from the massacre
should have the means of escaping; and that Rigaud should not fail
to be secured as the first victim of a conspiracy prepared especially
against his life, the commander-in-chief of the National Guard had
been placed at his side, and his murder of the mulatto chieftain was
to be the signal for a general onset upon all his followers. The officer
to whom had been intrusted the assassination of Rigaud, found it no
small matter to screw his courage up to the sticking point, and the
expected signal, which he was to display in blood to his associates,
was so long delayed, that secret messengers began to throng to him
from all parts of the tables, demanding why execution was not done
on Rigaud. Urged on by these successive appeals, the white general
at last applied himself to the fatal task which had been allotted him;
but instead of silently plunging his dagger into the bosom of the
mulatto chief, he sprung upon him with a pistol in his hand, and,
with a loud execration, fired it at his intended victim. But Rigaud
remained unharmed, and, in the scuffle which ensued, the white
assassin was disarmed and put to flight. The astonishment of the
mulattoes soon gave way to tumult and indignation, and this
produced a drawn battle, in which both whites and mulattoes,
exasperated as they were to the utmost, fought man to man. The
struggle continued fiercely until the whites were driven from the
town, having lost one hundred and fifty of their number, and slain
many of their opponents.
Tidings of this conspiracy flew rapidly in all directions; and such was
the indignation of the mulattoes at this attack upon their chief,
whose death had even been announced in several places as certain,
that they seized upon all the whites within their reach; and their
immediate massacre was only prevented by the arrival of intelligence
that Rigaud was still alive. Such were the persecutions which the
leader of the mulattoes, now in exile, had experienced in his own
land. Napoleon kept him confined in the prison of the Temple first,
and then at the castle of Joux, where Toussaint had ended his life.
During this time, St. Domingo was undergoing a great change.
Leclerc had died, Rochambeau and his forces had been driven from
the island, Dessalines had reigned and passed away, and Christophe
was master of the north, and Petion of the south. These two
generals were at war with each other, when they were both very
much surprised at the arrival of Rigaud from France. He had escaped
from his prison, made his way to England, and thence to the island
by way of the United States. Petion, the president of the republic in
the south, regarded Rigaud as a more formidable enemy than
Christophe. The great mulatto general was welcomed with
enthusiasm by his old adherents; they showed the most sincere
respect and attachment for him, and he journeyed in triumph to Port
au Prince. Though Petion disliked these demonstrations in favor of a
rival, he dared not attempt to interfere, for he well knew that a
single word from Rigaud could raise a revolt among the mulattoes.
Petion, himself a mulatto, had served under the former in the first
stages of the revolution. The people of Aux Cayes welcomed their
chief to his home, and he drew around him all hearts, and in a short
time Rigaud was in full possession of his ancient power. The
government of Petion was divided to make room for the former
chief, and, though the two leaders for a while flew to arms against
each other, they, nevertheless, were driven to an alliance on account
of the encroachments of Christophe.
After a reign that was fraught only with tumult to himself and
followers, Rigaud abdicated his province, retired to his farm, and in a
few weeks died. Thus ended the career of the most distinguished
mulatto general of which St. Domingo could boast.

FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.

Miss Watkins is a native of Baltimore, where she received her
education. She has been before the public some years as an author
and public lecturer. Her "Poems on Miscellaneous Subjects,"
published in a small volume, show a reflective mind and no ordinary
culture. Her "Essay on Christianity" is a beautiful composition. Many
of her poems are soul-stirring, and all are characterized by chaste
language and much thought. The following is entitled
THE SLAVE MOTHER.
'Heard you that shriek? It rose
So wildly on the air,
It seemed as if a burdened heart
Was breaking in despair.

Saw you those hands so sadly clasped,

The bowed and feeble head,
The shuddering of that fragile form,
That look of grief and dread?

Saw you the sad, imploring eye?

Its every glance was pain,
As if a storm of agony
Were sweeping through the brain.

She is a mother pale with fear;

Her boy clings to her side,
And in her kirtle vainly tries
His trembling form to hide.

He is not hers, although she bore

For him a mother's pains;
He is not hers, although her blood
Is coursing through his veins.

He is not hers, for cruel hands

May rudely tear apart
The only wreath of household love
That binds her breaking heart.

His love has been a joyous light

That o'er her pathway smiled,
A fountain, gushing ever new,
Amid life's desert wild.

His lightest word has been a tone

Of i dh h t
 Of music round her heart;
Their lives a streamlet blent in one—
O Father, must they part?

They tear him from her circling arms,

Her last and fond embrace;
O, never more may her sad eyes
Gaze on his mournful face.

No marvel, then, these bitter shrieks

Disturb the listening air;
She is a mother, and her heart
Is breaking in despair.

Miss Watkins's advice to her own sex on the selection of a husband

should be appreciated by all.

Nay, do not blush! I only heard

You had a mind to marry;
I thought I'd speak a friendly word;
So just one moment tarry.

Wed not a man whose merit lies

In things of outward show,
In raven hair or flashing eyes,
That please your fancy so.

But marry one who's good and kind,

And free from all pretence;
Who, if without a gifted mind,
At least has common sense.

Miss Watkins is about thirty years of age, of a fragile form, rather

nervous, keen and witty in conversation, outspoken in her opinions,
and yet appears in all the simplicity of a child.
 EX-PRESIDENT ROBERTS.
J. J. Roberts, ex-president of the Republic of Liberia, is a native of
the Old Dominion, and emigrated to his adopted country about
twenty-five years ago. In stature he is tall, slim, and has a
commanding appearance, sharp features, pleasant countenance, and
is what the ladies would call "good looking." Mr. Roberts has much
the bearing of an "English gentleman." He has fine abilities, and his
state papers will compare favorably with the public documents of
any of the presidents of the United States. He is thoroughly devoted
to the interest of the rising republic, and has visited Europe several
times in her behalf.
The following extract from the inaugural address of President
Roberts to the legislature of Liberia, in 1848, on the colonists taking
the entire responsibility of the government, is eloquent and pointed:
—
"It must afford the most heartfelt pleasure and satisfaction to every
friend of Liberia, and real lover of liberty, to observe by what a
fortunate train of circumstances and incidents the people of these
colonies have arrived at absolute freedom and independence. When
we look abroad and see by what slow and painful steps, marked
with blood and ills of every kind, other states of the world have
advanced to liberty and independence, we cannot but admire and
praise that all-gracious Providence, who, by his unerring ways, has,
with so few sufferings on our part, compared with other states, led
us to this happy stage in our progress towards those great and
important objects. That it is the will of Heaven that mankind should
be free, is clearly evidenced by the wealth, vigor, virtue, and
consequent happiness of all free states. But the idea that Providence
will establish such governments as he shall deem most fit for his
creatures, and will give them wealth, influence, and happiness
without their efforts, is palpably absurd. God's moral government of
the earth is always performed by the intervention of second causes.
Therefore, fellow-citizens, while with pious gratitude we survey the
frequent interpositions of Heaven in our behalf, we ought to
remember, that as the disbelief of an overruling Providence is
atheism, so an absolute confidence of having our government
relieved from every embarrassment, and its citizens made
respectable and happy by the immediate hand of God, without our
own exertions, is the most culpable presumption. Nor have we any
reason to expect, that he will miraculously make Liberia a paradise,
and deliver us, in a moment of time, from all the ills and
inconveniences consequent upon the peculiar circumstances under
which we are placed, merely to convince us that he favors our cause
and government.
"Sufficient indications of his will are always given, and those who will
not then believe, neither would they believe though one should rise
from the dead to inform them. Who can trace the progress of these
colonies, and mark the incidents of the wars in which they have
been engaged, without seeing evident tokens of providential favor.
Let us, therefore, inflexibly persevere in exerting our most strenuous
efforts in a humble and rational dependence on the great Governor
of all the world, and we have the fairest prospects of surmounting all
the difficulties which may be thrown in our way. That we may
expect, and that we shall have, difficulties, sore difficulties, yet to
contend against in our progress to maturity, is certain; and, as the
political happiness or wretchedness of ourselves and our children,
and of generations yet unborn, is in our hands,—nay, more, the
redemption of Africa from the deep degradation, superstition, and
idolatry in which she has so long been involved,—it becomes us to
lay our shoulders to the wheel, and manfully resist every obstacle
which may oppose our progress in the great work which lies before
us."
Mr. Roberts, we believe, is extensively engaged in commerce and
agriculture, and, though out of office, makes himself useful in the
moral, social, and intellectual elevation of his brethren. No one is
more respected, or stands higher, in Liberia than he.
 ALEXANDER CRUMMELL.
Among the many bright examples of the black man which we
present, one of the foremost is Alexander Crummell. Blood
unadulterated, a tall and manly figure, commanding in appearance,
a full and musical voice, fluent in speech, a graduate of Cambridge
University, England, a mind stored with the richness of English
literature, competently acquainted with the classical authors of
Greece and Rome, from the grave Thucydides to the rhapsodical
Lycophron, gentlemanly in all his movements, language chaste and
refined, Mr. Crummell may well be put forward as one of the best
and most favorable representatives of his race. He is a clergyman of
the Episcopal denomination, and deeply versed in theology. His
sermons are always written, but he reads them as few persons can.
In 1848 Mr. Crummell visited England, and delivered a well-
conceived address before the Anti-Slavery Society in London, where
his eloquence and splendid abilities were at once acknowledged and
appreciated. The year before his departure for the old world, he
delivered a "Eulogy on the Life and Character of Thomas Clarkson,"
from which we make the following extract, which is full of meaning
and eloquence:—
"Let us not be unmindful of the prerogatives and obligations arising
from the fact, that the exhibition of the greatest talent, and the
development of the most enlarged philanthropy, in the nineteenth
century, have been bestowed upon our race. The names of the great
lights of the age,—statesmen, poets, and divines,—in all the great
countries of Europe, and in this country too, are inseparably
connected with the cause and destiny of the African race. This has
been the theme whence most of them have reaped honor and
immortality. This cause has produced the development of the most
noble character of modern times—has given the world a Wilberforce
and a Clarkson. Lowly and depressed as we have been, and as we
now are, yet our interests and our welfare have agitated the chief
countries of the world, and are now before all other questions,
shaking this nation to its very centre. The providences of God have
placed the negro race before Europe and America in the most
commanding position. From the sight of us no nation, no statesman,
no ecclesiastic, and no ecclesiastical institution, can escape. And by
us and our cause the character and greatness of individuals and of
nations in this day and generation of the world are to be decided,
either for good or evil; and so, in all coming times, the memory and
the fame of the chief actors now on the stage will be decided by
their relation to our cause. The discoveries of science, the unfoldings
of literature, the dazzlings of genius, all fade before the demands of
this cause. This is the age of BROTHERHOOD AND HUMANITY, and the
negro race is its most distinguished test and criterion.
"And for what are all these providences? For nothing? He who thinks
so must be blinded—must be demented. In these facts are wound
up a most distinct significance, and with them are connected most
clear and emphatic obligations and responsibilities. The clear-minded
and thoughtful colored men of America must mark the significance
of these facts, and begin to feel their weight. For more than two
centuries we have been working our way from the deep and dire
degradation into which slavery had plunged us. We have made
considerable headway. By the vigorous use of the opportunities of
our partial freedom we have been enabled, with the divine blessing,
to reach a position of respectability and character. We have pressed
somewhat into the golden avenues of science, intelligence, and
learning. We have made impressions there; and some few of our
footprints have we left behind. The mild light of religion has
illumined our pathway, and superstition and error have fled apace.
The greatest paradoxes are evinced by us. Amid the decay of
nations, a rekindled light starts up in us. Burdens under which others
expire seem to have lost their influence upon us; and while they are
'driven to the wall,' destruction keeps far from us its blasting hand.
We live in the region of death, yet seem hardly mortal. We cling to
life in the midst of all reverses; and our nerveful grasp thereon
cannot easily be relaxed. History reverses its mandates in our behalf:
our dotage is in the past. 'Time writes not its wrinkles on our brow;'
our juvenescence is in the future. All this, and the kindly nature
which is acknowledgedly ours,—with gifts of freedom vouchsafed us
by the Almighty in this land, in part, and in the West Indies; with the
intellectual desire every where manifesting itself, and the exceeding
interest exhibited for Africa by her own children, and by the Christian
nations of the world, are indications from which we may not gather
a trivial meaning, nor a narrow significance.
"The teaching of God in all these things is, undoubtedly, that ours is
a great destiny, and that we should open our eyes to it. God is
telling us all that, whereas the past has been dark, grim, and
repulsive, the future shall be glorious; that the horrid traffic shall yet
be entirely stopped; that the whips and brands, the shackles and
fetters, of slavery shall be cast down to oblivion; that the shades of
ignorance and superstition that have so long settled down upon the
mind of Africa shall be dispelled; and that all her sons on her own
broad continent, in the Western Isles, and in this Republic, shall yet
stand erect beneath the heavens, 'with freedom chartered on their
manly brows;' their bosoms swelling with its noblest raptures—
treading the face of earth in the links of brotherhood and equality."
We have had a number of our public men to represent us in Europe
within the past twenty-five years; and none have done it more
honorably or with better success to the character and cause of the
black man, than Alexander Crummell. We met him there again and
again, and followed in his track wherever he preached or spoke
before public assemblies, and we know whereof we affirm. In 1852,
we believe, he went to Liberia, where he now resides. At present he
and his family are on a visit to "the States," partly for his health and
partly for the purpose of promoting emigration to Africa. Mr. C. has
recently published a valuable work on Africa, which is highly spoken
of by the press; indeed, it may be regarded as the only finished
account of our mother land. Devotedly attached to the interest of
the colored man, and having the moral, social, and intellectual
elevation of the natives of Africa at heart, we do not regret that he
considers it his duty to labor in his father land. Warmly interested in
the Republic, and so capable of filling the highest position that he
can be called to, we shall not be surprised, some day, to hear that
Alexander Crummell is president of Liberia.
 ALEXANDRE PETION.
The ambitious and haughty mulattoes had long been dissatisfied
with the obscure condition into which they had been thrown by the
reign of Dessalines, and at the death of that ruler they determined
to put forward their claim. Their great chief, Rigaud, was still in
prison in France, where he had been placed by Napoleon. Christophe
had succeeded to power at the close of the empire, and was at St.
Marks when he heard that Alexandre Petion had been elected
president of the Republic of Hayti, through the instrumentality of the
mulattoes. Christophe at once began to prepare for war. Petion was
a quadroon, the successor of Rigaud and Clervaux to the confidence
of the mulattoes. He was a man of education and refined manners.
He had been educated at the Military School of Paris, and had ever
been characterized for his mildness of temper and the insinuating
grace of his address. He was a skilful engineer, and at the time of his
elevation to power he passed for the most scientific officer and the
most erudite individual among the people of Hayti. Attached to the
fortunes of Rigaud, he had acted as his lieutenant against Toussaint,
and had accompanied him to France. Here he remained until the
departure of the expedition under Leclerc, when he embarked in
that disastrous enterprise, to employ his talents in again restoring
his country to the dominion of France. Petion joined Dessalines,
Christophe, and Clervaux, when they revolted and turned against the
French, and aided in gaining the final independence of the island.
Christophe, therefore, as soon as he heard that he had a rival in
Petion, rallied his forces, and started for Port au Prince, to meet his
enemy. The former was already in the field, and the two armies met;
a battle ensued, and Petion, being defeated, and hotly pursued in his
flight, found it necessary, in order to save his life, to exchange his
uniform with a laborer, and to bury himself up to his neck in a marsh
until his fierce pursuers had disappeared. Petion escaped, and
reached his capital before the arrival of the troops under Christophe.
The latter, after this signal success, pressed forward to Port au
Prince, and laid siege to the town, in hope of an easy triumph over
his rival. But Petion was in his appropriate sphere of action, and
Christophe soon discovered that, in contending with an experienced
engineer in a fortified town, success was of more difficult attainment
than while encountering the same enemy in the open field, where
his science could not be brought into action. Christophe could make
no impression on the town, and feeling ill assured of the
steadfastness of his own proper government at Cape François, he
withdrew his forces from the investment of Port au Prince, resolved
to establish in the north a separate government of his own, and to
defer to some more favorable opportunity the attempt to subdue his
rival at Port au Prince. In September, 1808, Petion commenced
another campaign against Christophe, by sending an army to
besiege Port de Paix, which it did; but after a while it was driven
back to Port au Prince by the victorious legions of the president of
the north. Christophe in turn attempted to take the Mole St. Nicholas
from Lamarre, one of Petion's generals, but did not succeed. The
struggle between the two presidents of Hayti had now continued
three years, when a new competitor appeared in the field, by the
arrival of Rigaud from France. This was an unexpected event, which
awakened deep solicitude in the bosom of Petion, who could not
avoid regarding that distinguished general as a more formidable rival
than Christophe. He well knew the attachment of the people to the
great mulatto chief, and he feared his superior talents. The
enthusiasm with which Rigaud was received wherever he appeared,
raised the jealousy of Petion to such a pitch, that he for a time
forgot his black rival. Partisans flew to the standard of Rigaud, and a
resort to arms seemed imminent between him and Petion. A
meeting, however, was held by the two mulatto generals, at the
bridge of Miragoane, where a treaty was signed, by which the south
was to be governed by the former, and the west, and as much as
could be wrested from Christophe, by the latter. But peace between
these two was not destined to be of long duration. A war took place,
and Rigaud's troops proved too much for Petion, and he was
defeated with great loss, and his entire army almost annihilated. But
the victorious general did not follow up his successes; and although
he had gained a signal victory, he felt that much of his power over
his followers was passing away. The death of Rigaud once more
gave the field to Christophe and Petion, and they again commenced
war upon each other. The latter was superior to the former in
education, and in the refinement given him by a cultivated
understanding and an extensive intercourse with European society;
but he was greatly inferior to Christophe in boldness and decision of
character. Petion was subtle, cautious, and desponding. He aspired
to be the Washington, as Christophe was deemed the Bonaparte, of
Hayti. By insinuating the doctrines of equality and republicanism,
Petion succeeded in governing, with but ten thousand mulattoes, a
population of more than two hundred thousand blacks. Assuming no
pretensions to personal or official dignity, and totally rejecting all the
ceremonial of a court, it was Petion's ambition to maintain the
exterior of a plain republican magistrate. Clad in the white linen
undress of the country, and with a Madras handkerchief tied about
his head, he mixed freely and promiscuously with his fellow-citizens,
or seated himself in the piazza of the government house, accessible
to all. He professed to hold himself at the disposal of the people,
and to be ready at any moment to submit to their will, whether it
was to guide the power of the state, or yield his head to the
executioner.
A republican officer one day called on Petion at the government
house, and while they were alone, the former drew out a pistol and
fired at the president, without injuring him, however; the latter
immediately seized his visitor, disarmed him, and when the guard
rushed in, he found the president and the officer walking the room
locked in each other's arms. This man was ever after the warm
friend of Petion. At the downfall of Napoleon, and the elevation of
Louis XVIII., another effort was made to regain possession of the
island by France. But the latter did not resort to arms. Having no
confidence in the French, and fearing a warlike demonstration, both
Petion and Christophe prepared for defence. Petion had long been
despondent for the permanence of the republic, and this feeling had
by degrees grown into a settled despair; and amidst these
perplexities and embarrassments he fell sick, in the month of March,
1818, and after an illness which continued only eight days, he died,
and was succeeded by General Boyer.
The administration of Petion was mild, and he did all that he could
for the elevation of the people whom he ruled. He was the patron of
education and the arts, and scientific men, for years after his death,
spoke his name with reverence. He was highly respected by the
representatives of foreign powers, and strangers visiting his republic
always mentioned his name in connection with the best cultivated
and most gentlemanly of the people of Hayti. Lightly lie the earth on
the bones of Petion, and let every cloud pass away from his memory.

MARTIN R. DELANY, M. D.
Dr. Delany has long been before the public. His first appearance, we
believe, was in connection with The Mystery, a weekly newspaper
published at Pittsburg, and of which he was editor. His journal was
faithful in its advocacy of the rights of man, and had the reputation
of being a well-conducted sheet. The doctor afterwards was
associated with Frederick Douglass in the editorial management of
his paper at Rochester, N. Y. From the latter place he removed to
Canada, and has since resided in Chatham, where he is looked upon
as one of its leading citizens.
Dr. M. R. Delany, though regarded as a man high in his profession, is
better and more widely known as a traveller, discoverer, and lecturer.
His association with Professor Campbell in the "Niger Valley
Exploring Expedition" has brought the doctor very prominently
before the world, and especially that portion of it which takes an
interest in the civilization of Africa. The official report of that
expedition shows that he did not visit that country with his eyes
shut. His observations and suggestions about the climate, soil,
diseases, and natural productions of Africa, are interesting, and give
evidence that the doctor was in earnest. The published report, of
which he is the author, will repay a perusal.
On his return home, Dr. Delany spent some time in England, and
lectured in the British metropolis and the provincial cities, with
considerable success, on Africa and its resources. As a member of
the International Statistical Congress, he acquitted himself with
credit to his position and honor to his race. The foolish manner in
which the Hon. Mr. Dallas, our minister to the court of St. James,
acted on meeting Dr. Delany in that august assembly, and the
criticisms of the press of Europe and America, will not soon be
forgotten.
He is short, compactly built, has a quick, wiry walk, and is decided
and energetic in conversation, unadulterated in race, and proud of
his complexion. Though somewhat violent in his gestures, and
paying but little regard to the strict rules of oratory, Dr. Delany is,
nevertheless, an interesting, eloquent speaker. Devotedly attached
to his fatherland, he goes for a "Negro Nationality." Whatever he
undertakes, he executes it with all the powers that God has given
him; and what would appear as an obstacle in the way of other
men, would be brushed aside by Martin R. Delany.

ROBERT SMALL.
At the breaking out of the rebellion, Robert Small was a slave in
Charleston, S. C. He stood amid a group of his fellow-slaves, as the
soldiers were getting ready to make the assault upon Fort Sumter,
and he said to his associates, "This, boys, is the dawn of freedom for
our race." Robert, at this time, was employed as pilot on board the
steamboat "Planter," owned at Charleston, and then lying at her
dock. The following day, the steamer commenced undergoing
alterations necessary to fit her for a gunboat. Robert, when within
hearing of the whites, was loud in his talk of what "we'll do with the
Yankees, when this boat is ready for sea." The Planter was soon
transmogrified into a rebel man-of-war, to be used in and about the
rivers and bays near Charleston, and Robert Small was her
acknowledged pilot. One of Robert's brothers was second engineer,
and a cousin to him was the second mate; the remainder of the
crew were all slaves, except the white officers. It was the custom of
the captain, chief mate, and chief engineer to spend the night with
their families in the city, when the steamer was in port, the vessel
being left in charge of Robert. The following is the account of the
capture of the boat by her black crew, as given by the Port Royal
correspondent of the New York Commercial Advertiser:—
"The steamer Planter, which was run away from the rebels by her
pilot, Robert Small, is a new tug boat employed about Charleston
harbor, which was seized by the Confederate government and
converted into a gunboat, mounting a rifled gun forward and a siege
gun aft. She has been in the habit of running out to sea to
reconnoitre, and was, therefore, no unusual appearance near the
forts guarding the entrance. Small, the helmsman and pilot,
conceived the idea of running away, and plotted with several friends,
slaves like him, to take them off.
"On the evening of May 11, her officers left the ship, then at the
wharf in Charleston, and went to their homes. Small then took the
firemen and assistant engineers, all of whom were slaves, in his
confidence, had the fires banked up, and every thing made ready to
start by daylight.
"At quarter to four on Saturday morning, the lines which fastened
the vessel to the dock were cast off, and the ship quietly glided into
the stream. Here the harbor guard hailed the vessel, but Small
promptly gave the countersign, and was allowed to pass.
"The vessel now called at a dock a distance below, where the
families of the crew came on board.