Handwoven Fabrics

of India

Ed. by Jasleen Dhamija and Jyotindra Jain

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tiandwoven
Fabrics of India

Indian textiles have been coveted all the world

over since the days of ancient civilizations. Many
Kingdoms over the centuries, from the early
Romans to the England of Queen Victoria, found
it necessary to ban the import of these opulent
textiles to protect local production which was
otherwise falling out of favour with users.
Travellers, from Huien Tsang to Bernier have
written elaborate accounts of India's rich textiles
and till present times scholars have studied
them.

This volume attempts to put together some

important writing on handwoven and
handworked textiles, including some of the most
distinguished scholars from the world of textiles:
Alfred Biihler, Stella Kramrisch, Agnes Geijer,
Moti Chandra, Milton Sonday et al. Many of the
papers reprinted in this volume are out of print,
have appeared in specialized journals or have
never been translated. A historical survey looks
at textiles from the Mauryan period till the
present time. A regional survey looks at the
current state of the textile industry and pinpoints
major developments and shifts in production.
Specially commissioned photos reflect the range
and exuberance of these textiles.

With 71 colour, 10 black Sr white photographs

and 15 line illustrations

Jacket illustration:
Cotton shawl, Gopalpur (see p. 135)
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Handwoven Fabrics of India.
Handwoven Fabrics
of India
Ed. by Jasleen Dhamija
and
Jyotindra Jain

Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd., Ahmedabad

First published in the United States of America in 1989
by Grantha Corporation, 80 Cliffedgeway,
Middletown, NJ 07701
in association with
Mapin Publishing Pvt Ltd.
Chidambaram, Ahmedabad 380 013 India
Text and photograhs copyright © 1989 as listed.
This edition © Association of Corporations
& Apex Societies of Handlooms
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the
publisher.
ISBN : 0-944 142-26-5
LC : 88-82476
Editors : Jasleen Dhamija and Jyotindra Jain
Editorial Adviser : Mallika Sarabhai
Designer: Bijoy Shivram
Typeset in Benguiat 10/12
by Fotocomp Systems, Bombay
Printed and bound by
Toppan Printing Co. (S) Pvt Ltd.
CONTENTS
Preface Jasleen Dhamija and Jyotindra Jain 8

liandwoven and Handworked Textiles of India Jasleen Dhamija 12

Weaving in Vedic India Wilhelm Rau 19

State Weaving-Shops of the Mauryan Period Romila Thapar 29

Some Evidence of Indo-European Cotton Trade

in Pre-Mughal Times Agnes Geijer 35

A Type of Mughal Sash Milton Sonday and Piobuko Rajitani 40

Naksha Bandhas of Banaras Pupul Jaykar 47

Indian Velvets Jasleen Dhamija 52

Kashmir Shawls Mod Chandra 60

Kashmir Shawls & Iranian Termeh Jasleen Dhamija 71

Kantha "textiles Stella Rramrisch 78

Indian Resist-Dyed Fabrics Alfred Biihler 84

Cotton Jamdanis of Tanda and Banaras Pupul Jaykar 96

Light and Shade, Blue and Red: The Azarak of Sind Frangoise Cousin 103

Regional Weaves of India Jasleen Dhamija 115

North-Western India - Gujarat and Rajasthan J.D. 116

Northern India J.D. 126

Eastern India J.D. 133

South Indian Weaves J.D. 145

view V.R. Agnihotri 156

Glossary 159
PREFACE

Scholars from all over the world have been drawn to research different
aspects of Indian textiles. This volume puts together some important writing
on handwoven and handworked textiles. Many of the papers reprinted in this
volume are out of print, have appeared in obscure journals or have never
been translated. Dr. Rau's research on the terminology for weaving found in
early Sanskrit texts, originally published in German, has been specially
translated for this volume. Dr. Moti Chandra's remarkable study of Kashmir
shawls published in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum and Dr. Stella
Kramrisch's article on kantha, a landmark in the study of symbolism in
textiles, have both been out of print. Pupul Jayakar's article on jamdani is the
first detailed study of this ancient technique and her findings on brocades
could lead to interesting hypothesis. Frangoise Cousin's study of ajrakh in
Sindh is an excellent source material relating to this technique which is also
practised in Dhamardka and Khavda in Kutch, and retains many of the
features which link it directly with the cloth fragments sound in Fostat. The
article by Jasleen Dhamija making a comparative study of Persian and Indian
shawls was printed in Iran and never distributed. Her study of velvets, hitherto
unpublished, is a subject on which little work has been done. Dr. Geijer's
research on Indian textiles draws from sources which are well recorded but
to which no Indian scholar has had access.

8
Many of these articles appear for the first time in a publication which will be
widely distributed and it is hoped that this will lead to further research.
Contribution from other authors such as Dr. Matibelle Gittinger and Dr. Lotika
Varadarajan were received but could not be included because of problems
of space. Permission for the reproduction of John Irwin's article could not
be obtained. However the contribution of these authors is well-known.

The regional survey at the end of the volume looks at the current situation
of the industry in India and pin-points major developments. Varanasi has
emerged as an important production centre and has influenced the designs
and techniques of other areas. It has also absorbed a number of techniques
which adversely affected other centres. There has been a prodigious develop¬
ment in the ikat techniques. Poochampalli and Halgonda district as a whole
have developed, while the old centres of Chirala and Pirala have been lost.
In Patan the number of practitioners of patola weaving have fallen, while
Rajkot, with its single ikat continues to have a number of weavers. In Orissa,
the bandha technique dominates while the technique of extra weft weaving
is becoming rare and the quality has deteriorated. The traditional South
Indian silks in l^milnadu and Mysore are all influenced by the designs of
Kanchipuram, and the distinctive patterns of Molkalmurru have more or less
been lost. Strangely, the splendid extra weft designs of Orissa have been
revived in Dharmavaram. Andhra Pradesh's famous Armoori sarees, with
their gold pallus combined with silk and silver patterns, are not to be
seen any more. These changes are important to record, for the situation will
once again change and some of the important techniques may be lost.

This volume has been made possible because of the support given for this
work by the Association of Corporations and Apex Societies of Handloom,
Handloom Pavilion, Pragati Maidan, Bhairon Marg, Hew Delhi 110 001.

While it has not been possible to cover all the important contributions made
to the study of Indian textiles, the aspects covered will be of interest to art
historians, students of design and textiles, and to connoisseurs of art.

Jasleen Dhamija Jyotindra Jain

9
Major Centers of Handloom Production
Delhi Assam
• Gauhati
Uttar Pradesh
• Lucknow Nagaland
1. Varanasi 37. Kohima
2. Agra
3. Fatehpur Sikri Manipur
4. Tanda 38. Imphal
39. Moirang
Bihar 40. Urkul
• Patna
5. Bhagalpur
6. Ranchi Orrisa
7. Darbhanga • Bhubaneshwar
41. Cuttack
Puryab 42. Sambalpur
• Chandigarh 43. Naupatna
8. Jullunder
9. Pathankot Jammu & Kashmir
• Srinagar
Haryana 44. Jammu
10. Rohtak
11. Panipat Ladakh
45. Leh
Himachal Pradesh 46. Kargil
• Simla
12. Kulu
13. Manali Andhra Pradesh
14. Bilaspur • Hyderabad
15. Kangra 47. Gadwal
16. Chamba 48. Armur
49. Poochampalli
Gujarat 50. Chirala
• Ahmedabad 51. Sangareddy
17. Surat 52. Narayanpett
18. Patan 53. Venkatagiri
19. Rajkot 54. Siddipet
20. Jamnagar 55. Peddapuram
21. Bhuj 56. Kalahasti
22. Dhamadka 57. Machilipatnam
23. Chota Udaipur 58. Dharmavaram
24. Khambhat

Rajasthan Tamilnadu
• Madras
• Jaipur
25. Kota 59. Kumbhakonam
26. Chitorgarh 60. Puddukottai
61. Kanchipuram
Madhya Pradesh 62. Coimbatore
• Bhopal 63. Shankaranayankovil
27. Chanderi 64. Tanjavur
28. Maheshwar 65. Madurai
29. Bastar 66. Kodalikuppur
30. Jagdalpur 67. Ootacamund

Maharashtra
Kerala
• Bombay
• Trivandrum
31. Kolhapur
68. Trichur
32. Paithan
69. Cochin
33. Aurangabad
70. Calicut
Bengal
Karnataka
• Calcutta
• Bangalore
34. Murshidabad
71. Mysore
35. Baluchar
72. Dharmavaram
36. Shantipur
73. Karwar
74. llkal
Tripura
75. Dharwar
• Agartala 76. Hubli
Handwoven and Handworked Textiles
of India
Jasleen Dhamija

The weaving together of the warp and weft into

a fabric has been a source of wonder for the hu¬
man mind. Many mystic concepts and abstract
ideas have taken their imagery from weaving and
dyeing technology. The word T^ntra is derived
from tanttu, the cotton thread, and so is the Budd¬
hist term sutra. Often the rich imagery of Vedantic
thought, of the bhakti margis and the su/Is, is
derived from weaving and dyeing.

The wrapping of a thread around the trunk of a

sacred tree for wish fulfillment is seen even today
in cities. In Tripura the ritual of enclosing a village
by wrapping a continuous thread, so as to contain
the virtue and cleanse the evil that may exist, is
still practised. In many parts of the country the
first cotton warp from newly harvested cotton is

12
blessed by the local priest. The wonder of creating
a thread out of the cotton pod and then weaving
it together, got carried to the product of the loom;
some of the specialised woven fabrics became
associated with rituals and imbibed magical quali¬
ties. The Patan patola became associated with the
magic that protects, and rags of the patola were
placed under the bridegroom's saddle when he
rode out to get his bride. Women celebrating the
seventh month of pregnancy wore a patola on the
occasion to protect and bless the unborn child.

The woven fabric has always been of great impor¬

tance as an expression of the tradition and culture Paithani shalu, late 19th century
of the people. It not only protects the wearer from Detail from a cotton Paithani shalu
the elements, adorns them and enhances their used as a cover by upper class
personality, but is also seen as protecting them Maharashtrian women has a rich
mat border and good Paithani pallu.
from negative forces. The body carries ashrefi gold coin
butis, all over the body.
The dress of a person designates his status and
Opposite Page
identifies him with a group, thus giving him a
Rathwa loincloth, Chhota Udaipur
sense of belonging. It is also an extremely per¬
sonal form of expression and becomes an exten¬ The narrow width loincloth with an
elaborate pattern at both ends is
sion of the wearer's personality, conveying a num¬ woven by the local weavers on a
ber of signals which are part of the non-verbal narrow pit loom. The Rathwas of
vocabulary of a people. Gujarat and the Bhilalas of the
adjoining area of Madhya Pradesh
traditionally wear the loincloth and
From being an essential part of the personality of on special occasions drape
an individual, a group, or a whole society, the use themselves with cotton chadars.

13
 .or tint tift" ctilttt

niWOvWWttrtjW^WVV «V‘

of fabrics was extended to decorating the home

and also for festive occasions. The wealth of a
person, as well as the cultural traditions of a coun¬
try were conveyed through its textiles. Textiles
thus became an essential decoration for the home,
whether a simple mud hut or a palace.

The use of sumptuous textiles for decorating pal¬

aces and even encampments of rulers to convey
their power and wealth, is an ancient practice. The
description of the personal tent of Chengis Khan
given by travellers is like a list of rich textiles
prepared in different techniques and designs and
Baluchar saree, Varanasi, gathered from all over the world. Fabrics being
contemporary
easy to transport, as well as highly valued, trav¬
The Baluchar saree was revived elled long distances. Egyptian, Chinese, Indian,
during the '60s by the Handicrafts
Persian and Coptic textiles were found all over the
Board in Varanasi, after the
traditional weavers of Bengal had world and the distinct styles of different countries
discontinued weaving them. were known from ancient times. Often the con¬
querors captured not only the woven treasures
Opposite Page
but also the master weavers of the countries they
Chanderi sarees, Madhya Pradesh,
conquered. Tributes paid to powerful rulers were
contemporary
not only in precious metals and jewels, but also
These very fine silk warp-cotton weft
sarees use bright but subtle colours
in the form of special textiles from different coun¬
and rich gold borders making them tries. Aurangzeb's tax levied on Bengal had a list
quite distinctive. These sarees of Dacca muslins and jamdanis. Maharaja Ranjit
used to be worn by the royal families
and the well-to-do families of
Singh received shawls from Kashmir as part of a
north-western India. treaty. In Tripura a rebellious tribe was punished

14
fj'v
Karalkuddi saree, Kerala
This saree is woven in fine quality
unbleached cotton and uses a range
of textures of gold to create subtle
varying effects.

16
by being forbidden to use colour in weaving and The popularity of Indian textiles, specially hand
certain designs were reserved for royalty or relig¬ printed textiles, was so great that from ancient
ious leaders since that gave a recognition of their times it caused controversies. The Roman Senate,
privileged position. in its proceedings, blamed the vanity of Roman
women for pouring out Roman gold for Indian
India has one of the richest traditions of woven hand printed cottons, to an extent that the Roman
textiles made from different materials and using economy was adversely affected.6
a variety of techniques for the processing of mate¬
rials, for weaving and for embellishing. Each re¬ Anglo-Saxon records mention that in the eighth
gion has its distinctive style and technique. Even century the Synod of Calcyth discouraged priests
within the region there are variations in styles of from wearing garments with Indian colours.7 In
weaving and designs, which have been retained the 17th and 18th centuries, France and later Eng¬
because of distinct cultural traditions expressed land prohibited the use of Indian cottons as it was
through their ceremonies and rituals. The Salvis adversely affecting the silk industry of Europe and
of Patan wove different styles of sarees for their of England. An interesting example of Persian
Gujarati clients, preparing auspicious motifs on kalamkari sofre of the late 19th century with verses
the body of the saree for the Hindu communities inscribed on it, claims that the Persian printing
and geometric designs for the Voras. For the Ma¬ industry was doing very well until the Indian crafts¬
harashtrians of the Deccan, they wove the nine- men's products adversely affected their market.8
yard saree with a plain striped body carrying a rich
border and pallu. Those woven for export to the Besides cotton dyed fabrics, the other technique
Far East had different motifs yet again. developed in India and expressive of the proper¬
ties of Finely spun and woven cotton, was that of
Cotton cultivation and its use in weaving origi¬ the jamdani inlay technique, where fine patterns
nated in India1. The very nature of the cotton fibre were woven all over the body along with the weft
led to the development of a highly reFined tech¬ and in the same count. This technique suited the
nique of spinning Fine yarn with which superFine quality of the fabric, for the pattern was like the
cotton fabrics were woven. India became Known working in of a shadow, discernible only when
for its gossamer weaves and decorations which held against the light. The gossamer quality of the
went with this technique of weaving. The dyeing cotton weave was accentuated by thejamdani pat¬
of the fabrics, the printing and painting of pat¬ terns, and the flowing unstitched garments, given
terns were highly developed from ancient times a light weight at the borders, draped better.
and India became synonymous with dyed and
painted fabrics. The distribution all over Europe A range of checks woven with the use of dyed yarn
of painted and printed cotton from India through and in varying counts must also have been woven,
Fostat, old Cairo, gave the name Fustian to printed for fragments of these materials have been found
cottons.2 Resist-printed cotton of fine quality be¬ in Fostat and other recent excavations at Red Sea
came known as sarasa or serassah, a trade name ports. Early murals also show the use of checked
used in the invoices of printed piece-goods of the patterns and stripes for the garments worn by
East India Company during the 16th and 17th women and men. Embroidered garments how¬
centuries. The term is used even today in the Far ever were known from ancient times. The discov¬
East for printed goods and was possibly derived ery of needles from the Chalcolithic period indi¬
from the term sareiso for a skirt worn in South cates that stitching of cloth and consequently em¬
India.3 The brilliant colours of the dyed cotton broidery must have been known from very early
were long lasting and had the reputation of glow¬ times.
ing with use. According to reports a fragment of
cotton fabric dyed with the use of mordants was Perhaps the oldest samples of Indian cloth are the
discovered in one of the Harappan excavations fragments of printed fabrics found at Fostat, the
adhering to a silver jar. Chemists who analysed old Egyptian site. The samples are supposed to
the cotton fibres found the presence of madder date from the 8th to the 16th century A.D.; exam¬
which necessitated the use of mordants.4 The ples seen in different collections range from the
Greek physician Ktesas (fifth century B.C.) men¬ 13th to 16th century A.D. Recent excavations at
tions in his De Animalium Natura /Vthe popularity the Red Sea port of Qaiser-al Qada have also
of the bright coloured Indian textiles among the brought to light a range of Islamic fabrics which
Persians. It is also believed that the art of dyeing are typical of Indian cottons with dyed and resist
with the use of mordants was developed in India printed patterns.* The Islamic fabrics which were
and was taken from here to Egypt.5 seen by the author at the University of Chicago are

17
very similar to the fragments found at Fostat. The tery of techniques, of design and a consummate
Roman textiles discovered at this site are yet to be use of colours. The finest velvet brocaded silks,
examined. The preliminary report however indi¬ sashes, shawls, hangings and carpets were woven
cates that the greater number of these fabrics are from the period of Akbar's reign to the time of
in cotton, rather than flax. This is an indication Aurangzeb.
that the fragments may be of the early styles of
weaving, dyeing and designing of Indian cottons. A weakening Mughal empire, an impoverished
Publication of this material will certainly give an court, and political instablity led to the dispersal
indication of the early styles of weaving, dyeing of master craftsmen to provincial courts. The pat¬
and printing of Indian textiles. ronage changed but the crafts survived. The new
patrons however were smaller principalities with
After the Fostat fragments the earliest available limited revenues, or traders making products for
dated textiles are embroidered silk puthias of the export or local sales. Budgetary restraints meant
15th century found in Jain bhandars. Well-known that superfine quality products could no longer be
examples are in the Calico Museum of Textiles and manufactured. But traditional centres catering to
in the Mittal collection. Though a range of techni¬ local needs continued, serving different com¬
ques was known in India in the pre-Mughal period, munities, as they had done for centuries before.
few examples have survived. Kashmir shawls of
fine quality must have been woven as a number of The Indian craftsman's skill to adapt a range of
literary references describe the technique in de¬ techniques and develop them to perfection in a
tail. It is likely that the technique of 2 x 2 twill short period of time continued through the cen¬
tapestry-weaving of non-continuous weft threads, turies and even until the beginning of this century;
which distinguishes the Kashmir shawl, may be when Persian craftsmen were brought to Masuli-
derived from the soumak technique of Central patnam at the turn of this century, to introduce the
Asia, which in turn had led to the development of kalamkari designs of Ispahan, the local craftsmen
the Iranian termeh. The kani shawl of Kashmir soon mastered the technique. In a short time, the
however, far surpassed the Persian termeh be¬ Ispahani craftsmen found it difficult to compete
cause of the availability of fine quality wool, and with them.
the mastery of Kashmir weavers over the spinning
and weaving of pashmina. Even in recent years the capacity of the weavers to
meet the challenge of the market shows their
The earliest known examples of silk brocade mastery over the technique. In 1947 when the
shawls and carpets are from the Mughal period. country became independent, the handwoven tex¬
Even here the study of Indian textiles has been tile industry was in disarray. A number of tradi¬
difficult as most of the dated examples are in col¬ tional techniques were virtually lost because of a
lections abroad and are often classified as Isla¬ lack of design assistance, an intermittent supply
mic, near Eastern or Persian. There has been a of raw materials and a lack of access to markets.
tendency to label all fine quality silk textiles as Today with the support of the government and a
Persian. Recent research by experts in weaving growing demand for fine quality goods in the
techniques has, however, effectively questioned country' and abroad, most of the traditional tech¬
this approach. Mughal period textiles, nurtured by niques have been revived and some of the finest
discerning patronage, display a remarkable mas¬ textiles are once again being woven in India.

FOOTNOTES

1. Agnes Geijer: A History of Textile Art, Sotheby Parke Bernet 5. Catherine B. Brett and John Irwin: "Origins of Chintz", Vic¬
Publications, London, 1979. toria and Albert Museum, Royal Ontario Museum, London,
1970
2. Agnes Geijer: Ibid
6. Jasleen Dhamija: Indian Folk Arts and Crafts, National Book
3. Lotika Varadarajan: South Indian Traditions of Kalamkari,
Trust, New Delhi, 1970.
The Perennial Press, Bombay, 1982.
7. Catherine B. Brett and John Irwin: Ibid
4. A.N. Gulati and A.J. Turner: The Hote on the Early History
of Cotton", Bulletin No. 17, Technique Sr. No. 10, Indian 8. Collection of Ali Afshar, Chicago, USA.
Central Cotton Committee 1928.

18
Weaving in Vedic India
Wilhelm Rau

Wu, growing knowledge, a scholar of Vedic stud¬

ies is able to support the prehistoric archaeolo¬
gist. A number of sites from Vedic times are being
discovered in Northern India which can be linked
with the literary tradition thus identified. Pottery
and metallurgy have a number of references here.
However, material on textiles, weaving and braid¬
ing, collected from the oldest Indian texts, is pre¬
sented.

Editorial Note: This is an abbreviated version of "Wilhelm

Rau, Weben and Flechten im Vedischen Indien, Akademie der
Wissenschaften und der Literatur zu Mainz Abhandlungen der
Oeistes und Sozialwis-senschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang 1970,
Hr. 11U\ Circumstances did not permit the author to read
proofs. This article has been translated by Jutta Jain-
Meubauer.

19
 Unfortunately, not much is known of the general
living conditions of the Vedic people and hardly
anything about their craft traditions. Vedic texts
contain only a few and widely dispersed notes
about the daily life of the people.1 Secondly, the
scholars' interest was nearly exclusively directed
towards the linguistic, philological and philosophi¬
cal aspects of the Vedas.

Because of the limitations of source material, men¬

tion of my book2 may be made, as the following
lines are an elaboration of what has been indi¬
cated earlier.3 In this case, however, additionally,
the mantras are taken into account, while the su-
tras, except for a few exceptions, remain outside
the lower time limit. Our sources, Samhitas and
Brahmanas, bear testimony for the region of west¬
ern and central part of northern India during the
first half of the last millenium B.C.

Raw Materials
In the texts available to us, the grass Eragrostis
cynosuroides R. & S. = kusa or darbha4, is men¬
tioned as one kind of plant that is used for the
manufacture of textiles: both these terms are
synonymous.5 The plant supplies the fibres6
(kusomah)7. Then there are a few references to
ksauma garments,8 which were whitish. Most of
the scholars identify it with linen material but the
equation of the term ksuma or ksoma with a kind
of Linum., probably Linum usitatissimim Linn.,9 is
not certain. The plant name umah (pi. f.) which
appears together with sanah (pi. m.) = Crotalaria
juncea Linn10 is supposed to describe a kind of
flax. The fibres of the latter are described to be
soft and stinking.11 It is not sure whether hemp
was also used for manufacturing textiles: our texts
do not give any clue to this. During the period of
the Pali canon, it was in general practice.12

More important than plant fibres has probably

been sheep wool. One type of wild sheep13 was
known; however it is possible that three14 kinds
of domestic sheep15 were used for this purpose.
There are only a few indications for identifying
them more clearly: their colour was described as

Previous Page

Weaver, Saurashtra
The weaver is weaving the traditional
dhabla in wool on his pit loom. The
blanket is woven in two pieces and
joined together in the middle to
obtain the required width.
black,16 whitish-grey17 or reddish;18 the horns of Spinning
the ram were called either srhga19 or visana20. Men¬
Spinning34 was exclusively the occupation of
tion is also made of a sheep, auir malha,2' that has
women: "That is verily the product of women, that
small pendants on its throat.
woollen yarn"35. A priest who has received a gar¬
ment as recompense, takes it with the following
Animal husbandry had developed to such an ex¬ words: "Women have spun you; industrious ones
tent that there were professional shepherds.22 The have stretched you (on the loom); weaving women
area of their rearing is indicated as being in the have woven (you)".36 Nevertheless spinning and
North,23 with a special mention to the area of weaving women were considered to be impure37
Gandhara.24 probably because all handicrafts were despised.38

Wool is called urna(h) and stuka. The latter term, Weaving

according to K.F. Geldner25, describes the "sleek¬
For weaving,39 firstly, a certain number of threads
haired sheep which is suitable for the production
are to be stretched parallel to each other, i.e. a
of wool", and according to H. Oldenberg,26
warp has to be prepared. This activity in Vedic
"carded wool". Wool was an item for bartering in a
language is known by the verbal root tan,40 the
raw condition as well as in the form of spun yarn.27
warp is called fata or tahtu{sg.) the warp-threads
tantavah (pi.)
Processing
"The sacrifice which is stretched with warp-threads
As evident from the term alunah ... petvah,28 the in all directions, which is stretched with one hun¬
root lu29 is used for indicating the removing of hair dred and one divine actions, that one these
from the animal's body, probably more as “pulling fathers who have approached are weaving. Sitting
out" rather than "shearing".30 The Vedic sources at the warp, they say: 'Weave back, and weave
unfortunately do not clarify the further processing forth'!"41
of wool until the spinning stage. More detailed
information is available from the later texts. Two From this reference, it is evident that the language
references are mentioned here, although these makes a difference between weaving forth (pra-ve)
describe the processing of cotton rather than or back (apa-ve). Usually the same is expressed by
sheep wool. pra-ve: a-ve.42 In case the direction is not taken
into account, the weft is simply called otu as
opposed to tantu and the weft-yarns otavah as
Milindapahho mentions;31 "Is it true, venerable
opposed to the warp-threads tantavah.43 In
riagasena, the Tathagata is not more important,
another reference, otu stands in contrast to praci-
more worthy, more dignified, to receive presents
natana.44
as the jewel of the monks' congregation, that he
had ordered to present the coat for the rainy sea¬
son, which was loosened, teased, carded, spun Franya tantums tirate is clearly to be translated as:
and woven by her own hands by his aunt, to the "the one extends the warp-threads", and dhatte
monks' congregation?" anya is complimentary to this portion; it is ob¬
vious that the verbal root dha means "to do the
weft". In my view, H. Zimmer translates rightly:
The reference in Bhiksunl-Vinaya of the Mahasah-
"the one continues to stretch the warp-threads,
ghika-Lokottarayadins is also as follows:32 "These
the other one throws in the weft-threads".45 Hapa
(nuns) went up to the terrace (of the house) and
vmjate can be amended without doubt to nava
took up cotton: by one it was cleaned, by another,
prjyate which occurs as follows:
batted; by another one loosened, by another one
carded, by the other one it was spun. (Then) they
"These are the same dawns which flicker as first
took up a ball of yarn and went to the householder
ones. These goddesses create the five colours.
lady: Householder sister, (we have done you) a
Coming again and again, they do not bring to an
favour!', (She) said: This is not an obligation to
end. They never come to an end."
me that you venerable ones have loosened or
carded or combed or spun the cotton ."
"Two girls of different colours (i.e. day and night)
are weaving a textile having six sticks (i.e. time),
There is no doubt that in both the references the while appearing one by one after the other {eke).
procedure33 is enumerated in chronological sequ¬ The one extends the warp-threads, the other one
ence. throws in the weft-thread. They do not make an

21
end. They do not come to an end."46 The sticks function of widening the shed: by placing it on
mentioned in the text (mayukha) are also referred edge, the shuttle glides through easily. Additional
to in the following: tools prevent the entangling of the warp (warp-
spacer or weaver's reed) or serve to keep the width
K.F. Geldner translates: "The man stretches it, of the web even (temple or stretcher)."
draws out the thread, the man has fixed it firmly to
this firmament. These are the poles. They have Is it too bold to identify the "six" mentioned above
taken their seats at the respective places: melo¬ as
dies they have made into shuttles in order to
(1) warp-beam (4) heddle-rod
weave."
(2) breast-beam (5) beater-in
(3) shed-stick (6) warp spacer or temple
W.D. Whitney translates: "A man (pumans) weaves
it, ties (it) up; a man hath borne it about upon the
It is possible that the entire implement was called
firmament (naka). These pegs propped up the
"paridhV"'9. Which was the measuring rod, the pat¬
sky; the chants they made shuttles for weaving."
tern, which was the basis? Which was the lard,
which was the loom? Which was the metrum, the
In spite of Geldner's and Whitney s efforts, some
Praugasastra, when all the gods offered to the
portions remain unclear, but one can assume that
God?'50
the procedures of the first lines follow the later
one chronologically.
In his notes to this reference, K.F. Geldner trans¬
At first the warp is stretched (tan) i.e. the work of lates paridhi in the sense of "loom" — whereas
weaving started (ve). Then follows ut kmatti — ud "the entire equipment for weaving" is preferable.
grnatti the first word a hapax legomenon, the
second one certainly corrupted. Here krt "to spin" We again come back to the term tasara5' men¬
is closely connected with ve "to weave". Since ud- tioned above which was translated by K.F. Geldner
ve is used in the sense of “to fix above", 47 ut-krt as "Webschiffchen" (shuttle) and by W.D. Whitney
could mean something like "to draw upwards". as "shuttles"52. It appears again in Apastambas-
This assumption could be confirmed by ud gmat- rautasutra which W. Caland translates as follows :
ti, corrupted from udgrhnati, "he draws upwards". "After having purchased (from an eunuch) rice,
In this case, the drawing up of the heddle-rod is barley and fennel for (a piece of) black metal (iron)
referred to, by which the second counter-shed is and a black pillow and a black tasara-thread and
created. The end is indicated by vi-tan (RV) — vi- after having bound these objects (separately) into
bhr (AV), probably referring to the stretching of a linen dress, the rice is kept for sprouting and the
the pulled cloth. barley is slightly roasted."53

Even if the sources are rather scanty, they corres¬

Another reference appears in four texts of the Ya-
pond to the description of a loom by Walter Hirs-
jurveda: "Together with both the Nasatya, Saras-
chberg and Alfred Janata:48 "In the looms the warp is
vati weaves by thinking (for Indra) a coloured (i.e.
stretched between breast-beam and warp-beam, up¬
black-white)54 object, (namely) a handsome body.
per and lower threads are kept apart by the shed-
The skilful fermentation (weaves for Indra) a sap,
stick. The heddle-rod having the heddles is placed
(as) red as (sap) of Arrak (i.e. blood), like the shut¬
crosswise between shed-stick and breast-beam
tle (weaves) (red) yarn (into the black-white warp)."
above the upper threads. These heddles pass in be¬
tween the upper threads and take up the one lying
below it. By pulling the shed-stick towards the hed¬ The exact meaning of veman (neutr.) however re¬
dle-rod the upper and lower threads are placed pa¬ mains unclear. Possibly it is "yarn", since some
rallel (shed). By pushing away the shed-stick (in the words ending in "-man" denominate at least
direction of the warp-beam) and pulling up of the secondary terms for substances:55 adman (n.)
heddle-rod, the upper and lower threads cross each food, asman (n.) stone, usman (m.) steam, paks.
other (counter-shed). man (n.) animal hair, bhasman (n.) ashes, roman
(n.) short body hair, slesman (m.) slime, starlman
After the formation of such a shed, the weft is straw, etc.
passed through as a ball or wound around a rod
(shuttle). In order to bring the weft-threads as Finally, a small error of the venerable H. Zimmer
close as possible to the preceding one, a sword or is also to be rectified. He writes, "Mayukha means
beater-in is used. This beater-in has the second a wooden peg for drawing up the textile; as weight
for stretching lead was used (sisa)56. The transla-

22
tion should be as follows: "For the cost of lead,
wool and yarn, the excited seers weave by thinking
a texture (namely) the sacrifice: both the Asvin,
Sauitr, Sarasuati, Varuna — healing the body of
indra."

If this interpretation is accepted, then there is no

reason to understand lead (slsa sg.) as lead-
weights (plural) for stretching the warp-threads,
which would mean a demand for a vertical loom
(with vertical warp) during Vedic times, of which
there is no trace at all.

Weaving was done mainly at home and preferably

by women: the mother,57 the houseladies,58 or by
servant women.59 A garment woven at home60 was
considered purer than the one woven somewhere
else61 i.e. given as gift or bartered. The weaving
woman is called uayanti,62 also vayitri,65 and for
the weaver the term uasouaya64 is used.

If we have understood the above text65 of the Ya-

jurveda correctly, then we can assume that during
that time the skill to weave three-coloured fabrics
had been developed; while two coloured ones
were often woven, though the usual fabric must
have been the single coloured. It is conjectured
that besides the term pesas (pesa) and its
derivatives66, the sources mention words from this
word-group seven times in connection with tex¬
tiles, and everywhere the meaning of 'colourful'
i.e. of mixed colours', maybe only "black-white,
yarn or texture".

"The colourful (strip) of verses are those which are

invitation verses.67 If these are placed during the
morning pressing before the verses, then it is as if
a man weaves in the beginning of the textile
something multicoloured. If they are placed, dur¬
ing the noon, pressing in the middle, then it is as
if one has woven something colourful at the end
of a textile."

"These two, dawn and night, who grew big for us

in earlier times, like two swift weaving women "The two Asuins, the physicians (weave) this fol¬
(weave) their products, (namely) the colourful lowing the tracks of Hudra — Sarasuati weaves the
(thing) at a sacrifice, while weaving the stretched inner colourful part (i.e. black-white, at lndra's
warp jointly (black and white), both these (cows) body), by putting masara as leg and marrow into
giving good and plenty of milk." the hide of the cows like a strainer."

"Morning dawn and night, both these (cows) giv¬ "The immortal face (lndra's) was woven by both
ing good and plenty of milk, both these beautifully the Asuins with two mugs, with the goat (and) the
decorated ones, offer a sacrifice to the mighty cooked rice-offering (his) sharpness, with wheat
hero Indra, the God of gods, while weaving the corns (and) kuuala69 fruits (his) eye-lashes. As if
stretched warp jointly with colourful things (white into a colourful (one), both (the Asuins) dress in
and black)." white and black (of the eyes)."

23
"You Agni, who are dressed now in colourful (i.e. signs could be embroidered or appliqued
black-white namely consisting of smoke and thereon.117 Unfortunately only this much can be
flames) garments at the navel of the world, born said with certainty:118 niui is the loincloth, the lower
reddish at the place of comfort, as authorised garment in contrast to paridhana. "9 This
agent, O King, sacrifice here to the gods!" garment covered the central part of the body and
the upper thighs. The series of terms: upapaksa
(armpit) — kantha (upper part of chest) — uru
If we neglect pesas and turn now to the terms (upper thigh) — janu (knee) — kulpha (ankle)120,
which are certain, then proof could be furnished corresponds somewhere else with upakaksa
for greyish-white,70 black,71 red72 and yellow73 fab¬ (armpit) — kantha (upper part of chest) — niui
rics in our sources. It seems most likely that for (loincloth) — janu (knee) — kulpha (ankle)121, re¬
ksauma-textiles the first,74 and for woollen tex¬ spectively. Siras (head) — griuah (neck) — niui
tiles, the first three colours75 were natural, be¬ (loincloth)122 — kulpha (ankle) and pada (foot),123
cause only for the dying of yellow is a dying agent are the other terms. There is reference to a simple
mentioned — Carthamus tinctorius Linne.76 The cloth that was wound around the hips from the
dying woman is called rajayitri.77 right direction 124 and was worn tightly bound125 or
loose126, similar to the present-day dhoti "a cloth
worn round the waist, passing between the legs
Names for Garments and tucked in behind."127 The loincloth could also
be used for keeping small objects.128
There are Vedic words (listed here according to
the Sanskrit alphabet) which certainly determine
woven objects. Except one word for "pillow" all Three close references129 refer to the term niui as a
these are for garments. Those terms are excluded certain part of any textiles — may be the
which identify pieces made of fur, pelt, leather, selvage130 or the thrum resp. selvage131 —
felt, raffia or are braided, etc.78: aksu, atka, apas- paridhana or upper garment for men, besides niui
raya, astarana, upadhana, upauasana, upasraya, and prauara,132 possibly dyed yellow with Carth¬
upasturana, upastir, opasa, kambala, kurira, dra- amus tinctorius Linn.133 Panc/ara134, is an upper
pi, nirnij, palada, pauasta, uasman, uesya and garment for men, besides tarpya and usnisa,135
samulya; adhivasa79 or adhivasa80 shoulder cloth made of whitish-yellow wool. Pandua, is same as
for men, besides uasas8' tarpya82, pandya and pandara, besides tarpya, adhivasa and usnisa,136
usnisa83 worn over tarpya and pandya. Upabarha- prauara,'37 prauara138 and possibly pravarana,'39 a
na pillow on the throne, 84 and probably a pillow shoulder cloth for men in contrast to the upper
for sitting, rather than in a backrest,85 although garment.140
this word surely identifies a pillow for the head
and upabarhani probably the entire bedstead. Barasi,141 is a garment for men.142 With lace trim¬
Sometimes, this consisted completely of threads86 ming, it becomes aksauana or the gouya-
and evidently had a colourful design.87 Usnisa ccha.143 Vasana,144 and diksitauasana, a gar¬
(m.)88 and (n.)89 means firstly a cloth or strip of ment for the consecration during the sacrifice145 is
cloth in general;90 secondly, besides uasas,91 worn not only by the arranger of the sacrifice but
tarpya,92 pandara,93 krsnasa,94 it probably95 means also by his wife;146 a kind of uasas.147 Vastra: is the
a turban for priests96; arrangers of the sacrifice;97 fabric on the loom 148 or one which is pre-
drivers of chariots;98 runners99 and uratyas'00; it
also may mean — besides tarpya, pandya, adhi¬
vasa — a turban for a king.101 This garment is also
for gods,102 even goddesses.103 krsnasa blackish
garment for men,104 besides usnisa.105 Candataka
short skirt for women, made of kusa (Poa cyno-
suroides, Retz.) fibres, worn instead of a garment
(uasas) made of the same material as a consecra¬
tion garment (diksitauasana).106 In fairy tales,
heavenly girls wear golden candataka,'07
tarpya,108 a certain kind of uasas,109 besides
pandara,"0 pandya,'"adhivasa"2 and usnisa."3 It
therefore is a lower garment for men114 that could
have been made of darbha (Poa cynosuroides
Retz.) fibres.115 If we interpret verses from Sata-
patha Brahmana"6 correctly, then certain de¬

24
pared by the fuller.149 This is a valuable object that consisted of four pieces: lower garment (tarpya,
is mentioned as gift,150 as tribute,151 as barter152 or nivi), upper garment (pandara, pandya, paridha-
as a booty in theft.155 Also a garment of a na, vasas, strictly speaking), shoulder-cloth (adhi¬
woman,154 and of a bride, in addition to vasas.155 vasa, pravara, pravara, pravarana) and turban
(usnisa). It is not possible to put krsnasa, barasi,
Vasas is on one hand a cloth or garment in vasana and vastra into this classification with cer¬
general,156 and on the other hand the upper gar¬ tainty. Garments for women consisted of two
ment, in contrast to adhivasa, to usnisa,157 to pieces: under-skirt (candataka, vastra) and upper
vastra.'58 It is also used during a sacrifice (= sac¬ garment (vasana, vasas, strictly speaking); usnisa
rificial garment)159 and for women.160 Made of dar- is only mentioned for goddesses.176
bha — (Eragrostis cynosuroides, Retz), fibres161 or
of flax162 provided that ksuma is identified rightly, The main point of interest in these investigations
it has unravelled borders,165 fringes'64 (woven) was concerned with weaving and their products. If
braid165 or applique.166 It is not sure, whether these however the same material is scrutinised from the
four terms are identified correctly. point of view of the philosophical approach, it is
interesting to observe that the technical terminol¬
Among the colours we learn about black,167 ogy is closely linked with philosophical thought. It
yellow168 and red.169 is not by chance that technical terms play a basic
role in early philosophy (for example, guna, tarka,
There is no doubt that garments were held in high nidana, bandhu) and to a much larger extent such
esteem and considered to be precious; wherever terms which designate scientific works (for exam¬
there is a mention of wealth, they are never ple grantha, sutra, tahtra, nibandha originate
omitted.170 They are used as barter,171 and were from textile techniques.) Thinkers of earlier times
most often the items that a priest would demand must have visualised their actions with the follow¬
as a gift for performing a ritual.172 Because of the ing pictures: he, who writes a text, strings some¬
fear that they could be stolen or robbed, they were thing up;177 he who formulates a sequence of rules
kept in safety by precautions175 and care was taken (sutras) is spinning;178 he who creates a textbook
that repetitive washing174 or mending175 did not (tantra),'79 is stretching out warp. The whole of
harm the fabric too much. ancient Indian scholarship is reflected in the sim¬
ple but skilled manipulation of the warp and weft
It can be concluded that Vedic garments for men of a loom.

FOOTNOTES

1. Exceptions: 10. SB 6, 6, 1, 24
ZIMMER, Heinrich: Altindisches Leben, Die Cultur der vedis-
chen Arier nach den Samhita dargestellt Berlin 1879, spe¬ 11. SB 3, 2, 1, 11 and 6, 6, 1, 24
cially pp. 245-255. 12. Cf. The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary, s.v.
MacDONELL, A.A. and A.H. KEITH: Vedic Index of names ciuara. — Compare also Heredot IV, 74
and Subjects, 2 vols., London 1912. (Reprint: Varanasi 13. mesa...aranya MS 2, 7, 17(169, 12); 3, 14, 11 (317, 3); KS
1958) 16, 17 (241, 13-14); VS 24, 30, 38
2. RAU, Wilhelm: Staat und Qesellschaft im alten Indien, nach 14. aui, mesa and edaka. JB 1, 51 (22, 22) = aidaka SB 2, 5,
den Brahmana — Texten dargestellt. Wiesbaden 1957. 2, 15; 12, 4, 4 = bhavedaka TA 4, 31, 1 (337, 3)
3. lcc. cit., pp.27-28 15. aui sheep in general; aidaka mesa ursni ursnihulu: JB 3,
4. MS 1, 11, 8 (100, 10); KS 14, 7 (206, 13); TB1, 3, 7, 1; SB 5, 328 (488, 30) ram; petua: weather; mesi avika: ewe; uran:
2, 1, 8. lamb, cf. K. HOFFMANN, Munchener Studien zur Sprach-
wissenschaft, part 1 (1952), revised reprint 1956, pp.
5. JB 2, 100 (201, 21)
61-62
6. Cf. WATT, vol. Ill, pp.253 sqq.
16. asita: AV 12, 2, 20: — krsna: AV 12, 2, 53; MS 2, 5, 2 (134,
7. SB 2, 5, 2, 15 8); 2, 5, 6 (138, 4, 10); 4, 5, 7 (374, 7); KS 12, 13 (175, 2
8. MS 1, 6, 4 (54, 16); 2, 6, 1 (144, 2); 3, 6, 7 (254, 11); 3, 7, 4 sqq.); 13, 1 (180, 1); 13, 2 (180, 15; 181, 7); VS 8, 3 (182,
(261, 17 sqq.); 4, 3, 1 (353, 8); 353, 8); KS 15, 1 (210, 8); 5); TS 2, 1, 2, 2); 5, 5, 21; VS 29, 58; — rama: AV 12, 2, 19.
TS 6, 1, 1, 3. 17. balaksa: MS 2, 5, 2 (134, 8); 2, 5, 11 (142, 16); 4, 5, 7
9. TA 1, 32, 3 (116, 11) (374, 8); KS 12, 13 (175, 2 sqq.); v. 8, 1 (182, 1); TS 2, 1.

25
 2, 2; 5, 5, 23; — "They (f.) who spun, wove, and who stretched (the web),
aveta: KS 13, 1, (179, 11); JB 2, 371 (320, 8) what divine ones (f.) gave the ends about, let them wrap
18. phalgu: KS 12, 13 (175, 2 sqq.); — phalguna: TS 2, 1, 2, thee in order to old age; (as) one long-lived put about
2; — lohita: 4, 5, 7 (371, 8) thee this garment".
19. KS 25, 6 (110, 20); TS 6, 2, 8, 4. 37. TS 2, 5, 1, 7; SB 3, 1, 2, 19; text below p.24, note 4.
20. SB 3, 5, 2, 18 38. Cf. RAU, p.28.
21. One other feature of the sheep of many parts of India 39. PDH 1, 1055; uen tantusamtane.
must be omitted, for, although never satisfactorily ex¬
40. PDh 8, 1; tanu vistare
plained, it is too frequent to be devoid of significance.
41. RV 10, 130 (956), 1; translation according to K.F. GELD-
From the throat dangle "two long rounded pendulous
bER.
lobules from two to three inches in length", much after the
same fashion as has been noticed regarding certain goats. 42. see VS 32, 8; SB 14, 6, 6, 1 sqq.; 14, 6, 8, 3 sqq.; pra-ve
So far as the author can discover these (externally) goitre- could also mean to place on (to)'; with sule fence in':
like excresences have never been investigated. They do Mahabharata 1, 57, 77:
not appear to be indicative of peculiar breeds, though sule protah puranarsir acoras corasankaya —
they are more frequent in the sheep of certain tracts of animandavya iti vai vikhyatah sumahayasah-
country than others." WITT vol. VI, part KK, p.568 sqq. 43. RV 6, 9 (450), 2, 3; AV 14, 2, 51; KS 23, 1 (73, 6)
22. avipala VS 30, 11; TB 3, 4, 9, 1; SB 4, 1, 5, 4; JB 3, 121 44. TS 6, 1, 1, 3-4. Unclear is SB 3, 1, 2, 18: below note 190.
(405, 16, 20).
45. AIL, p.254
23. SB 7, 5, 2, 15 46. This reference is from AV 10, 7, 42. A similar verse is
24. RV 1, 126, 7 found in Mahabharata 1, 3, 151:
25. dote to translation ofRV9, 97 (809), 17 krsnan sitama caiva vivartayantyau
26. Rgveda. Critical and exegetical notes. 7th to 10th vol. bhutani ajasram bhuvanani caiva-
Berlin 1912, p. 187. # AKGWG Phil. — hist. Section, new And this multicoloured fabric two virgins are weaving,
series, vol. XIII, bo.3 while they continuously let the yarn roll, unwinding black
as well as white: without fatigue, the creatures as well as
27. SB 12, 7, 2, 10: sisena saspani krinati urnabhis
the worlds.'
tokmani satrair vrihin.-uma sutrena krinati...—
With lead he barters for malted rice, with wool malted 47. KS 33, 6 (31, 21); T8 1, 2, 4, 2; AB 4, 19, 3; AA 5, 1, 3 (250,
barley, with yarn (roasted) rice. ... He barters (for this) with 2); SB 5, 5, 4, 28.
woollen yarn. ..." JB 2, 257 (271, 3 sqq.): gaur itara gaur 48. HIRSCHBERG, p.142.
itarornae trayasyaivainam (read:
49. Cf. also RV 7, 33 (549), 9, 12.
itarornasutrasyaivainam) avikasya yavad arhantim
manyeta tavata niskriniyad iti — umasutram u vai 50. Translation according to K.F. GELDbER.
gob kim cid iua — 'One cow is like this, the other one like 51. Cf. text RV 10, 130 (956), above.
that (i.e. the cows are of different value). Therefore he 52. also J. WACHERbAGEL and A. DERBRUbbER, Altindische
should redeem her with as much yarn of sheep-wool, as Qrammatik, Gottingen 1896-1964, vol.I, p.8 32; additions
he feels, she has the value of. Woollen yarn namely is, as to vol.II, 1, p.ll, 22; vol. 11, 2 p.215, 31 and a number of
it were, something from a cow." other authors. Cf. further R.L. TURbER, A Comparative
28. MS 2, 5, 11 (142, 18); cf. also vrsnir alunapurvah Manava Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages, London 1966,
Srauta sutra 1, 7, 3, 35. lemma bo. 5744. — Divyavadana, ed. E.B. COWELL and
29. P(aninlya-) Dh (atupatha) 9, 13; lunh chedane. R.A. bEIL, Cambridge 1886, p.83, 24 means tasarika work
with the bobbin.'
30. BLUMMER, p. 102. According to Kautilya s Arthasastra 2,
29, 41 the shearing" took place every half-a-year. 53. Das Srautasutra des Apastamba. Sechszehntes bis
vierungzwanzigstes und einunddreiBigstes Buch aus dem
31. ed. V. TREbCKbER, London 1880 (reprint: London 1962).
Sanskrit ubersetzt, by W. CALAbD, Amsterdam 1928, ( =
p.240, 4 sqq.
Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetensbhap-
32. vikaddhesur HS pen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde, bieuwe Reeks,
33. Cf. WATT, vol.VI, part II, p.625. Deel XXVI, no. 41, p.173.
34. The best description is in W. LA BAUME: Das Spinnen mit 54. see p. 23
der Mandspindel in vorgeschichtlicher Zeit (The spinning
55. Die Altindische Qrammatik (-cf. p.22, note 2) mentions in
with the hand-spindle in prehistoric times). Blatter fur
vol. II, 2, p.756, 21: "From later texts VS. veman — loom'
deutsche vorgeschichte, Zeitschrift des WestpreuBischen
(or 'shuttle'); lat. vimen wickerwork' (I), newir. fiamh warp'
Geschichtsvereins, Fachgruppe fur Vorgeschichte, heft 6,
to v. va — vay — to weave, to weave a basket.' From the
1929, pp. 1-9. The term for spindle, tarku, occurs — surely
Latin and Celtic term it becomes evident that the material,
by chance — first in sutra-texts.
not the instrument is meant.
35. SB 12, 7, 2, 11. J. EGGELIbG translates differently: -this,
to wit, wool and thread, is women's work' with the note: 56. AIL, p.254
"Thus uma sutram' is to be resolved, according to Katy. 57. RV 5, 47 (401), 60
XIX, 1, 18; the wool being used for buying malted barley, 58. AV 14, 2, 51
and the thread for buying fried rice.' comp, above, p. 14,
59. SB 3, 1, 2, 19: tad vai nispestavai bruyad yad
note 8. evasyatramedhya krnatti va vayati va tad asya
36. PVB 1, 8, 9; similar MS 1, 9, 4 (78, 14); KS 9, 9 (111, 12). medhyam asad iti He verily ought to give instructions to
W. CALAbD translates: The women have cut thee (viz. the wash this (garment), (thinking); what an impure one is
fleece for the cloth), the industrious ones (viz. the fingers spinning and weaving there, should then become pure!'
of the women) have stretched (thee on the loom), the
60. amotam vasah AV 9, 5, 14; 12, 3, 51.
weaving females have woven (thee)'. In this the trans¬
lation of the first sentence is surely wrong, as already 61. anyatrota MS 4, 5, 7 (374, 10)
shown in the translation of W.D. WHITbEY's of AV 14, 1, 62. RV 2, 38 (229), 4a.
45: 63. PVB 1, 8, 9. — Unclear is vayieva, may-be nom. dual, fern.,
ya akmtann avayan yas ca tatnire B.V. 2,3 (194), 6b, cf. below text (8) — and savatarau VS
ya devir antam abhito'dadanta 28, 6 = TB 2, 6, 7, 3, a term that is translated according
tas tva jarase sam uyayanty to RV 2, 3 (194) 6b by J. HERTEL with two jointly working
ayusmatidam pari dhatsva vasah weaving ladies': Das indogermanische beujahrsopfer im

26
 Veda, Leipzig 1938, p. 157, 17 with note 5. (= BVSMi Phil, 96. TB 1, 7, 6, 4; SB 5, 3, 1, 11; red: SVB 3, 8, 22: red.
hist. Kl. 90th vol., 1938, 1st fasc.)
97. PVB 16, 6, 13
64. RV 10, 26 (852), 6c.
98. JB 3, 199 (437, 21 sqq.)
65. Cf. above previous page.
66. The latest research according to my knowledge REHOU, 99. SB 5, 3, 1, 11; red.
Louis: Studes aus le vocabulaire du Rgveda. (Premiere 100. AV 15', 2, 1, 2, 3, 4: PVB 17, 1, 14.
Serie), Pondichery, 1958, p.25-27 — Publications de iln-
101. SB 5, 3, 5, 20-24.
stitut Prancais d'lndologie, Ho. 5.
102. Rudra MS 2, 9, 3 (180, 22) = KS 17, 12 (256, 2) = RS 4,
67. Cf. THIEME, Paul: Untersuchungen sur Wortkunde und
Auslegung des Rigveda. Halls 1949 (Hallische Monogra-
5, 3, 1 = VS 16, 22 — Indra QB 1, 2, 19 (53, 16)
phien, ed. by Otto E1SSFELDT no.7), p.33.
68. RV 2, 3 (194), 6. AUFRECHT has Vavyeua for vayieua. 103. Aditi MS 4, 9, 7 (406, 4) = TA 4, 8, 2 (279, 5) = 5, 7, 2
(384, 17). — Indrani VS 38,3 = SB 14, 2, 1, 8.
69. Zyzyphusjujuba MILL.
70. pandara MS 4, 4> 3 (360, 17); pandya SB 5, 3, 5, 21; sukla 104. PVB 17, 1, 14; AB 5, 14, 6.
SVB 3, 1, 2; 3, 9, 3; TA 1, 32, 3 (116, 11) 105. PVB 17, 1, 14.
71. krsna MS 2, 1, 2 (104, 6); 2, 6, 1 (143, 19); 4, 3, 1 (352, 7); 106. SB 5, 2, 1, 8.
KS 11, 10 (156, 16); TS 1, 8, 1, 1; 2, 4, 9, 1; 5, 7, 5, 1; TB
107. JB 3, 235 (152, 7)
1, 6, 1, 4; SB 5, 2, 5, 17; krsnasa PVB 17, 1, 14; AB 5, 14,
6; krsnatusa having black tassels TS 1, 8, 1, 1; 2, 4, 9, 1; 108. AV 18, 4, 3Id; tarpya
TB 1, 6, 1, 4. 109. AV 18, 4, 31; MS 2, 4, 5 (131, 1); KS 12, 4 (166, 4 Sqq.);
72. lohita SB 5, 3, 1, 11; SVB 3, 8, 22; valuka (according to SB 5, 3, 5, 20-25.
Sayana) PVB 17, 1, 15. 110. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17)
73. maharajana SB 14, 5, 3, 10; Rausumbha SA 11, 4 (40,
111. SB 5, 3, 5, 20-25.
19).
112. MS 2, 5, 1 (133, 17); KS 13, 1 (180, 9); SB 5, 3, 5, 20-25;
74. above, footnote 10; TA 1, 32, 3 (116, 11).
krttyadhiuasa: TB 3, 9, 20, 1-2.
75. above, footnotes 17-19
113. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17); TB 1, 7, 6, 4; SB 5, 3, 5, 20-25.
76. kusumbha or maharajana: safflower (Carthamus tincto-
rious). 114. TB 4, 3, 7, 1; tarpya of the arranger of the sacrifice
corresponds with candataka of his wife: SB 5, 2, 1, 8.
77. VS 30, 12; TB 3, 4, 7, 1; prakamaya rajayitrim by the
desire of a dyer's lady'. 115. TB 1, 3, 7, 4.

78. Already in Vedic times a difference was made between 116. Tat tarpyam iti raso bhavati tasmint sarvani
garments having (tantaua: QB 1, 2, 4 (35, 16 sqq.), cf. yajnarupani nisyutani bhavanti 'With this there is the
below footnote 189) and those not having it (nistantaua: garment tarpya: onto this all forms of the sacrifice are
SVB 2, 4, 9). fixed.' Cf. SB 6, 7, 1, 6-7; (rukmah) krsnajine nisyuto
bhavati The golden plate is fixed onto the fur of the
79. SB 15, 2, 8, 1; = 13, 5, 2, 2.
black buck.'
80. RV 1, 162, 16 = MS 3, 16, 1 (322, 1) = KS v, 6, 5 (178, 9);
117. Here it is reminded of vadhudukulam kalahamsala-
d TS 4, 6, 9, 2 = VS 25, 39; MS 2, 5, 1 (133, 17); KS 13, 1
ksanam K u m a r a s a m b h a v a, 5, 67,
(180, 9); SB 5, 3, 4, 22.
hamsacihnadukulavan Raghuvamsa 17, 25, and
81. RV 1, 162, 16 = MS 3, 16, 1 (322, 1) = KS v, 6, 5 (178, 9) rajahamsa samithunalaksmani sadrse dugule Har-
= TS 4, 6, 9, 2 = VS 25, 39; SB 13, 2, 8, 1 = 13, 5, 2, 1. sacarita (ed. A.A. FUHRER, Bombay 1909) p.274,2.
82. MS 2, 5, 1 (133, 17); KS 13, 1 (180, 9); SB 5, 3, 5, 20-24. 118. Some more, but contradictory presumptions are found
83. SB 5, 3, 5, 20-24. in Katyananasrautasutra 15, 5, 7-11; in Sayana comm,
to SB 5, 3, 5, 20 (ed. A. WEBER), p.491, 2 sqq.; J.
84. JB 2, 25 (164, 27); AB 8, 12, 3; 8, 17, 2; SA 3, 5 (12, 23)
EGGELING, SBE41, p.85, no. 1; W. CALAHD, notetoApas-
85. SB 13, 8, 4, 10 is translated by J. EGGELIHG purany tambasrautasutra 18, 5, 7 (German translation); see
asandi sopabarhana with ‘an old arm-chair with head- above note 72.
cushion'.
119. AV 8, 2, 16.
86. sarvasutra MS 1, 6, 4 (54, 11).
120. SB 12, 2, 1, 3.
87. TB 1, 1, 6, 10: upabarhanam dadati — rupanam avarud-
121. GB 1, 5, 2 (114, 6, 10)
dyai— Say ana's tasmai yad deyam upabarhanam sirasah
prsthasya uadharabhutam tasya 122. W. CALAHD, selection p.207, note 13: 'loincloth as gar¬
karpasasanornadhimayaih suklantla -pitadivarnaih ment in the centre.'
saruaih sutrair nispannatvat tena rupanam praptih —. 123. JB 2, 369 (318, 30)
88. masc. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17); VS 38, 3; SB 3, 3, 2, 4; 5, 3, 1, 124. MS 4, 1, 13(339, 10) and KS 31, 10(12, 17): daksinato
11; 14, 2, 1, 8; JB 3, 199 (437, 22). nivih.
89. neutr. AV 15, 2, 1,2, 3, 4; MS 4, 9, 7 (406, 4); PVB 17, 1, 125. *udguhya: SB 3, 2, 1, 15.
14; TA 4, 8, 2 (279, 5); 5, 7, 2 (384, 17)
126. udyrhya: SB 2, 4, 2, 14; 2, 6, 1, 42.
90. e.g. MS 2, 3, 1 (119, 19); yatha salyam nihrtyosnisena 127. PLATTS, J.T.: A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi and
vestayanty euam tat 'This is as if people tear out the arrow
English, 5th impression, Oxford 1930, p.550 s.v.
(from the wound) and bind a bandage (around it).'
Similar: KS 13, 10 (192, 8); TS 3, 4, 1, 4; AB 6, 1, 4; AB 6, 128. RV 6,32 (473), 4 and AV 8, 6, 20.
1, 4; KB 29, 1 (151, 9); SB 3, 3, 2, 3-4; 3, 3, 2, 18; 4, 5, 2, 129. KS 23, 1 (73, 5); TS 6, 1, 1, 3; SB 3, 1, 2, 18: text below
2; 4, 5, 2, 7; 4, 5, 2, 17. note 190.
91. AV 15, 2, 1, 2, 3, 4; SVB 3, 8, 22. 130. 'unwoven fringe (thrum)'A. B. KEITH for TS 6, 1, 1, 3.
92. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17); TB 1, 7, 6, 4. 131. 'unwoven fringe (thrum)'J. EGGEL1HG for SB 3, 1, 2, 18.
93. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17). 132. So SB 14, 9, 1, 18 = BALI (M) 6, 1, 10; BAU (K) 6, 2, 7;
pravara.
94. PVB 17, 1, 14.
95. The only certain reference: JB 3, 199 (437, 21 sqq.) 133. SA 11,4 (40,19)

27
134. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17); SB 14, 5, 1, 3, 15. 168. KS 23, 1 (73, 5): vasah paridhatte gnes tusah pitmam
135. MS 4, 4, 3 (360, 17) nivir osadhinam praghato vayor vatapa visvesam
devanam otavas ca tantavas ca naksatranam atirokah
136. SB 5, 3, 5, 21
— TS 6, 1, 1, 3-4: rasasa diksavati saumyam vai ksau-
137. SB 14, 9, 1, 10 = BAU (M) 6, 1, 10 mam devataya ... agnee tiisadhanam vayor vayor
138. BAU (K) 6, 2, 7. vatapanam pitmam nivir osadhinam praghata (3)
139. SB 14, 6, 11, 3 the coat is used as blanket. adityanam pracinatano visvesam devanam otur
naksatranam atikasah — SB 3, 1, 2, 18; tasya va
140. SB 14, 9, 1, 10
etasya vasasah — agneh paryaso bhavati vayor
141. barasi —Altindische Grammatik (cf. note 70), vol.il, 2 anuchado nivih pitmam sarpanam praghato
p.386, 39 might be a printing mistake. — KS 9, 14 (115,
vesvesam devanam tantava aroka naksatranam —
21) and PVB 18, 9, 16; varasL
169. MS 2, 1, 2 (104, 6); 2, 6, 1 (143, 19); KS 11, 10 (156, 16);
142. MS 1, 9, 6 (80, 4); KS 9, 14 (115, 21); PVB 18, 9, 16; 21,
TS 1, 8, 1, 1; 2, 4, 9, 1; 5, 7, 5, 1; TS 1, 6, 1, 4; SB 5, 2, 5,
3, 4
17; PVB 17, 1, 14.
143. KS 15, 4 (212, 3); barasi damabhusa, comparable
PVB 17, 1, 15: valukantani damatusanL 170. SB 14, 5, 3, 10.

144. SVB 1, 5, 15 (71, 1); SVB 4, 4, 14; SA 4, 15 (18, 19); CHU 171. AB 6, 27, 2 may serve as one example out of many:
hasti kamso vaso hiranyam asvatarirathah silpam
8, 8, 5
Magnificence, — that is an elephant, bronze (objects ),
145. KS 23, 2 (74, 18); 23, 3 (77, 21 and 78, 1); SB 3, 1, 2, 18;
garments, gold, a chariot drawn by hinnies.'
3, 2, 1, 11.
172. TS 6, 1, 10, 2; SB 3, 3, 3, 18.
146. SB 5, 2, 1, 8.
173. SB 4, 3, 4, 7: catasro vai daksinah — hiranyam gaur
147. SB 3, 1, 2, 18; 3, 2, 1, 11.
vaso svah there are verily many rewards for sacrifice:
148. RV 10,106 (932), 1; mothers weave vastra for the son: gold, cow, garment, cow, horse, slave, bed, chariot. —
RV 5, 47 (401), 6. SVB 5, 10, 7: food, gold, cow, garment, horse, land. —
149. AV 12, 3, 21; grava sumbhati malaga iva vastra More references are not necessary: whenever there is a
150. RV 5, 42 (396), 8; 6, 47 (488), 23. reference to garments in our sources, these are gifts for
151. AV 5, 1, 3. the priests.
152. SB 3, 3, 3, 4; KB 7, 12 (35, 7) 174. SB 5, 2, 3, 5.
153. RV 4, 38 (334), 5 175. root han, ahata = not yet washed = new; SB 3, 1, 2, 19
154. RV 8, 26 (646), 13 and more; root nis-pis SB 3, 1, 2, 19; root palyulay TS
2, 5, 5, 6; SB 3, 1, 2, 19. We prefer this form with PDh 10,
155. AV 14, 2, 41-42: vadhuyam vaso vadhvas ca vastram.
335 and Kslrasvamin's Kslrataranginl ad loc. The
May be in the sense of dowry.
texts mention palpulap — or palpulav. VS 30, 12 and
156. vasarhsi are tarpya, pandya, adhivasa, usnisa: SB TB 3, 4, 7, 1.
, ,
5, 3, 5, 20-25; vasa = tarpya: AV 18 4 31: = tarpya: MS
medhaya vasahpalpulim.
2, 4, 5 (131, 1); KS 12, 4 (166, 4 sqq.); = paridhana: AV
8, 2, 16; = pandara: SB 14, 5, 1, 3, 15; = vasana: SB 3, 176. AB 3, 1, 8, 6: syuma haitad yajnasya yad dhayyas tad
yatha sucya vasah samdadhad iyad evam evaitabhir
1, 2, 18; 3, 2, 1, 11.
yqjnasya chhidram samdadhad eti ya evam veda Con¬
157. RV 1, 162, 16 = MS 3, 16, 1 (322, 1) = KS v, 6, 5 (178, 9) cerning the inserted (verses), these are the seam of the
= TS 4, 6, 9,0 2 = VS 25, 39; SB 13, 2, 8, 1 = 13, 5, 2, 1. sacrifice. As one mends the garment if need be with the
158. AV 15, 2, 1, 2, 3, 4; SVB 3, 8, 22 needle, like this the one who knows mends the crack of
159. AV 14, 2, 41-42 the sacrifice with these (i.e. the inserted verses)',
1Z60. MS 3, 6, 7 (254, 14) mended or patched up' is punarutsyuta: MS 1, 7, 2 (64,

161. AV 14, 2, 41-42; SB 1, 3, 1, 14 5); KS 8, 15 (98, 19); TS 1, 5, 2, 4.

162. MS 1, 11, 8 (100, 10); KS 14, 7 (206, 13) 177. Cf. note 123.
163. MS 2, 6, 1 (144, 2); 3, 6, 7 (254, 11); 3, 7, 4 (261, 17sqq.); 178. E.g. the term kalapaka means ornament (of four pre¬
4, 3, 1 (353, 8); KS 15, 1 (210, 8); TA 1 32, 3 (116, 11). cious stones or pearls)' in poetic language the group of
four closely connected verses; cf. e.g. Raghuvamsa 13,
164. bhinnanta MS 2, 6, 1 (143, 19); 4, 3, 1 (352, 7); KS 15, 1
54-57; Kiratarjunlya 3, 1-4; 4, 27-30; Sisupalavadha
(210, 2).
7, 53-56; 12, 67-70; 16, 72-75; 19, 26-29.
165. dasa SB 3, 3, 2, 9; 4, 3, 4, 6.
179. Could it not be possible that the term sutra originates
166. tusa KS 23, 1 (73, 5); tusadhana TS 6, 1, 1, 3; krsnatusa
in the fact that in all ancient works of this literary form
TS 1, 8, 1, 1; 2, 4, 9, 1; TB 1, 6, 1, 4; damatusa PVB 17,
a number of rules, having different lengths and being
1, 15.
complimentary to each other, are twisted into a thread
167. upadhyayapurvaya TS 2, 2, 11, 4. Compare also of equal thickness — as it were like longer or shorter
Baudhayanasrautasutra 26, 5: upadhayyapurvayam fibres — ? OLZ 1957, Sp. 536. I may mention that Bhar-
vaso daksineti — pravenato vantato va tamrani va nilani trhari uses the term anutantra in the sense of varttika.
va sutrany upahitani bhavanty api vopadhanarajjur nityah sabdarthasambandhas tatrafmnata ma-
evaisokta bhavati It is said: "The reward for the sacrifice harsibhih —
is an appliqued garment." — at the beginning or the end
of the fabric red or blue threads are affixed: or here
braiding with cord is meant.' — SB 1, 2, 4 (35, 15); sutranam bhasyanam bhasyanam ca pranetrbhih-
dhayaiva pratidhiyate svarge loke pitm nidadhati tanta- Vakyapadiya I, 23. This term does not occur in the dic¬
vam na vasita yas tantavam vaste ksatram vardhate na tionaries.
brahma tasmat tatavam na vasita brahma vardhatam Translator's remarks on the raw materials (this informa¬
ma ksatram iti A braiding is affixed: (with this) he puts tion was kindly compiled by noted botanist and expert
the ancestors into the heavenly abode. He should not on Oriental flora. Prof. Dr. H.F. Meubauer):
wear a garment which has a decorative edging. If he grass similar to millet.
wears a garment which has a decorative edging, then
the nobility grows, not the priesthood. Therefore he — Linum usitatissimum Linn. = flax
should not wear a garment that has a decorative edging — Crotalariajuncea Linn. (skt. sanah) = a fibrous plant
(thinking); the priesthood should grow, not the nobility. belonging to the group of Papilianaceae.

28
State Weaving-Shops of the Mauryan period
Romila Thapar

The date of the Arthasastra has been the cause

of considerable arguments among scholars of In¬
dian history. Suggested dates range from the
Mauryan period (third century B.C.) to the Gupta
period (fourth century A.D.)1 Majority opinion is
now coming round to the view that the text was
originally written during the Mauryan period, but
was edited with interpolations of various kinds in
the centuries following. The original text was writ¬
ten by Kautilya2 or Canakya as he is sometimes
called, who was the minister of the first Mauryan
emperor, Chandragupta. It was expanded and

First published in the Journal of Indian Textile History, Vol. 1,

1955, Calico Museum of Tfextiles, Ahmedabad. Reprinted with
kind permission of the Calico Museum.

29
 edited by various writers, until it was rewritten in
sutra from by Visnugupta in the fourth century
A.D.3 This is the form with which we are familiar
today.4

The Arthasastra is not, as is often mistakenly be¬

lieved, a text on Hindu political thought. It does
not concern itself with the development of politi¬
cal ideas or discussions on the validity of various
political institutions. It assumes that monarchy is
the most superior form of government and pro¬
ceeds to explain how best a monarchy can gov¬
ern. It is in fact a text-book on administration in a
monarchical system. The work is divided into fif¬
teen sections, of which the most detailed is the
second, which deals with the organisation of vari¬
ous administrative departments. The work as a
whole reflects a period of economic development,
when the idea of obtaining a national income via
taxation from various urban and agrarian sources,
had just emerged. Consequently there is an insis¬
tence on state supervision of all activities. The
purpose of this was both to control production
and to derive an income from taxation at various
stages. Thus not only had the cultivator to pay a
tax on the land he cultivated, and a percentage of
the grain he harvested, or the merchant a percent¬
age on the goods he sold, but even prostitutes
and the keepers of gambling houses paid a regu¬
lar part of their income to the treasury.5

Activities concerned with spinning and weaving

would thus fit into this category of production,
whether supervised by the state or carried out
privately, which was in both cases taxable. One of
the chapters in the second section of the work
deals with the duties of the government superin¬
tendent (adhyaksa) of weaving. His duties con¬
sisted of distributing the raw material to qualified
weavers and other persons whom he thought suit¬
able, and supervising the work in the government
weaving house. Secondly the guild-weavers.6
Those individually employed were either profes¬
sional weavers working independently of the
guilds, or non-professionals with special permis¬
sion to work because of hardship or other causes,
which will be specified.

References to women who could earn a livelihood

through weaving, contain revealing indications of
the social relationships between men and women
in Mauryan society. It is significant that the pro¬
Previous Page
fession of weaving was one of the few open to
Weaver's home in Orissa
women. Generally, it would seem that a woman
The processing of cotton and its who was not respectably married, was regarded
final weaving into a bandha saree, is
part of the life of the villager of with some suspicion, since the only other activi¬
Ragardi. ties open to her were employment in the palace as

30
a servant of the king, prostitution, joining the in the morning at dawn, when the yam could be
flower and perfume trade or belonging to a theat¬ exchanged for wages. The author adds that the
rical troupe. Even in connection with weaving, only light in the room should be subdued and only
women in certain conditions were permitted this sufficient for the superintendent to examine the
activity. These conditions are clearly specified. work and assess its value. Presumably the sub¬
dued lighting prevented the superintendent from
Widows were allowed to work. This category in¬ recognising the face of the woman concerned.
cluded women whose husbands had died, as well On no account was the superintendent to engage
as those whose husbands were living or travelling in conversation with the woman on any subject
in a distant place. In view of the fact the profes¬ but that concerning the work, otherwise he would
sion of a merchant or trader was a popular one in be severely punished. This implies rigid segrega¬
urban society, there must have been a fair number tion between the two sexes, which was not charac¬
of women whose husbands would be away peri¬ teristic of social life as described in other contexts
odically. Owing to the uncertain nature of specu¬ in the same work.7 Perhaps strictness in this case
lative business at that period, the additional in¬ was to ensure honesty amongst the officials.
come from occupations such as weaving may have
been essential to the livelihood of these women. The raw materials mentioned consisted of wool,
Young women who were cripples could also sup¬ cane and bamboo bark, cotton plants and cotton,
port themselves from weaving. Strangely enough hemp, and flax. Apart from the weaving of piece-
women ascetics and nuns were not debarred from goods, blankets, ropes, armour and girths are also
this activity. This is surprising, as usually men or mentioned. The inclusion of armour is puzzling.
women who forsake society and devote them¬ It is possible that apart from chain-armour, corded
selves fully to a religious life are expected to sup¬ armour was used by those who could not afford
port themselves through charity or alms. Perhaps the former. The reference here may have been to
it was difficult, if not impossible, for a woman corded armour. The girths were used on domestic
ascetic to wander through the country, begging animals and those drawing chariots, etc. The cloth
alms. Women who had committed offences and girths were probably similar to modem webbing
had therefore to pay fines, could earn the money belts, which are used to this day as an essential
for the fine by working as weavers. Mothers of part of the horse s harness.
prostitutes, retired women servants of the king,
and retired temple prostitutes, were all permitted The system of wages is explained in great detail.
this occupation. Clearly these were women who Both guilds and private weavers were given work
were too old to continue in their profession and on the basis of fixed wages. Payment was deter¬
had no means of sustenance. Housewives or mined by the quality of the work done and the
women who had decided to remain unmarried, amount of time taken over it. In the case of the
other than those listed above, were not permitted guild-worker, payment was made through the
to work. guild. Technical efficiency naturally played an im¬
portant part in assessing payment. Threads spun
Furthermore, women were only given that type of from raw material were divided into three categor¬
work which could be done at home. This could ies, fine, medium and coarse. The fine thread was
be either the processing of certain types of raw more highly valued. Similarly in the weaving of
material, or spinning. Any process which required cloth, the finer weaves fetched a higher wage. A
equipment not available to the women in their careful check was kept on the raw material pro¬
homes, was prepared by men in the state weaving vided, which was weighed and recorded. A cal¬
house, under the supervision of the superinten¬ culation was made as to how much could be ex¬
dent. This was no doubt partly to avoid employing pected in thread or cloth. When the complete work
women in the weaving house, and partly to keep was brought back, it was measured and compared
a check on the material and thus prevent theft. with the calculation. If it was found to be short,
then the value of the missing amount was cut
Instructions on dealings with women workers are from the wages of the weaver. It is stated however
very precise. In the case of women who could not that blemishes in the raw material were to be
leave their homes, each one was to send her taken into account when the calculation was
maid servant to collect the raw material or return made, natural loss of weight or length through
the completed work, the superintendent thus be¬ processing was also noted. We are told for in¬
ing unacquainted with the actual person who stance that in woolen threads there is a loss of
worked for him. Women in a position to leave one-twentieth of the total weight when the hair
their homes had to call at the weaving house early falls in the process of threshing.8 Women were

31
paid according to the amount of work completed Strangely enough mutilation of the thumbs is not
and payment was to be made only on completion. suggested as punishment in any of these cases.
If any weaver took payment in advance and failed Yet this is regarded as normal punishment in the
to complete the work commissioned, the punish¬ case of women who have received wages in ad¬
ment was severe. vance and fail to complete a commission. Gener¬
ally fines were regarded as the usual form of pun¬
Encouragement in the way of prizes are suggested ishment in any offence. Mutilation is suggested
for fast workers. These could consist of oil and by Kautilya only in the case of serious crimes. He
cakes (the latter were made with dried fruit and lists three categories of punishment in relation to
were obviously regarded as delicacies). Special various types of offences. The first category was
rewards of perfumes and garlands of flowers are always the highest.
also mentioned, which could be made to those
who worked on holidays.9 These were in addition The various stages, from raw material to textile,
to the normal wages. Unfortunately no indication entailed a series of taxes, which were paid by the
is given of the actual amount paid for a particular cultivator, the weaver and the merchant or the tex¬
piece of work. tile guild. All cultivators paid a land tax, and a
further tax on their produce, irrespective of
whether this produce was a food crop or a cash
Fraudulent practices of various kinds were appar¬
crop.12 Both these taxes varied according to the
ently well known. One section of the work warns
quality of the land and the facilities for irrigation,
the citizen against the trickery of artisans, and
etc. The tax on the produce ranged from a quarter
weavers are listed as among the more unreliable
in the more fertile areas to one-eighth or less
of artisans.10 Kautilya advises that wherever pos¬
elsewhere.13 (The average tax is thought to have
sible work should be commissioned through a
been one-sixth.) In a period of emergency an addi¬
guild, as the responsibility then lay with a recogni¬
tional one-sixth could be demanded from the
sed group and not with a single person. Severe
cultivator.14 The weaver, unless he worked in a
penalties are suggested if weavers were caught
guild, was taxed for hiring a loom if he worked in
cheating the superintendent or any person who
the state weaving house. This worked out to IV2
had commissioned work from them. The usual
panas per loom per annum. The exact value of the
penalty was a fine and this was cut from the wages.
pana remains uncertain, but some indication of
Weavers who defaulted by failing to produce work
the amount may be arrived at through the fact that
in the agreed time had to forefeit a quarter of their
artisans were paid a salary of 120 panas by the
wages and in addition were Fined twice the amount
state. This is listed together with the salaries of
of the commission agreed upon. If goods were
other state officials. Presumably this was the sal¬
damaged by the weavers, then they had to pay
ary per year.15 Mo commodity could be sold other
compensation. Those who produced what was not
than in a government controlled market. Here toll
asked for, had also to pay a heavy fine and in
dues were paid either by the weavers if they were
some cases forfeit their wages. If the length of the
selling the articles or by the merchants. Work
cloth was short, then the value of the missing
commissioned by merchants or citizens was paid
length would be deducted from the wages and a
for separately to the guild or to the individual
fine would be imposed, equivalent to twice the
value of the loss. If the finished article was short weaver. Undoubtedly this too must have been
taxed. Toll dues amounted to one tenth or one-
in weight, then the fine would be as much as four
fifteenth on the following textiles; linen, cotton,
times the value of the loss. The offence of substi¬
tuting yarn of inferior quality was to be punished silk, curtains of any kind, carpets and woollen
by a fine of twice the value of the original. goods. Clothing, cotton yarn and fibre were taxed
at the rate of one-twentieth or one-twenty-fifth of
their total value.16 In addition to toll tax dues (sul-
One of the better known methods of cheating ka) there was a gate-tax (duaradeya) of one-fifth of
practised by weavers is described. By soaking yam the toll dues.17 In times of national emergency,
in rice-gruel, weavers could increase its weight by weavers could be asked to pay an additional tax of
ten per cent.11 In this way, the weight of finished one-sixth and merchants trading in textiles, an
linen or silk cloth would be increased by fifty per additional tax of ten panas.18
cent, and of blankets and woollen garments by
one hundred per cent. Such practices were pun¬ In another section of the work, relating to prod¬
ishable by a fine equivalent to twice the total value ucts from various parts of the country, a fairly
of the yam provided, in addition to forfeiture of detailed mention is made of textiles.19 However
any advance payment made. this section refers only to those products which

32
are sent to the state treasury as part of the tax. Magadhika (Magadha), the Pandya country and
The list of textiles is as follows. Suvarnakudya. The trees giving Fibre included the
Naga tree, which produced a yellow Fibre; the
Blankets Likuca (Artacarpus Lakucha), the colour of wheat;
the Vakula (Nimusops Elengi), white; and the Vata
These were generally made of sheep s wool. They
(Ficus Indica), the colour of butter. Of the cloths
could be white or various shades of red. The main
made with these fibres, the best came from Suvar¬
techniques are those of khaticham (tightly woven
nakudya. Silks from China are described as
woolens), vanacitra (loosely woven), khand-
kauseya and cina-patta.22
sanghatya (various pieces joined together), and
tantuvicchannam (woven with uniform threads). The finest cotton textiles came from Madhura
Many varieties of blankets are listed: kambala, keca- (south India), Aparanta (western India), Kalinga
lakah, kalamitika, sarumitika, turangastaranam, (the coastal region between the Mahanadi and
varnakam, talicchakam, uarauanah, paristomah, Godavari rivers), Kasi (the neighbourhood of Ba¬
samanatabhad. These are thought to be coarse naras), Vanga (Bengal), Vatsa (the region around
blankets, such as those used by herdsmen and Kausambi, near Allahabad) and Mahisa (the re¬
farmers, blankets spread on the backs of animals gion of the Narmada).
such as bullocks, horses, elephants, and woolen
material woven to the size of blankets. Of these
Summary
the best quality blanket is that which is slippery
and soft. The state must have derived a fairly large profit
from the manufacture of textiles. This was one of
Nepal is said to have produced blankets known the rare industries which in Mauryan times em¬
as bhingisi and apasaraka, both of which were ployed both men and women. The type of work
black in colour and waterproof. given to both is of some interest. Women were
only permitted to do the lighter work, the proc¬
Blankets were also made from wool gathered from esses that could be carried out at home, without
other animals and described as samputika, catu- elaborate equipment. The weaving house, organi¬
rasrika, lamvara, katmavanaka, pravaraka, and sed by the state or by a guild, where the greater
sattalika. part of the work was done and probably that of a
more arduous kind, appears not to have employed
women. The average wage of the weaver (120
Other textiles
panas) seems small when compared to that of the
Vanga (Bengal) produced a soft white bark-cloth superintendents which ranged from 4,000 to
called dukula.20 From the Pandya country (the re¬ 12,000 panas. The manufacture of textiles was
gion of Madura) came a smooth black cloth, de¬ clearly one of the foremost industries. They are
scribed as being as smooth as the surface of a mentioned among the more lucrative articles of
gem. Suuamakudua21 produced a bright golden trade. Textiles were regarded as valuable enough
yellow cloth with a smooth glossy texture, woven to be stored in the national treasury, and are de¬
while the yarn was damp. Linen (ksauma) came scribed in the same section of the Arthasastra as
from Kasi (Banaras) and the Pandya country. Fab¬ that referring to the various kinds of precious
rics of bark-fibre were especially woven in stones and gems.

33
FOOTNOTES

1. Arthasastra. Preface to Shamasastty's translation (5th 14. V, 2

Ed.) pp.vii-xxxiii; Jolly, Kautilyam Arthasastram, Panjab
15. V 3
S.K. Series, No. IV; Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, Appendix C,
p.364; D.R. Bhandarkar, ABORI, vii, p.80 ff.; Raychaudhuri, 16. II, 22
(HCIP, i). The Age of Imperial Unity, p.285; Kalyanov, XXIII
17. Ibid.
Orientalists Congress, Cambridge, August 1954.
2. There has been much discussion on the name of Kautilya 18. V 2
and its grammatical derivation. (Jolly, Arthasastra of Kau¬ 19. II, 11
tilya, pp. 1-47; and Kane, JBOR'S, vii, 1926). I agree with
the view that the name was Kautalya and not Kautilya, 20. A fine quality cloth made from the inner bark of a delicate
and that it was derived from its owner's gotra, which was plant. It should not be confused with linen.
Kutala. 21. The identification of Suvamakudya (literally, "golden wall)
3. Book XV I. is uncertain. Suuama was a fairly common prefix in a
number of place names. Suuamabhumi was the name for
4. I have used the edition of T. Qanapati Sastri, Trivandrum,
Burma and at a later period Suvamadvipa was the term
1924.
used for the South East Asian islands. Suvamakudya may
5. II, 24; II, 22; II, 27. have been on the east coast and connected with the east¬
ern trade, or else it may even have been an alternative
6. II, 23; IV, I. The guild system was by now a regular feature
name for Suvamagiri, the Mauryan provincial capital in
of urban life. It had begun with the large scale develop¬
the south (Mysore).
ment of commerce during the Buddhist period (circa sixth
century B.C.). It appears from the Arthasastra that skilled 22. The references to cina-patta was one of the reasons why
workers generally preferred to work in guilds, since this the Arthasastra was dated to the early centuries A.D.,
system had commercial advantages. In certain trades since there were no contacts with China in the Mauryan
however it was equally lucrative to work as a private period, which would permit the importation of Chinese
individual. silk via eastern India. However there is evidence to prove
7. For example, the rights and duties of a married woman, that silk was used in Bactria, which was imported from
laws of inheritance, etc.; Ill, 2,3,4,5,6. India in the second century B.C. if not earlier. (Ssi-ma-
ts'ien, Shi-ki, 123; translated by Hirth. JAOS, xxxvii, 1917,
8. IV I. p.89 ff.). Chang K'lien in about 129 B.C. found the Bactri-
9. The calendar of a working year (from the month of ans using Chinese silk, which according to the inhabitants
Asadha to Asadha) omitting the intercalary months, was came from India. The interesting point is that it is referred
354 days. to as silk coming from the province of Szechuan. This
province has been known as the area where the silkworm
10. IV, I.
flourished. The implications of this are that there was no
11. IV I. silk manufactured in Qilgit. Thus it would appear that
Chinese silk was available in India at an early period and
12. The bhaga and the hiranya (Ghoshal, The Agrarian Sys¬
that is came from Szechuan.
tem of Ancient India, p.6). This is confirmed by the Asokan
inscription at Rummindei, Bloch, Les Inscriptions d'Asoka, The identification of China with cina, may be a reference
p. 157. to the feudal state of Chin (during the Chou period), be¬
13. One-quarter is stated in the account of Megasthenes. fore the reign of Shi Hwang Ti (cf. Kosambi, Introduction
Quoted, Strabo, XV I, 40; Arrian, Indica, XI. to the Study of Indian History, p.202).

34
Some Evidence of Indo-European Cotton
Trade in Pre-Mughal Times
Agnes Geijer

dust over a hundred years have passed since

Francisque-Michel, that great scholar of European
medieval studies, published his erudite work on
medieval textiles as reflected in contemporary lit¬
erature.1 In that work, Michel drew attention to
certain words which he thought indicated textile
fabrics of oriental origin. At the time he wrote, few
actual fabrics of the period had been classified or

Editorial note: The leading ideas in this article were pre¬

sented in a Swedish publication in homage to tl.M. King Qus-
tau VI Adolf, edited by the Swedish Archaeological Society,
Stockholm, 1952.

This article is an extract of an article published in Journal of

Indian Textile History, Vol. 1,1955, and reprinted with the kind
permission of the Calico Museum.

35
 even studied, and it is a measure of his brilliance
and foresight that, in spite of great advances since
made in textile research, the questions he raised
are as relevant today as they were then.

The next landmark was reached in 1913 when the

famous German scholar, Otto von Falke, published
his monumental work on silks,2 which, although
needing revision in some respects, is still unsur¬
passed. The new period was to a great extent
dominated by silks, because so many examples
have survived from the medieval period as eccle¬
siastical garments in European churches, never¬
theless, other materials, such as woollen, linen
3 3 3 J2& 3 3^ i and cotton fabrics were gradually coming to light
in Egypt. One of the richest finding-places was
Fostat, the important medieval harbour-town of
v^'
? W$ H «fc old Cairo.
5 W ^'$b W%?
,v -<2c*s<{&
)>, liar "3a
►»>1 J t>. k /
It was not until later that the cotton fabrics were

#,l// * /®*
^SK_„yy
4
4
made a subject of comprehensive research, and
in this work, a Swedish scholar, C.J. Lamm, a
-T«rr35«J3Six3*f~3r*'- trained art-historian and orientalist, made a valu¬
3 3 3 3 M J£- 3 3s able contribution.3 A catalogue of technical de¬
scriptions of different fabrics containing cotton
was paralleled with a series of excerpts from me¬
dieval texts, mainly Arabic. The most important
. '* Aft-
»• r-T* categories among these Fostat textiles were the
*%**»**>•'fc
*»«***/• — Indian resist-dyed cottons, and woven fabrics of
:\» c‘>'/4
JS:' Vii-A.~: V a .T' <5!&k' 5oftl_l »(■
Persian type, made of cotton and wool. The latter
■£—rt- ■ 3fw-w '•**-
:K*V - V. class has been comprehensively studied by Lamm,
M v\* r 4 V - .'■ (.■‘.-(J-.'-.".''- ■
§«■ in the book already mentioned as well as in spe¬
cial articles. A representative selection of the In¬
%l
dian cottons was published by R. Pfister, most of
them being identified as having been exported
from Gujarat between the fourteenth and sixteenth
centuries.4
!;„H
As part of his thesis, Pfister set out to prove that
until at least as late as the sixteenth century, India
WwtVr *«• ? ^ •2/ j.ar
was the only country which produced cottons fixed
rti \
«u; with non-fugitive dyes. Although, from as early as
^ V,

\l’i
the first millennium B.C., men in other countries
44?"4 i£i had understood how to fix colours in silks and
«raKw: wool, only India, he claimed, had mastered the
$m. more exacting art of dyeing vegetable fibres with
v^^sr^r^X'X,
non-fugitive as opposed to fugitive colours. It is
this mastery which distinguished Indian materials
Previous Page from cotton or linen fabrics printed in medieval
Gold brocaded wedding saree, Europe. For the latter, the colours consisted
"teryore merely of pigment, and its application demanded
Richly brocaded gold and red sarees no great skill: technically speaking, it was on a
were woven for brides, or for
offering to the deity. The diamond
level with engraving or primitive book-printing.
pattern encloses a stylized four¬
sided flower. The gold is so closely
The earliest evidence of Indo-European textile
woven into the fabric that though the
technique is of extra weft there are trade belongs to antiquity. The use of the oriental
no floats. word carbasina (Sanskrit karpasa) for cotton in

36
the Pausimachus of Statius Caecilius suggests that to India by the Portuguese. How as commonly
it was reaching the Mediterranean at least as early known, it has universal currency in the sense of
as 200 B.C. Even before this, Herodotus had re¬ white figured cotton, painted or printed.
ferred to the "tree-wool" of India. The Greek word
xylon gave rise toxylinum in medieval Latin, which However, when hunting for traces of Indian cot¬
was defined as lana de ligno ("wooden wool"). The tons in Europe before 1500, there is one kind of
German synonym baumvolle ("tree-wool") gave in source which only recently has been observed:
its turn bomull to the Swedish languages. Scandinavian documents. In the Swedish and Hor-
wegian records from the fourteenth and fifteenth
The author of the Periplus (A.D. 60-100) gives us centuries, occurs a word, alternatingly spelled
valuable evidence of the great importance of In¬ seter, setar, sather, which, according to linguists
dian cotton goods in Imperial Rome. Although he consulted, is of the same derivation as chint9
does not specifically mention dyed cottons, there According to the well-known German dictionary
is little doubt that they were included, for the skill of Schiller-Lubber, it also frequently occurs in me¬
of the Indian dyer was proverbial in Rome itself. dieval German texts (up to the seventeenth cen¬
This is proved by the interesting reference in St. tury) under various spellings: zeter, tzeter, zitter,
Jerome s fourth-century Latin translation of the czeter, etc. It is also interesting to learn the re¬
Bible, Job being made to say that wisdom "may lated Turkish word for fine cotton: cit, even citary,
not be compared with the dyed colours of India."5 from which the Rumanian citares was derived.10

With the collapse of the Roman Empire, Indo-

The medieval Latin word cottonum seems gener¬
European trade appears to have declined, and it
ally to have been used to denote the raw material,
is not until the growth of Arab trade that we are
used as ticking for mattresses or other padded
able to pick up the threads again.
fabrics as well as for spinning and for lamp-wicks,
which became very important in the late Middle
The Arabic word qutn, qoton was the name by Ages. It was seldom employed to describe a woven
which medieval Europe came to know cotton (It.
material, although in the list of the fourteenth
cottone, Fra. cotton. Spa. algodon. Germ, kattun).
century Papal treasures of Avignon there appears
The Arabic form with the definite article (al-quton)
the following sentence: parvus pannus de cotoni
gave the French boqueton, anqueton, in the sense
tincto, diversis coloribus cum aliquibus vetis filis
of a vest of cotton padding to be worn under the aureis ("small cloth of dyed cotton in various
armour. The same word may also have given rise
colours with some threads of old gold"). The quo¬
to gudbvefr in Icelandic literature. Hjalmar Falk, tation reminds us of the fine Indian muslins with
the Morwegian philologist, in his extensive work interwoven gold threads so often spoken of in
concerning textile terms in Icelandic and other travellers' stories.
northern literature and written documents from
about A.D. 1100-13506 has suggested this deriva¬
tion, and says that the word is common to all Ger¬ Michel gave many quotations from early French
manic languages (Anglo-Saxon, godwebb, Early literature to show that bougran was a rare fabric.
Saxon, godowebbi. Early High German, He stated that it was either monochrome, mean¬
gotaweppi)7. ing that it was printed by the resist method, so
that the pattern would be standing out in white
Cotton fabrics, dyed and undyed, were known to on a coloured ground, or that it was decorated
medieval Europe from the names of three of the with a hand-painted or printed pattern on a white
important emporiums from which they were ob¬ ground. The following passage from Charles V's
tained: Fostat, in Egypt; Bokhara, in Central Asia; Inventory (King of France 1337-80) seems to sug¬
and Calicut, on the Malabar coast of India. gest the latter method: "coultepointe de bougran
blancbe pointee bien menuement et a plusieurs
Fostat probably gave rise to the vulgar Latin fus- bestes de poincture de mesme." Towards the end
tana.8 On the other hand, there can be no doubt of the Middle Ages (about 1500) the word lost its
that Bokhara gave rise to boceranum, bogranum meaning as a costly stuff, and instead came to
(Fra. bougrain, boquerant; Eng. buckram). The mean a special woven material of linen or hemp
third, Calicut, gave rise to the better known calico. similar to buckram, which is now used for book¬
binding. The meaning, however, did not every¬
The word chintz (from Hindi chint, variegated', where change so quickly: an item in the list of
Sanskrit chitra) did not, at least in unaltered form, Henry VIII — for the purchase of a mantle and
reach Europe until the opening of the sea route nightdress for Anne Boleyn (c. 1530) — shows

37
that in England in the sixteenth century the world earlier dating should be regarded with reserve.
still preserved its original meaning. Another reference dates from 1179: "Erlingir Jarl
Hafdi raudan kyrtill of fustani ok silkihufu".
In fourteenth century Avignon the word bougran ("Erlingir the Earl had a red skirt of fustian, and
occurs roughly in the same context as fustian but hood of silk").
it is hard to understand what was the difference. In
one case it was used for a chequered stuff; many Icelandic chronicles mention fustan in red, white
times it is specifically described as white, which and blue. In 1321, a Norwegian church was to
notice seems to state that this was not a matter of possess five chasubles, including one of baldakin,
course. one of pell, and three of fustan, red, white and
"and old one".12 In the Icelandic church inventor¬
In the inventories of Angers cathedral, bougran is ies (the "Maldagar", XII-X1V centuries) liturgical
often mentioned as lining for church vestments, vestments of red, white and blue fustan are fre¬
particularly when dealing with the fourteenth- quently mentioned. A Norwegian church in 1321
century garments. A capella, (the name of a whole owned five chasubles: two were made of different
set of vestments used in the Mass) of red velvet kinds of precious silks, pell and baldachin) and
with golden flowers was described, in 1390, as three of fustan: one was red, one blue and the
"dupplicate bougrana perseo" (the letter word third was only described as old.
meaning at this time "blue"). A large number of
copes made of various kinds of precious silk (de¬ With regard to the word gudhvefr (earlier men¬
scribed in 1418 as already old or much repaired), tioned as a possible derivative of the Arabic
are said to have been lined with bougran in blue, goton), Falk gives various references to suggest
green, (viridis) or "adureus" — an objective which that it was two-coloured. Thus a temple had a
cannot be explained so far. "tjald av tvilitudum gudbvefr". (Wall curtains of
two-coloured godwebb). The literal sense of the
Michel did not actually mention fustian in his re¬ word tvilitadhr is "two-dyed".
searches, which is surprising when we consider its
importance in Spain and Italy. The word occurs The first time we know the word seter is from the
only once in the Angers inventories, in 1467, inventories of Queen Blanche, a French princess
where it is described as "gallic"— i.e. indigenous. who married Magnus Erikson, king of Sweden and
In the Avignon lists, the word occurs with a similar Norway. The inventory, made in 1365, lists a num¬
meaning to bougran — i.e. fabric for cushions and ber of precious fabrics among which "a piece of
mattresses, for dalmatics and mitres adorned with red seter" appears. The personal estate of a
gold bands, which later also were made of white Norwegian bishop, enlisted in 1429, contained a
disasper (a patterned silk of special type). There is "big cover of saian (a silk fabric)" embroidered
no other description of the colour, but it is ob¬ with white herons and lined with yellow saeter,"
vious that they did not mean a monochrome fab¬ and another cover "of bedinstycke'3 framed by a
ric. The kinds of articles show that the stuffs must border of cloth of gold (drap d'or)" and a lining of
have been of decorative character, patterned in red saeter. "Red saeter" was further mentioned in
one way or another. 1489 for solemn use as covering the interior of
the shrine of Sainte Catherine.
Referring back to the quotation already given from
Charles V's fourteenth century inventory, we These extracts suggest the following conclusions.
might hazard the conclusion that white fustian or Dyed or painted cottons, almost certainly of Indi¬
bougran was synonymous with chintz, a fabric de¬ an origin, were by no means rare in Europe before
corated with coloured ornament on a white the sea-trade period, i.e. before c. 1500. Resist-
ground. It may be noticed that chintzes, in that dyed cottons dyed with one colour (red or blue)
special meaning, although recognizable in Gu¬ forming the ground, the pattern remaining white,
jarati miniature painting before the sixteenth cen¬ or dyed twice, the two colours and the tone of the
tury, have not hitherto been discovered among fabric itself giving a joint effect, were known in
the medieval Indian cottons found in Egypt. Northern Europe probably as early as A.D. 1000,
certainly from the twelfth century, and were in use
The earliest reference to fustian in Nordic litera¬ throughout the Middle Ages. Chintz — i.e. pat¬
ture dates from the Egil's Saga of A.D. 960; "Egil terned cottons on white ground — were known in
bafdi fus tans kyrtill raudan" ("Egil had a skirt of Avignon by the mid-fourteenth century and were
red fust an"). Since the Saga was not actually com¬ mentioned in Norway as early as 1321. Even plain
mitted to paper until the thirteenth century, the coloured cottons were apparently imported.

38
In this connection, attention is drawn to two is no yellow to be seen on the flowered chintzes,
points which may raise doubt about Indian origin: dominated by the clear (i.e. fast) blue and red
the "yellow-saefer" from Norway (1429) and the shades does not necessarily deny that it was used.
green fustan from Angers (fourteenth century). Analogous colour-alterations have very often
The latter presumably derived from a combination taken place in textiles, much more than what
of yellow and blue eyes. The blue and red colour might be imagined. Further, there is no indication
and scheme is, no doubt, an exclusive criterion for of the fastness of the yellow fabric mentioned in
the Indian cottons from Fostat as well as, to a the quotation. When new they certainly all looked
large extent, the large stock of Indian printed and the same. On the other hand, it is of course possi¬
painted cottons. The yellow colour does not ble that plain cotton fabrics were imported from
appear until late. The question is, how early does India and dyed in Europe.
it begin? When describing the Indian cotton print¬
ing methods, which he had studied during his so¬ Lastly, there is one quotation which suggests that
journ at the French missionary school at Pon¬ Indian dyed cottons were known in England as
dicherry in 1742, Father Coeurdoux complains early as the eighth century A.D. The Venerable
that it was very difficult to dye yellow as a fast Bede wrote in his Life of St. Cuthbert that the
colour (nota bene!)14 That must mean that the In¬ synod of Cloveshoe forbade priests to wear
dian liked yellow and also dyed this colour! Since clothes tinota India coloribus ('dyed with Indian
how long ago? The fact that nowadays there colours').

FOOTNOTES

1. Francisque-Michel, Recherches sur le commerce, la fabrica¬ the word fustan from the Latin fustaneum ('of wood'),
tion at lusage des etoffes de soie, dor et d'argent, 2 vols, quoted from twelfth century sources. Cf. Meyer-Lubke,
Paris, 1852-4. Romanisches Etymologisches Worterbuch, Heidelberg,
1935, and S. Gamilscheg Franzosisches Etymologisches
2. Otto von Falke, Runstgeschichte der seidenweberei, Berlin,
Worterbuch, Heidelberg, 1928. This derivation, however,
1913; translated into English under the title Decorative
does not exclude the possibility that the name of the im¬
Silks, London, 1936.
portant trading city of Fostat has very much favoured the
3. Carl Johan Lamm, Cotton in medieval textiles of the near use of trade mark fustan.
East, Paris (Libraire orientaliste, Paul Geuthner), 1937.
9. The discovery of the meaning of the word seter was for the
4. R. Pfister, Les toiles imprimees de Fostat et de itlindous- first time presented by a Swedish scholar. Dr. Ingegered
tan, Paris, 1938. Henschen, in a work on printed fabrics in Swedish, Tyg-
trycki Sverige, Stockholm, 1942.
5. For an explanation as to how this interesting analogy came
to be made, see John Irwin's detailed note in The Art of 10. Schiller Lubben, Plittelniderdeutsches Worterbuch, Bre¬
India and Pakistan, edited by Sir Leigh Ashton, London, men, 1878.
1950, p.203. 11. Karl Lokotsch, Etymologisches Worterbuch der europais-
I should like to take this opportunity of acknowledging chen Worter orientalischen Ursprungs, Heidelberg, 1927.
John Irwin's valuable suggestions and other friendly help in
connection with the preparation of this paper. 12. The world baldacchino (Fr. baudequin) originally meant
that the fabric was made in Baghdad (known in Italian as
6. Fljalmar Flak, Altwestnordiscbe Rleiderkunde mit be- Baldacco). But in Scandinavia from the thirteenth century
sonderer Berucksichtigung der Terminologie, Kristiania it was used for precious fabrics even of Italian make. Pell
(Oslo), 1919. (Fr. pail; Latin, pallium) was another kind of precious silk.
7. It may be mentioned that this evidence has been doubted 13. Meaning literally, 'heathen piece' — a term often applied
by other authorities; but as far as I can understand, the text to precious materials of oriental origin.
quoted directly confirms Falk's identification. See also Leif
14. Father Coeurdoux's account is quoted in full by G.P. Bak¬
J. Wilhelmsen, English textile nomenclature, Oslo, 1943.
er, Calico painting and printing in the East Indies, Lon¬
8. Some authorities have lately advanced another origin of don, 1921.

39
 f
A Type of Mughal Sash
Milton Sonday and Mobuko Kajitani

TThe Textile Museum has in its collection a

Mughal "sash" which has presented the authors
with an unusual challenge. It is related to six in the
Los Angeles County Museum of Art1 by common
features including extremes of length and width.

Editor's note: The detailed analysis of Mughal brocade is

important for students of Indian textiles as a number of Indian
textiles of very fine quality are often identified as Persian.
There has been a tendency to look at all very fine silks as
having originated in Iran. A detailed study of motif and struc¬
ture of the fabric however has indicated often that their origin
is Indian.

An extract of the article printed in the Journal of the Textile

Museum, Washington D.C., 1970, reproduced here with the
kind persmission of the authors and the Museum of Tfextiles.

40
woven structures, patterning techniques, finishing Opposite Page
details, and probable use. The patterned areas are One end of what was probably a sari.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, Mew
laid out according to a common plan. At each end
York, Rogers Fund, 1928. (28.50)
of the very long fabrics with a narrow border along Width, selvedge to selvedge: 104
each side is a horizontal panel containing a row cm. (3' 6").
of either six or four plants bordered with a narrow Twelve plants in yellow-green, dark
band at top and bottom. A field with a continuous blue, red, pink, yellow, blue, orange,
and purple on a gold background
or all-over pattern fills the expanse between the within a horizontal panel; floral vine
two horizontal panels. Each fabric at a glance can borders; two figures riding an
be seen to have two contrasting surfaces: one for elephant alternating with a flowering
plant (twelve each) in the same
the horizontal panels and all borders, and another colours on a gold background in an
for the long narrow field. upper panel.

41
One end of a Polish sash
Two flowering plants in a panel and
floral vine borders in red, orange-
pink and green outlined in black on
a silver background. Two alternating The probability that these fabrics were used as
horizontal floral bands in orange- sashes2 is reinforced by the following. There is a
pink, red (or blue) and green difference in the weight of the fabric of the field
outlined in black on a silver
background fill the entire field. Metal and the fabric of the end panels by nature of the
fringe attached. Evidence of four structures used and the amounts of metal in each.
central lengthwise folds. The lighter fabric of the field allows for increased
Previous Page
flexibility in folding and tying, while the heavier
fabric of the horizontal panels adds weight to the
Detail of Ttextile Museum sash 6.29.
Length, end to end: 375 cm. (12' two hanging ends. The plant motifs which deco¬
4Vt". Width, selvedge to selvedge: rate the horizontal panels can be said to be in
51.5cm. (1 '8V*'
their natural growth position only when seen from
Four plants in dark green, yellow- each end — a position which would result from a
green, two reds, and ivory on a gold
background within a horizontal tie with two hanging ends. Also, the fold, instead
panel at each end; floral vine of cutting a motif, would have divided six into two
borders; red field with alternating groups of three; and the four into two groups of
rows of pairs of small wavy bars;
yellow warp stripe the entire width two. The fringe, of course, adds the appropriate
of each vertical side border. finish plus added weight.

42
It has been said that fabrics of this type were used
as sashes wrapped and tied around the waist.
Indeed, all are long and narrow. The widths of the
fabrics hardly vary, the average being about 19 V2".
The lengths, on the other hand, vary greatly,
the shortest being 7' 87/s" and the longest 12' V2".
Observe that each fabric was folded in half along
the length thereby reducing the average width as
worn to about 93/4" A sash of any length folded in
half lengthwise, wrapped once around a waist of
indeterminate size, and tied overhand (with or with¬
out a loop) leaving two ends hanging, seems to
be a standard article of Mughal dress as seen in
the miniatures. It is conceivable that sashes were
woven to conform to a standard width but the
length had no such standard except as set possi¬
bly by fashion, social position, or national origin.

Everything about these fabrics: the placement of

pattern areas, the use of a structure in a specific
area, the juxtaposition of a light and a heavier
weight fabric, the contrast of surfaces, the pat¬
terns themselves, the skillful use of colours, con¬
tributes to their intended use — a sash to attest
the significance and worth of the wearer. This
affirms the artistry of the designer and the skill
of the weaver. Brocade, Andhra Pradesh
This stylized gold brocade with
meenakari of silken colours woven
for the moment, let us accept that these sashes
into the motif is similar in style to
were used and possibly manufactured in India enamel patterns in gold jewellery.
sometimes in the Mughal period. Jehangir in his (Collection: Crafts Museum).

43
One end of a Persian sash
Five flowering plants in green, yellow
and light blue outlined in rose pink
within a horizontal panel on an ivory
background. Rose pink and ivory
floral vine borders. Two alternating
horizontal floral blands in rose pink
and ivory, rose pink and blue, or ivory
and green Fill the entire Field. Wide memoirs3 constantly mentions the robes and
patterned heading and plied warp
fringe. The sash was not woven with
other items of dress he presented as gifts of
the pattern in mirror image. honour to generals, statesmen and members of
Evidence of a central lengthwise his family. In the 12th year of his reign (in about
fold.T.M. 3.19.
1617) he claims to have invented a dress:
Below
Fragment of one end of a sash Having adopted for myself certain special
Six plants in blue green, yellow green cloths and cloth-stuffs, 1 gave an order that no one
and two reds on a gold background should wear the same but he on whom I might
within a horizonal panel. Floral vine bestow them. One was a nadiri coat that they
borders. Red orange Field. Height:
17 cm; width, selvedge to selvedge: wear over the quba (a Kind of outer vest). Its
47 cm. T.M. 6.31 length is from the waist down to below the thighs.

44
and it has no sleeves. It is fastened in front with
buttons, and the people of Persia call it kurdi
(from the country of the Kurds). I gave it the name
of nadiri. Another garment is a tus shawl, which
my revered father had adopted as a dress. The
next was a coat (qaba) with a folded collar (batu
giriban). The ends of the sleeves were embroi¬
dered. He had also appropriated this to himself.
Another was a quba with a border, from which the
fringes of cloth were cut off and sewn round the
skirt and collar and the ends of the sleeve. An¬
other was a quba of Gujarati satin, and another a
chira and waistbelt woven with silk in which were
interwoven gold and silver threads." In about 1621
(in the 16th year of his reign), he states: "... I
presented my son Shahriyar with a jewelled
charqab (coat), with a turban and waistbelt (kamar-
band), and two horses, one an Iraqi, with a gold
saddle, and the other a TLirki, with an embroidered
saddle."4

And, in about 1615 (in the 10th year of his reign),

he says: "... On the 5th of the month ten turbans
(chira), ten coats (quba), and ten waistbands
were given to Karon...5"

These random quotes are meant to establish the

sash as a status symbol and increase our curiosity
about what fabrics were used by the court and
manufactured in Mughal India and what the style
of the sash was from decade to decade.

The common feature of all the sashes is the two

free hanging ends with patterns concentrated at
each end. In a brief survey of miniatures of the
Mughal period, one cannot help but notice that the
sashes worn during the period of Jehangir (who
ruled from 1605 to 1627) seem to have been
patterned with motifs in a geometric arrangement.
Those patterned with growing flowering plants in
naturalistic arrangement seem to appear during
the reign of Shah Jahan (1627-1658) and most
often during the reign of Aurangzeb (1658-1707).
Though by no means conclusive, this suggestion
seems to date this latter style to no earlier than
the second half of the 17th century or to a style
begun by Shah Jahan and popularised by
Aurangzeb.

Obviously more work needs to be done on the

styles and patterns of the Mughal Indian sash. All
of them need to have been patterned by a com¬
plex loom mechanism. Were some printed,
painted or embroidered? What influence did the
Mughal sash have on those of other countries?
What were the traditions of the Persian sash and Detail of a sash in the Los Angeles
what styles were contemporary with the Mughal County Museum of Art, L.69.24.173

45
period? What were the traditions of the sash in the facture at this moment seems quite possible. State¬
ancient near East and how did they develop into ments to this effect have been made generally on
the sashes we have been discussing? the basis of pattern and vary from scholar to
scholar. Persia as an alternative attribution raises
We have often remarked that a structure or weav¬ the question as to who was weaving what and
ing technique is less subject to change than mo¬ where and at what time. To date, not enough re¬
tifs and patterns. The former may survive wars search has been done on the structures and pat¬
and change of dynasty whereas the latter may
terns of woven fabrics (not necessarily sashes)
change suddenly according to personal whim. The
attributed to either country to be able to confirm
structure-combination of two structures with four
areas of manufacture. We have begun to note a
sets of elements: 3/1 twill and plain weave, may
variety of fabrics each with a twill face patterned
be one of long duration. Are there fabrics having
by several colours including large amounts of
this structure earlier than these sashes for which,
metal — this group of sashes being but one of the
as we have explained, it is so well suited? On the
types, it is our hope that this discussion will at
basis of the colours and drawing of the motifs of
least establish a group which in time might be
one of the sashes in the Heeramaneck collection
contrasted with an analysis of the structures of
in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art
another group. Only in this way will we arrive at a
(L.69.24.173) and the ends of what was probably
sensible conclusion. Concerning these sashes, we
a sari in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, we would
can say — be they short, extra long, plain or splen¬
extend the use of this structure into the 19th cen¬
did, woven or painted, tied or untied — they seem
tury.
to have been worn proudly by Shahs, herdsmen,
The attribution of India as the country of manu¬ civil servants, as well as by ladies of the harem.

FOOTNOTES

1. We wish to thank Mrs. Mary Kahlenberg, Curator Indian Sashes of King Gustauus Adolphus", Journal of
of Costumes and Ttextiles, for providing us with an opportu¬ Indian Tfextile History, number IV Ahmedabad, 1959, p. 69.
nity to study the following sashes in the Heeramaneck
3. Jehangir, The Memoirs of Jehangir, translated by Rogers
Collection in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art.
and Beveridge, Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1909, Vol. 1,
2. Fabrics of this type have also been called girdles, waist¬ p. 384.
bands, kamarbands or patkas. We have chosen the word
4. Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 202-3
sash which today has a more general connection. For a
discussion of the word sash, see: Irwin John, "A note on the 5. Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 290

46
Naksha Bandhas of Banaras
PupulJaykar

The history of textile design in India, though ob¬

scure, is of considerable interest, particularly in
relation to the origin of the art of naksha making
and the place it has occupied in the development
of ornament.

The earliest records of the use of ornament in

textiles is in the Satapata Brahmanas where enu¬
merating the various deities who preside over sec¬
tions of cloth worn at the time of the yagna, ritual,
alankar, or ornament is mentioned and the

Originally published in the Journal of India Textile History

of the Calico Museum of "textiles, Ahmedabad. Reprinted with
the Kind permission of the author and the Calico Museum.

47
 nakshatras, the planets, are recorded as the pre¬
siding deities of this element of the cloth. Kau-
tilya's Arthashastra, writing of the royal workshops
for weaving set up in the court of Chandragupta
Maurya, gives details of the various functions in
existence for the manufacture of fine garments
for the royal wordrobe. Fine spinners and weavers
are mentioned and the great praise and encour¬
agement given to those artisans by the gifts of oil,
anjan for the eyes, scent, flower garlands and other
adornments. There is, however, no mention of any
designer or naksha maker, and it is obvious that
the ornamental cloths which were woven at this
time, introduced design into the cloth not by any
mechanical contrivance but by a process similar
to that practised in the patola, tie-dye or double
ikat of Patan in Qujarat, or in the methods used
to this day for weaving ornamental butas in the
cotton jamdanis of Tbnda as well as in the elabo¬
rate border designs of Paithan, the ancient Pra-
tishthan.

An examination of the Paithan type of weaving of

ornament reveals the same use as in the jamdani
cottons, of tiny bobbins, one for each ornament
along the weft. The process is akin to embroidery,
and no mechanical contrivance or naksha is used
to manipulate the warp threads in order to pro¬
duce the design.

This raises the question as to the origin of the art

of naksha making and the place it has occupied
in the development of ornament. It is likely that
naksha bandhas or designers familiar with the art
of producing integrated patterns in various
colours with the use of mechanical contrivances,
were brought to this country in the time of Muham-
med TUghlak. Tradition in Banaras, the main cen¬
tre where the naksha bandha tradition prevails,
indicates that the Muslim invaders from Central
Asia brought in their wake Iranian naksha band¬
has who were great masters of the art of tying
designs on to the loom. The memoirs of a Damas¬
cus traveller — Shahab-ud-din Abdul Abbas-
Ahmed who came from Egypt to this country in
the reign of Muhammed Tughlak (A.D. 1325-
Previous Page 1350) mention1: "The Sultan keeps in his service
Naksha tying for brocades, Varanasi 500 manufacturers of golden tissues, who weave
The art of creating the thread the gold brocades worn by the wives of the Sultan,
Jacquard, jaia, in Varanasi, is an
and given away as presents to the Amirs and their
ancient technique. It has been used
from the Pre-Mughal period and wives."
continues to be used even today for
raising the warp threads so as to The great interest taken by Zain-ul-Abidin, ruler of
facilitate the weaving of brocades. Kashmir (A.D. 1420-70) in the textile arts is men¬
The late Aii Hasan was one of the tioned in the Jain Rajtarangini. It records that in
finestjala makers and the tradition
is being continued by his son seen his time master craftsmen "adept in original de¬
here working on a frame traditionally signs regarding him as the Wishing Tree
used for creating the jala.

48
came from long distances like swarming black eighth century found at Mandasor, recording the
bees." The local artisan weavers of Kashmir learnt building of a temple to the Sun by the silk weavers
the art of introducing new designs through the from Gujarat.
use of the naksha from these great craftsmen.
There is a further record of the extraordinary qual¬ Hafeez Ali Hasan mentioning the tradition associ¬
ity of these elaborate designs — "the painters ated with the origin of naksha making says:
seeing the patterns (chitra) and creeper designs
(■latlkritih) obtained by intricate weaving process "The first human being to appear on the earth
(vichitravtyana) are reduced to silence as the fig¬ was Hazrat Adim Ali Salam who started the
ures in a painting."2 work in agriculture. After him his elder son
Hazrat Shish Paigamber Ali Salam invented
Further light on the naksha bandhas is to be found the art of weaving and this is why even today
in the Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl. It is likely that a all those who start to learn this art first offer
large number of foreign naksha bandhas came to FATEHA in the name of Hazrat Shish Paigam¬
teach new techniques to the local weavers in the ber Ali Salam. During the year either 708 or
Imperial workshops set up by the Emperor Akbar 718 Hijari corresponding to the vear A.D.
at Lucknow, Agra, Fatehpur and Ahmedabad. 1288 or 1298, was born a big WALI named
There is mention in the Ain-i-Akbari of a Ghias-i Hazrat Khwaja Bahauddin and he invented
Naqshband. Ghias was born at Yazd and it is re¬ the art of making naksha and since then he
corded that the world had not seen a weaver like has given the title of Hazrat Khwaja Bahaud¬
him. Besides he was reputed to be a great poet. din Naksha-Band Bokhari Rahamtulla Alia.
He was reputed to have brought a piece of The art of naksha-bandi so originated con¬
"mushajjar" brocade to Shah Abbas (1585-1629) tinued to be in existence since then and all
on which there was among other figures, that of those who wish to become disciples in the
a bear between some trees. art of making naksha-bandi have necessarily
to offer FATEHA in the name of Khwaja
Today Banaras is one of the most important weav¬ Bahauddin Saheba Nakshaband and then
ing centres where naksha bandhas function. So only adopt such a title. Khwaja Bahauddin
skilful are the craftsmen that their services are Saheb Nakshaband died during the year 791
requisitioned from distant parts and it is they who Hijari or A.D. 1371, and his Mausoleum
tie the design for the silk and brocade weavers of (Nazar Sharif) is in Bokhara. It may be possi¬
Surat as well as for the intricate gold and enamel ble to trace out further history if someone
weavers of Chanderi. goes and contacts the descendants and dis¬
ciples of his gaddi."
Mr. Yusuf Ali in his monograph on the silk fabrics
produced in the North-Western Provinces and The specimens of traditional designs in the pos¬
Oudh mentions two noteworthy naksha bandhas session of Hasan Ali show that the designs were
of Banaras — Tbjamul Hussain and Muhammed first made with steel pens on abrak, mica. These
Hussain, both of whom had been to the Empire designs were of the actual size required on the
of India Exhibition of 1895-96. fabric. They were permanent records kept by the
master designers. The actual naksha which was
A recent enquiry in Banaras from Shri Hafiz Ali tied on to the loom was an arrangement of threads
Hasan who belongs to one of the most important built in such a fashion that by fixing it on the loom,
hereditary naksha bandha families gave the fol¬ the weaver was enabled to lift the required warp
lowing information on the history and legends threads to form the desired design on the fabric.
associated with naksha making. He traced the in¬ This was used on the Indian system of harness.
troduction of silk weaving into Benares to a great The naksha-bandha first determined the construc¬
fire which took place in Gujarat in A.D. 1300. He tion of the fabric, i.e. the number of warp and weft
maintains that weavers, to escape the big fire, fled threads per inch. From this he calculated the total
to various regions and settled in Delhi, Agra, Be¬ number of warp ends and picks on which the
nares, Madras and Ajmer. It is strange how tradi¬ design repeats. The design was then divided
tion links most silk weaving centres with an asso¬ equally by drawing parallel lines vertically and hori¬
ciation with Gujarat. This is so with regard to the zontally. The number of sections were a measure
silk weavers of Murshidabad as well as the "Sau- of the number of ends and picks required in the
rashtros" of South India. That migration of silk repeat. Thus each section repeated a certain num¬
weavers took place from Gujarat from the earliest ber of warp and weft threads. The design was now
times is established by the inscriptions of the ready for preparing the naksha.

49
 The process of making naksha in Ba
naras*
Haksha may be defined as the indigenous equip¬
ment to weave complicated designs on hand-
looms. It takes the position of the Jacquard of
modern weaving, but is reduced to simplicity since
the whole equipment consists only of a group of
threads and no complicated moving parts. The
whole idea is to weave one complete design in a
group of threads and duplicate it on the fabric
wherever it is required by attaching these threads
to the loom and to the threads of the fabric in a
suitable way.

1. Winding the naksha String on a Parita

The naksha string is a strong multistrand one
usually made locally. It is available in hanks and
is known as pindi. The hank is opened out and
separated for winding. This is done by placing it
on, what is called a swift (natai). From the swift it
is transferred on to a swift of a different shape
called parita.

2. Warping the Narba String

From the parita the strings are arranged side by
side. The parita is placed on the floor and the
naksha maker pulls out the string and winds it
diagonally on two sticks driven in the ground at a
distance of 40 to 42 inches (100 to 105 cms). if
the design requires 400 threads, which is calcu¬
lated depending upon the size of the design and
the type of yarn used and the number of threads
of yarn required per inch of the cloth, that is the
number wound on these two sticks.

3. Putting a Lease Thread

It is important that these threads should not en¬
tangle. It should be possible for one to take out
these threads in successive order i.e. First one,
second, third one, etc. For doing this, a lease
thread is attached.

4. Tying up the Naksha Threads in the Mid¬

dle
The naksha threads are tied in the middle to pre
vent the threads from becoming loose and giving
way during the succeeding processes.

5. The naksha is Finally to be supported in a verti¬

cal form. Therefore, a bamboo stick is used to
Ganga-Jamuna brocade, Varanasi,
which all these naksha threads are tied individu¬
19th century
ally or sometimes in groups of 4, 8, etc. The loops
A rich brocade from Varanasi woven
are taken so that the strings are Fixed Firmly. One
in thick silk as yardage to be used
for making garments. (Collection: person takes out each thread in succession and
C.L. Bharany.) hands it over to the other man who ties the knot.

50
6. The Naksha-making Frame will also be divided vertically into a definite num¬
ber of parts. For each vertical division a definite
The frame is made in dimensions to suit different
number of kheva threads are also put. It is clear
sizes of naksha. Generally the naksha maker sits
that in each division of the traced design there
on the floor and does the work.
will be only a part of the design. This part of the
design is transferred into the corresponding divi¬
7. Fixing the Bamboo Stick sions of the naksha thread by the naksha maker
The bamboo stick as mentioned in 5 above, has by using his needle. By mere practice he knows
now all the naksha threads fixed with it. It is to be that for a particular line or for a small square or
fixed to the na/csha-making frame on to one side. for a dot how many threads are to be lifted or
lowered in the naksha threads. Different weaves
like twills and satins are also introduced by the
8. Arranging the Maksha Threads
naksha maker to bring out the design and to bind
One end of all the naksha threads is fixed to the the threads to give a firm texture. This process
bamboo stick which in turn is fixed to the na/csha- continues till the whole design is completed.
making frame, how the other end remains. This
is also fixed to the opposite side of the frame
11. Looping the Kheva
tightly by the naksha maker. Here the threads will
be in small groups at irregular intervals. If they The loop is to be made in every kheva thread so
are at irregular intervals, it would be difficult for that it may be supported by a string later on.
the naksha maker to pick up each thread to make
the naksha. In order to arrange each thread at 12. Introducing a Separate Thread (Nathia)
regular intervals a process called putting the
"shivren" is adopted. This is simply twisting an¬ A separate thread is introduced through every
other thread round each of the naksha threads in kheva thread.
such a way that all the naksha threads are laid
side by side at regular intervals. This is done at 13. Setting up the Naksha on the Loom
both sides of the frame so that the spaces be¬
tween each thread of the naksha are the same at The loom is first to be set up by tying the paggia
thread or horizontal threads. There will be as many
both ends.
paggia threads as there are naksha threads. Each
naksha thread and end is tied to a corresponding
9. Tying up of Kheva Threads
paggia thread. Two people are generally required
The kheva threads are tied on to another thread for this work. When all the naksha threads are tied
by the side of the naksha threads in groups. These to the paggia thread the loom is ready for starting
are tied in groups so that the naksha maker can the work.
pick each thread conveniently rather than taking
one thread individually at every time. These 14. When there are a number of nakshas with a
threads, since they are in groups, are liable to get weaver he usually stores them by affixing a tag.
themselves entangled. So a lease is put for these
threads as well.
15. Duplicating the Nakshas
10. For starting the design a tracing is placed in When a number of looms have to be worked on
front. This traced design is divided into a definite the same design it is not necessary that for each
number of parts longitudinally. The naksha loom a sepaarate naksha is to be made. When one
threads are also divided into exactly the same naksha is made it can be duplicated. The origi¬
number of divisions, this being marked by the nal one is tied in a vertical way and attached to
colouring of naksha threads at intervals. For ex¬ horizontal threads of equal number. The interlac¬
ample, if the original design is divided into 20 ing arrangement of the vertical threads is trans¬
parts, there should be 20 coloured threads in the ferred to the horizontal threads by lifting the verti¬
naksha which divides the whole group of naksha cal threads by taking out the kheva. Any number
threads into 20 equal divisions. The traced design of nakshas can be duplicated from one original.

51
 Indian Velvets
Jasleen Dhamija

Velvets woven with lustrous silk pile and gold

thread were among the most sumptuous prod¬
ucts of the loom. Their heavy texture, rich colours
and the subtlety with which the colours changed
in different lights made them the most suitable
material for use as drapery in rich courtly sur¬
roundings.

The fact that velvet could effectively be combined

with gold thread embroidery made it a favourite
material for the use of royalty and also as robes
of honour, khilit Equally it was coveted by those

This monograph was prepared for the Calico Museum of Tfex-

tiles, Ahmedabad, in 1971 and remains unpublished. It is
published here with the Kind permission of Calico Museum.

52
who could afford it for use as curtains, canopies,
hangings and floor covers. Its softness made it
specially suitable for cushions.

Examples of Indian velvets are very rare. Those

which are available so far belong to the Mughal
period. These velvets are of a very fine quality and
distinctive style, and appear to be products of the
culmination of a technique and style practised
over an extended period. During the time of Akbar
the Great, velvets of very fine quality were being
woven in India and could be compared with the
finest brocaded velvets of Kashan and Herat.1 It
is likely that velvets were being woven in India
before the Mughals and might originally have been
introduced into Western India by the Arabs,
through the Tiraz factories which were a part of
the Arab court organisation during the medieval
period.2

The earliest mention of velvets in India is by an

Arab geographer of the 9th century3 when he talks
of the kingdom of Rahma — identified by Eliot
and Dawson4 as a kingdom in Bengal, but most
likely was a kingdom in Gujarat judging from the
description of the bordering kingdoms with whom
it was constantly embroiled in battles. He writes
of the wealth of the kingdom and mentions, along
with 500 elephants, fine velvet cloths, al-kham-
liyat5.

Later, in the early 10th century another Arab ge¬

ographer even mentions places of velvet manu¬
facture. These are given as Kalhin and Jalhandar,6
identified as a town in Central India and Jullundur
of Punjab, respectively. Here garments of velvets,
thiyab makhmal, are specifically mentioned.

After this period, mentions of velvets being pro¬

duced in India are rare. We know, however, that
velvet was an important product for trade and a
brisk demand existed for it. During the 14th cen¬
tury, in the court of Mohammed TUghlak at Delhi
there was a court manufactory employing thou¬
sands of craftsmen.7 The craftsmen wove, em¬
broidered, made garments and robes of honour,
as also articles to be presented to other courts.
One of the materials being woven in Delhi was
khazz. This has been identified as "plushy velvet
material made of silk and wool."8

Opposite Page
During this period Ma Huan, a Chinese traveller,9
also visited India. In the detailed account of his Voided velvet, late 19th century

travels, he lists a number of goods manufactured The pattern of a boteh is worked in

velvet against a twill background of
in India which include important textiles from Ben¬
silk and gold. The gold pattern has
gal, one of which has been identified as velvets been worked into an unusual
made from cotton.10 It is interesting that this type assymetrical surround.

53
of velvet made from cotton and coming from the the literary evidence of the early origin of velvet
Eastern region finds a place in the list of different found in local records, the bahikhatas, account
types of velvets mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari books, of the states as well as in the descriptions
which were purchased for the royal household of the travellers to India.
and is listed as the cheapest available velvet.11
Technique
In Dr. Moti Chandra's12 study of textiles of the Without a full discussion of the technique of weav¬
Sultanate period, references to velvets are com¬ ing velvets, no study can be complete. The techni¬
mon in the stock list of textiles compiled by que of velvet weaving is complicated and since
Gujarati and Rajasthani writers of the 14th and velvets, as they were woven upto the beginning of
15th centuries. The words kathivu and katipba are the century, are no longer being woven in India or
obviously derived from the Arab word for velvets Persia, it would be of interest to make a detailed
al-katifa. Two types of kathivu are described — study of the different techniques used in the weav¬
one a patani and phirangi. The phirangi is the ing of velvets.
European velvet while patani possibly refers to the
ikat velvet woven in Western India for use as hang¬ The most distinctive feature of velvet as a fabric
ings, cushion covers and spreads, and can be seen is its pile. This is composed of tufts and cut
in the Calico Museum collection (accession No. threads which stand from the fiat surface of the
1364). ground cloth, similar in appearance to the pile
produced by carpet weavers. There is however a
Western India had a tradition of velvet weaving, technical difference: the carpet weavers produced
and Ahmedabad is mentioned as an important a pile by knotting separate threads to the warp,
velvet producing centre.13 Cambay is also referred velvet weavers produced a pile as an integral part
to as a place for the weaving of a variety of textiles of the weave by placing extra warp threads below
and coloured velvet of poor quality; "myutos ve- the main warp.
lads beix pintados" which translated freely would
mean "cheap painted velvets.14 This refers to the While preparing the loom for velvet weaving, an
plain velvets of a poor quality woven in Gujarat extra warp running parallel to the foundation warp
and stencilled or hand-painted with gold colour was laid on a separate beam, placed below the
similar to the style of hanging of the Mughal pe¬ beam of the foundation warp. While starting a new
riod, carrying tree patterns or the portrait of Akbar piece of velvet, a small section was woven in plain
which can be seen in the Calico Museum (acces¬ tabby or satin weave, whichever was being used
sion No. 704) and in the Jaipur City Palace Mu¬ for preparing the foundation cloth. After this, the
seum's collections of tents and awnings. extra warp thread was raised and a thin rod with
a groove on the top, known as a pile wire, was
The fact that very few textiles earlier than the introduced. The extra warp was then lowered and
Mughal period have survived in India is possibly the weft was woven in closely and beaten down
due to several reasons. The contrasts of climate, so as to tie the extra warp pile to the foundation
from extreme dryness to the humid monsoon cloth. Normally three lines of weft were woven in
weather, would easily affect textiles. The uncer¬ and another pile wire was introduced by raising
tainty of the times, the wars with its attending the extra warp. This process was repeated until
pillage and arson and destruction must have led three or four pile wires had been introduced where¬
to a wide loss of textiles as well. Further, India had upon the loops of the earlier pile wires were cut
not previously attached much value to old textiles with the help of a sharp knife, trevette, which fitted
and the question of conservation and preserva¬ into the groove of the pile wire. This was the basic
tion did not arise. The only value seen was in the technique for weaving of single colour plain vel¬
silver and gold threads used in the weaving. Until vets.
very recently many collections in old princely
states have been lost by being burnt for the silver Later, refinements were added to velvet weaving
and gold content of the heavily worked gold thread by varying the techniques. One variation was the
kalabatun, which used originally to be pure silver weaving of figured velvets through introducing
wire covered with real gold. Today if textiles have different colours in the extra warp. Here it was
been preserved in India, they could be perhaps necessary to have a separate beam for each colour
found in some of the Jain bhandars, as book cov¬ or a creel with — multiple extra warp threads on
ers and wrappers. It is possible that a thorough separate bobbins, each weighted down with metal
study of the book-covers might reveal some early pieces thus controlling the let-off. The figured vel¬
covers of the pre-Mughal period, substantiating vet was mastered in Persia, where they developed

54
a technique of introducing a variety of colours This technique was found in Persia, Central Asia
even while weaving the fabric, by twisting the extra and in India.
warp threads with the basic warp thread of the
ground material. A simple harness with the use The technique employed in Indian velvets as seen
of cords or a Jacquard device was used for pro¬ in various collections as well as important muse¬
ducing the design in different colours of the velvet ums in India and abroad was essentially single
pile. colour plain velvets woven with a cotton warp,
cotton weft and silk pile or silk warp, silk weft and
Voided velvet was another interesting variation. silk pile. The second kind is velvets with woven
Here the pile was produced in selected sections patterns on the surface, of which only a few pieces
of the material while the other areas were left have been identified so far. Most of them carry
void. The voided section generally carried extra only two to three coloured extra warp threads since
weft gold thread twisted over silk or gilded paper, the colour variations are few. The weaves in the
lame. Voided velvets also had variations: in one case of plain velvet and the patterned velvets are
variety, motifs were worked in different coloured generally satin.
silk pile while the background was of plain foun¬
dation cloth covered with gold thread laid down The personage velvet to be seen in the national
by being woven into the background material. Museum, Hew Delhi, and the County Museum of
This gave a rich gold effect. In some Indian vel¬ Art, Los Angeles, are distinctive pieces and need
vets and especially in Chinese velvets, the voided to be discussed separately. The controversial vel¬
area carried brocaded patterns worked in gold vet piece at the Royal Ontario Museum (No.
thread. This was a complicated process since bro¬ 962.60.1) with embroidered additions which has
cades were normally woven from the reverse side been accepted so far as Persian, needs to be re¬
whereas velvets were woven face upwards. The analysed since the treatment of figures, of the
handling of brocaded patterns being worked with floral motif, the overall movement in the design
extra weft threads, along with velvet patterns, with of the pieces, as well as the quality of the kala-
the use of multiple extra warps, required total batun, gold thread, are indicators that it is from
mastery over the weaving techniques. This style India rather than Persia.
was developed very effectively in India during the
Mughal period. In the second variety of voided The most important variety of velvets of the
velvets, the background was worked in one colour Mughal period are the voided velvets. From a de¬
velvet pile with a larger motif worked in different tailed analysis of the velvets, it has been found
coloured pile' only selected areas, such as the that practically each piece varies in its technique.
centres of flowers or other smaller details were The common factor is that most of them have
kept voided and worked in gold thread. This style been woven with the use of the satin weave and
was commonly found in the Turkish velvets pro¬ by using two to three extra wefts of silk. The extra
duced in Bursa. weft gold thread has often been laid with the twill
weave since many of the pieces have the gold
Yet another variation was known as terry. Here, thread intact. Only a few of the earlier pieces,
sections of woven loops were left uncut and oth¬ possibly belonging to the end of Akbar's reign and
ers had a cut pile. This created a contrast of tex¬ the beginning of Jehangir's, have gold thread laid
ture and a seeming variation in colour though on loosely with a satin weave, with the result that
only one colour was used for the weaving. The most of the gold thread has come apart from the
overall effect was monochromatic. Stamped vel¬ foundation material.
vets were another variety. Here, on a plain single
colour velvet, the pattern was created by depress¬
ing areas with the use of pressure. Both of these
styles created a variation in single coloured vel¬
vets and were mostly to be found in Italian or
Japanese velvets.

Ikat velvets form an important variation. Here the

extra warp thread was tied and dyed so that the
pattern emerged in different colours as the extra
warp thread was woven in loops and cut. The
outline of the design was correspondingly hazy.

55
For weaving the motifs, the drop repeat pattern is ateliers since he was unable to rule India undis¬
used so that the multiple extra warp threads can turbed. His period of exile in the court of Shah
be laid down in variations of three to four colours Abbas in Persia made him aware of the large num¬
in stripes and make the weaving easier. ber of painters, textile designers and craftsmen
who worked under the direct patronage of the
The ikat velvet pieces which have been located so great Shah of Persia. Humayun was responsible
far and can be identified as Indian are similar in for bringing along with him some of the court
style to the mashru being woven in Western India. painters of Shah Abbas and settling them in India.
Some of the ikat velvet pieces have cotton warp It is probably during his times that the Mughal
and cotton weft for the basic foundation and this style of miniatures which blended the Indian tradi¬
may have been prepared specially for the con¬ tion with the Persian was developed.
servative Muslim who did not use silk thread next
to the skin. It was during the reign of Akbar that the large
workshops attached to the court were developed
There are a number of descriptions in the bahi and he took personal interest in the organisation
khatas, the account books of the Rajasthan states,
and development of the craft traditions. Akbar was
to another style similar to the voided velvets made fully conversant with the situation of crafts in
in Turkey. Here the design is woven all over the other countries and knew of the status enjoyed by
surface with the introduction of coloured pile.
well-known master-weavers in Persia. The Ain-i-
Only a small section of the material was left
Akbari mentions that Akbar was acquainted with
voided. One velvet piece of this style carrying
the world of Persia's master brocade-designer,
lotus flowers all over the surface was in a private
Giyatyad-Din Ali Haqshband of Yazd, who was a
collection in Bikaner and was made of four
man of considerable wealth, a poet, a collector of
lengths of material stitched together with a woven
precious art objects, and a privileged member of
border, a central band and smaller side bands
Shah Abbas's court.19 The Ain-i-Akbari also men¬
running on ail four sides of the velvet. This velvet
tions that Akbar received textiles signed by
accorded exactly with descriptions found in the
Giyatyad-Din Ali Haqshband as a part of the pre¬
bahi khatas of the Udaipur household.15
sents received from the Persian court.20

The earliest dated velvet is in the Jaipur City

Palace Museum collection and has an all-over re¬ During the time of Akbar, master-craftsmen were
peat pattern of a flowering shrub in two colours, invited from important centres outside India to
woven on a yellow ground. The original label, still come and work in his royal karkhanas and settle in
attached to the velvet, is dated 1605. The piece India. The conditions of service offered to them
has been woven with a silk warp, a silk weft and were an inducement to make India their home. It
three extra warp silks threads which produce the was because of this fact that some of the best
pattern. The velvet is a typical example of Jehan- weavers from Turkey and Iran settled in India and
gir's period when there was a preoccupation with mingled with Indian craftsmen who had an excel¬
detailed studies of flowers, birds and animals, and lent tradition of textiles. In a short period the pro¬
is very important in analysing the techniques and ducts of the royal workshop could compete with
stylisations prevalent during the period. the very best. This can be seen in the description
of products from different centres given in the Ain-
in-Akbari:
Mughal Velvets
The organisation and development of court crafts
was initiated in a grand manner during the reign A. Gold stuffs
of Akbar. Babar, though he conquered India, did Brocaded velvet (Nakhmalai Zarbaft) from
not really belong here. He was an alien and things Yazd per piece 15 to 150 Nohurs.
that were Indian irritated him:16 the people were Brocaded velvet from Europe per piece 10 to
uncouth; their way of life was uncultured and even 70 Nohurs.
the melons were not sweet! He however accepted Brocaded velvet from Gujarat per piece 10 to
one aspect as a boon to his ambitions as builder 50 Nohurs.
of an empire — there were a number of craftsmen Brocaded velvet from Kashan per piece 10 to
available in India who could adapt their skills to 40 Nohurs.
the needs of the patron.17 Brocaded velvet from Hirat per piece 10 to 40
Nohurs.
Humayun, a man of great sensitivity, with a love Brocaded velvet from Lahore per piece 10 to
for beauty,18 was never able to develop his court 40 Nohurs.

56
B. Silks, etc. wealth and riches are wonderful. That are to be
Plain velvet from Europe per yard 1 to 4 seen in the taking and setting forth of every man's
Mohurs. room or place where he lodgeth. Whence it his
Velvet from Kashan per piece 2 to 7 Mohurs. turn to watche for every noble-man hath his place
Velvet from Yazd per piece 2 to 4 Mohurs. appointed him in the palace. In the midst of the
Velvet from Mashhad per piece 2 to 4 Mohurs. spacious place, I bespoke of, there is rich tent
Velvet from Hirat per piece 1.1/2 to 3 Mohurs. pitched but so rich that I think the like cannot be
Velvet from Khafi per piece 2 to 4 Mohurs. found in the world. This tent is curiously wrought
Velvet from Lahore per piece 2 to 4 Mohurs. and hath many semianas (shamiyanas — cano¬
Velvet from Gujarat per yard 1 to 2 rupees. pies) joining round about it of most curiously
Qatifa-yi-1 Purabi per yard 1 to 1.1/2 rupees. wrought velvet, embroidered with gold and many
of them are of cloth of gold and silver. This sham-
From this list it is clear that by Akbar's time velvets nas put shaddowes to keep the sun from the com-
were being woven in India in Gujarat, Lahore, East¬ passe of.At least two acres of ground so richly
ern India and possibly Bengal. Good quality spread with silk and gold carpets and hangings
voided velvets, Makhmalai Zarbaft, were produced in the velvets imbroydered with gold, peris and
in Gujarat and Lahore and could compare favour¬ precious stones."
ably with those of Kashan which was then an im¬
portant velvet producing centre. The royal work¬
There is also an interesting reference to voided
shop was located in Lahore and produced excel¬
velvets with a gold background in the early travels
lent quality brocaded velvets. It was only in the
of Edward Tferry25 (1616-19) in which he talks of
plain velvets that the quality of European and Per¬
a coach presented by the East India Company to
sian velvets was superior to those being woven in
Jehangir:
India.

References to the specific uses of velvets also "The coach sent was lined within with crimson
became more frequent. In the Ain-in-Akbari, while China velvet' which when the Mughal took notice
describing the encampments of journeys, say- of, he told the Ambassador that he wondered that
abans, awnings, of gold embroidered brocade and the King of England would trouble himself so
velvet are mentioned. The inside of tents was or¬ much as to send into China for velvet. Eng¬
namented with brocade and velvet. The demand land's King had much better velvet near home.
in India, we learn was for "some velvets wrought And immediately after, the Mogol caused that
with gold" and "good velvets, to wit, crimsons, coach to be taken to pieces and another made by
purples, reds, greens and blacks."21 In a descrip¬ it. then pulling out all the China velvet. put
tion of the court in 1616, Sir Thomas Roe22 de¬ a very rich stuff the ground silver wrought all over
scribed the scene: ".before the throne the prin¬ in spaces with variety of flowers of silk, excellently
cipal men had erected tents which encompassed well suited for their colours, cut short like a
the court and lined them with velvett, damask and plush. and with a richer stuff than the former
tafety." the ground of gold mingled like the other with
silken flowers."
In another description given by Bernier,231 he de¬
scribes the King giving audience "under a spa¬ This is one of the finest descriptions of voided
cious canopy of velvet." He also records visiting a velvets being produced by the yard in India, hav¬
Fine house in Delhi where "each mattress has a ing a silver or a gold background with the motifs
large cushion of brocade to lean upon and there worked in velvet pile.
are other cushions placed around the room cov¬
ered with brocade velvet of flowered satin."
The fact that the use of velvet was not only con¬
During the reign of Jehangir (1605-1627), velvets fined to the King's court is brought out in
as an item for trade and for use by royalty of the Jehangir's observation — "on the 28th 1 went to
Mughal court as well as of the smaller states came the house of Asaf Khan and this velvet was pre¬
into greater prominence. Hawkins24 gives a sented to me there. From the palace to his house
graphic description of the Fiourouz celebrations: was the distance of about a kos. For half the dis¬
tance he had laid down underfoot velvet woven
"The Emperor (Jehangir) keepeth many visits in with gold and gold brocade and plain velvet, such
the years, riourous which is in honour of the new that its value was represented to me as ten thou¬
year's day. This visit continueth 18 days and the sand rupees."26

57
During the reign of Jehangir, a new custom had velvet decorations in the ceremonies and celebra¬
been introduced in the Rajput states that during tions at the court.
the Raj Tilak ceremony when the prince ascended
his ancestral throne, the special cover for the During the marriage of Maharaja Anoop Singh of
throne for the ceremony was sent by the Emperor Bikaner with the princess of Udaipur held in A.D.
of Delhi. This is brought out in the records of the 164330 a velvet carpet was spread for the bride
Rajasthan states of that period. The first reference which was green in colour and carried pink flow¬
is found in the Bahi of Raj Tilak of Sur Singhji of ers and a golden border. This spread was then
Bikaner 1671 Bikrami Samvat (A.D. 1614)"27 The presented to the bride on her nuptial night. Dur¬
bahi mentions that Qadowaria Tej Singh brought ing the same occasion when a special religious
a special throne cover of jari roh makhmali ceremony was performed a red velvet curtain was
daree", gold thread worked velvet woven carpet. presented to the local temple as an offering to
For bringing this throne cover he was awarded propitiate the gods to bless the marriage.
1100 rupees and a bigha of land by the Maharaja
as a reward. There is an interesting description of an incident
at a marriage, which gives an indication as to how
The examples of velvets of the Jehangir period valuable velvets were considered. For receiving
available in the City Palace, Museum, Jaipur, the the bridegroom a fine quality velvet was spread
national Museum, Mew Delhi and in the collection on the wooden takht, platform. The bridegroom
of the Calico Museum of Textiles are some of the while standing on the velvet spread was so ena¬
finest and fit in with the description of velvets in moured by it that he tactfully asked the host, the
the writings of the period. It appears that during Rana of Udaipur, if a similar one could be avail¬
this period velvets were also exported out of the able for sale. The host called a conference of his
country, for we find that Sir Thomas Roe mentions ministers to discuss the matter and Finally reluc¬
that the Sultan of an Arab Kingdom at the mouth tantly decided to present the velvet spread to the
of the Red Sea "met us with all his pomp. His bridegroom.31
clothes are of Surat stuff after the Arab manner a
cassock of wrought velvet red and white and In another description of the same period32 the
another of green gold.28. During the reign of Queen Mother of Bikaner, Rani Shri Rajwatji, was
Shah Jehan (1628-1658), the royal workshop con¬ approached by the family priest who had per¬
tinued to produce fine quality textiles and from formed a special puja, worship, of Shri Ganesh,
the records of the Rajasthan states besides Delhi, asking for a gold worked velvet carpet, makhmal
Agra, Lahore, Ahmedabad and Surat, Jaipur is re¬ zari roh galicho. The Queen Mother explained that
ferred to as a centre for the production of fine she herself had no velvet carpet to sit on, leave
quality velvets. alone one to give away in charity. Since however
the brahmin had to be appeased, specially after
The decorations of the Red Fort for its inaugura¬ his conducting a puja to Shri Ganesh, the Queen
tion were more sumptuous and the court decora¬ Mother presented him with 378 gold Mohurs and
tions richer during the reigns of Shah Jehan than 27 gold brocade pieces, kim khab than.
even the descriptions given in the Jehangir pe¬
riod.29 There is a description of the Diwan-ai-Am Velvets thus were used as canopies, walls of tents,
(the hall of public audience) decorated with the kanat, seat covers, floor spreads for receiving spe¬
rarest textiles. "Its compartments and rooms were cial visitors, door curtains, as well as palanquin
decorated with curtains of gold embroidery and covers. From the lavish manner in which the pal¬
velvets." A large shamiana, canopy, 70 yards in aces of the kings and the nobles were decorated,
length and 45 yards in width was specially pre¬ it is obvious that a fairly large amount of velvet
pared at Ahmedabad at the cost of a lakh of rupees must have been produced in a number of centres
and was erected in the Red Fort with the help of in India as well as imported from outside.
3,000 people. By the side of this tent were similar
canopies of makhmalai zarbaft supported by sil¬
ver and gold pillars. The royal throne was also With the weakening of the Mughal empire, the
decorated with makhmalai zarbaft royal karkhanas lost their patronage. In fact dur¬
ing Aurangzeb's time (1658-1707) a number of
After the period of Shah Jehan, references to vel¬ special craftsmen in the royal karkhanas had been
vets are to be found in the records of Rajput states dispersed, but they found patrons amongst the
and these convey the importance that was at¬ rajas and nawabs of smaller states which were
tached to them and the role that was played by the becoming more dominant and wealthy with the

58
decline of power in the centre. Forster who visited The techniques of producing velvets which re¬
India during the end of the 18th century gives a quired a high degree of skill deteriorated very fast,
very clear picture of the situation.33 The native the finest quality was possibly from the reign of
princes and chiefs.afforded constant employ¬ Akbar to the end of Shah Jehan's reign in 1658.
ment to a vast number of indigenous manufac¬ Only a limited number of craftsmen continued to
tures, who supplied their masters with gold and work on velvets and the deterioration of velvets
silver stuffs, flowered and plain muslins, a diver¬ by the 19th century can be seen in some of the
sity of beautiful silk and other articles of Asiatic dated 19th century album covers in the City Pal¬
luxury." lie however goes to on to say that during ace Museum, Jaipur. The Delhi Exhibition of Crafts
this period, because of the courts' "constant strife conducted during the second half of the 19th cen¬
and struggle for power many branches of rare tury, which covered all the crafts practised in the
manufacturers have evidently declined and some country, does not include velvets nor is there any
of the most precious are now no longer known. mention of this technique in the survey of arts and
The distracted and impoverished conditions have crafts carried out at the end of the 19th century.
lessened the great demand which was made by The weaving of velvets therefore ended with the
those States." fall of the Mughal empire.

FOOTNOTES

1. Abu-al-Fazl Ain a Akbari translated by H. Blochmann and 17. Ibid

Col. H.S. Jarret, 2nd edition, Calcutta, 1927-49.
18. (i) Ishwari Prasad. The Life and Times of Humayun, Cal¬
2. (i) Sergeant R.B., Islamic textiles "Ars Islamica, Vol. 16 cutta, 1955

. (ii) For details see Masudi Murudj-al Dhanabhu, AD. 943 . (ii) Gulbadan Begum. Humayun Hama. Translated by A.
(322 Hjjri) Beveridge from TUrki, London

3. Ibn Khurdazabah (A.D. 826-912) as quoted by Elliot and 19. Pope A.V. History of Persian Art, vol. II
Dawson. History of India as told by its own Historians, 8 20. Abu-al-Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari. Op. cit.
vol., London, 1867-1877.
21. Edwards M.A. Letter written on 8th August 1566 and 16th
4. Ibid June 1567. Principal navigations. Hakluyt series, Vol. Ill
5. Ibid 22. Foster W. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court
6. HadudalAlam. Translated by M. Minorsky, Gibb Memorial of the Great Moghul, Oxford University Press, London,
Series XI, London, 1937 1826

7. Ibn Batuta. Rehla. Misr (Egypt), 2nd edition, AFI 1322. 23. Bernier, Francois, Travels in the Moghul Empire — Trans¬
lated by Archibald Constable, London, 1891
8. Chandra, Moti. Costumes 8r textiles of Sultanate Period,
Journal of Indian Textile History Mo. VI, 1961. 24. Hawkins, William. Early Travels in India, 1608-13 Hakluyt
Series.
9. Geo Phillips "Ma Huan's Account of the Kingdom of Ben¬
gal". Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1895. 25. Tterry, Edward. Voyage to East India, London 1655.

10. Munshi. Cultural History of the People of India, Vol. HI, 26. The TUzuk-i-Jahangirl Translated by Alexander Rogers
and edited by Henry Beveridge, London.
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay
27. Bahi Ray Tilak Sur Singlyi, Bikaner 1671 Bikrami Samvat.
11. Abu-al-Fazl. A. Op. cit.
Uncatalogued record of Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner.
12. Chandra, Moti. Op. cit.
28. Foster W. Op. cit.
13. Hakalyt Series II, vol. XLIV
29. Kahlenberg M.H. The Relationship between a Persian and
14. Barbosa Duarte. The Book of Duarte Barbosa — An Ac¬ an Indian Floral Velvet in the Los Angeles County Mu¬
count of Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and seum, LACM Art Bulletin
their Inhabitants. Translated from Portuguese by M.L.
30. Bahi of Marriage of Maharajah Anup Singh of Bikaner.
Dames, 2 vol., London, 1919-22
V.S. 1710, Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner.
15. Bahi Khatas of Udaipur. Uncatalogued. Rajasthan State, 31. Ibid
Archives, Bikaner
32. Bahi of Raj Tilak of Raja Gaj Singh of Bikaner, A.D. 1729.
16. The Babar Hama: Autobiography of Emperor Babar. T rans- Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner
lated from TUrki by A.S. Beveridge, 2 vol. London, 1912-
33. Forster. A Journey from Bengal to England, 1790
22

59
 Kashmir Shawls
Moti Chandra

The history of shawl-weaving with which the his¬

tory of wollen textiles in this country is closely
associated, is rather obscure. No connected ac¬
count of textile materials except a short notice in
the Arthasastra is available, and for the history of
early Indian textiles we have to depend on casual
references whose interpretations are not wholly
certain. Even in later works such as the Var-
naratnakara and the Ain-i-akbari which give long
lists of textiles, the difficulty of interpretation is
great as the articles are not properly described.
Recently Mr. John Irwin1 in the article on the

Extract from an article published in the Bulletin of the Prince of

Wales Museum, and reprinted with the kind permission of the
author and the museum.

60
Kashmir Shawl has discussed certain interesting
facts about dating the shawls. He has utilised
mainly the European sources some of which are
inaccessible for research in India. Mr. Irwin, how¬
ever, is not certain about the origin of the shawl
industry in India and records the tradition current
in Kashmir of Zain-ul-Abidln (A.D. 1420-70) who
is said to have introduced TUrkestan weavers in
Kashmir for the purpose. Mr. Irwin examines the
possibility that the original Kashmir shawl weav¬
ers might have been immigrants, as certain unique
features of the industry distinguish it from the
traditional weaving in India proper; the most sig¬
nificant is the technique which has a parallel in
Persia and Central Asia but nowhere in the Indo-
Pakistan continent. This is the twill-tapestry tech¬
nique in which the wefts are inserted by means of
floating wooden bobbins, tojis, on a simple loom
without the use of a shuttle. The weft threads
alone form the patterns and do not run the full
width of the cloth, being woven back and forth
round the warp threads only where each particular
colour is needed in the pattern. It is possible that
the technique of twill-tapestry weaving may be of
foreign origin, but whether it was introduced in
India in the 15th century is open to doubt as will
be seen presently.

The earliest information about the woollen fabrics

manufactured in India is available from Vedic lit¬
erature. The references, however, being scanty,
their interpretation at times is doubtful. It is how¬
ever certain that sheep wool was used for spin¬
ning and therefore the sheep was called
umavati2 and the wool avika.5 The valley of
Sindh has been called suvasa umavati 4 be¬
cause sheep's wool and cloth were available there
in plenty. The sheep of Gandhara were famous,5
and the regions through which the Ravi flowed
was noted for its washed or coloured woollen fab¬
rics:6 Pushan is mentioned as a weaver of woolen
fabrics. Kambala, a generic term for blankets and
shawls, appearing for the first time in the Athar-
vaveda7 is according to Pryzluski an Austric loan¬
word in Indo-Aryan.8 Dursha from which probably Opposite Page

dhussa, a rough woollen chadar from the Punjab Kashmir shawl, 19th century
and Kashmir derives its etymology, occurs for the This typical cross border intricately
first time in the Atharvaveda9 but it is difficult to woven Kashmir shawl has the tree of
life motif. At each end are broad
say anything about the form or material used in flowing borders and smaller guard
the manufacture of Vedic dusa. Another fabric borders. The small green edging was
mentioned in the later Samhitas10 and the woven by a separate set of weavers, as
was the end border. The latter is
Brahmanas11 is pandva which the kings wore at similar to the narrow borders used on
the time of sacrifices. The Brihadaranyaka Upani- the dhussa, a self coloured woollen
shad12 mentions pindvavika which was made shawl traditionally worn by men. The
finishing of the shawl is done with
from the sheep's wool and was possibly a woollen multi-coloured pieces joined together
chadar or a shawl. and richly embroidered.

61
It is not Known whether the goats' wool from which tapestry process" — the suchi standing here for
the modern Kashmir shawls are woven was used the toji of modern times. If the second explana¬
in the Vedic period, though the sacred nature of tion is correct then it indicates that even in those
the black antelope skin has been emphasised at ancient days the tilikar process in Kashmir in
many places in Vedic literature.13 which the patterns are woven on the loom and
amllkar process in which the patterns are em¬
Whether the woolen fabrics in the Vedic age were broidered existed. In khachita shawls apparently
patterned is not known. However, there are refer¬ both processes were employed. The commentary
ences to show that brocades were known.14 Per¬ describes vanachitra as vanakarmana kritavaic-
haps arokah15 also expresses some kind of fab¬ hitryam. Apparently in this process, as in the mod¬
ric with decorated borders. Pesas seems to have ern tilikar process, the designs were woven on
been a general term for embroidery16 and needle¬ the loom. The khandasamghatya in the commen¬
work profession.17 tary is described as khachitanam utanam va
bahunam khandanam samg hatena
nispaditam, i.e. the shawl made by joining many
Some interesting information could be gathered
khachita or woven pieces. It is apparently a form
about the woollen fabrics and shawls from Bud¬
of Kashmir shawl in which patterns are woven on
dhist literature and the Mahabharata and the
many strips measuring from twelve to eighteen
Ramayana. It is interesting to note that needle¬
inches; these are either joined to obtain a com¬
work (pesakakara-sippa) was considered to be a
plete pattern or simply attached to a shawl. These
low form of handicraft,18 perhaps it was practised
strips are at times embroidered. The tantuvichch¬
by low caste people. In Punjabi and Hindi even
hinna is described by the commentator as
now dhussa means a rough woollen chadar, but
anutavisrishtaih tantubhih madhya-kritavi-
in Buddhist times it seems to have been a very
chchedyam jalakopayagi cha, i.e. obtaining pat¬
costly shawl. Banaras also seems to have manu¬
terns in the middle by unwoven yarn or a trellis
factured a kind of shawl of mixed fabric in which
pattern. It is possible that the netted border of a
woollen and linen threads were used. Jivaka
Kumarabhritya is said to have received such a shawl made by tying the unwoven ends is meant
shawl as gift from the ruler of /fast.19 It is called here.
addha Rasika-kambala. Buddhaghosa explains
the term /fast* here as equivalent to a thousand It is notable that ranku from whose hair costly
Rarshapanas and thus addhakasiya was a shawl shawls were made has simply been mentioned as
costing five hundred. It is possible that the shawl an animal in the Amarakosa.23 But there is little
had a very light texture as even now very light doubt that ranku is the same as rang or the shawl-
muslin in Hindi is called addhi. Kodumbara.20 goat mentioned several times by Jahangir in his
also produced fine woollen fabrics. If Kodumbara memoirs and also noticed by Wood.24 Thus rank-
and Odumbara are the same then in ancient times ava is the equivalent of modern pashmina or asli-
the region around Pathankot near Amritsar was a tus. Elsewhere it is mentioned that when Hormuzd
great centre of shawl weaving. While discussing II (A.D. 302-310) married the daughter of the king
the variant readings Rochchhairabakahamsalaksha- of Kabul the bride's trousseau containing the
naih in the Saddhatma Pundarika, p.82, verse wonderful products of the looms of Kashmir ex¬
87, Pryzluski restitutes the correct text as Ro- cited admiration.25 But whether Kashmir is actual¬
tamabakairhamsalakshanaih, the Kotambaka ly mentioned in the account could not be verified.
cloth ornamented with figures of geese.21 It shows
that the geese pattern was a favourite motif of the
ancient Audumbara weavers. From the accounts of woollen fabrics and shawls
in ancient India, it is clear that shawl weaving was
The Arthasastra of Kautilya assigned to the not connected with Kashmir; the industry seems
Maurya period contains some interesting informa¬ to have flourished in Swat, the North-Western Fron¬
tion about woollen textiles, blankets and shawls.22 tier Province, Punjab, etc. There is very little mate¬
Woollen fabrics, avika, were usually made of rial to construct the history of shawl-weaving in
sheep's wool and were either plain white, deep red Kashmir. Literary sources, however, reveal that
or light red. The shawls are divided into four cate¬ the shawl industry of Kashmir was of greater an¬
gories — khachita, vanchitra and khan- tiquity than the 15th century. Kshemendra (c. A.D.
dasamghatya and tantuvichchhinna. The com¬ 990-1065), a versatile writer of medieval Kashmir,
mentary describes Rhachita as suchivanakarma- seems to have been fairly well acquainted with the
nishpaditam which may either mean "made by shawl-weaving industry of his country. In his
weaving and embroidering" or "made by twill- Desopadesa, V. 21,261 he refers to tusta-pravar-

62
Kashmir shawl, 19th century
Following Page
This long shawl, with an elongated
Kashmir shawl, early 19th century
paisley pattern, a highly stylized 'tree
of life', was woven for the European This shawl carries an elaborate boteh
market. Though the centres in which conforms to the description
France and England were already found in Persian literature — the
producing shawls with the use of the motif has a base, piaeh, a stomach,
Jacquard, the Kashmir shawl was shikam, a fluting neck, gardan, and
highly prized. a sir, the head.

63
ana. In the riarmamala,27 paryanta-tustaka, The existence of the shawl-weaving industry in
which seems to have been some inferior variety Kashmir in the 13th and 14th centuries is further
of shawl with borders, is mentioned. supported by a reference in the Sarur-us-sudur, a
work of Muhammad Bin TUghlaq's time, contain¬
There is little doubt that the tus shawl of the ing the sayings of Shaykh Farld-ud-DIn. It men¬
Aln-i-Akbari28 made from the wool of the animal tions that in Alauddln's time (1296-1316) Ka¬
of the same name is meant here. The lohita- shmir shawls were available in Delhi and that
kambala similar to the red shawls of Qandhara Shaykh Iiizamuddln Auliya had one such
and UddTyana mentioned in the Jatakas is men¬ shawl.32
tioned.29 Shawl-weaving seems to have been a
cottage industry in 11th century Kashmir. At one Zain-ul-Abidin's interest in textiles is shown in the
place in the riarmamala,30 Kshemendra observes Jaina Rajatarangini which says that hearing of the
that the teacher employed in a bayastha's house great reputation of Zain-ul-Abidin many Indian
for teaching the children of the house instead of rulers sent him presents. For instance Rana Kum¬
carrying out his duty whiled away his time in spin¬ bha (A.D. 1433-1468) of Chitor sent him a printed
ning (kartana), drawing out the patterns (likha- cloth known as narikunjara,33 apparently deco¬
nam) and weaving the patterns on the strips with rated with the composite Figures of women in the
tujis or eyeless wooden needles (suchlpat- shape of an elephant, a favourite art motif of the
tikavanam) — the process analogous to the mod¬ 15th century. Sultan Mahmud Beghra A.D. (1458-
ern shawl-weaving in Kashmir. All these references 1511) sent to him cloths such as katepha, saglata,
to shawl manufacture in Kashmir prove its exis¬ and sopha34 which could be identified with qatif, a
tence in Kashmir before the 15th century. silken stuff, saqlat, scarlet broad cloth and suf or
woollen cloth mentioned in the Aln-i-Akbari Such
That in the 13th century shawls and other woollen was his reputation as a lover of art that in the
goods from Kashmir reached Western India, is words of the poet "a large number of artisans
referred to by Udayaprabha Suri in his adept in original designs regarding him as the
Dharmabhyudaya (written c. 1233). He says that Wishing Tree came from long distances like
along with other articles Kashmir shawls swarming black bees'.35 "The Kashmiris master¬
(kasmira-vasana) were used for worshipping in ing the intricacies of the shuttles (turi) and looms
the samghas and chaityas.31 (vema) now weave beautiful and

64
costly silks". "The special woollen textiles (auma, to the generic term shal Akbar gave his own Hindi
sopha) of foreign origin, worthy of kings, are now designation paramnaram, very soft. The Ain 3240
woven by the Kashmiris".36 "The painters seeing gives a fairly good account of Kashmir shawls. At
the patterns (chitra) and creeper designs that time the trade names given by the Ain are
(latakritih) obtained by intricate weaving proc¬ obscure, but some light could be thrown on them
esses (vichitravayana) are reduced to silence as with the help of a mid-seventeenth centtury manu¬
the figures in a painting".37 "The country and the script of the Ain-i-Akbari in the Prince of Wales
costume of the king became famous on account Museum, Bombay. It bears marginal notes which
of the silks made of endless yarns, and carefully either give the correct spellings of the words or
dyed (varnavichchhitti)".38 offer short explanations. The translation of the
text on shawls differs at places from Jarrett's trans¬
From the above account it is clear that in Zain-ul- lation in the light of the new manuscript. "His
abidin's time the art of textile weaving in Kashmir, Majesty improved the department (shawl depart¬
specially the manufacture of silk, had received ment) in four ways. The improvement is visible
great impetus and that a large number of artisans, first in tuus shawls, which are made of the wool
in order to show their art, came to Kashmir to seek of an animal of that name whose natural colours
the patronage of the ruler. It is also significant to are black, white and red but chiefly black. Some¬
note that certain woollen goods which came for¬ times the colour is pure white. This kind of shawl
merly from distant lands were, in the time of Zain- is unrivalled for its lightness, warmth and soft¬
ul-abidin, being manufactured in Kashmir. Herein ness. People generally wear it without altering its
possibly lies the origin of the tradition that Zain-ul- natural colour: His Majesty has had it dyed. It is
abidin had invited Turkish weavers and thus laid curious that it will not take a red dye. Secondly,
the foundation of the shawl manufacturing indus¬ in the safid alchas (any kind of coloured stuff)
try in Kashmir. The tradition is further supported or tarahadars in their natural colours, the wool is
by Srivara's assertion that artisans came from dis¬ either white, black or mixed. The first white kind
tant lands to seek the patronage of the king. TUrk- was formerly dyed in three or four ways: His Maj¬
estan is not specially mentioned, but the possibil¬ esty has given order to dye it in various ways.".
ity that it was one of the countries from which "Fourthly, he improved the smaller size of the
artisans came to Kashmir could not be ruled out. shawls and enlarged them as to make complete
suit out of them."
Considerable light on the shawl manufacture of
Kashmir in the 16th century is thrown by the Ain-in- "His Majesty encourages in every possible way the
Akbari of Abul Fazl who has given exhaustive lists manufacture of shawls in Kashmir. In Lahore
of all kinds of textiles. He points out the great alone there are more than a thousand workshops.
interest which Akbar took in various stuffs — the A kind of shawl named mayan is chiefly woven
reason why Iranian, European and Mongolian arti¬ there; it consists of silk and wool mixed. These are
cles of wear were available in plenty in the coun¬ of standard size. Both are used for chirahs (tur¬
try. Besides this, his interest in textiles had at¬ bans) and fautahs (loin-bands)".
tracted a large number of foreign craftsmen and
workers who taught the local people an improved From the above account of shawls, many points
style in textile manufacture. The imperial work¬ are clear. Firstly, the fus shawl was made from the
shops at Lahore, Agra, Fatehpur and Ahmedabad hair of the fits goat. In the 19th century when
were noted for their excellent products whose pat¬ Moorcroft visited Kashmir there were two kinds
terns, knots and varieties of fashion astonished of goat-wool: pashm shal obtained from the wool
the travellers. Akbar himself had acquired a prac¬ of domestic goats and asli tus obtained from the
tical knowledge of the whole trade, and the en¬ hair of wild goats and sheep. It was chiefly black,
couragement he gave to the indigenous workers white or reddish. Secondly, the corded and pat¬
brought all round improvement. All kinds of hair¬ terned shawls (tarah shawls) were made of either
weaving and silk-spinning improved so that the white, black or mixed wool. The white kind was
imperial workshops could manufacture all the formerly dyed in three or four colours but in
stuff produced in other countries. There was a Akbar's time the number of colours increased.
constant demand for fine materials and this gave Thirdly, attention was paid to the manufacture of
an occasion for a grand display of draperies. the following varieties of shawls: (1) Zardozi —
Apparently this shawl was embroidered with gold
In keeping with his interest in textiles Akbar wire and sequins. (2) balabatun — The design
showed great interest in the shawl manufacture seems to have been brocaded with gold wire. (3)
of Kashmir. We are informed in the Ain 3139 that Qashidah — In this variety the pattern was em-

65
 broidered and not woven. (4) Qalghai — this type
was made either of silk or gold wire and bore pine
cone patterns (qalghl). (5) Bandhnun shawls had
tie-dyed pattern. (6) Chhint shawls were appar¬
ently painted or decorated with floral patterns in
the manner of calico prints. According to
Moorcroft41 even in the early 19th century some
shawls with green flowers tied in small hard knots
to protect them from the action of the dye, were
made. When united, each flower was surrounded
by a small white field to which small eyes or spots
of yellow and red were added by the embroider¬
ers. (7) Alchah was a white banded stuff. (8)
Purzdar is described by Jarrett as a different kind
of stuff of which the outside is plush-like. But
according to the Prince of Wales Museum manu¬
script, it was known in Turkish as Karh and in
Hindi and rusa. The note further explains that the
Tree of Life motif Kashmir shawi, purzdar was either a big piece made of various
19th century strips joined toqether or had a marbled (abri)
design, or was given its name due to its good
(Collection: c.l. Bharany) quality. There is little doubt that the purzdar is

66
 the kind of shawl in which the size is obtained by By the end of the 17th century the shawls of Ka¬
joining together several strips — the khan- shmir were being exported to other countries. The
dasamghatya of ancient times. Further, it seems shawls imported by the East India Company in
that the shawls before Akbar's period were nar¬ 1685 and 1704,47 according to Mr. Irwin,48 were
row. By Akbar's order, however, shawls of a suit's almost certainly intended for use as tablecloths
length were being made. Finally, Lahore, with or counterpanes. How the demand for Kashmir
more than a thousand workshops became a cen¬ shawls in Europe grew and how it dictated the
tre of shawl weaving and produced a stuff called contemporary fashion has been ably dealt by Mr.
mayan used for turbans and waist-bands. Irwin and need not be recapitulated here.

There are several references to the shawl industry Forster in his travel to Kashmir in 1783 has made
of Kashmir in the 17th century. Jahangir, in his certain interesting observations on the shawl in¬
memoirs,42 makes the following remarks: "The dustry of Kashmir. As a matter of fact he travelled
shawls of Kashmir to which my father gave the in the guise of a Turkish shawl merchant proceed¬
name of parmnarm are very famous: there is no ing to purchase shawls in Kashmir.49 At Bilaspur
need to praise them. Another kind is tahatma he met a tumboo (tambu) shawl caravan on its
(naharma is printed versions); it is thicker than a way to Delhi and Lucknow. It was through the help
shawl and soft. Another is dam. It is like a jul-i- of their agents that he could clear himself from
khirasak and is put on a carpet. With the exception the Bilaspur customs.50 According to Forster,
of shawls they make other woollen material better shawls exported from Kashmir were packed in
in Tibet. Though they bring the wool for the shawls oblong bales, whose outward coverings were
from Tibet, they do not make them there. The made of buffalo's or ox's hide, strongly sewn with
wool for the shawls come from a goat which is leather thongs. They were opened only in the des¬
peculiar to Tibet. In Kashmir they weave the pattu tined markets.51 The shawl wool was brought from
shawl from wool, and sewing two shawls together Tibet. Originally of a dark colour, it was bleached
they smooth them into a kind of saqarlat (broad¬ with rice flour. The yarn was dyed as desired; the
cloth) which is not bad for a rain coat." shawls were also washed after fabrication. Richly
patterned borders were attached to the shawls so
neatly as to allow no joints. The price of an ordin¬
Besides the stuffs mentioned above, we are told
ary shawl varied from 8 to 40 rupees, but the value
that Jahangir once presented to Mirza Raja Bhao
of a flowered shawl was considerably greater. A
Singh a special Kashmir phup shawl.43 Phup here
portion of the revenue of Kashmir was returned to
is certainly coming from the Hindi puhupa derived
the Afghan capital in shawl goods. The shawls
from the Sanskrit pushpa, flower. Apparently it
were in three sizes: the long and the square ones
was a flowered shawl. At another place44 it is said
were in common use in India; the other long and
that the tus shawl was a special prerogative of the
very narrow ones with black preponderating in
king. It could only be worn when ordered by the
their colour scheme were worn as girdles by the
king.45
northern Asiatics.52

Bernier, on his visit to Kashmir in 1665, has left The best account of shawl manufacture in the
the following account of shawls manufactured early nineteenth century has been given by
there: Moorcroft.53 During the course of his journey he
found that Amritsar had become an important
"Large quantities of shawls were manufactured centre of shawl manufacture owing to the migra¬
which gave employment even to children. These tion of a large number of Kashmir craftsmen from
shawls measured l1/2 ell* long and an ell broad, their country to escape the Afghan tyranny. Before
ornamented at both ends with a sort of embroi¬ Moorcroft's time, shawl yarn sent to Amritsar came
dery, made in the loom, a foot in width. The from Kashmir, but its export was banned to dis¬
Mughal and Indian men and women wore them courage the foreign manufacture of shawls. How¬
in winter round their heads, passing them over the ever, when he visited Amritsar the wool came from
shoulders as a mantle. One sort was manufac¬ Tibet and Bokhara. The Amritsar shawls with dou¬
tured with the wool of the country and the other ble warp and weft were fairly thick and soft. The
with the wool of the shawl goat of Tibet. The price meagre wages of two annas daily left the weavers
of the tus shawl ranged from 50 to 150 Rupees. miserably poor.54
Great pains were taken to manufacture similar
shawls at Patna, Agra and Lahore but they lacked Moorcroft has left an interesting account of shawl
the delicate texture of Kashmir shawls.46 manufacture in Kashmir55 which has been supple-

67
merited by Mr. Irwin from the original papers in The workmen prepared tujis or needles contain¬
the India Office. According to Moorcroft the ing about four grains of dyed yarn. These eyeless
pashm wool employed for shawl manufacture was needles had sharp ends. Following the instruc¬
obtained from domestic and wild goats and was tions of the tarahguru, the right side of the cloth
brought from Tibet, Ladakh, Yarkand and Khotan was placed next to the ground, the work being
by the Mongols who exchanged it for shawls.56 In carried on the reverse on which the needles hung
its first disposal the importer (baqal), the retailer in a row numbering 400 to 1500. As soon as the
(pashm-farosh), and the broker (muqim) were work on one line was completed the count was
concerned, the payment made in each or two brought down with force.
months' credit.57
The shawl-cloth was generally of two kinds: one,
Women purchased the wool from the retailer for plain with two threads, and the second, twilled or
spinning. It was first packed and cleaned with the with four threads. The twilled cloth, which was
solution of rice flour and then torn to pieces. Then frequently of irregular texture, was usually twenty-
after separating the fine quality from the second four girah broad. To ensure a good field the bor¬
quality, extracted for strong shawl (Pattu) cloth, it ders were woven separately and joined to the field
was arranged into square elastic pads. Then the by the rafugar.
pads were rolled and carefully stored. The fine
wool was spun in the lengths of seven hundred When finished, the shawl was handed over to the
yards which were again cut into two hundred purusgar who removed discoloured hair with tweez¬
lengths to suit the length of the warp. The retailers ers or by shaving. Then the shawls were sent to
purchased the yarn from the spinners and sold it the collector for stamp duties which amounted to
to weavers who, having ascertained the patterns 26%. After that they were handed over to the sell¬
in demand, handed over the skeins to the dyer. ers and brokers. They were than washed and calen¬
For shawls with a plain field a second yarn was dered, packed separately in coloured papers,
used to weave patterns to get an enhanced effect. pressed and then the bale was sewn up in strong
The dyer professed to give sixty-four shades such cloth over which a cover of tus or birch bark was
as crimson (gulenar) obtained from cochineal, laid. Finally, the whole was sewn smoothly and
kermes, logwood for other reds and blue and tightly in a raw hide.
green from indigo. Carthamus and saffron yielded
various tints of orange, yellow, etc. Besides the shawls manufactured and described
above, doshali umili shawls were embroidered
The nakatu adjusted the yarn for the warp and the with needles using woollen thread. Tracing paper
weft; the warp yarns, measuring 3.172 yards and with holes through which charcoal and coloured
consisting of two to three thousand threads were powder mixed with gum arabic was pounced, was
double-ply while the weft yarns were single. Then used. Sometimes wooden blocks were also used.
the warp was dressed with thickly boiled rice water.
Silk was used for border warp for strength, and Among the plain shawls Moorcroft mentions pattu,
as a colour contrast. Marrow borders were woven pashmina made of asal tus or coarse shawl
with the shawl, but the broader ones were woven wool (4 gaz x IV2 gaz); shal phiri made of sec¬
on a different loom and then sewn to the shawl onds; turban-cloth and johar shal-sadu with a
by the darner in such a manner that the joints narrow edging of coloured yarn 3 to 33A gaz x
could scarcely be detected. The warp was then IV2 gaz).
drawn through the needles and then taken to the
loom. After the warp had been fixed upon the The following shawls measured 3V2 gaz x IV2
looms and the pattern drawn, the naqqash, the gaz: Shal-hashiyadar, shal do-hashiyadar and
tarahdar guru and the talim guru determined shal chahar hashiyadar had one, two and four
the proportion of the yarn of different colours. borders respectively; hashiyadar khosar of
The naqqash prepared the drawing of the pattern, khalikhani had two borders and two tanga with
the tarahdar guru, after considering the disposi¬ or without flowers in the corners, tiashiadar
tion of the colours, called cut the colours begin¬ kiiungridar had the border of the usual form
ning from the foot of the pattern, the number of with another inside, or nearer the middle resem¬
threads to which it extended and the colour by bling the crest of the wall of an Asiatic fort fur¬
which it was followed till the whole pattern had nished with narrow niches or embrasures for wall
been described. From his directions, the talim pieces; dhurdar in which an ornament ran round
guru took down the particulars in a short-hand the field between the border and the field;
and delivered a copy to the weaver. matandar had flower or decoration in the middle

68
of the field; chadar and a circular ornament in the
field; chautahidar had four half-moons; kunj bute-
dar had a group of flowers at each corner; alfidar
had green sprigs without any colour on a white
field; Kaddar had a large group of flowers in the
form of the cone of a pine with the ends of point
straight or curved downwards; do-kaddar had two
such motifs; sehkaddar had three rows and so on
to five and upwards; in the latter case, the cones
were somewhat small.

Moorcroft has also given the definitions of some

technical terms about patterns. Thus hashiya is
the border; the zanziri or chain runs above and
below the patta and confines it; the dhur or run¬
ning ornament situated inside the hashiya and
zanzir enveloped the whole field; kurybuta is a
corner ornament; metan is the decorated part of
the field and buta is a cone in one or several
rows; after five rows it is tukaddar. The constitu¬
ent part of a buta is pai or foot or pediment of
leaves, the shikam or belly and sir, the head, which
is straight, curved or inclined. The sloping buta is
buta-kaj; the that or net separates the different
butas, sometimes the interspace being plain.
Jamewar meaning literally a gown piece in many
varieties such as khirkhabuta, large compound
flowers consisting of groups of smaller ones, etc. badan (breadth 14 girah to 1 girah), lugi (3Vi x
It was used by the Persians and Afghans. IV2 gaz), takhin (caps), jurrab (short stockings)
flowered or striped (mehramat), moze pashmina
The rezabuta (small flowers thickly set), thaldar (long stockings), sakkahposh (canopies) darparda
(network), mehramat, khaterast, marpech, (curtain), ksyjari asp (saddle cloth), kajjari fil
kalamkar, zakheangur, chaporast, dogul (two flow¬ (elephant's cover), balaposh (quilt or coverlet),
ers), sehgul (three flowers), chahargul (four flow¬ galaband (cravat), pistani-band (neckerchief), lan-
ers), barghe-beed, gule-sant, duzdehkhat, dazdeh got (waist-belt), postin (lining for a pelisse),
rang, gule panvane, kaddar, kayhamu, sabzkar paipech, legging, izarband, takia (pillow case),
and safed were exported to India proper where khalita (bags or purse), kabarposh (shrouds), tak-
they were dyed, the small flowers being tied previ¬ posh (hanging for cupboards or recesses) and
ously in hard knots. khwan-posh (dish cover or napkins).

The square rumals for women were known as lt is peculiar that in the above list the shikargah
khatdar, mehramat and islimi with other patterns or hunting pattern of the Kashmir shawl has not
of jamewar, chaharbagh, hashiya, chand, been mentioned by Moorcroft, though shawls with
chautahi, shahmantohi firangi (exported to Rus¬ such patterns are available. It is possible that this
sia), tarah Armeni (exported to Armenia and Per¬ pattern had already fallen into disuse in the begin¬
sia), tarah Rumi (exported to Tlirkey) and sada ning of the 19th century. It is however clear that
for domestic use. when Vigne visited Kashmir, figured shawls were
being manufactured. According to him, Maharaja
Besides the articles mentioned above there were Ranjit Singh had ordered, at a cost of Rs.5,000, a
also shamlas for the waist (8 x IV2 gaz — ex¬ pair of shawls to be made, which represented his
ported to Tibet), gospech or patka (turban, 10 x victories.58
1 gaz), mandila with or without zanzir (8 to 10
gaz x 12 girah), kalin (pashmina shawl carpet The dispersal of Kashmir shawl weavers and em¬
made of any size), naqsh (trousers with or without broiderers in the late 18th century to Amritsar and
seams, the former in two pieces sewn by a darner possibly to the Hill States of Kangra was due to
and the latter by a jurrab saz or a stocking maker), the tyranny of the Afghans and the rigorous exac¬
charkhana or netted cloth (1 to IV2 gaz), gui¬ tions of the Sikh rulers. Vigne notes that after

69
1830 he found that at Srinagar only six hundred onwards. Paisley became the main centre of shawl
shawl frames had remained, and most of the manufacture in Britain. By 1818 Paisley shawls
weavers had migrated or had taken to some other were being exported to India though they could
profession. never compete with the quality of Kashmir shawls.
French design also exerted great influence on
As mentioned by Moorcroft in one of his letters Kashmir design. France produced new varieties of
dated 1882, quoted by John Irwin, at Srinagar he the cone palmette design, the pattern being
met merchants from the cities of Chinese Turkes¬ known in the English trade as the "fill over" design
tan, Uzbek, Tartary, Kabul, Persia and Turkey and because the patterns covered the whole field of
from the provinces of British India getting the the shawls instead of the borders only. They be¬
shawls manufactured after the patterns and quali¬ came so popular by 1830 that Paisley weavers
ty for which there was demand in their respective ceased to copy the originals and followed the
countries. But as Moorcroft has observed else¬ French patterns. The effect of the new French pat¬
where, political events in the 19th century had re¬ terns which had great demand in Europe and
duced Kashmir's trade with Persia, Turkey and America also led to the copying of French patterns
Punjab while the demand from British India had by the weavers of Kashmir.
decreased. One encouraging feature, however,
was the increase in demand from Russia and Tur¬
kestan which probably helped the industry to tide The shawl industry in Kashmir survived till 1870,
over its difficulties for some time. when the change in fashion in the West killed the
export market with consequent suffering to the
The increased demand for Kashmir shawls in weaver. The internal demand persisted for some
Europe led to their imitation in England, and in time but it was too inadequate to support the in¬
the closing years of the 18th century, from 1814 dustry.

FOOTNOTES

1. Irwin, John: The Kashmir Shawls, Marg, VI, I (1952) pp.43- 30. Tiarmamala, 11, 45
50 31. Dharmabhyudaya, I, 71, Bombay, 1949
2. Rigveda, VIII, 67.3 32. Indian History Congress Proceedings of the 18th Session,
3. Brihadaranyaka Upanishada, II, 3, 6 Nagpur, p. 168
4. Rigveda, x, 75, 8 33. Jaina Rajatarangini, VI, 137, Bombay, 1892
5. Rigveda, I, 126, 7 34. Ibid VI, 25
6. Rigveda, IV 22 2; V 52, 9 35. Ibid VI, 27
7. Atharvaveda, D1V 2, 66-67 36. Ibid VI, 29
8. Bagchi, Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian, pp.6-8 37. Ibid VI, 30
9. Atharvaveda, IV 7, 6; VIII, 6, 11 38. Ibid VI, 31
10. Maitrayani Samhita, IV 4, 3 39. Ain-i-Akbari, I, 89
11. Sat Bra. V 3, 5, 5, 21 40. Ibid 1, 90-91
12. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, I, 3, 6 41. Travels, II, 191-192
13. Moti Chandra, Prachina Bharatiya Vesha-Bhusha, pp. 11- 42. TUzuk, II, 147-178
12 43. Ibid I, 297
14. Hiranvan prati atkan, Rigveda, V 55, 6 44. Ibid I, 384
15. Satpatha Brahmanas, III, 1, 2, 13 45. Ibid I, 384
16. Rigveda, IV 36, 7 46. Bernier's Travels, pp.402-403, London, 1891
17. Vaja. Sam. XXX, 9 47. Birdwood, Report on Old Records, p.27
18. Jataka, IV p.251: Suttavibhanga Pachittiya, II, 2, 1 48. Loc. cit. p.47, fn.8
19. Mahavagga, VIII, 1, 4; VIII, 2 49. Q. Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, I, p. 191,
20. Jatakas, VI, 500, gathas 1786, 1801 London, 1798
21. J.A., 1926, p.23 50. Ibid I, p.211
22. Arthasastra, ed. by J. Qanapati Sastri, Vol.l, p. 193; lb. 51. Ibid I, pp. 247-248
ed. by Samasastry, pp.89-90
52. Ibid I, pp. 18-19
23. Amarkosa, II, 6, 111 53. Travels in the Himalayan Provinces. by Moorcroft and
24. Wood, A., Journey to the Sources of Oxus; Introduction, Trebnech from 1819-25, London, 1841
p.57, London, 1872
54. Ibid I, pp. 110-113
25. B. Laufer, Sino-lranica, p.161 55. Ibid II, chapter III
26. Desopadesa and Tiarmamala, ed. byM. haul, Poona 1923 56. Ibid II, pp. 164-166
27. Tiarmamala, I, 72 57. Ibid p. 167
28. Ain Akbari 32 58. G.G. Vigne, Travels in Kashmir, Ladak and Iskardo, Vol.II,
29. Tiarmamala, I, 111 p. 124, London, 1842.

70
Kashmir Shawls and Iranian Termeh
Jasleen Dhamija

The finest textiles ever woven in wool are the

shawls of Kashmir during the Moghul period, and
the shale termeh of Kerman and Mashhad, woven
in the Safavid period. Scholars hold different opin¬
ions on the origin of this technique. Some are of
the opinion that the technique was developed in
Persia and was introduced from Persia into Ka¬
shmir. Others, however, consider that the tech¬
nique was introduced into Persia from India. The
local tradition in Kashmir is that the art of pat¬
terned shawl-weaving was introduced with the help

An extract from the catalogue of the exhibition of Royal Iranian

Tfermeh and Kashmir Shawls from the collection of Rahim &
George Anavian.

71
 of TUrkish weavers by the enlightened ruler Zain-ul-
' Abidin (A.D. 1470). This tradition is confirmed
by references found in the history of Kashmir (in
Jaina Rajatarangirxi), where, in a discussion on the
skill of the weavers in the reign of Zain-ul-'Abidin,
mention is made of the special woollen textiles
"of foreign origin, worthy of kings, which are now
being woven by the Kashmiris."

Kashmir, however, had an ancient tradition of weav¬

ing fine woollen tus shawls which were woven
from the wool of the undercoats of goats that
lived at very high altitudes: these were perhaps
the finest shawls woven in Asia. Reference to such
shawls is found as early as the 10th century A.D.
It is likely that the expert spinners and weavers
who were known for their fine shawls, had mas¬
tered the art of twill-tapestry weaving in wool with
great speed, and had rapidly surpassed the prod¬
ucts of the original centre of production. The avail¬
ability of wool of the finest quality, in combination
with the skill of the weaver in Kashmir, contrib¬
uted to the extremely fine quality of Kashmir
shawls. Moghul records state that although the
weaving of shawls was practised in the royal work¬
shops in Agra, Lahore and Delhi, none were so fine
as those woven in Kashmir.

Technique
Detailed accounts of the organisation of the shawl
industry in Kashmir are given by Moorcraft, an
Englishman who travelled in the Himalayas be¬
tween 1819 and 1825. He notes the great sys¬
tematization and describes it at length:

Separate groups of workers — invariably women

— sorted and spun the wool. The raw wool given
to them was very dirty and had to be immediately
sorted and separated according to its different
grades. Different colours of wool had also to be
matched. The finest quality was wool from the
undercoat of goats living in high mountain areas,
who often rubbed against brambles and thorns,
leaving tufts of wool to be collected. This was
priced as first quality wool.

Previous Page
Wool of the second quality was that taken from
Mehramat, striped Kashmir shawl,
domesticated goats, and even in this, there were
late 19th century
variations. As always, the wool from the undercoat
This striped shawl is based on the
striped termeh made for garment was finer in quality than wool from other parts of
edgings. the same Pashmina goats.

Opposite Page
After spinning, the next workers concerned were
Kashmir shawl, 19th century
the dyers who prepared the colours and dyed the
The all-over pattern is of a boteh,
tree of life, and is typical of the wools according to samples provided to them.
shawls made for the Indian market. The art of dyeing was very well developed, with a

72
range of three hundred shades available, accord¬ been done by two specialists. The importance of
ing to tradition. the pattern-maker and the colourist, or rxaqqash,
can be seen from the fact that the highest wages
At least six specialists were involved with the in the whole operation were paid to this person
coloured wools before weaving could actually be¬ or persons. The total number of pattern-drawers
gin. These were: the warp-makers, the warp- in Kashmir were very few, and during the period
dresser, the warp-threader, the pattern-drawer, the when the shawl-weaving industry was expanding,
colourist and the talim-writer. The master-weaver the work was still confined to five or six families.
controlled the loom by calling out the colours to
be used in the talim, the coded pattern-guide, Often the colourist did not actually colour the
which would be followed by the weavers. drawing itself but matched the different shades
by means of a colour-card — a range-tikat — on
Warp-makers had the job of twisting the threads the basis of which he annotated the drawing. From
into the required thickness for the two to three such annotated drawings the fa/im-writer pro¬
thousand threads required for the preparation of duced a written shorthand indicating the number
the warp. The warp-dresser had to stretch the of warp threads to be covered with different
warps so that they could sustain the strain of the colours so that by following the written instruc¬
weaving process and the constant pressure and tions the weaver could reproduce the pattern. This
movement of the heddle. The warp-threader had technique of annotating the designs, so that each
to pass the yarn through the heddles of the loom. stitch was written down, was possibly responsible
for the development of the most intricate of pat¬
Once the warp was ready the pattern was required, terns woven in an extraordinarily wide range of
and the pattern-drawer who worked out the com¬ colours.
plete design, had the most important role. The
pattern,, once drawn, was then passed to the ex¬ It was only then that the master weaver would
pert colourist who coloured the design. Some¬ start to weave the shawl, with the help of two or
times the pattern-maker and the colourist would three apprentices who worked with him on the
be the same person but often this job would have loom. For the patterned portions, he would call

73
 out the design and they would be woven in with
the use of fine needle-like spools, tojis, employed
by the weavers in place of shuttles. They were
made of fine light wood with sharp edges on both
sides, charred to prevent their becoming rough or
jagged when they were actually in use. The design
part was always on the underside and the weaver
inserted his spools from above. After each line of
multiple-wefts had been completed, the comb was
vigorously pulled down so that the weaving would
be very close. Because of the great variety of pat¬
terns and the complicated designs, which took
such a long time to produce, the actual weaving of
one shawl would be divided among ten looms,
Kashmir shawl loom, Kanihama
each loom working on a particular section of the
shawl.
The village of Kanihama still has a
few weavers who weave traditional
shawls using the talim and the These sections were finally handed over to a
tradition of multiple weft threads for
group of specialists whose task it was to repair any
weaving the designs. The tojis,
small pools seen here with multi¬ defects in the shawl and to join the pieces in such
coloured threads, are woven in by a manner that the join would not be visible.
the deft fingers of the young
weavers, as the master weaver calls
out the colours and number of Today, should one wish to determine whether a
threads from the written code of the shawl being offered for sale is a true Kashmiri
talim.
shawl or a copy made in Europe, the easiest test is
Opposite Page to see whether it has been joined from many
Kashmir shawl border, detail
pieces or whether it was woven as a single piece.
This karti shawl border is woven in
twill weave with non-continuous It is clear, thus, that Kashmir shawls are woven in
weft threads. a twill-tapestry technique, having multiple weft-

74
 threads and woven in a number of pieces later and of Yazd. Mashhad shawls generally display
joined together. an all over pattern of botehs interconnected with
staghorn motifs, shakhe gauazn or linked botehs
As regards the manner in which shawls were of different sizes and shapes. Yazd shawls are of
woven in Iran, we have no such detailed accounts. two qualities, the more common being thinly
But from a study of the silk-textile traditions of the striped with an extra weft pattern. The stripes may
Safavid period, it is not hard to deduce that the be narrow and in two colours, used for borders
same kind of organisation found in Kashmir must and edgings of garments, or woven in many
have existed in the centres of weaving in Iran. The colours, haft-rangi, and used as girdles. Textiles
only difference was that the technique of using with wider haft-rangi stripes are specifically made
the talim, the written annotation, was not em¬ for the loose pants, shalvar, worn by Zoroastrian
ployed in Persia. Instead the graph method was women. Another type is still woven with narrow
utilised for evolving the pattern. The result was stripes of many colours with the same patterns,
that Persian shawls rarely display large patterns: then stitched together to make a shalvar, tradi¬
instead they have smaller designs with many re¬ tionally meant to be stitched from strips of differ¬
peats. More complicated designs, with medallions ent coloured materials. Until the beginning of the
in the body and multiple borders, are also very twentieth century, the dyes used for these textiles
uncommon and do not appear to have been used were derived from organic substances well de¬
after the 17th century. Woven termeh was really scribed by R and G. Anavian in Royal Persian and
meant to be used as lengths, cut up and either Kashmir Brocades.
stitched into garments or as ceremonial bath mats,
souzani, as wraps, boghcheh or as quilt-covers
with additional borders that were traditionally
Designs and Styles of Shawls
made from striped termeh. Existing examples of both Persian and Indian
shawls can be found from the 18th century in
Kerman shawls are distinguished by their isolated some quantity. Very few pieces survive from the
design motifs and are loosely woven with floating 17th century and both Indian and Persian exam¬
threads on the back of the textile. The wool used ples are rare, the Persian ones especially. The few
is also coarser in texture, but the colouring is very that do survive are quite restrained, both in their
subtle, all of which differentiates them from the colours and in their design motifs. From a study
shawls of not only Kashmir but also of Mashhad of those pieces that have come down to us or

75
which are known from travellers' descriptions, woven shawls was the prerogative of the emperor
three distinct types of shawls woven in Kashmir and could only be worn by others when allowed
can be identified as belonging to this period, and by the emperor or when gifted by him.
from the fragment of a shawl in the Anavian col¬
lection, we may perhaps conclude that the same The later study of shawls by Moorcroft in 1819-25
may have been true for Persian shawls. gives a very detailed description of the designs
woven in the shawls. From the terms used we see
One distinct type would be the chahar ghadi, a that most of the terminology used is Persian and
square shawl which carries floral motifs distrib¬ the words are similar to those used in Kerman,
uted over the surface with a narrow but finely Yazd and Khorasan and exactly the same as those
detailed four-sided border. Sometimes, they have used by the Persian trade until the beginning of
a circular medallion in the centre with quartered this century, when termeh continued to be woven
medallions at each of the four corners. The sec¬ in Persia and imported from India.
ond type woven in Kashmir, and possibly also in
Persia, consists of sashes or girdles, known as tlashieh or flashia is the border; zanziri or the
kamarband in Persia and patka in India. These chain was the pattern that ran above and below
were long and narrow, with a four-sided border the cross border and enclosed it. Boteh is either
and a cross-border at the end. The third variety used for shrub or a cone. This is divided into three
was the long shawl woven for the Indian market, sections: the piaeh (payeh), the foot or pediment
wide and long with a narrow border and a cross-
of leaves, the shikam or belly and lastly the sir,
border of stylized boteh or tree-of-life designs. head, which is either straight, inclined or curved.
This was draped over the shoulder and was a part The sloping boteh is boteh kaj. The all over pat¬
of the formal Indian dress for both men and tern without a border is known as jamevar for it
women. was meant to be cut into pieces for making the
upper coat known in India as the jama. The motifs
The more elaborate patterns were developed later, were called reezboteh, small flowers; that dar, a
as can be seen in pieces dated in the latter half of network of oval enclosures; meharamat, the
the 18th century. It is possible that the all over striped pattern known in Persia as moharamat;
patterns known commercially as jamevar, to be mar peech, snakes curve or twisted branch;
used for making cut and stitched garments, might kalamkar, where designs were derived from the
have been developed in Kerman and later influ¬ printing traditions; dou-gul, double flowers;
enced the development of Kashmir textiles. The sehgul, triple flowers; chahar-gul, quadruple flow¬
French jeweller Chardin mentions that in India ers; and barge beed, the curving and drooping
elaborate allover patterns were especially woven long leaves of the willow tree.
for the Persian market. The oldest surviving Ker¬
man pieces display allover patterns but do not
The names of different overall patterns were in¬
carry cross-borders — typical of the shawls woven
dicative of the markets for which they were meant.
in Kashmir and other parts of India. The later,
Tbreh Armeni was exported to Persia. Tbreh Rumi
more elaborate shawls with allover patterns are
was for Tlirkey and Tareh Farangi for Europe.
probably a development of this particular style.

The designers in Kashmir and Persia used a vari¬

Kashmir shawls are well documented not only in
ety of techniques not only to evolve complicated
travel literature but also in the official documents
patterns but also tried to overcome the limitations
of the Noghul Empire. In the Ain-i-Akbari, the bi¬
of the flat surface by giving a dimensional effect
ography of the Emperor Akbar (1556-1605), the
with the use of secondary patterns and subtle
different types of shawls woven in India are enu¬
variation of colours.
merated: "In former times shawls came from Ka¬
shmir; from time to time, people folded them in
four-fold and wore them for a long time, nowa¬ The pieced shawls of Kashmir which were woven
days they are generally worn without folds and are on at least ten separate looms and were then
merely thrown over the shoulders. His Majesty has joined together by the rafoogars are a later devel¬
commenced to wear it double which looks very opment of the Kashmir shawl industry. The curv¬
well.'' ing boteh is extended to nearly half the length of
the shawl and is transposed on one side and the
The fact that these shawls are very precious is overall pattern flows over the entire surface, creat¬
brought home by the mention in the TUzuk-i- ing a rhythmic flow of colour and design, over the
Jahangiri, Jahangir's memoirs, that the use of entire surface. These products of the 19th century

76
are possibly some of the most complicated styles tury. Each one shows the use of bold designs and
of weaving during any period. colours but not a very fine type of craftsmanship.

The combination of the woven and embroidered According to the tradition in Kashmir, embroidery
shawl is a technique developed at the end of the was only developed in the 19th century when the
19th century when labour was becoming more ex¬ expert repairers, who could strip and recreate the
pensive and the number of weavers had de¬ defective sections of shawls and join pieces
creased because of the local economic situation, together invisibly, were used to recreate the
the method of taxation and the lack of patronage. woven shawls by embroidering the entire surface.
Here the larger areas of colour were woven in the An Armenian merchant, Khwaja Yusuf was re¬
twill tapestry technique and the smaller areas sponsible for this development. Khwaja Yusuf had
were embroidered by the rafoogars who were ex¬ been sent to Kashmir by a trading firm in Constan¬
perts in imitating the woven surface and in work¬ tinople in 1803 to purchase shawls. On seeing the
ing out the outlines of the patterns. They however large number of merchants with their orders still
extended their skill to contribute another dimen¬ unfulfilled, Khwaja Yusuf got the idea of utilizing
sion to the shawl industry by working out the the expert rafoogars to produce copies of the
embroidery in such a fashion that the shawl could woven shawls by imitating the fine quality shawls,
be used on either side. In certain cases they even through embroidery. They even copied the texture
went a step further to evolve a technique of of the twill weave used in weaving and the shawls
embroidery where the warp threads could be split were so well copied that they could be mistaken
in half by passing the needle through them so that for the woven ones. The cost of production was
the embroidery would not be visible on the other much less and these amli shawls also escaped the
side. The shawl thus became not only reversible payment of 25% tax on the value of the woven
but also had different colours on each side, dou shawls which was being levied by the local govern¬
ruh and dou rukh and were known as akshi, ment.
meaning reflection.
With the fall in the demand of the woven shawls,
Embroidered Shawls the cheaper hand embroidered shawls began to
appear in the market. These were now being pre¬
The pateh doozi of Kerman has been known for a pared for the local Indian market and by the mid¬
long time. Marco Polo mentions that women in dle of the present century, the embroidered shawls
Kerman did very fine embroidery, indicating that eclipsed the woven shawls and the number of the
embroidery was important economically and embroidered ones multiplied. Shawls were made
known even outside its place of manufacture. The specially for different clientele. The finest
basic background material known as shal was shahtoosh shawls with intricate embroidery were
woven in twill weave and dyed in one colour, most made as well as overall jamevar shawls on pa-
commonly red. After that the cloth was given to shmina. Craftsmen kept in tune with the changing
the women to embroider. Mostly items for the fashions and demands, making the reversible
household were made: curtains; sofreh, table shawls which had different colours on each side
spread; quilt covers and sometimes shawls; and were known as doranga. They also embroi¬
chador and kamarband, waist cloth. dered the very fine shawl called aksi which means
reflection — where the pattern was embroidered
The designs were pounced over the surface by only on one side by splitting the warp thread into
using coal dust over perforated parchment and half.
later thick paper. After this the outline was worked
with a pen. The women then embroidered the The embroiderers in Kerman and Kashmir still
piece with the use of woollen threads dyed in continue to embroider and with the right patron¬
different colours. The outline was worked in stem age could embroider pieces as fine as those made
stitches. Covering of the surface was worked in earlier. There are even today a few weavers left at
fillin stiches and sometimes with satin stitches. the outskirts of Kerman in the village of Hudk who
Very few old patterns have survived, and most ex¬ can weave fine pieces of "termeh" as do the weav¬
tant pieces are of the late 19th or early 20th cen¬ ers of Kanihama in Kashmir.

77
 Kantha Textiles
Stella Kramrisch

The kantha, patched cloth, was made mainly in

eastern Bengal (Bangladesh) and also in Bihar, of
worn-out and disused saris and dhotis. After be¬
coming threadbare, their thin, white cotton cloth

Editorial Note: In India handloom weaving and certain pro

cesses of embellishing them have traditionally gone hand in
hand, tlandlooms therefore often include handworked and
handcrafted textiles. The kantha is one such process which is
a combination of quilting and embroidery on handwoven tex¬
tile. This particular research is a landmark in the study of sym¬
bolism in textiles.

First published in J1SOA Calcutta, 1939. Reprinted here from

Exploring India's Secret Art: Selected Writings of Stella
Kramrisch, edited by Barbara Stoller Miller, Philadelphia,, 1983,
with the kind permission of the author and the Philadelphia
University Press.

78
with its coloured borders were cut, patched,
quilted, and embroidered. According to the thick¬
ness of the quilt and its size, it was used as a cover
to be spread, as a wrap to be worn, or folded as a
bag. The white ground of the quilt was embroi¬
dered and reinforced with coloured threads drawn
from the coloured borders. The colours of the
kanthas of the early part of the nineteenth cen¬
tury are mainly red and blue; in the later half of
the century, yellows and greens, particularly lin¬
den green are also included. The materials of
kanthas are rags and their threads. Joined afresh,
these tatters are given a new wholeness. Their
embroidered designs spring from this meaning.
The kantha is a work that gives wholeness to
things that were of no use any more, to fragments
without any significance. This rite of the restitu¬
tion of wholeness is a domestic one, performed
by women, though rarely by Brahman women.
The more ornate kanthas are the work of
Kayastha, or middle-class, women from the
homes of clerks and scribes. However, women of
all castes and classes of the rural population, in¬
cluding Muslim women, owned or had embroi¬
dered kanthas. They were given as presents within
the family or to friends.

Tfextile symbolism in India is hallowed by tradi¬

tion. In the Rg Veda and the Upanisads, the uni¬
verse is envisioned as a fabric woven by the gods.
The cosmos, the ordered universe, is one continu¬
ous fabric with its warp and woof making a grid
pattern.1 Hence the importance of wholeness, not
only of the uncut garment, like the sari or the
dhoti, but also of the cloth woven all in one piece,
on which a sacred picture is to painted.2 Whether
as cover for the body or as ground for a painting,
the uncut fabric is a symbol of totality and integ¬
rity. It symbolises the whole of manifestation. In¬
versely, rags are offered to the gods. Cindiyadeo,
the Lord of Tbtters, gives a new whole cloth if a
Opposite Page
rag is offered to him. There are rag shrines all
Kantha, Sunderbans, end 19th
over the country. Their goddess is Cithariya Bha- century
vani, Our Lady of Tbtters.3 The Buddha wore a
Bengal has a tradition of recycling
patchwork robe (sanghati). Some of the reliefs of worn out sarees by quilting them
the Mathura School of the second century A.D. together with threads drawn from
saree borders. The women create
show him thus clad. Lord Caitanya (1485-1533),
patterns which are symbolic of their
the apostle and visionary draped in a kantha, the way of life, their rituals and beliefs.
ecstasies which overwhelmed his body.4 The Here, elephants are depicted
carrying the local zamindars, with
colourful patchwork of the robes of saints forms
umbrellas in their hands. Elephants
part of miniature paintings of the Mughal period. signify prosperity and men with
The patched robe of the Buddha or of a saint umbrellas in their hands are
associated with royalty. These motifs
belongs to him in his nature of Saviour. The rags
on the quilt are made for male
are given a new wholeness. They clothe holiness. babies so as to bring them wealth
and prosperity. Linear and textural
effects are created by the variations
Clothes being worn near the body are part of its in the stitches as well as by changing
ambience and are personal. Should an enemy get their direction.

79
 hold of any bit of the cloth, he might practise
black magic against the former wearer.5 The patch-
work quilt, a collection of tatters, guarantees im¬
munity from black magic, protection and security,
as do even the rags themselves when offered to
the gods.

The symbolism inherent in the patchwork of the

kantha is the ground, which is embroidered with
nearly equal perfection on both sides.6 The act of
making whole demands perfection throughout.
The design is drawn by the embroiderer herself
or by another woman. It is neither the work of a
professional artist nor is it copied from anywhere.
Mo two kanthas are ever alike; each is an original
creation although kanthas from the same district
follow certain types and these have more in com¬
mon than those from villages at a greater dis¬
tance.

A square kantha, end 19th century

The design of the square of rectangular field of
The central lotus form dominates
the kantha, in principle, relies on a central circle
with intensely worked patterns built
one on top of the other. The petal occupied by a lotus flower. Tour trees mark the
is like a ripple which vibrates four corners. The central, wide-open, many-
outwards and is echoed by four
petalled lotus is an ancient Indian symbol of uni¬
lotuses created in each corner. The
border carries cameos from Krishna versal manifestation and of this world in particu¬
Lilas, and scenes from nature. lar. The four trees are symbols of the four direc-

80
tions; their meaning stems from Mesopotamia.
The disc of the many-petalled lotus, when drawn
as alpona, on the floor, would support a vessel
filled with water. The deity is invoked and known
to be present in a vessel filled with water. In the
design of kantha, the central lotus is inscribed in
a square. The entire ground of the quilted cloth
between the lotus and the directional trees is filled
with figures, objects, symbolic devices, and scenes
whose shapes and combinations are dictated by
the imagination of the artist. Themes from an¬
cient myths and legends are laid out next to
scenes and figures commenting on contemporary
life, and both are permeated with purely symbolic
devices. The design of the kanthas provides wide
margins for showing the contents of a woman's
mind. Their figures and symbols are freely associ¬
ated and rhythmically assembled. In some
kanthas, the figures are those of animals only. A
Muslim kantha, faithful to the precepts of a noni-
conic art, shows nothing but scroll work. On the
underlying central and directional composition of
the kantha, as its framework, is displayed the
personality of the embroiderer. It shows not only
in the planar composition but also in the selection
of themes from the common reservoir of the tra¬
dition as it is lived by her at the moment of her
needlework, especially in the selection and spac¬
ing of the stitches and the resulting texture and
form of the embroidery.

The stitches are of the simplest kind, the running

stitch being not only the main but also the most
ingeniously employed. According to the length
and spacing of the single stitches, they circum¬
scribe, and this is their truly creative function, they
organise a surface in a multitude of small squares
and triangles so that its speckled texture of ground
and embroidery is light or dense with colours.
Closely parallel running stitches give a more glid¬
ing quality to the ground cover which they pro¬
duce. Both of these modes and their combina¬
tions filling a given surface, are bounded by a
continuous line, which the backstitch yields. Within
its firm contour, be it red or blue, the running
Kantha wrap, a detail, end 19th
stitches, according to their density, not only pro¬ century
duce different colour values, but together with a A typical square kantha with an
particular texture of the surface, they give a total¬ auspicious lotus in the centre, a
ity of its own to each kantha. Moreover, they are flowing border of lotus flowers and
religious themes. It depicts the story
conducted so as to produce an effect of modelling of the vastra haran from the life of
of its own kind on the textured surface. Modelling Krishna, where Krishna hides the
by means of running stitches appears to be an clothes of the gopis, the milkmaids.
Instead of creating the tree in the
invention of the embroiderers of the kanthas. It corner, the form of Krishna
is a purely textile equivalent of modelling with represents the tree. The end border
brush and colours. In this the "classical" tradition created with a running stitch imitates
a woven pattern, similar to the
of Indian painting, as in Ajanta, excelled. Visuali¬ kanthas made by the women of the
sation in terms of the modelled form, an weaver community.

81
irrepressible sense of a plasticity, are essentially the vibrant texture of the ground of kanthas and
Indian. This age-old and "classical" Indian quality make them assignable to the turn of the century.
was given form by textile means in the art of the
kantha of East Bengal in the 19th century. The Thematically, the art of kantha is an enriched
effect of modelling is produced by the closely textile version of the art of the aripana or alpona,
spaced rows of stitches running parallel with the the painting on the floor, its magic purpose being
outline of a figure. This brings about an area of enhanced by the textile symbolism of its material
uniform texture and tone. Towards the interior of and the way this is used. Stylistically, its form is
the outlined surface, the density and direction of entirely its own, adjusting an ancient propensity
the stitches change, producing other areas set off of India's classical art to its own textile and planar
from their neighbour zones. This, together with sensibilities.
the speckled textural effect of the stitches, which
leads the eyes in more than one direction, also
The art of the kantha is a rural art. While it is
yields effects akin to op art but having representa¬
imbued with Hindu myths, it is also perceptive of
tional intentions. The op art effect is bounded by
the life of India in the nineteenth century with
the outline of the respective figure of the elephant
some of its manners and fashions derived from
or the horse.
those of the West, an imaginative blend of the
actuality of living where every day contributes
The figure of the kantha, "modelled" by these some novelty to be absorbed by the stream of the
colourful stitches, which allow the white ground tradition and integrated into its style. It is an art
to shine through, are also foreshortened, and their of leisure.
limbs may overlap without, however, their giving
the effect of any spatial context. The figures are Sophisticatedly primitive, the quilt of the kantha
scattered rhythmically over the white ground, and integrates many layers of the fabric of Indian life,
if limbs or figures overlap, their area is part of the tribal as well as urban, in its conception. The magic
embroidered ground, for though the figure may
that underlies its purpose is that of love — not of
be modelled in terms of stitching, the modelling coercion, as that of the diagrammatic floor draw¬
has no substance to it. ings whose purpose is wish fulfilment. A kantha
is given as a present, it is conceived with an outgo¬
It suggests volume by directional movement. Far ing mind and brings the entire personality of the
from creating an illusion of the body, its embroi¬
dered form is dematerialised. Often the figures
are shown in a contraction of front and profile. At
other times, an x-ray view allows one to see across
them. As an outcome of this, some kanthas cre¬
ate their own figures, having the shape of a man,
with or without a body, the number of limbs also
being at the discretion of the artist. This, though,
does not refer to their multiplicity which iconogra¬
phy may postulate in the case of the figures of
deities but to their reduction, to stumps instead
of limbs, contraction of two limbs into one, or
omission of one limb or the other according to the
needs of identification, rhythm, and compositional
clarity.

By the middle of the century, the embroidery stitch

is more frequently resorted to than it was earlier.
It adds more compact areas and stronger hues to
the kantha. But these stronger accents too sink
into the ground of the kantha. The ground be¬
tween figures, as often as not, is reinforced all
over with stitches running in closely set parallels
around each figure. For this, white thread is used
and, less frequently, blue or red thread. These
colours give a pointillistically muted tonality to

82
maker to the person for whom it is made. Its imagination. Although made by the same tech¬
composition is a ritual being laid out around the nique, their widely spaced design is an adaptation,
centre of the lotus of manifestation. Its symbols in terms of embroidery, of the staid, placid lines
have universal validity in the four directions. To of a certain type of painting of Bihar. The Bengali
their whirls and waves, to the lotus and the life kanthas resemble a form of painting in Bengal
trees are assigned the innumerable figured scenes only insofar as their overall character stems from
of the mythic, ever-present past together with epi¬ the magic art of the alpona. As much as the South
sodes of the passing scene. Indian sanctuaries, teeming with their hundreds
of clay horses, clay cattle, and clay human figures
All of them are firmly stitched into a reconstituted,
offered in sacred groves express in their form the
vibrant wholeness. The kantha is the form, by
mystery of autochthony, the kanthas of East Ben¬
textile means, of a creative process of integration
gal are saturated with and express a numinous
within each woman who makes a kantha.
power, the sakti of this region, working through its
Succumbing to what were, in India, the belated women and given form by innumerable disciplined
effects of the Industrial Revolution, the art of the stitches. Both these forms of art, that of the South
kantha died after the first quarter of the twentieth Indian half-Brahman priest-potter and that of the
century. It is not known when this art began. Its Bengali Hindu matron — it was the older women,
upsurge in a narrowly circumscribed area has not as a rule, who made the kanthas — represent
its like elsewhere. Kanthas from Bihar are with¬ traditional village art in fulfilment of rites of offer¬
out the wealth of associated content and textile ing.

FOOTNOTES

1. RV 6.9:3: 10.130.1, also Br Up 3.8.3-8 and MUp 2.2.5 5. Cf. K.K. Qanguli, "Kantha, The Enchanted Wrap", Indian
Folklore 1, No. 2:3-10
2. M. Lalou, Iconographic des etoffes peintes (pata* dans le
Manjusrimulakalpa (Paris, 1930) p.27. 6. Kanthas, however, made by women of the weaver caste,
imitate the effect of weaving and are meant to be seen
3. Crooke, Popular Religion, p.161 on one side only. Q.S. Dutt, "The Art of Kantha", Modern
4. Sarkar, Folk Element, p.33 Review (Calcutta, October 1939)

83
Indian Resist-Dyed Fabrics
Alfred Biihler

Ahere is a large group of Indian textiles, which

are patterned by means of resist techniques.
These dyeing methods serve to decorate textiles
in colour by partially reserving or resisting the
fabric before dyeing and removing these resists
afterwards. What distinguishes these patterning
methods from others is that the ornamented mo¬
tifs are produced neither by weaving nor by apply¬
ing them onto the fabric as in painting, applique
work or embroidery, but rather that they are left
undyed on coloured ground. The process can be
repeated for producing multi-coloured designs.

Reprinted from Treasures of Indian Textiles: Calico Museum,

Ahmedabad, Marg Publications, Bombay, 1980, with the Kind
permission of Marg Publications.

84
All types of resist-dyeing techniques are based
on two elementary forms: folding and screening.
In the first case, parts of the fabric form the re¬
sists; in the second, additional materials are used
for covering certain portions of the textile. These
two basic forms were combined with each other
in many ways and developed into the following
main types:

1. Fold-resist-dyeing
The fabric is crumpled, knotted or pleated into
folds. Thus, when dipped into the liquid dye,
the solution cannot penetrate into the folds.
As a result one gets a strongly blurred pattern
corresponding vaguely to the folding.

2. Stitch-resist-dyeing
Either folds or pleats are fixed by stitching
through them or leading threads through the
material in simple running stitches. Then the
fabric is pushed or drawn together as close as
possible on the threads which are knotted on
the ends. Folds and perforation points, rarely
the running thread itself, form the pattern. For
this technique, the Indonesian term tritik is
now generally used.

3. Wrap-resist-dyeing
Rolled or folded material is partially wrapped
in such a way that no dye can penetrate the
reserved places. Simple wrappings yield
striped patterns. If the material is folded in a
second direction after the first dyeings, one
gets a chequered design. In Rajasthan and
Gujarat fabrics patterned in this way are called
laheria, literally meaning waves.

4. Tie-resist-dyeing
Individual parts of the outspread fabric are
lifted and completely or partially tied in such
a way that one gets spherical or mould-like
forms. Once again the coverings act as resists.
They decide the pattern by their actual forms
and sizes as well as by the way the thread is
wound around the part and tied. Variations are
also possible by different ways of folding the
material. Generally the Indonesian termplangi
is used for this technique. In India and espe¬
cially in Gujarat, it is known as bandhani and
in Rajasthan as chundari.
Opposite Page
5. Stencil-resist-dyeing Padmatola panch kothari bandha,
Stencils that prevent dyes from penetrating five-square lotus pattern. Single- ikat
saree from Baragarh, Orissa,
into the fabric are fixed on it before the colour¬ contemporary
ing is applied. This method, however, is more
Detail of the palav which is typical
suitable for painting or for spraying the dye of the bandha sarees of this area
on the fabric than for dyeing textiles. with rows of extra weft patterns.

85
 6. Paste or wax-resist-dyeing
Parts of the fabric are sprayed, painted or
coated with paste, like mud, lime, gum, or with
molten substances like wax, which when dry¬
ing or cooling, become hard. They then serve
as reserves which can be removed after dyeing
by immersing in hot water, and by washing,
dissolving or rubbing off. Batik, again an Indo¬
nesian term, is generally used for this tech¬
nique.

7. Mordant-resist-dyeing
As against covering the fabric partially to pro¬
tect it against the dye, one prepares parts of
the textiles for dyeing with mordants whilst the
unprepared parts do not take on the dye, i.e.
act as resists. In the most popular process of
Double ikatpafo/a, Patan, early20th
century this kind, used on cotton, mordants containing
This double ikat patola with ikat alum or iron are applied, as in the famous
patterns on the border and cross kalamkari technique.
border and a simple striped body
was made by the Salvis for a
8. Resist-dyeing of yarn to be woven after pat¬
Maharashtrian client. (Collection:
Crafts Museum). terning.
Certain parts of the yarn for warp, weft or both
Opposite Page
are made to resist the dye by wrapping. This
Telia rumal, Poochampalli
dyeing is carried out on yarn bundles from
The tie-and-dye ikat square rumals
which the wrapping is removed after the dye¬
were traditionally woven in Andhra
Pradesh for local users and for ing. The process may be repeated if one wants
export. to produce multi-coloured patterns. If the de-

86
 sign should show clear and definite, not dif¬ possible to survey all the places where they were
fuse or blurred, patterning the yarn has to be used or where they are still in use. The most
arranged before tying and dyeing in the same important centres, however, are well documented,
way as it will be used in the loom. Only then amongst other publications by two important
the motifs will come out clearly. For the same books of the Calico Museum of Textiles, one on
reason one must be very careful not to disturb Ikat Fabrics of Orissa and the other one on Tie-
the arrangement of the yarn and to avoid dis¬ Dyed Fabrics.
placing it during the dyeing process and later
in the loom.
Laheria, wrap-resist-dyed fabrics from Ra¬
The technique of resisting yarn for fabrics is best jasthan.
Known as ikat, also an Indonesian term. If it is For patterning, the fabric is rolled from one corner
applied on the warp above, then one speaks of diagonally to the selvedge and tied very tightly at
warp-ikat. Weft-ikat is patterned in the weft, com- intervals with strong thread or string. Thus, after
pound-ikat in both yarn systems, independent pat¬ dyeing the reserved portions appear as white di¬
terns, double-ikat in both systems as well, but in agonal stripes. Only very thin, loose and not too
such a way that the patterns of warp and weft wide cotton fabrics are suitable for this process.
correspond to each other. This is the most com¬ In thick material the dye would not penetrate prop¬
plicated, incredibly intricate technique of all the erly. For every new colour old ties must be opened
tie-dye techniques. The famous patola of Gujarat and new ones applied. Over-dyeing is also possi¬
belongs to this group. ble. Sometimes only individual parts between two
ties are dipped into the dye or the latter may be
applied by hand.
Of the techniques listed in our classification, only
those which use ties or wrappings as resists are
dealt with here. Thus the following remarks con¬ If the fabric is rolled from one corner for the first
cern themselves exclusively with wrap-resist¬ stages of tying and dyeing and then, for the last
dyeing, tie-resist-dyeing and resist-dyeing of yarn. stages, from the other one, instead of stripes a
These three techniques are very well known in chequered effect is achieved. Even greater variety
India. Unfortunately up to now it has not been is possible if, at the end of the process, parts of

87
 the colouring are discharged, thereby breaking
up the stripes obtained in the first stages.

Laheria fabrics are mostly used as turban cloths

and saris. Single-coloured turban cloths are
known as Rajasthani laheria, multi-coloured ones
as panyla. The variety of technical possibilities
leads to a surprising number of different patterns.

The laheria technique is probably quite old, but

nothing definite is known about its origin. Present
centres of fabrication are Udaipur and Jaipur a
well as neighbouring villages and towns such as
Mathdwara near Udaipur.

Above
This double ikat fragment is from a
saree woven in Gujarat. The dyes
used for creating the ikat pattern
have the soft tones of indigo biue
and majith red.

Below
Popat kunjar patola, Gujarat, late
19th century
The parrot and elephant double ikat
is enclosed into a trellis which has,
at each corner, a jewel-like lozenge
enclosing the cross of a mandala.
Rows of flowering shrubs stand in
between and alternate between red
and green parrots and white
elephants. This design is greatly
valued amongst traditional Gujaratis
and is considered auspicious.

88
The fabrics are mostly tied and sometimes dyed
in the houses, sometimes in small workshops.
The dyeing is done mostly by professionals.

Bandhani, tie-dyed fabrics from Gujarat

and Rajasthan.
Almost any kind of fabric may be used for this
technique: cotton, silk, wool and even synthetic
textiles. Today one uses mostly industrial prod¬
ucts, such as malmal, a thin cotton tissue, and
georgette, a loosely woven silk, but artificial silks
are also quite common.

The process of tying and dyeing the fabric is very

simple on principle but actually it demands much
experience and skill. It is also very lengthy as the
following example from Bhuj, Kutch, may illus¬
trate.

The fabric obtained from the dealer is bleached,

if necessary, then folded into several layers, mostly
four, which are carefully placed one above the
Vachitrapuri saree, Sambalpur,
other and then fixed by stitches at the borders.
contemporary
The rangari, colourer, now marks the layout of the
Vachitrapuri sarees were traditionally
design on the top layer. He is a specialist who worn for weddings. They carry a
does only this work, but for various workshops. combination of bandha and woven
With the help of burnt sienna mixed with water patterns. The warp ikat patterns are
on the body, combined with checks
and put on a cord, he draws lines for the various worked in natural silk, as well as
fields of the design. Into these fields he stamps extra warp patterns on the border in
two coloured silk. The woven
the individual patterns with wooden blocks by us¬
patterns are of stylized fish and
ing the same red-brown pigment as for the lining. rudraksh, typical of most Orissa
How follows the tying of the motif-parts which sarees. The pallu is of weft ikat.

89
Chanderkhani sado, simple moon
pattern. Bandhani odhani from
Kutch, Gujarat, beginning of 20th
century

The centre of the bandhani is the

white background colour and the five
moon forms are in black, with the
red outline dominating. The centre
is framed by multiple tie and dye
borders with the patterns emerging
in red. The technique of dyeing
requires great mastery, so as not to
get any surplus dye on the white
background. The cloth is dyed in
sections by tying the edges before
dipping it in red, section by section.
The tie and dye work is then
executed of the fine motifs which will
emerge in red. The portions
surrounding the roundels which are
to remain red are also tied. After this,
sections of the cloth are dyed in
black. The black borders and the
roundels are edged with red,
producing a dramatic effect by this
juxtaposition of contrasting colours.

90
91
 ssKm

wwmac

have to remain in the original colour of the fabric.

It is mostly carried out by women and girls, rarely
by men. The layers of the folded cloth are pushed
from below with the pointed nail of the small fin¬
ger while the left-hand thumb presses the mate¬
rial together. Thus results an arching-out of the
material, which can now easily be wrapped. This
process is continued from one dot to the other.

The first dyeing, which follows now, is done in the

lightest colour, mostly yellow. The fabric is soaked
in cold water, wrapped in a cloth to make sure
that the ties will not open and then dyed in a hot
solution of a synthetic dye, rinsed, squeezed and
dried.

Probably with the use of modern fast dyes, which

Mashru, Patan, contemporary can be applied cold, it has become popular to dye
The mixed cotton and silk cloth individual parts of the white pattern on the yellow
known as mashru, literally, "allowed" ground by hand, with pink and orange. All these
was possibly developed in the Tiraz
dots, along with the ones left uncoloured are now
factories in Syria for the orthodox
Muslims who were not permitted to tied again.
wear silk next to their body. The silk
warp was woven with a satin weave It follows the dyeing with the next darker colour,
which brought the silk yarn on the
face of the fabric, while the cotton mostly red or green.
weft touched the skin. The designs
for the mashru were created by If the border, the pallav, the end pieces, and per¬
combining extra warp patterns and
haps a few spots in the main field of the textile
warp ikat in the stripes. Though an
ancient tradition, the look of mashru should remain bright red or green while the bor¬
has a contemporaneous quality. ders are meant to become dark red or even black.

92
then all the lighter shaded and white parts of the and show traditional designs. But here, as in
textile have to be covered again. If big spots or Gujarat, owing to the production for town people
broad parts of the fabric have to be reserved they and their modern taste, the designs have become
are nowadays protected by plastic foils. more and more uniform.

After the dyeing, the fabric is washed, and, if nec¬ In Madhya Pradesh extremely fascinating band¬
essary, starched. hani textiles are manufactured in Shivpuri, dark
blue cotton fabrics with white figurative patterns,
The ties of the bandhani fabrics, especially of the made for local farmer communities. Apart from
folded ones with small dots remain on the textile that, modern production is made from different
until they are sold or, at the most, they are opened places e.g. Indore.
in a corner to show the colour scheme. As long
as the ties remain, the customer can be sure that In South India, especially in the region around
he is not buying a printed imitation. For removing Madurai, Saurashtri speaking groups, emigrants
all reserves, the fabric is forcibly pulled crosswise from Gujarat, produce bandhani fabrics with large
so that all the ties open at once and fall. and coarse design on cotton fabrics.

Of course this method, although it is principally Lastly it should be mentioned that Sindh and the
the same in all centres of fabrication, varies in parts of Punjab, now in Pakistan, have been and
details from place to place. The same goes for are still, important centres of bandhani produc¬
designs and sizes of the fabrics. tion.

Bandhani-work is used for saris, odhanis, dupat- Bandhani-work is undoubtedly a very old tech¬
tas as well as for turbans, shirts, skirts and trou¬ nique in India. It is mentioned in the Marshacharita
sers. There are comparatively simple and cheap of the seventh century and around the same time
fabrics and magnificent pieces with gold brocade illustrated on the wall paintings in a cave of Ajanta.
work added, used by well-to-do town communities In the later periods, if not genuine bandhani work,
at their wedding ceremonies. The so-called ghar- then at least printed imitations of such fabrics
cholu form part of this group. The main field of were found in Egypt. They were imported from
these cotton fabrics is divided in squares by bro¬ Gujarat and dated from the fifteenth century on¬
cade work in gold thread while the squares are wards.
filled in with bandhani designs. Fabrics of this
kind serve as odhanis for the brides of many com¬
Mashru, semi-silk fabrics with ikat-stripes
munities in Gujarat.
in the warp.
Another striking group is characterized by the in¬ In these textiles silk is used as warp and cotton
credibly fine dots of the geometrical or floral pat¬ as weft. The weave is satin which causes a smooth
terns on dark red, reddish blue or black ground. right side of the fabric with nearly invisible cotton
These fabrics are known as wedding clothes used parts. The designs consist of length-stripes in dif¬
by Hindu and Muslim Khatri communities in ferent colours, sometimes enriched by small
hutch. They are worn as odhanis but can also be stripes with very simple woven patterns or with
made up into garments like trousers, kurtas and equally simple ikat patterns in block or arrow¬
shirts. head form. Sometimes these ikat patterns may
cover the whole surface of the fabric.
It would lead too far to describe all known groups
of bandhani fabrics produced in different parts Mashru means permitted. Originally it denoted
of India. Only the main centres can be mentioned textiles used by orthodox Muslim men who are
here. The most important ones are situated in forbidden to wear garments of pure silk. However,
Gujarat and Rajasthan. In the first state the largest the fabrics were and still are quite popular among
and best-known workshops are found in Saurash- non-Islamic communities, especially used for pet¬
tra, especially in Jamnagar and other equally fa¬ ticoats, skirts and vests. In earlier times they were
mous centres in hutch. There are also a number also in general use as lining material, for coats
of bandhani production centres in Rajasthan. It is and jackets, for pillow covers, umbrellas, borders
said that the best tie-dye work, with the finest of embroideries, etc.
single motifs, is done in Bikaner and Sikar to the
north of Jaipur. Other centres are Jaipur itself, Today one of the main centres for mashru fabrica¬
Jodhpur, Banner, Pali, Udaipur and Mathdwara. tion is Patan, where about 250 families are occu¬
Many of the fabrics are produced for local people pied in this field of activity.

93
Ikat in Orissa silver applications. Fabrics of this kind belong to
the outstanding products of Indian handicrafts.
The ikat technique of Orissa has been dealt with
in an excellent publication of the Calico Museum During the second quarter of the twentieth cen¬
of Textiles: Ikat-Fabrics from Orissa and Andhra tury rather crude red and black designs — figures,
Pradesh, by Prof. B.C. Mohanty. The patterns of animals and even aeroplanes — were applied on
these textiles are partly resist-dyed, partly woven. turban cloths and lungis. They were known as
The ikat-technique is used for the warp as well as telia rumal and, apart from local use, mostly ex¬
for the weft of the same cloth. Apart from very ported to the Hear East, Arabia and East Africa.
simple motifs like squares, however, the designs According to two Swiss anthropologists, Habholz-
for the two threads systems do not cover each Kartaschoff and Fischer, who are preparing a com¬
other. Thus we are dealing here chiefly with warp prehensive treatise on ikat in Andhra Pradesh, this
ikat, weft ikat and combined ikat. production which was concentrated in Chirala, has
almost entirely stopped.
The ikat products of Orissa are characterized by
an exceedingly fine structure of the motifs and Today the Halgonda District near Hyderabad, with
well-matched and soft colours as well as by their Pochampally, Puttapaka and other localities, is the
manifoldness. Quite a number of them are tradi¬ centre of ikat production in Andhra Pradesh. The
tional. But during the last decades more and more technique was introduced there by dealers and
new forms were introduced, many of them being Chirala-weavers during the first quarter of this
original inventions, others copied from various century, at first without much success. Between
Indian textiles. 1950 and 1960 however a tremendous extension
started, and today one estimates that ikat fabrics
According to Mohanty there are two main regions are produced on about 10,000 looms in the dis¬
in Orissa, producing ikat fabrics. One of them trict.
comprises the Bargarh and Sonepur areas where
Meher communities have developed the technique In these new centres the traditional work, formerly
to an extremely high standard. It seems that origi¬ typical of Chirala, was given up entirely. Besides
nally cotton ikats were produced and these still cotton, mercerised cotton and silk are used now,
prevail in spite of the silk and tassar fabrics being and double ikat was introduced as a technique for
produced as well. The other centre, Maupatna, Ti- complicated patterns. A new style, adapted to the
gria, in the Cuttack District is much older and wishes of the customers, became fashionable; the
traditionally produced only silk fabrics. Only in weavers, belonging to the Padmasali community,
the twentieth century, cotton and tassar ikat were proved to be most ingenious in inventing new
taken over as well. designs as well as in copying traditional patterns
from other ikat regions. Thus, Puttapaka special¬
Orissa ikats are very popular all over India. They ized especially in imitating the famouspatola, dou¬
are used as saris, bed covers, bolsters and cush¬ ble ikat, from Patan in Gujarat.
ion covers, table cloths and mats, napkins, scarves,
stoles, door and window screens, skirt materials, At present ikat fabrics from the Halgonda District
rumals, etc. In all these cases, the weavers have are nearly as popular in India as the textiles from
found ingenious possibilities to adapt the design Orissa. They are mostly used as saris, but lungis
to the use of the fabric. and cloth for various purposes are made as well.

Ikat in Andhra Pradesh Halgonda ikats are easily discernible by their com¬
paratively crude patterning, usually with big mo¬
The oldest ikat centre in this state is Chirala. Dur¬ tifs, and by very bright and often quite hard
ing the last quarter of the nineteenth century and colours. In these aspects they are very different
at the beginning of our century strinkingly beauti¬ from Orissa products.
ful cotton cloths, saris and rumals, were produced
here for local use and for the wealthy sections of
Muslim communities, amongst others in Hydera¬
Patolai, silk double ikats from Gujarat
bad. Undoubtedly the most beautiful fabrics among
the Indian resist-dyed textiles are the world-
Typical of these older fabrics are sombre and ex¬ famous patola from Gujarat. They are outstand¬
tremely fine linear designs in weft ikat, combined ing examples of creative craftsmanship based on
ikat and simple double ikat. Sometimes these pat¬ the experiences of countless generations and typi¬
terns are enriched by fine embroidered motifs or cal for a family craft in which the children begin

94
to take part in the work and learn it from early Indian, Portuguese, Dutch and other merchants
childhood used them to barter for precious spices.

Already ikat on the warp or on the weft are very For the local Indonesian population patola were
complicated techniques which could hardly be de¬ and still are one of the most valuable possessions,
scribed fully in a short article. Even less so is this often being carefully guarded heirlooms. Their
possible for double ikat Many different opera¬ uses have a ceremonial, and a sacred character
tions are necessary to match warp and weft both throughout and even healing powers are ascribed
in size and patterning, to simplify the resisting by to them.
putting together appropriate parts of the threads
and to prevent the tangling or dislocation of the In India traditional use and fabrication of patola
thread throughout the whole working process un¬ were almost entirely restricted to Gujarat. The pa¬
til they are ready to be woven. The weaving as tola weavers belong to the Salvi community. Out¬
well, done on a simple horizontal loom without side of Gujarat they are also found in Jalna, north
treadles, is very laborious. Maharashtra, and in Burhanpur, Madhya Pradesh,
where, upto recent times, patola were woven. In
There are at least forty different traditional types Gujarat there were workshops in Surat as well as
of patola, and with the exception of one form, perhaps in Cambay and Ahmedabad. In earlier
used for cholis, they are all saris or odhanis. The times the production must be very considerable.
arrangement of the patterns is the same in all The craft declined, however, already at the begin¬
these pieces. There is a main body with geometri¬ ning of our century. Before the Second World War
cal, floral and figural designs enclosed by length- there were only two Salvi families in Patan, who
borders with ikat patterns and simple stripes and produced patola and the same is the case at pre¬
pallau, panels, with cross sections in ikat as well sent. It is to be hoped that the craft and with it
as in plain red and, at one end, with gilt-thread these outstanding textiles will not disappear en¬
parts. tirely.

In modern times new motifs have been invented

Nowadays patola are worn on festive occasions
and, apart from saris and odhanis, patola fabrics
by wealthy ladies in many parts of India. But their
are used also as kerchiefs, rumals and curtains.
traditional use is far less widespread. They were
and still are most popular in Gujarat, where they
There are many divergent views on the age and
are traditionally used by Hindus, Anavil and Nagar
origin of the patola technique. There is no archae¬
Brahmins, Vaishnava, Gandhi, etc., Jains and
ological evidence from the Middle Ages or older
Bohra Muslims. Further on there used to be a
periods; only warp ikat, but not double ikat, has
smaller dispersal area in Maharashtra-Madhya
been established by the Ajanta frescoes. The earli¬
Pradesh, in Jalna-Burhanpur region, and in South
est evidence comes from Kerala and T^mil Madu
India in Kerala. Both in Gujarat and Central India
in the South where pafola-like patterns have been
patola used to play an important role in wedding
found on frescoes and paintings in temples and
ceremonies, being worn, however, more often by
palaces of the sixteenth-eighteenth centuries.
the mothers of the bridal couple and other female
Patolu (sing.), Patola (pi.) is a Gujarati word which relations rather than by the bride herself. Men,
may be connected with an expression for silk, but too, used them during certain parts of the wed¬
may also go back to the sense of colourful. In its ding ceremony as shoulder cloths, Hindus and
present form it first appears in Indian literature Jains used them for ritual acts, for instance — as
in the tenth century and from then on with in¬ is also the case for the Bohra Muslims — during
creasing frequency especially in Gujarati litera¬ a pregnancy ceremony. In South India their main
ture. But only from the eighteenth century can the use was as temple hangings, clothing for idols,
fabrics clearly be established to be made of silk, elephant blankets for festive occasions and gifts
and even in these sources nothing is said about by princes.
the patterning technique, nonetheless it may be
assumed that the fabrics were done in double All these traditional functions express clearly that
ikat. patolas used to be not only symbols of wealth but
they were — just as in Indonesia — considered
from contemporary reports one may conclude indispensable for certian ceremonial occasions.
that cloth termed patola began to be exported Special powers were evidently attributed to them,
to Southeast Asia and especially to the Malay Archi¬ and even today they are thought to signify more
pelago at least in the thirteenth century. Here they than just wealth and luck. They possess a sacred
acquired immense significance in various places. or even a magical character.

95
Cotton Jamdanis of T&nda and Banaras
Pupul Jayakar

The cotton jamdani is the rarest and most

sophisticated product of the Indian handloom.
The extraordinary comprehension and knowledge
of colour that is the genius of the Indian crafts¬
man is manifested in these fabrics, the finest of
which are woven in two or more tones of white,
yarn of varying thicknesses being used for effects
of light and shade, transparency and opaque¬
ness. It is the projection of a highly developed
perception rooted in an aesthetic where white is
acknowledged as a colour with nuances and tones.
The Vishnudharmottara differentiates five tones

First published in Lalit Kala (Ancient), Mo.6, 1959. Reprinted

with the kind permission of the author and the Lalit Kala
Academy, Mew Delhi.

96
 Vff,
of white — bright gold or "light" white, tooth white,
pure sandal white, autumn cloud white (clouds in
which rain is spent), autumn moon (shard) white.
In another place, in writing of the rasachitras, white
has been referred to as the colour of hasya (laugh¬
ter). The jamdani cloth is a response to the
challenge of the terrific summer heat of the
Gangetic plains. The fierce scorching sun de¬
mands a cloth that is bereft of colour and yet has
its tones and nuances. A cloth that is light to the
body, that moves to the gentlest breeze, a cloth
that is of great beauty recalling flowers and run¬
ning water and moonlight.

The word jamdani has come to mean loom em¬

broidered or figured, and is applied both to the
woollen weaves of Kashmir as well as to the cot¬ A jamdani weaver, Bengal
ton flowered weaves of the Gangetic plain. The Ajamdani weaver bends over a loom
technique of weaving and the nature of the textile working in the tiny spools of threads
to create the intricate patterns which
is ancient, but the word jamdani does not ap¬ are absorbed into the fabric of the
pear till very late and is likely to have been derived woven cloth.
from the word jama or coat. The jamdani than
Opposite Page
is woven in coat or angarakha lengths of 3% yds.
Jamdani saree, early 20th century,
(3.43 metres).
detail
Pallu of a saree woven with a silk
Jamdani are very fine textured muslins in which warp and a cotton weft. The extra
floral, animal or bird ornaments are woven on the weft inlaid pattern is worked with a
single cotton thread; after weaving
loom. The warp is, as a rule, unbleached grey the motif, the thread is not cut but is
yarn, the motifs being woven in bleached white carried on to the next motif.

97
98
yarn. The most important centres of jamdani
weaving in the Gangetic plain are Dacca, Tanda
(Fyzabad district, Uttar Pradesh) and Banaras. In
Banaras, gold thread is used along with bleached
and unbleached white to weave the design. In
Dacca, coloured cotton thread is used along with
gold and white, but the landa cloths are of the
finest quality, only white yam being used in the
ornament.

From the earliest times, the Gangetic plain was

famous for its fine muslins. The Periplus speaks
of the rarest of Indian muslins in Rome being
known by the name of "Gangetic". Banaras was
famous for its muslins and the finest of them are
known as kasivastra. The Majjhima Nikaya men¬
tions the fact that the great development of fine
cotton production in Banaras was due to the grow¬ Jamdani weave, early 20th century
ing of fine grade cotton, the presence of proficient The traditional jamdani saree has an
spinners and the softness of the water for washing elaborate corner kalga, mango
pattern. On an unbleached cotton
and bleaching. Moti Chandra in Prachina background, the pattern is woven
Bharatiya Vesha Bhusha has identified the chi- with the deep blue-black cotton of
tra viralis or picture muslins and the pushpapat- the nilambari colour. (Collection:
Crafts Museum).
tas or flower-cloth mentioned in the ancient texts
as jamdani fabrics. Megasthenes, describing the Opposite Page
dress of the nobles at the court of Pataliputra, Jamdani pallu, Bengal
writes of them as weaving flowered muslins — A tree of life' motif worked for a pallu
pushpapattas. Banabhatta's tiarshacharita is one of a jamdani saree at Weavers
of the richest sources of our knowledge of ancient Service Centre, Calcutta.

99
textiles. Describing the costume worn by the God¬ centres of production of jamdani cloth devel¬
dess Lakshmi, Bana speaks of a garment white oped and crystallised. Thnda in Fyzabad district
as foam, of the finest muslin, waving in the breeze, of Uttar Pradesh and Dacca became the two main
ornamented with various flowers and birds. In centres of jamdani production. Flowered cot¬
another place he describes these fine transparent tons still continued to be produced in Banaras but
cloths as having the appearance of a cast-off strangely there is no mention under the Mughal
slough of a serpent. Emperor of the estblishment of royal karkhanas
in Banaras.
The Mughals with their sensitivity to beauty and
elegance, their sophistication and the patronage This article does not deal with the jamdani mus¬
extended by them to textile crafts, must have given lins of Dacca. They have already been dealt with
a further impetus to the production of these fig¬ at some length by Forbes Watson in his Textile
ured muslins or chitra uiralis. In the Ain-i-Akbari, Manufacturers and Costumes of India, and by Ajit
there is no mention of the word jamdani in the Ghosh in his article on Dacca muslins.2
list of cotton cloths acquired for the royal ward¬
robe. The name taryeb however appears, and is
It will be worthwhile, however, to mention some
used as an alternative word for a coat. This is
of the main points of difference between the
likely to have indicated a coat made from the finer
jamdani of Tanda and Dacca. In the Dacca
types of jamdard cloth, the words taryeb and
weaves, gold and coloured threads were used in
pench being used even today to denote the most
weaving. In the finer jamdani only coarse
expensive type of figured muslins. Earlier writers
bleached white yarn was used to weave the orna¬
on Indian textile history have used words such as
ment on a fine unbleached background. This use
abrawan, running water, and shabnam, morning
of coarse and fine yarns led to the ornament ap¬
dew, as referring to the fine plain cotton muslins.
pearing distinct against the fine background ma¬
The words however seem more descriptive of a
terial.
figured cloth, the all-over fine diaper in the
jamdard muslin, with its alternating transparent
In Tanda, a fine court bleached yarn was used for
and opaque cotton suggesting the movement of
the ornament. Coloured or gold thread was never
water and the fine dotted muslins suggesting dew.
used. The distinction between the ornament and
Although no direct information exists, it is likely the background cloth was never accentuated. In
that royal karkhanas were set up under the the method of weaving too, the Tbnda variety was
Mughals for the manufacture of jamdard cot¬ different; the thread which formed the ornament
tons. Forbes Watson mentions special jamdanis was not cut at both edges, but was left dangling
woven at Dacca for Aurangzeb costing £31 a on the spool and was introduced into the next
piece.1 Figured pick. Thus figures were introduced which
did not fray at the edges nor did they work loose
Two fundamental changes are however notice¬ during wear. In the Dacca weaves, the thread was
able. The form of the ornament undergoes a cut at both the beginning and end of the orna¬
change. In the court textiles produced by the royal ment.
karkhanas of the Mughals, living forms of birds
and animals disappear, and only floral ornaments
The jamdani of Tanda
are introduced into the cloth, this taboo being
rigidly enforced in all textiles to be worn on the Tianda is a small town in the district of Fyzabad,
body. The same prohibition exists even today in Uttar Pradesh. Its origin is associated with the
among the weavers of Chanderi. They consider it Emperor Akbar who is said to have named it
haram or unlawful to weave cloth in which living Khaspur T^nda, Tianda being the name for the
beings, human, animal or bird, are to be portrayed. local gangs of Banjaras who encamped there. It
The concept of colour also undergoes a change. appears to have been held as jagir by the royal
In the list of colours mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari washerman of Akbar's court, Malik Khas Zahldl
as comprising the royal wardrobe, there is no of Baghdad, who is said to have settled in T^nda,
longer mention of the various tones of white. The and his family came to be known as the Malika of
kora unbleached cloth which has ritual signifi¬ Khaspur. Ho information is available on the origin
cance to the Hindu gives place to the bleached of the jamdani industry there. But it is probable
jamdani worn at the Mughal courts. that Katwas and Julahas from Banaras were
taken and settled at Thnda in the early 16th cen¬
With the establishment of royal karkhanas for tury. The name of Sa'adat Ali Khan, Mughal gov¬
the manufacture of fabrics for the royal courts, the ernor of Oudh, is clearly associated with the devel-

100
 opment of the textile manufacture at Tbnda, as are required as there are floral ornaments across
well as Mahummad Hyat Khan of Rasulpur. The the width of the cloth. The ornamental figures are
patronage of the court of Oudh gave a great impe¬ woven by two threads of yarn of the same count
tus to the manufacture of jamdani cloth, and as in the background, being introduced into the
flowered muslin angarkhis became the court cloth by means of extra spools, the threads of
dress of the Oudh rulers. It is likely that like the which are passed under and over the ornament
jamdani cottons of Dacca, the flowered muslins as many times as are required to form the design.
of Tanda ,were retained as a monopoly in the The threads selected for this purpose are lifted
hands of the Government. In Dacca, jamdani up by the weaver with his fingers. Mo mechanical
weavers were forbidden under threat of corporal contrivances like the Jacquard or dobby are re¬
punishment to sell to any person a piece exceed¬ quired to lift up the threads. There is no draw boy
ing the value of £3/-. The Indian and European sitting near the looms pulling the cords to ma¬
merchants were obliged to purchase muslin nipulate the harness. The weaver sits at the loom
through brokers specially appointed by the Gov¬ usually with one or two assistants.
ernment. A detailed account of the later history
of the jamdani industry in Tbnda, has been left This twill-tapestry type of weaving is very akin to
by H.R. Meville in The District Gazetteer of the U.P. embroidery — the bamboo spindle taking the
of Agra and Oudh.5 place of the needle. The weaver works directly on
the loom. The knowledge of the designs is carried
In the 18th century, agents of the East India Com¬ in his head. Mo naqshas are used, nor is the
pany established a trading centre at Tbnda which design tied on the loom.
appears to have been famous for its cotton print¬
ing as well as weaving. Meville mentions the name Apart from than intended for the production of
of a Mr. John Scott who is said to have had an angarkhis the jamdani cloth is woven for caps
immense establishment in Tanda. where all the and for saris. Borders, pallaus or end pieces of
cloth made in the town was brought for bleaching saris and the buta (small motis) are woven. The
and washing. All the washerman seem to have forms of the ornament are floral. The flowers
been in his pay. For the security they enjoyed, a which ornament parts of the body of the cloth are
tax of three annas in a score was paid by the woven either vertically or horizontally. The
weavers to Mr. Scott for the use of his place. Mr. chameli, mogra, juhi, khas pomera, genda,
Scott was followed by a James Orr who is said to khas kamana, ishqapench, harsingar,
have been paymaster in the British service, lie phulbaryari are some of the common flowers
introduced a number of changes in the manufac¬ used for the design. The following names of de¬
ture of cotton fabrics and it appears likely that signs have been given by one of the best known
various other textiles such as tablecloths, towels, jamdani weavers of Tanda.
etc., on European demand, were woven at Tbnda
at this time. Aribel (bel, meaning creeper or climber) — run¬
ning figures arranged diagonally.
By 1874, however, the number of jamdani weav¬ Laharia (lahar, meaning a wave) — figured like
ers had decreased to 875. At the present moment the wave of the sea.
there are about Five weaver families with knowl¬ tiarava — straight or wave-like vertical lines inter-
edge of the manufacture of the fabulous speresed with little flower-like motifs.
jamdani cotton fabrics. Mention has been made Kharibel — running figures arranged horizon¬
by Meville in the Gazetteer of the great skill of the tally.
Katwas who were Hindus and who were capable liangura — border about 3" wide for saris, dupat-
of producing and spinning yarn in counts ranging tas, blouses, etc.
from 150s to 200s.4 The Julahas or weavers were Aribel bharyvara — big flowers, 2" apart.
Muslims. Till about fifty years ago very fine, hand- Saro — vertically pillars or stylized trees; repeats
spun yarn was being used to weave the jamdani spaced about 2V2" apart.
cloth. The flowered muslin cloth contained per Katar — crossed sword with shield motif, arranged
inch 90 to 120 ends in the warp and 80 to 110 in in 1/2" wide stripes.
the weft. The loom used by the jamdani weaver Lahar—waves arranged horizontally, about twelve
has remained to this day the old traditional type waves in a 36;; piece.
of pit-loom. Mo special attachments are needed. harauva — as in aribel, running vertically across.
The spindle is known as rach and is made out of Patri — running horizontally figures.
small bamboos or maize stalks. This spindle is Jaldar — ornamental figures arranged in the
about two inches long. As many bamboos splits form of a network {jal meaning net).

101
Purmatan — small intricate hexagonal figures with In the cotton jamdarii weaving of Tfrnda and of
flowers all over the cloth. Dacca, the weft threads alone form the pattern.
— roses and leaves alternating within
Jal guldasta They do not extend over the full width of the cloth,
the ornamental network. but are used on the warp threads to delineate the
ornament. Unlike Figured weaving in other parts
Phuldar — flowerlike ornament in the body of the
of the world, the ornament is woven directly on
sari
the cloth without the aid of any form of technical
Pankala— ornate cones about 3" square with an
devices as naqsha. This introduced an entirely
ornamental motif within the cone. new element into the twill-tapestry technique
Buta — ornamental single motifs within the body which in my opinion must have been indigenous
of the cloth. to this country. Irwin does not seem to have given
Fardl buta — small dots arranged close together; sufficient importance to the place of the naqsh¬
a sari takes four months to weave, there being one band in the twill-tapestry process of weaving as
lakh figures required for a piece of 1 x 3 yds. practised in Kashmir and in parts of Central Asia.
Masur buta — ornamental motifs of the size of a It appears very likely that the function of the naqsh¬
masur dal; it takes twelve hours to weave one band was of foreign origin and is likely to have
inch. been introduced into India into the indigenous
Makkhi buta — small dots of the size of a fly. twill-tapestry process of weaving as early as the
Shahi buta — design made by the use of one killi beginning of the 15th century. That the tilikar or
or shirki, i.e. one small spindle. twill-tapestry process of weaving was known in
Phul annanas — pineapple motif. ancient India is corroborated by Moti Chandra6 in
Jamewar — intricate all-over design in cotton.
his article on Kashmir shawls.
Ishqapench — a pattern of fine leaves arranged in It is also likely that naqshbands of great skill came
a creeper form. to Kashmir in the reign of Zain-ul-abidln. Moti
Chandra in the same article gives a description
The most important features that distinguish the from the Jaina Rajatarangini
flowered muslin of Tanda from other ornamental
weaves are the use of the twill-tapestry technique There is apparently no word in Sanskrit equivalent
of weaving and the absence of the naqsha and of to naqshband or naqsh-making, nor is there any
the function of the naqshband. John Irwin in his description of this important function in the early
monograph on shawls has traced the origin of the texts, although all the other intricate processes of
twill-tapestry technique to the time of Zain-ul- weaving have been explained in some detail. This
abidln (A.D. 1420-1470). Me is of the opinion would lead us to believe that the twill-tapestry
that weavers from Turkestan introduced the twill- type of technique practised in the jamdani weav¬
tapestry technique into India. He supports this ing was the earliest form of indigenous weaving
view on the basis that the twill-tapestry technique in this country and the later use of naqshabands
of weaving, apart from the tilikar weaving of in the tilikar shawls of Kashmir and the cotton
shawls in Kashmir, does not exist in any other and gold jamdani of Banaras was the impact of
part of the Indian sub-continent and the tech¬ the introduction of naqshbands brought in by Mus¬
nique used in the weaving of these Kashmir shawls lim conquerors from Persia and Central Asia.
can be traced to the introduction of artisans into
Kashmir at the time of Zain-ul-Abidin.5 With the introduction of this new function of naqsh¬
band and the practice of tying the naqsha or
From a study, however, of the weaving processes pattern on to the loom, designs became more
to be found in cotton jamdani weaving, Irwin's complicated and a large number of coloured
views need further examination. threads began to be introduced into the cloth.

FOOTNOTES
1. Forbes Watson, Textile Manufacturers and Costumes of In¬ 2. Ajit Qhosh, "Figured Fabrics of Old Bengal", Marg, Vol.3,
dia. "The jamdanee or loom figured muslins, from the No. I, p.38.
exquisite delicacy of manipulation which many of them 3. FI.R. Neville, The District Gazetteer of the U.F. of Agra and
display, may be considered the chef-d'oeuvre of the Indian Oudh, p.41.
weaver. From their complicated designs they have always 4. Ibid., p.42.
constituted the expensive productions of the Dacca loom. 5. John Irwin, Shawls: A Study in Indo-European Influences,
Those manufactured for the Emperor Aurangzeb are stated London, 1955, p.2.
to have cost 31, while some manufactured in 1776 reached
6. Moti Chandra, "Kashmir Shawls", Bulletin of the Prince of
the extravagant price of 56 per piece."
Wales Museum of Western India, No.3, p.4.

102
Light and Shade, Blue and Red:
The Azrak of Sind
Frangoise Cousin

Editorial note: One of the oldest techniques of printing in

India is that of azrak; today however the finest azrak is printed
in Sind, now in Pakistan. In India the tradition is maintained in
Dhamadka in hutch where Mr. Mohamedbahi Khatri has re¬
vived the tradition of using vegetable dyes. The detailed study
of the printing technique and the use of the colours, as well as
the evolution of the geometric patterns of azrak, common to
Sind and Gujarat, has been carried out in great detail by Tran-
coise Cousin. This article has been translated by Achille Torler.

Printed originally in French as "Lumiere et ombre, blue et

rouge: les azrak du Sind" in Objects et Mondes Volume 16,
Fasc 2 - ETF 1976, Musee de I'Homme, Paris. Translated by
Achille Forler. Reprinted with the kind permission of Objects et
Mondes and the author.

103
 The use of azrak1 is widespread throughout the
province of Sind, Pakistan. The azrak is a large,
rectangular cloth put together from two strips of
narrow cotton cloth. The patterns are printed in
blue and red. It is used by the Muslim men of the
region as a turban or as a shoulder cloth with
which they cover themselves when it is chilly, or
as a bedspread. It is given as a gift on numerous
occasions. In short, it is associated with their eve¬
ryday life. Women have also begun to use it: here
the motifs are generally different but the tech¬
nique remains the same. Today's fashion among
the Sindhis, as well as their newfound awareness
of their regional character, has transformed the
azrak into a kind of symbol of self-identification
and has opened up a new market for it among the
upper class of Karachi, nevertheless, it is with the
men in the provincial towns and villages that its
popularity is the greatest.

The technique of handblock-printing is used in

Sind for the decoration of diverse fabrics: bed¬
spreads, blankets, turbans for men, veils or skirts
for women. The motifs are varied: some exclu¬
sively Sindhi, others as used in the neighbouring
state of Rajasthan, India. They are traditional de¬
signs indicative of the religious or the geographi¬
cal association of the wearer, sometimes suggest¬
ing even his social and professional group.

Though the basic technique of handblock-printing

is the same for all different types of azrak, the
process and the different technical stages may dif¬
fer with the pattern. The printing of the cloth is
done with a mordant, a resist, or both. When a
mordant is printed, the dye reacts with it and only
the mordant covered areas accept the colour. On
the contrary, when a resist is printed it is those
areas without resist which accept the dye. In the
case of azrak the process is particularly complex
and is the work of highly skilled craftsmen.

The villages where the azrak is printed — side by

side with other fabrics — are situated in the Lower
Valley of the Indus. Water is indispensable at all
stages of the process and the presence of the
river, with its numerous ramifications and canals,
was an important factor for the establishment and
development of the printing industry and the

Author's Note
Mr. Marc Qabroieau has kindly checked the translation of the
Sindhi terms: it is J. Platts' A Dictionary of Urdu, classical
Hindi and English, Oxford University Press (1st ed. 1884,
1259 p.) which has been used for the words that could be
Previous Page identified. I have also been advised, in the analysis of the lines
of construction, by Mr. Piotr Perelys. I wish to thank them here
Ajrakh print reversible bed cover as we[[ 35 ^rs shireen Firoz liana for the interest she took in
block printed from Kutch my work.

104
growth of communities of printers. of the printing process. The owner usually re¬
serves for himself the task of preparing the dye¬
Today, for economic reasons, printing is aban¬ stuffs and the dyeing baths.
doned or considerably reduced in some villages.
The two major problems which confront the crafts¬ The wages of the craftsmen vary according to
men are the marketing of their product and the whether or not they belong to the owner's family.
availability of imported raw materials. The latter Family members are not paid as they live together
problem is of recent origin. The Government of according to the joint-family system. In the case
Pakistan has restricted the import of non- of hired labour, they are paid on a piece-rate. It is
essential commodities, among which are included difficult however to give a precise figure; the wages
indigo and alizarine (madder) dyes which are es¬ vary according to the financial position of the firm
sential to the printing industry. Traditionally, the or, in the workshops where specialization exists,
printer purchases the raw materials and sells the according to the type of cloth prepared by them.
finished product in the bazaar. This has made him
financially dependent on the wholesale dealers.
Technological Data
However, one witnesses today attempts to re¬
group. Some factories employing craftsmen grow The preparation of the azrak is divided into nu¬
by centralizing the demands of the wholesale deal¬ merous stages spread over several days.
ers, but at the expense of less prosperous facto¬
ries. Or, the craftsmen try to organize themselves The white cotton cloth, bought in bulk from the
by setting up a purchase cooperative which en¬ bazaar, is cut to the required dimensions.3 The
ables them to obtain an important licence for the pieces are immersed into a copper container filled
essential raw materials. with cold water and soda ash. They are then hung
on rods placed across a cauldron filled with boil¬
The printers belong to a Muslim community called ing water. The steam goes through the cloth which
Khatri. They sometimes engage workers from is thus softened and bleached. After being washed
other communities for subsidiary jobs, such as in the river or canal and dried, it is spread over a
washing the cloth. For instance, in 1973, T^ndo copper pot filled to the three-fourths with water.
Mohammed Khan employed among his workforce Soap is applied on it and rubbed with the hands
of thirty-five: three Sumro, four Mohana and three while the cloth absorbs the water. It is then
Shidi.2 plunged in a mixture of two oils and immediately
taken out, twisted together and kept overnight.
As a general rule, printing and dyeing is done by The next day it is again washed in the river and
men. However, in some factories, one can see dried. Thereafter, it is soaked in a mixture of pow¬
women engaged in the subordinate tasks of prepa¬ dered sakun seeds4 and oil, and dried again. At
ration of the dyes and the resists, such as grinding this stage the cloth has a beige colour.
of the seeds, etc... Whereas the work, which is
eventually done by the women, is done in the These operations are for degumming the cloth
living quarters themselves, most of the operations so as to soften and prepare it for absorbing the
take place in workshops which are separate from dyes. The process is not always as complex but,
but near to their living quarters. The workplace even when simpler, it needs always to be done.
has both covered and open air spaces. For the As a matter of fact, this practice is imperative for,
washing, the cloth is carried to the river or the the better the cloth is prepared, the better the end
canal. result will be.

Among the printers one can distinguish between Thereafter, the first print asul (or asil) is done with
the master-craftsman and owner, the craftsmen a block called asule-jo pur. The printing is done
and, sometimes, the apprentices. Strictly speak¬ with a mixture of gum from the tree mimosa ara-
ing, there is no specialization at the level of print¬ bica, babur khunr, lime, curia, and water. A little
ing. Each one carries out all the operations of the alizarine is added to give it a colour to make the
process from beginning to end, with the appren¬ work easier. The motif thus printed will be white
tices themselves attending to the craftsmen in all or pale red on red after dyeing it with alizarine.
the operations. However, in large factories, there The few spots which must remain shining white
are printers who specialize in the preparation of are printed with a mixture without alizarine. Print¬
a particular design. But even in this case, where ing is done from left to right. First the borders are
he is confined to the production of a particular printed, across the border first. The ground is
cloth, the craftsman is in charge of all the stages printed last.

105
The second print, kot, is done with a block called whites their full eclat. Therefore, the more careful
kot-jo pur. A solution of ferrous sulphate, hira the finishing, the greater the value of the cloth.
kas, thickened with earth, gum or grounded seeds,
ambika of the amli tree, is used. This print will In some azrak, and for some parts only, the woo¬
turn black after being dyed in alizarine. dblocks asul and kot are inversed: the block asul
is used for printing the kot and vice versa. The
The third print, khor, is that of a resist made of a expression katsyi cura is used for such an opera¬
mixture of earth, metti, flour, afo, khunr, alumin¬ tion which causes an inversion of the colours.
ium sulphate, phitkar or phitki), and water, some¬ This seems to be of recent origin.
times adding molasses, ghur. After printing, the
cloth is sprinkled with rice bran, kitti, or powdered One could conceive of a simpler procedure but at
cowdung, bhan, with the help of a sieve to fix the the expense of the delicacy of the lines and the
compound. This resist covers all the parts des¬ precision of the superimpositions. In the same
tined to receive a colour other than blue. way, the recent introduction of chemicals contain¬
ing naphthol results in a loss of quality in the
Then comes the indigo dyeing. This process is colours.
carried out with the dye kept cold in a deep tank
in the ground. The length of the cloth is folded Most of the raw materials have been mentioned
fourfold, then pleated widthwise. They are dipped in the sequence in which they are used. The use
into the tank, pressed and made to dry. Finally, of natural products, vegetable or mineral, has al¬
the cloth is vigorously washed in running water. most completely disappeared. For example, the
This operation removes the resist but not the two ferrous sulphate used as mordant, hira khas, is
prints, nor the aluminium sulphate which perme¬ no more produced from iron scrap made to fer¬
ates the cloth and will produce the red colour in ment with molasses in water. The same is true of
the alizarine dye. aluminium sulphate for which potash alum was
used, and for the dyes themselves, alizarine and
The cloth is now dyed in alizarine. Water is boiled indigo. Today, imported synthetic products are
in drums in which a solution of alizarine and sakun used. The only natural products still in use are the
seeds is thrown, after which the cloth is immersed. gums (gum from mimosa arabica, almond gum),
The operation lasts over two hours and the water oils (vegetable oil, castor oil), clay, molasses, lime,
is kept near boiling point all the time. The cloth sakun seeds and, of course, water.
is stirred to ensure a uniform dye while alizarine
and sakun seeds continue to be added. The cloth, The cloth used is cotton, of diverse quality and
after being taken out, is left to cool until it can be manufactured in Pakistan. The craftsmen buy it
picked up by hand. It is then put in water contain¬ in bulk from the bazaar.
ing fresh camel dung, ut-ji gissi, and left to soak
for twelve hours. The next morning, the cloth is For printing, the craftsmen uses woodblocks, pur,
taken to the canal and washed in water containing made by specialized craftsmen called purgar. The
soda ash and caustic soda. This process is called block-makers of village Radhan, in the district of
tapai. It is followed by an operation called cat Dadu, have a particular reputation for the quality
which consists in drying the cloth on a sandy of their work. The blocks, from ten to fifteen cen¬
bank, sprinkling it when it is half dry, five or six timetres in thickness, are always made from a
times. The term tapai is sometimes used for this hard wood to keep the contours of the carvings
last operation too. In the evening, the cloth is sharp for a prolonged use. Yet, blocks that are
again washed and left to dry. used regularly have to be changed every year.

A new resist, khor, is then printed and the cloth is Several blocks are needed to complete the design
again dyed in the indigo tank. This operation is of a cloth and each block has a particular name,
called mina and produces a second shade of blue. depending on the operation for which it is des¬
tined.5 Thus, one distinguishes asul, kot, khor,
The finishing consists in successive washing: first phuli, mina from the names of the different im¬
in water containing soda ash, then in water con¬ pressions. Phuli designates the small motif, gen¬
taining a detergent and, finally, in running water. erally star-shaped or circular, which remains spot¬
Once the cloth is dry, it is beaten. In fact, just as lessly white. Sometimes it is obtained not with the
a meticulous preparation of the work gives a high help of a block but solely by plugging at the right
quality print and dye, it is through the finishing time, with cloth or clay, the desired portion of the
that the colours take their full luminosity and the block. To this set of blocks one should add the

106
 Square motifs whose pattern is
based on diagonals and medians
a) khorak, date. This is the only motif
which is done solely in red against a
blue background.
b) moru, peacock.
c) jileb, a kind of sweetmeat. The
presence of a central cross and
squares is exceptional.

107
Square motifs whose pattern is
based on the reduction of the
diagonals
a) dabuli, round jewel-box, or cakki,
millstone; this motif is organised
around a central circular element.
b) chap, literally meaning print; this
is the only instance when the name
refers to the artisan's work and not to
an exterior object.
c) badam, almond.
d) ishq pech, meaning a love affair;
often symbolized by plants from the
family of Convolvulaceae, such as the
morning glory and the bindweed.
e) chalo sarkari, government seal;
this refers probably to a ring with a
seal and seams to go back to the
time of British rule.

108
/\

109
a) coman, garden; traditionally used
only for bedspreads, this motif is
borrowed today for some types of
azrah.
b) ghalica, carpet; another motif
borrowed from the printed bedspread
decors.
rough blocks made by the craftsmen themselves bi puri. The latter, of course, take more skill and
which are used to cover the borders lengthwise time and are therefore costlier. The most famous
with resist. ateliers produce only bi puri azrak, or so their
owners claim. On the other hand, ateliers facing
After use, the blocks are carefully cleansed with a financial difficulties are compelled to produce ek
pig-bristle brush and, eventually, an engraver's puri azrak.
point is used to clean the holes in some blocks.
They are oiled before being stored away. The azrak differ also by the organization of their
pattern and by the motifs included. The buyer,
The craftsman's working-table, pathia, is low and according to his taste and his purse, has the choice
made by the local carpenter. On it are laid layers between different types of patterns and, among
of cloth, ghar. The cloth on the top, acharo, is each type, between different motifs6 though some
thickest. This layer makes the surface on which motifs appear only in particular types of azrak.
the cloth to be printed is placed, soft. A simple
pad makes for a seat. To his right, either on the Almost all the azrak are printed against either a
floor, or on a small support, he keeps the pot with blue or a red background. If one describes them
the printing mixture. It consists of an earthen when mounted, the disposition of the pattern is
receptacle, rectangular in shape, called chati. A as follows: at both ends is the cross border, palad.
screen made of reed, chipri, is placed inside; on it, Restricted by these two cross borders are two bor¬
a thick piece of cloth, jute or wool, with a layer of ders that run lengthwise. Finally, we have the cen¬
cotton cloth atop. The dye is poured slowly into tral rectangle, the ground, surrounded by one or
the pot through the sides and is absorbed by the more "frames ". Lines of separation are printed
layers of cloth resting on the reed screen. The between all these parts; they are the "frames"
block, when pressed on this pad of cloth, receives which help, it seems, to distinguish the different
a uniform layer of the dye or mordant. The resist types of azrak.
is generally put in a broken earthen pot, tibri
Thus, there is a great variety of patterns. Some of
These are the main tools use for the printing proc¬ them are very old while others are of recent ori¬
ess itself. Moreover, the craftsman uses a straw, gin. The novelty lies in changing the layout of the
tili, as a measuring instrument to measure the motifs by using sometimes a motif traditionally
different parts of the pattern and the distance associated with another type of cloth. Such inno¬
between the joints of the motifs and a piece of vations show the vitality of the craft and the
cloth or paper, camri, to "cut" the pattern. strength of the demand. It is true that the adop¬
tion of a handicraft by a clientele different from
Tor the grinding work a millstone similar to the the traditional customers can be a sign of the
one used for the grains at home is used. The pre¬ decadence of the technique and the first step to¬
paration of the mordants is done in big copper wards a decline of the quality; for the present, this
pots, degri, while that of the resists is done in phenomenon is marginal and the rapport between
earthen pots. the two demands is far from being upset. The
development of a new section of users does not
Since the alizarine dye requires boiling, it is pre¬ correspond to a disaffection among the traditional
pared in a huge copper pot, charu (or charun), clientele.
placed over a fire, bhati. The cloth is continually
stirred with the help of two sticks, dhandio. For The simplest type of azrak is called naro vari azrak
measuring the quantity of alizarine, a vessel, vati, At both extremities one finds a cross border with
is used and two handfuls, bhuk, for the sakum. two registers, separated and aligned at the inside
The indigo dye is made in an earthen tank, kuni by a line consisting of a triple white stroke and
(or gundi), built by the potters. For stirring, they called naro. The borders consist of a plain red
use a long wooden pole, lath. Copper pots are stripe enhanced on the inside by a triple white
also used for the washing at the river or canal. The line. The central rectangle is decorated with one
cloth is beaten on a stone, paro, with a wooden of the azrak motifs.
mallet.
The most elaborate type of azrak is called thi
hashe-ji azrak (azrak with three borders). The
Study of the Patterns
cross borders, always with two registers, are em¬
There are two kinds of azrak those printed on one phasized by a line of separation named after its
side only, ekpuri, and those printed on both sides. pattern, sadi vat, and which is found again on the

in
inner side of a plain stripe to mark the longitudi¬ line of separation. The central ground is limited
nal borders. Thus a rectangle is formed sur¬ at both ends by a cross border which touches the
rounded by three "frames", each one separated longitudinal borders and is filled with the same
by the same line, sadi vat, and printed inwards badam motif. The newly made rectangle is then
with the following motifs: parai hasho, seleimi framed, the motif of the frame differing with the
hasho, parai hasho. The angles are carefully exe¬ direction: hasho across and badam lengthwise.
cuted so that there may be no overlapping or The inner separation lines cross each other at the
blank space but a perfect joining of the motifs. angles, forming a square decorated with a flower
The ground is decorated with the seleimi hasho motif, phut For the decoration of the ground an¬
motif or some other azrak motif such as the other azrak motif, different from the previous
badam. ones, is used: cakki for example. The novelty lies
in the presence of a composite frame, not found
In the disposition of the pase-jo hasho azrak one elsewhere, in the square corner motif and in the
meets again the same cross borders as in the use of several motifs — which is a break from the
preceding cloths, terminated by a sadi vat line. sobriety of the "classical" azrak. nevertheless, such
The line also runs along the internal edge of the a pattern is frequent in bedspreads.
plain stripe placed on the longitudinal border.
The central rectangle is framed with the hasho The cross border, palad, has in all cases two regis¬
motif doubled width, without separation, and bor¬ ters. The external register consists of an arched
dered on the inside by a sadi vat line. The ground line decorated with stylized floral motifs. Sepa¬
itself is decorated with an azrak motif, here the rated from this by a triple white line, naro, the
cakki (or dabuli). second register is decorated with motifs so that
the width of one of these motifs comprises two
The sajo hashe yari azrak presents the same arches with perfectly synchronized joints. One can
across and longitudinal borders. The frame is distinguish two different motifs for this register:
made with the parai hasho motif printed in double one that is closed and one that is open. In the
width and bordered on the inside by a sadi vat first, two multifoiled, symmetrically opposed
line. The ground is decorated width the seleimi arches rest on two columns; inset in the space
hasho motif. thus circumscribed is a medallion with festooned
borders decorated with a bouquet. The second is
Ghalica vari azrak has only recently been intro¬ of a similar style: a multifoiled arch resting on two
duced. In this case, it is the motif that is new. On columns delimits an open space in which is a
the transversal border one finds the same decor basin with flowers spread out.
as in the other azrak but inversely printed: the
block for asul is used for the printing of kot and The longitudinal border is simpler. It consists of
vice-versa. We have already seen that this tech¬ a plain stripe of red if the background is blue and
nique of inversion is called katqji cura, an expres¬ blue if the background is red.
sion which designates the operation itself and, by
extension, its result. The longitudinal borders are The actual azrak motifs decorate the central part.
the same as in the "classical" azrak already men¬ The same motif is repeated all over the rectangu¬
tioned. The frame is made by printing the ghalica lar surface; this juxtaposition gives a pattern of
motif in double width and without the separation intercrossing diagonal lines. The frame or the
line. A line of separation surrounds the central frames generally use a motif different from the
rectangle decorated with the val motif, using the central one.
regular blocks.
Finally, the different parts of the pattern are sepa¬
In these four azrak, the difference lies in the pref¬ rated by dividing lines, vat, which could also be
erential use of one or the other element. A sepa¬ called transition lines as they are not used without
rating line here or the exclusive presence of a a purpose.
particular motif there are enough to justify the
distinction though the overall design be the same. The simplest line is the naro, the triple white line
already mentioned, appearing on all the transver¬
Finally, the last new type is called tedi azrak. The sal borders as well as on the fringe in the naro
cross borders are limited by a line which is called azrak. Of a more complex pattern, the cher vari
after its pattern: cher vari vat The longitudinal vat and sadi vat, are used with a preference in
borders are composite: a stripe ornamented with some types of azrak; cher vari vat, which takes its
the azrak motif badam, surrounded by the same name from the ankle bells, cher, presents a suc-

112
cession of tiny flowers separated by long stylised kakar motif was reserved for the black slaves while
leaves giving the effect of undulating lines. A row the val motif is used primarily by women.
of small triangles on either side completes the
decor. Blooming flowers on a straight line deco¬ The parai hasho and the seleimi hasho are two
rated with small leaves make the sadi vat Two variants of an identical theme. The same block is
thick, black, dotted lines make up the edge. used in both cases for the first print, asul, and it
is only with the knot block that the difference will
If by their name they evoke nature or the objects begin. The pattern is therefore the same: two me¬
of daily life, the azrak motifs themselves show dian axes divide the surface into four parts, each
such a stylization that they are distinguished part again divided by two secondary median axes.
rather by the peculiar combination of often simi¬ A foliated scroll is used as setting for the val mo¬
lar elements than by any realistic or figurative tif. As for the kakar motif, it is characterized by a
representation. The decor of the ceramic tiles of geometrical pattern that is not coherent at the
the tombs and mosques of Thatta are often used level of one motif alone. Repetition brings to light
as a reference and, effectively, one finds an affinity obliques between which lines undulate and twist
of inspiration due to, or enhanced by, a decorative without any immediately recognizable apparent
method. But it is perhaps hazardous to claim af¬ order.
filiation or a direct dependence and more prudent
to speak of a convergence, after all quite natural. With the square motifs we come to the actual
However, the reputation of the Thatta motifs is azrak motifs. If one tries to find the general lines
such, that it seems certain that, at one point, the besides the primary, diagonal and median lines,
printers must have transposed them on cloth. two major types stand out: the first, where diago¬
Such is the case for the hasho motifs (pargi hasho nals, verticals and horizontals are associated, in¬
and seleimi hasho). tercrossing at regular intervals; the second, which
relies on the scaling of the diagonal only. On
The inventory is probably not exhaustive but, of these two trellises are disposed the motifs in¬
all the names actually cited to designate the mo¬ scribed in the geometrical figures thus composed
tifs, only the real motif, an Arabian coin, is miss¬ or in the circles inscribed within these figures.
ing. The name of tauiz, amulet, has also been These figures are never obvious, but only sug¬
given to me in the village of Khebar but it seems gested by the very place of the different elements
to designate the motif called hasho elsewhere. of the pattern.
The names given to the motifs are certainly less
stable than the motifs themselves. The purpose is not at all to make an arbitrary, a
posteriori,reconstitution of these geometrical con¬
structions but, on the contrary, to find at the be¬
As we have seen, the motifs are red on a blue
ginning of the chain of operations the first task
background or inversely and, as the case may be,
which the craftsman who carves the blocks sets
are called for example lal cakki or garho kakar,
out to do; in other words, the plan according to
red wheel or red cloud, or mina badam, blue
which he will carve out or leave as it is such and
almond.7
such a portion.

The azrak motifs are inscribed in the square or The construction of the motifs follows two oppo¬
rectangular surface of the printing block. The first site but complementary tendencies. On one hand,
to be used are the blocks for the asul printing and the printing block, used as the basic unit, is a
it is these which determine the pattern; it is there¬ closed surface having a clear, coherent and bal¬
fore on these that the following analysis is based. anced order: the centre is always clearly defined
and the diverse elements of the pattern are solidly
Besides the square motifs, which are the most structured around it according to the pattern of
numerous, there are some inscribed in rectan¬ the diagonals and medians. But on the other
gles: hasho, kakar and val These motifs are for¬ hand, and at the same time, this well-delimited
eign, one could say, to the art of the azrak, either construction opens outwards and by this very open¬
because they are borrowed from a different art ing a new order is created, ruled by different laws.
(this is the case, as we have seen, of the hasho It is this balance between the centrifugal and the
motifs inspired from the ceramic design), or be¬ centripetal tendencies within one unit, translated
cause they were destined — originally or in prior¬ by the surfaces (and of course by the alternating
ity — for a group different from today's traditional of the colours, not dealt with here) which will gen¬
users: men, both Sindhi and Moslem. Thus, the erate the harmony at the time of repetition; that

113
is, at the moment when the part will merge into whole; the polarization thus closes the decor and,
the whole. The balance is perfect when only a ultimately, repetition is not a decorative necessity
minute examination of the joints on the cloth re¬ imposed by the motif itself.
veal the size of the wooden block. In this sense,
the ghalica and caman motifs which are taken The analysis reveals a unity and a coherence in the
from printed bedspread decors, are cases apart. inspiration which is broken only in the case of
They can be integrated within the framework of motifs foreign to the art of azrak. These character¬
the geometrical construction defined above as istics are part of a decorative tradition which cov¬
long as the play of the diagonal and the medians ers a fairly large geographical area and a variety of
is respected. But, in another way, these geometri¬ applied techniques and it is within this stream that
cal lines build up a decor where the central ele¬ the original creation of the azrak must be seen.
ment takes prime importance in regard to the

FOOTNOTES

1. The term azrak is probably derived from the arabic a/'rag 4. This is the sakur referred to by T. Rostans, op.ciL pp. 96
which designates the cerulean blue. and 100: "red dye, produced from the knot of the tamarisk
shrub" and "The knots or berries found upon this shrub are
2. On the Khatri and their activities, see esp. C.G.H. Fawcett: A
used as a dye ..." These are the dried berries which 1 saw
monograph on dyes and dyeing in the Bombay Presi¬
being used.
dency, 1986, 43 p. The Mohana are a traditional Fisher
community. The Shidi (or Sidi) are the descendants of According to the Gazetteer of H.T. Sorley, five different
slaves from Africa. The Sumro, originating from Sind itself, kinds of tamarisk grow in Sind (see op.ciL App.III, list of
are engaged today in different activities such as carpen¬ plants of former Sind and Khairpur. p.xiv).
tary, dyeing, laundry. See Richard R. Burton Sindh and the
races that inhabit the valley of the Indus, Karachi (1975), 5. The blocks used for the azrak bi puri must compulsorily
reprint of a book published in 1851. On the Mohana, pp. have a small metallic point at each corner. In this way, a
251-253; on the slaves pp.253-257. T Postans Personal small scale hole is made each time the craftsman presses
Observations on Sindh; and its manners and customs of its the block and when he turns the cloth for the reverse
inhabitants; and its productive capabilities. Karachi 1973, printing he can use these holes as guiding-marks. More¬
reprint of a book published in 1843. On the Mohana, pp. over, lines are carved on the block's handle to distinguish
58-60; on the slaves, pp. 73-74. H.T. Sorley The Gazetteer left from right.
of West Pakistan. The former province of Sind (including
6. Besides these differences due to the printer's skill, there
Khairpur State) 1968. On the Mohana, p.252; on the Sumro,
are differences in the quality of the cloth itself which will,
pp. 239-240.
of course, affect the final price.
3. The cloth is cut into pieces of adequate length for the
realization of the two azrak. As each azrak is made of two 7. The term mina designates the enamel as well as the
parts (joined by the user), each of these parts is therefore particular shade of blue most used in enamel. Here it
four times the length of an azrak and its width half of the means blue. In other period cloths it will designate any
azrak's width. Usually, a than (that is 40 yards, about 36.50 colour that "gives shine", especially the vivid pink in which
m.) is printed in succession, the length of seven such pieces the cloth is soaked to give it eclat, but which disappears
being a takia. soon with washing.

114
 Regional Weaves of India
Jasleen Dhamija

India has the largest variations in textiles — absorption of the range of influence of migrations
variations in techniques, in the use of materials, in of many ethnic groups into India, by land and sea.
the art of dyeing and in the form of design ex¬ As it is said about language that every 10 km,
pression which is part of its cultural heritage. The dialects change, in the same way every village or
most intimate element in a person's external centre has a distinct style for weaving which a con¬
being is the cloth with which he wraps himself or noisseur can distinguish. In fact within the same
his loved ones. It is also closely associated with village different communities produce fabrics
his inner life and with the stages through which a which are quite distinct. The weaver in any case
person passes. Though the rituals are similar, the weaves a range of designs which are meant for
enactment of rituals and the fabrics used in them different communities; in fact in some cases he
are quite distinctive. The very lines of the lullabye will even refuse to sell it to others. This adherence
sung by the mother are indicative of the magical to traditional use of fabrics has been responsible
ritual associated with the fabrics: for retaining the distinctive regional styles. Varia¬
tions were introduced yet the basic sense of de¬
Jamadara lal gudhar baletah kuchar lita erxa miha sign, the use of colour, the balance between the
tai dayea technique and the desired effect were retained.

riata tai dhota lal pat baletah kuchar lita mapou Today with the far-reaching impact of the audio¬
jaiah visual media which carries across a rather bizarre
image of an affluent Indian, the changing mores
When my jewel was born he was wrapped in a and the flooding of the market with synthetic fab¬
patched quilt, gudri, and the midwife carried him. rics which are longer lasting and easier to main¬
When my jewel was bathed he was wrapped in silk tain, the traditional market for the fabrics is
and placed in the arms of his mother and father. changing. The large-scale export market has also
affected the design traditions. The subtle nuances
The gudari, the kantha, the ralli or dharki, made which used to distinguish one product from
out of pieces of fabric and threadbare cloth is not another are now being lost. The imitation
only an expression of the ability to utilise and re¬ Baluchar of Varanasi is better than that woven in
cycle all fabrics, but it is closely associated with Murshidabad. The Surat tanchoi has become ex¬
the concept of the magical quality of joining diffe¬ tinct because Varanasi has produced better quali¬
rent pieces of cloth together. This has always had ty and cheaper tanchoi. The Patan patola is facing
important connotations for the Indian psyche. The competition from the silk Poochampalli and only
concept of the Kesa cloth, a garment of pieced the discerning will recognise the difference be¬
fabrics worn by Buddhist priests of Japan, is poss¬ tween the two.
ibly a culmination of this belief, which is also very
much a part of the Indian living tradition. Despite all these factors textile tradition has
shown a remarkable ability to develop and grow.
It is in this context that we have to look at the Today many of the techniques and design tradi¬
regional development of handwoven and worked tions which were extinct, before India gained its
textiles. The textile traditions were not only greatly independence, have been revived. Some of the
influenced by the geo-climatic conditions but also finest textiles which are mentioned in our ancient
by the socio-cultural traditions of the areas and records have been woven once again.

115
North-Western India - Gujarat and Rajasthan

(jujarat, with its long coastline and easy land

routes over which people could migrate, has had
contacts with most parts of the world from ancient
times. Excavations at the Harappan settlements
at Lothal and at a number of ports point to the
fact that Gujarat had a number of seafearing com¬
munities trading with the ancient world.

The presence of large numbers of spindles for

spinning and twisting yarn, of needles for stitch¬
ing, of hooks and awls found at excavations, as
well as impressions of woven textiles, point out
the weaving was extensively practised. The dis¬
covery of a fragment of mordant-dyed cotton
found adhering to a silver jar not only indicates
that cotton originated in India but also that the art

116
of dyeing with the use of mordants was Known technique. These sarees were than tied for the
4000 years ago.1 gharchola pattern at Kutch and dyed a brilliant red
in Jamnagar. The Masooria sarees, commonly
Finds at Kalibangan in Rajasthan also indicate a known as Kota sarees, created a net-like effect by
knowledge of spinning and weaving. It is certain varying the count of the yarn as well as picks in
that contact existed between the different Harap- the weaving. Handspun woven khaddar in thicker
pan settlements, and that commodities and possi¬ counts used to be woven all over the countryside
bly techniques were exchanged. and is even today an important product.

The earliest Known archaeological textiles of Gujarat has a number of centres in the rural areas
Gujarat are cotton fabrics dyed and printed with where traditional fabrics for the different tribes
the use of mordants found at Fostat and at other continue to be produced. In Saurashtra and north
recently excavated Red Sea ports. These have been Gujarat, a variety of pachedis, long white lungis,
identified as Indian cottons, having originated in are woven. They have a simple red border and
Gujarat. It is possible that block printing and rich extra weft pattern on the cross borders at
Kalamkari were practised in Gujarat from early both ends. For the Bharwad community, the pache¬
times, even though the examples available are dis are woven in green, red and blue with a woven
from the eighth to the 17th century. patterns on the cross border. The Charan women
wear a red odhani and jimmi, an unstitched skirt,
Literary references to Indian dyed fabrics occur which is woven with a black border, a speciality of
at a much earlier date. The Periplus and the writ¬ the villages around Surendranagar.
ings of Pliny talk frequently of painted and dyed
fabrics. Many of the patterns found in the exca¬ The weavers of south Gujarat in the Chhota
vated fragments are still being block printed by Udaipur area weave a highly decorative loin cloth
the chhipas of Ahmedabad, Anjar, Dhamadka and for the Rathwa community, which has the front
Khavda. Some of these have designs similar to flap elaborately patterned. They also weave a white
the patterns found in prehistoric textiles and the cotton chaddar with a plain border which is used
more elaborate geometric patterns are based on as an upper cloth by the older men for special
the yantras used by the Jains and Buddhists in occasions.
their rituals.
Wool Weaving
Gujarat has a wide range of techniques developed
Woollen weaves are associated with semi-
with the use of cotton, silk and wool. Some of
nomadic people who move with their sheep, their
these evolved through contacts with the outside
herds of cattle and their camels and use the wool
world, which brought in a number of techniques
of their sheep to weave their needs. Saurashtra
that were absorbed and became a part of the
and Kutch have a tradition of weaving woollen
repertoire of the weavers of Gujarat and later the
shawls worn by the women as their odhanis, orna¬
whole of India.
mented with tie-and-dye, gold bands and embroi¬
dery. In Saurashtra the Bharwad and the Rabari
Cotton was exported from the earliest times and
communities wear the intricately woven jimmis
it is possible that it was exported to Egypt and was
with inlaid designs, reminiscent of the patterns
even used to wrap mummies. It was certainly ex¬
woven by the Baluchis on their Kilims. Men carry
ported to the ancient world and later to the Roman
a woollen dhabla on their shoulders, woven with
Empire, for the Roman term for cotton, carbasina,
extra weft patterns or inlay techniques. Generally
is derived from the Sanskrit karpasa.2 Woven cot¬
the dhabla is white with coloured patterns; priests
ton was also exported to the outside world and
however wear dark maroon ones which distin¬
Fine quality cotton was woven in many parts of
guishes them from others.
Rajasthan and Gujarat.

Today Fine weaving is confined only to a few towns Silk Weaving

— Dholka, Khambhat and Porbandar in Gujarat The tradition of weaving brocaded silk is an an¬
and the small village of Kaithon in Kota district, cient one and some of the oldest brocaded tex¬
Rajasthan. Dholka, until 20 years ago, wovesarees tiles can be associated with the weaving centres
with a subtle range of colours and a heavy zari of Gujarat. Many hangings scattered in museums
border, shot with silver wire of badla. Porbandar throughout the world, probably fragments of the
used to weave checked sarees with gold ashrafi same piece, with a pattern of riders on a horse,
buti or a swan in the squares, using the jamdani were woven in Gujarat, in heavy silk, with an extra

117
 weft design in twill weave. This hanging is perhaps
the earliest woven piece ascribed to Gujarat and
has been dated by different authorities from the
12th to the 16th century.

The most important centres for silk weaving in

Gujarat were Surat, Ahmedabad, Jamnagar, Patan
and Mandvi. One of the common silk weaves
woven all over the country was the satin weave
known as gajji and atlash. This was an important
material for making garments, as well as for de¬
corating the home. The soft gajji and atlash were
also used for making fine quality tie-and-dye half
sarees, odhanis; long shirts, aba$ as well as for
skirts and clothes for children. The material was
printed, tie-dyed and embroidered with silk or
gold. The garments were made specially for the
urban population, and for the families of the num¬
Gold checked cotton gharchola, ber of principalities which were to be found all
Gujarat over Gujarat.
The tie and dyed gharchola in red is
traditionally used in the marriage Ahmedabad had workshops which specialised in
ceremony in Gujarat. The gold
checked odhni was originally woven weaving brocaded silks and velvets. The ashawali
in Forbander with the pattern tied in sarees of Ahmedabad were known for their intri¬
Kutch and later dyed the brilliant red cate design in gold and silk thread. During the
in Jamnagar. (Collection: Gujarat
Handicrafts & Handloom Dev. Sultanate period, Ahmedabad had large factories
Corpn.) where brocades were woven. According to tradi-

118
tion the areas of Ahmedabad and Surat produced
very fine gold brocade. The nakshabands, the pat¬
tern makers, who had migrated from Central Asia,
had settled in Ahmedabad, before moving to
north India. These nakshabands made a range of
patterns and the ashawali sarees came to be
famous in western India.

Later they simulated the designs of the Paithani

pallus and border, but not the technique. In the
19th century, copies of the curvilinear kalgas of
Baluchar and the outlined framed patterns of
miniatures were also woven here.

Surat has been known as a centre for production

of fine quality gold thread, zari. It also produced a
variety of brocaded sarees and yardage. Today it
continues to produce gold thread and a range of
borders. Richly ornamented odhanis and skirt
pieces with a one-sided border worked in gold,
were a speciality of Jamnagar. Unfortunately this
style of weaving is no longer in practice.

The silk tanchoi saree and yardage material said

to have been introduced into Surat by Chinese
weavers was continued by the Parsi community.
Prayer durrie from Rajasthan
Another tradition attributes its introduction to a
A finely woven jail durrie used as a
Parsi family named Choi, who had learnt the tech¬
prayer mat. (Collection Caveh
nique in China. The name tanchoi was apparently Munshi)

119
 derived from tran choi i.e. three Choi brothers
who introduced the technique. As this tradition
was dying the only master weaver of tanchoi in
Surat was persuaded to run a training centre with
the help of the Parsi community. The cost of the
production was however so high that it was diffi¬
cult to find a market. Banaras, meanwhile, using
the nakshabandi technique, began to produce tan¬
choi in a range of patterns including a style with
zari thread. The Surat tanchoi centre was unable
to compete and was closed down. However the
technique continues in Banaras.
Silk and cotton mashru with ikat
Detail of a silk and cotton mashru Twenty years ago an attempt was again made by
woven with a striped extra warp the All India Handicrafts Board to revive the bro¬
pattern and an ikat warp. Though
traditional, it is contemporary in
cade weaving traditions in Ridrol and Surat. At the
design. time, 10 looms were being used at Ridrol, produc¬
ing silk sarees and yardage material in gajji with
gold ashrafi butis for consumption in the rural
Opposite Page
areas of Gujarat. They also produced fascinating
Ashavali saree, Ahmedabad,
Gujarat, contemporary textiles for the worship of Shrinathji, Krishna in
Richly brocaded ashavali sarees were
the Pushti Marg tradition. These were toranas for
woven in a twill weave to bring out family shrines, small woven pichhuais showing
the richness of the gold thread. This Shrinathji surrounded by cows and thegaumukhi,
saree carries diagonal borders on
the body, with the pattern inlaid into
mittens used for covering the hand as devotees
the gold stripe in green, purple and prayed with the rosary. The basic background
pink known as meenakari kam, since colour was deep red with patterns worked in gold
it simulates the effect of enamelling
on gold. The border has a broad
and silver, blue, green and yellow silk. Today only
central band and smaller borders on one loom is working and an attempt is being made
each side. to revive the industry.

120
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teSB*SH5«8S»*^2&KS*.

Mashru, a mixed fabric woven with a combination

of cotton and silk was associated with the Muslim
community. According to Islamic tradition, devout
Muslims were not supposed to wear silk next to
the skin. Thus mashru which was silk faced and
had cotton at the back, was woven with a silk warp
and cotton weft. The silk thus came to the surface
Printed cotton Massoria-Kota saree, while cotton touched the skin and it gave the ef¬
Rajasthan contemporary
fect of a satin weave, though with a far less con¬
The sarees of Kaithon village near sumption of silk. Mashru was woven all over India
Kota are known as Massoria or Kota
sarees. These are of very fine cotton, and may have been derived from the weaving
woven with variations in picks and traditions of the Tiraz factories of the Caliphates,
yarn counts that create a net-like in the countries having Islamic influences. These
effect. The gold thread checks
emphasise the lightness of the manufacturies were also introduced into India dur¬
fabric. ing the Sultanate period.

122
Mashru continues to be woven even today and
comes in a number of patterns. There is the all-
over-dotted effect created by raising the white weft
thread to produce a grid-like pattern. There are
striped designs, further elaborated by introducing
an extra warp woven pattern. Ikat patterns are
also introduced by the tying and dyeing of the
warp thread thus creating yet another dimension
in the striped mashru patterns.

Today Patan and Mandvi are the only centres

where mashru is woven. In the regions of Sau-
rashtra and Kutch it is sold in large quantities to
tribal women who stitch from it their karyari, back¬
less blouse, and the skirts and chola of the young
unmarried girls. This is a recent phenomenon,
and the women choose mashru, with woven de¬
signs, as a replacement for the richly embroidered
garments, which were earlier prepared by them
Khurjin, donkey bag, Kutch
for their own and their children's use.
The attractive double bag has a
cotton warp and a weft base cloth,
with the woven pattern worked in
Resist Technique wool. It carries the same name as
that used in Iranian Baluchistan,
The widest range of textiles in India's north¬ Sistan, and Pakistani Baluchistan.
western region can be found in the resist tech¬ Similar geo-climatic conditions and
nique. They range from the highly complicated shared traditions create a
commonality of design and
patola, the double ikat of Patan, to the single ikat techniques. The motif of a caravan
of Rajkot, the bandhani of Saurashtra and Kutch of camels is a typical scene of the
and the Rajasthani tie and dye of Shekhawati, Jhun desert area which has been
recreated in this stylized woven
Jhunu and Sikar. They also include the lahariya pattern, in the villages of Dinara,
and mothra of Udaipur, Jaipur and Jodhpur, and located in Pachham, Kutch.

123
the resist or reserve techniques of printing on cot¬ brilliant red colour. This practice is prevalent even
ton and silk. today and the Khatris of Jamnagar can be seen in
Bhuj with bundles of their gharcholas tied in Kutch
The patola combines the art of tying and dyeing of and taken back to Jamnagar for the final dyeing.
the warp and weft threads and their weaving However the finest work is in the chanderkhani or
together by placing the weft threads carefully khombi odhani made by the Khatris of Kutch for
against their corresponding colours. Besides use by their own women. These odhanis are quite
Patan, the double ikat is woven only in Bali. Patan distinctive and stand out as some of the finest.
however produced a range of intricate patterns
with precision. The patolas woven here were ex¬
ported out of the country until the late 19th cen¬ The tiniest knot however is tied in the village of
tury, with different styles woven to the demands of Ramnagar, in Sikar district of Shekhawati. Brilliant
different consumers. Though the old export mar¬ colours, fine patterns and a totally different colour
kets have been lost, as has the major national palette distinguish the Rajasthani tie-and-dye
demand, Patan continues to produce patolas for from that of Gujarat. The intricate technique of
the Gujarat market where they are still a part of the laheria, the diagonal, zigzag patterns or crossed
ceremonial and ritual practices associated with patterns of mothra on turbans are specially of Ra¬
marriage and childbirth. Though attempts have jasthan.
been made to copy the designs and techniques
elsewhere, the complete mastery in handling the The oldest known printed fabrics from India were
design by the remaining three families in Patan is from Gujarat. They were resist-dyed and printed
unmatched. The nari-kunjar, lady and elephant cottons found at Fostat. The fragments were first
pattern, and the ratan chowk, jewelled square pat¬ dated from the 13th to the 17th century. Recent
tern, are the speciality of the area. excavations at a Red sea port, Quseir al Qadim,
have shown that these fabrics must have been
Surat was also known to be one of the centres widely distributed, since a large number of frag¬
producing patolas. These were essentially woven ments have been found. Analysis of the fragments
for the Bora community. The saree known as showed that indigo printed textiles were of coarser
cheera was produced with geometrical patterns cloth, while madder dyed fabrics were on a finer
and avoided the use of patterns such as nari- fabric. This may be because the indigo materials
kunjar, popat uel and other patterns evolved with were first painted with resist and then dyed while
the use of animal, bird and human forms, banned the madder patterns were block-printed with mor¬
to Islamic users. One of the weavers working with dants and then dyed.
a Salvi family of Patan was employed by the Khadi
and Village Industries for organising a training Agnes Geijer, in her book on oriental textiles,
centre in Rajkot and thus patola weaving was in¬ mentions the widespread use of the Indian printed
troduced there. Today Rajkot has a number of and painted cottons throughout Europe. The tex¬
weavers who weave single ikat patolas for sale in tiles however came to be identified as Fustian cot¬
Gujarat itself. ton and until recently they were taken to be Isla¬
mic textiles. Possibly the cotton was distributed to
The tie-and-dye fabrics known as bandhani are Europe from Fostat and hence acquired this
perhaps the finest produced in India. The most name.
intricate and fine quality of bandhani is from Jam¬
nagar, Bhuj and Mandvi in Kutch, Jodhpur, Jaipur The ajrak, resist printed cotton, is produced in
and Sikar in Rajasthan. An interesting example of Anjar, Dhamadka and Khavda in Kutch and is simi¬
the tie and dye saree of Gujarat is the gharcholu lar to that of Sindh (now in Pakistan), known for its
worn by a bride at the wedding. The cotton for the finer quality. The most complex ajrak is the dou¬
gharcholu in fine counts, is woven with gold ble-printed kind, specially that printed with veget¬
checks in Porbandar or Khambhat. The gold able dyes. Today Mohammedbhai of Dhamadka
checks enclose a small motif woven with the jam- has revived vegetable dyeing and makes the finest
dani or inlay technique. Then the saree or odhani ajrak in the area, be it Kutch or Sindh. For tradi¬
is folded four times and tied into tiny knots and tional use, two pieces of printed cloth are stitched
dyed white, yellow and green, while the back¬ together to prepare a rectangular piece which is
ground is dyed a brilliant red. The Khatris of Jam¬ used by the men as a lungi, as a turban, as well as
nagar bring the saree to Kutch, known for its very an upper cloth. Ajrak continues to be used by the
fine and intricate tying of knots. The final dyeing maldharis and the Baluchis from Iranian Baluchis¬
in red is carried out in Jamnagar, since the water tan upto the border of Rajasthan and in most parts
of Jamnagar is supposed to produce the most of Kutch. The patterns are similar to those

124
found in the fragments from the Red sea ports as was distributed all over the region. The coarse
well as well as Fostat. Dhamadka village today has resist printed khaddar used by the tribal commu¬
been transformed into a large production centre nities were very similar in Gujarat and Rajasthan
for the urban market — yardage material, sarees, and were comparable to those done in parts of
table and bed linen are produced alongside with Madhya Pradesh such as Jawad near Ratlam. The
the requirements of the local market. nandra print from Jawad and from the twin vil¬
lages T^rapur and Umedpur was printed earlier
The Mata ni Pachhedi, a combination of printing with the use of indigo. It also used the mud resist
and kalamkari, is made by the Vaghris for ritual technique and carried the pattern of a flowering
purposes. Wooden blocks print the outline of the shrub, with the stems and leaves worked in sage
border and patterns, while the central figure of the green and the round berries in red. Even today the
Mother Goddess in her many manifestations, is Rathwas and Bhils of Chhota Udaipur and Jhabua
drawn by a pen by the master craftsman. The wear full skirts of that cloth along with the lugdi, a
Vaghari who produces the cloth is often also the half saree printed in deep red, with a spotted pat¬
priest who dedicates the cloth to the Mother God¬ tern in deep maroon and black dotted borders
dess. and cross borders with a buta design.

Pethapur in Gujarat remains famous for its block Sanganer, Bagroo, Barmer, Chittorgarh, PiparCity
making. Wooden blocks with intricate patterns, and Jodhpur in Rajasthan had distinct patterns
using four colours, are prepared even today. Tra¬ printed for the use of the local inhabitants. San¬
ditionally, Pethapur was known for the mud resist ganer being close to Jaipur was influenced by the
prints, known as sodagiri prints, made for export Fine quality of printing and sophisticated motifs
to the Far East. Sodagiri prints were also prepared derived from Persian and Mughal traditions, while
in Ahmedabad. the other centres produced patterns linked to the
tradition of Gujarat, especially of Deesa, Suren-
The Persianised printed patterns, produced for ex¬ dranagar and Rajkot.
port in the 17th century, are not seen any more
in Gujarat. What remains are designs favoured by Today this area retains the traditions essentially
locals and still in use today. The Persian influence in the rich colours of the printed fabrics, of the
has been absorbed in the traditional design. tie-and-dye, of the woven woollen patterns and
the richly embroidered fabrics of the peasantry
The printed material produced in the region on and the nomads, for they compensate for the stark
coarse cloth came from a number of centres and arid conditions of their environments.

FOOTNOTES

1. Qulati A. N. and Turner A. J„ note On The Early History Of 2. DhamijaJasleen,Fo//cArtsandCra/tso/7nc/ia/National Book

Cotton, Bombay Act, 1928. Trust, New Delhi, 1970.

125
 Northern India

The rich Gangetic valley fed by the rivers Ganga

and Yamuna had a cultural tradition which was
highly developed from ancient times. It attracted
migrating people from Central Asia where life was
much harsher. To the north lay Punjab, the land
of five rivers, its rich and fertile land open to mi¬
grations and raids from adventurous armies.
When the high passes of the mountains opened
after the winter, bands of adventurers raided the
land, often seeking better lands and moving down
into the rich land of Punjab. The richness of the
land corresponded to the imagery of the people
of Central Asia, where the powers of Ahura-Mazda
were expressed as "where the running waters
gush from springs, plants sprout from the soil,
winds blow the clouds and man comes to birth ...
and governs the courses of the sun, moon and

126
 ,vv»VW/-f/W*S'5' .vVv

stars." The migrants brought with them not only

their hardy spirit but also the nomadic skills of
weaving ornamented textiles and decorative hang¬
ings.

Punjab absorbed the cultural traditions of the peo¬

ple who passed through it. To survive, people
worked hard, tilling the earth and enjoying the
fruits of their labour. Until the beginning of the
century they were open to raids and the phrase
"fthada pita lahe da. Te baki Ahmed Shahe da",
"whatever you eat and drink is yours, everything
else belongs to Ahmed Shah Abdali of Afghani¬
stan, " was heard everywhere.

The folk traditions of Punjab were rich and vibrant

and the cities developed a culture of their own.
The important textile techniques however were Kulu shawl, contemporary
developed in the Gangetic plains, where life was The traditionally pattu, woollen
more settled. shawl, is woven in Nanali
by women for their personal use.
The cross border at the end of the
Varanasi, a popular place of pilgrimage, was the shawl, woven in the slit tapestry
most important centre for fine quality cotton technique, carries stylized geometric
motifs. The border of red and black
weaves. Buddhist tradition talks of Buddha's body is also woven with the tapestry
being wrapped in cotton from Varanasi.1 Pali lit- technique but is interlocked.

127
 erature also talks of it as being an important weav¬
ing centre and textiles with the place names kasikut-
tama, kasiya varanaseyyaka are mentioned fre¬
A Qudma blanket from Kumaon,
contemporary
quently.2 Later records however deal mostly with
textiles from coastal areas visited by travellers,
The moutainous areas of Kumaon
in Uttar Pradesh produce fine quality and Varanasi is not mentioned. The present day
wool which is woven into shawls master-weavers talk of having come from Central
known as pankhi and thick blankets
Asia during the 12th century, and one of the fami¬
such as the fleecy gudma and heavy
thulma. lies traces its origin to Bokhara.3 It is strange
therefore that the Ain-i-Akbari does not mention
Opposite Page Varanasi as a centre for weaving, while many an
A Vaishnav brocaded shawl, Var¬ important centre is mentioned. Ralph Fitch (1583-
anasi, 19th century
91) talks of Varanasi as a thriving centre for cotton
This gold brocaded shawl with Ben¬
textiles. But two hundred years later, Manucci men¬
gali script woven into it was used for
pujas by affluent Vaishnav household¬ tions that it exported the Finest quality gold and
ers. (Collection: C.L. Bharany). silver brocades all over the world. Today Varanasi

128
dominates the field of silk weaving and brocad¬ Amritsar was known for its weaving of Kashmir
ing. The finest cloths in the country are being shawls. These were introduced into Punjab by weav¬
woven here and the weavers are capable of repro¬ ers who had migrated from Kashmir because of
ducing any technique or design. the high taxation on the jamewar shawls imposed
by the British during the 19th century. Until 1960,
jamewar shawls were woven with intricate pat¬
Silk weaving was carried out only in a few other
terns, using the system of talim which was a
centres. Bhagalpur in Bihar was developed into a
centre for silk weaving, and produced material tradition developed in Kashmir.
ranging from fine quality spun silk, to heavy raw
silk used till 1960 as waste material to be woven The art of printing and dyeing was another impor¬
into rough silk shawls worn by peasants. Punjab tant technique in the region. Parts of Haryana,
had a few other centres where silk lungis were which lie adjacent to Rajasthan, produced tie-and-
woven. dye odhanis used by Jat women. The patterns and
the colouring were very similar to those of Shekha-
wati in Rajasthan. Gurgaon and the villages around
Cotton weaving was carried out all over the coun¬
used to make bright red, yellow and deep maroon
try and even today Maunathbhajan in Azamgarh
tie-and-dye odhanis. Another interesting form of
district, Ghaziabad and its environs has a large
tie-and-dye was found in the northern part of Bihar
concentration of looms. The finest cotton how¬
bordering Nepal. Sursand also produced tie-and-
ever was woven in thejamdani technique in Tan da,
dye sarees with bold patterns on the pallu and
with delicate patterns of white on white for shoul¬
borders.
der scarves, odhanis and for the traditional an-
garkhas worn by the men. The extra weft design
was woven with fine cotton of the same count as Hand block printing was carried out all over north
the warp and weft so as to form a part of the fabric India. Block printing extended from Samba in
itself. Jammu to Jullundar, Gurgaon, Delhi, U.P. and
Bihar. Farookabad developed into a commercial
printing centre from the late 19th century when it
Bihar wove a number of cotton sarees and dhotis
produced cotton printed material for export. The
for everyday use. Their speciality was the tribal
tree of life motif printed on curtains, bed covers,
sarees with rich cross borders, specially worn by
etc. was a speciality of this centre. Printers simu¬
the Santhals and Oraons.
lated the painted kalamkari tree of life design
which used to be made on the Coromandel coast.
The khes weaving, a complicated compound Large blocks carved in wood were prepared for
weave with a double set of warp threads, is today printing the designs. The printed curtains made
a speciality of Haryana. This technique was prac¬ from the use of multiple blocks were generally
tised all over Punjab in undivided India, the finest prepared to print a surface of 3.1/2 to 6 feet, so
being from Multan, now in Pakistan. as to cover a door frame. Farookabad had its own
130
block makers and they produced fine blocks for
printing in 3 to 6 colours.

Tanda and Kanoj had a tradition of block printing

which was often done on handspun and hand-
woven cotton, using the resist print technique.
The outline was printed with a linear pattern, while
the fill-in block known as datta had small holes
which were filled with felt so that the block ab¬
sorbed the dye. The printed surface was richly
dyed and had a tonal quality with a graphic effect.
Over-printing, the use of a combination of blocks
and a range of variations were produced by print¬
ers who worked only during the summer months.
Printed fabrics were exported to Nepal and Tibet
and were often used for lining the T^nkhas, ritual
banners, as well as for lining of garments used in
the Himalayan areas. The poorer people used the
printed cloth as padded garments while the richer
used it for lining. This technique and style of print¬
ing existed also in Central Asia, in a village near Opposite Page

Herat in Afghanistan, as well as in Bojnurd in Kho- Square brocaded silk and gold
rumal, 19th century
rasan, north Iran.
These rumals were used by women
as odhanis or as a rich folded scarf
North India also has a range of very fine embroi¬ carried with a sword by scions of
dery such as the chikankari of Uttar Pradesh, bagh royal families on special occasions.
This rumal has a diagonal pattern
of Punjab and the chope of Haryana. The white
and an elaborate kalga at each end.
on white embroidery, chikan, was used for making
the white muslin angarkhas, kurtas and caps used Shikargah brocade, Varanasi,
by the men during the summer. This fine embroi¬ contemporary

dery combined with applique began as an art This heavy brocaded silk carries
curvilinear stems, leaves and flowers
pursued by the women of affluent houses. Ac¬
within which are distributed a range
cording to tradition the intricate and fine stitchery of animals: ponderous elephants,
was developed in the harem, where the women rampant lions, fleeing deer and
prancing horses. The mastery of the
competed with each other in producing fine qual¬
designs and naksha bandha can be
ity embroidery. Lucknow and Rampur have the seen in the manner in which the
reputation for producing the finest applique repeat has been disguised.

131
work of white on white, used for preparing mos¬ altitude goats. The plain pashmina shawl, known
quito nets and curtains. historically as dhusa, continues to be woven even
today and can be distinguished by a finely woven
The tradition of commercial applique work was border attached to it. The kani shawl, of a much
developed for making tents and canopies using lesser refinement than those woven earlier, con¬
as motifs stylised shrubs, the tree of life, and even tinues to be woven in the village of Kanihama.
animals and birds. Canopies and kanats for use
in smaller towns and temples were based on folk The hill areas of Himachal Pradesh — Kinaur,
drawings and paintings of the area, and showed Lahul, Spiti and Kulu — weave the long checked
elephants, horse riders, soldiers and even people or plain shawls with solid borders in contrasting
at work. colours, interlocked with the main body with the
use of three shuttles. The end borders carry geo¬
Bihar too has a fine range of embroidery with metric patterns woven with non-continuous weft
large scale production of applique, white on a threads in the interlocking technique. Large
red background for canopies, kanat, etc. The ex¬ shawls known as pattu are worn by the women as
cellent applique of Darbhanga was quite distinc¬ a single piece attire. Woollen tweed of a local
tive. In the rural area, women prepared blouses, wool known as patti is woven into yardage which
and long, intricately patterned pillow covers, where is used by the men.
different textures and colours combined to create
a rich effect. The quilted sujani were not as re¬ The Kumaon, Qarhwal and the upper ranges of
fined as the kanthas of Bengal but had a distinc¬ Uttar Pradesh weave a type of thick tweed, and a
tive quality. They were similar in composition to long pashmina shawl known as pankhL Their spe¬
the paintings of Mithila, now famous as Madhu- ciality however is the soft, double, long-haired blan¬
bani paintings. ket known as gudma and the thickly woven long¬
haired blanket known as thulma. The long hair is
Wool weaving is carried out throughout the Hima¬ teased out of the woven fabric by using a comb.
layan area. The most important centre is Kashmir
which, from ancient times, has been famous for its Pattis, pattus and local tweeds are woven all over
wool weaving. Besides the kani shawl, more popu¬ the hilly regions. Recently a number of centres
larly known asjamewar, Kashmir wove plain wool¬ have also tried to blend different wools so as to
len fabrics. The most famous of them was the weave a range of tweeds for sale to the urban
shahtoosh, woven from the soft wool of the high clientele.

FOOTNOTES

1. Dr. Anand Krishna, Vijay Krishna "Banaras Brocades'', Craft (Hindi) 1980
Museum, New Delhi 1966.
3. Mr. AM Hasan of Messrs. Kaloo Hafiz of Varanasi, one of the
2. Dr. Moti Chandra, Prachi na Bharatiya Vesha Bhusha, finest naksha bandhas was the informant.

132
 Eastern India

VWiile discussing the textiles of Eastern India,

one talks usually of the fine woven muslins, the
jamdani, kantha, baluchari, tangail and bandhas,
but rarely of the rich and varied range of tribal
weaves, and the fabrics woven for people's per¬
sonal use. The north eastern region of India has
an amazing variety of weaves which range from
the sophisticated and distinctive silk of Assam,
introduced by the Bodo tribe who migrated from
Central Asia, to the intricately woven loin loom
weaves of the hill tribes and the different commu¬
nities which inhabit Magaland, Mizoram, Arunachal
Pradesh, Manipur and Tripura.

Bengal was known from the earliest times as an

exporter of fine cottons. A highly developed urban

133
 civilization and trade flourished in the area two
thousand years ago.1 Mention of the flourishing
port town of Thmralipti is found in early Buddhist
Jain and Hindu texts. Greek and Roman records
mention the fine muslins of Bengal, and the Peri-
plus of the Erythraean Sea mentions the port town
of Gange at the mouth of the river. Orissa too had
a rich tradition of brocaded silk, fine cotton and
intricately woven bandhas.

In the north-eastern tribal belt there is a distinct

difference between the work of the hill tribes and
that carried out by the plains people. The hill
tribes weave essentially with the use of the back
strap or loin loom, used only by the women; in the
plains, both men and women use a frame loom.
The only exception are the hill Garos, who also
weave on the frame loom.2 However, except in
Manipur, the highly organised commercial weav¬
Kabui Maga Strong, Manipur
ing is carried out generally by the men.
Kabui Maga women weave these
sarongs for themselves and for their
men's use. They create a range of Flagaland, Manipur, Tripura, Mizoram and Arun-
textures with the use of different achal Pradesh are the most important centres for
types of yarn and by combining
weaving, embroidery and tassels of back strap weaving which uses the body to give
golden grass. the tension to the warp. The loom comprises of a

134
series of bamboo sticks which separate the con¬
tinuous warp threads, thus creating the two sheds
for weaving. One of the sticks is attached to the
strap which attaches the warp to the body; the
other end of the continuous warp is tied to a wall,
a tree, or to two stakes driven into the ground. By
pressing her feet against a piece of wood or a wall,
the weaver creates the tension in the warp. A for¬
ward movement loosens the tension and enables
her to lift one of the heddles, thus raising alter¬
nate warp threads. The wooden beater is inserted
in between the warp threads, forming the shed
through which the weft is inserted. A backward
movement creates the tension. The second shed
is now created by lowering the heddle, moving the
Cotton shawl, Gopalpur
second bamboo closer and adding another weft
Cotton shawls are from Gopalpur,
thread into the shed. Since the warp is often circu¬
Assam, woven on the loin loom,
lar, it can be pulled closer to the weaver as the and worn by the women over their
weaving progresses. The warp threads are closely mekhala. The patterns are woven
with thick cotton and in contrasting
placed together, creating a weave.
colours so as to create a rich effect.

Woven sampler, Riang tribe, Tripura

The women weave the sarongs and shawls woven
for their own use, as well as for the men. Since the Young Riang girls preserve the
traditional designs by weaving the
body is used for creating the tension, the weaving motifs used by their tribe. In the
is strenuous and women are unable to weave con- process they also learn to weave.

135
 sV/

•VV/

W
/A*

>A<

tinuously for too long a period. The fact that the

warp is attached to the body, limits the width of
the cloth to a maximum of 50-60 cms. Pieces
must be stitched together to make the complete
cloth. The woven jackets worn by the Mishimies
Riah, breast cloth, Tripura, are woven in two pieces and put together. The
contemporary Lotha Plaga shawl is woven in nine parts and
A boldly patterned breast cloth from stitched together to make up a piece. The Lushai
Tripura uses brilliant colours. It is
worn by young girls on festive
shawl or the complex Apatani priest's shawl is also
occasions. pieced together.

136
A number of fabrics have stripes which are worked
by the introduction of colour variations in the
warp. An extra weft is introduced in some of the
stripes to create a variation in the movement of
the linear pattern as well as to create a dimen¬
sional effect. The patterns of the Mishimies,
Apatanis, Wanchos and the Kengah have elabo¬
rate extra weft patterns. Though the environment
provides the inspiration in the highly stylised weav¬
ing of the tribes, the motifs used express a range
of symbolic meanings which vary in different
tribes. A geometric pattern stands for the eye of
the yak in one tribe while another sees it as the
sun. A spiral is seen as a snake or a hook. A
lozenge with tendrils is seen as a temple in one
tribe, while in another it is a bird.

The narrow width which concentrates the atten¬

tion of the weaver, the closeness of the warp
threads to the weaver, as well as the close link of
the weaving process with the body's rhythm, all
lend themselves to the weaving of intricate and
delicate patterns. Some of the finest weaves can
be seen in the woven sarongs of the Idu Mishimies,
in the Lushia wedding sarongs, in the richly pat¬
terned riha, breast cloths, of Tripura and in the
ritual shawls used by the Apatani shaman.3 Galong tribal weavers
Women, using a loin loom, weave all
The traditions of weaving are so much a part of their personal needs in north-east
India. Here, Galong girls are weaving
the life of the women that a mystique has devel¬ the striped cloth used by them for
oped around the weaving of patterns and the use their sarongs.

137
 Use

138
of colours. Amongst the Tiperas of Tripura, leg¬
ends are both sung and told of woven patterns
Idu Mishimie jacket, Arunachal
which suddenly came to life, or of a poor orphan
Pradesh, contemporary
girl who married the prince because of her skill
This simple strip of cloth is woven
in designing and weaving. And one of the worst on the loin loom by women. The
punishments that a ruler could inflict on a group patterns are worked in with white and
was to forbid the use of colours in their weaving. coloured threads twined on thin
bamboo needles. The strips are
stitched together to create a jacket.
Assam too has a very important tradition of weav¬
ing. Until recently every household used to weave Opposite Page
its own requirements of cloth and the women were Baluchar saree, 19th century
experts not only with the loin loom, but also with This traditional silk brocaded saree
the frame loom. The Bodo tribe which originally from Bengal has an elaborate pallu
and a long cross border. It carries
migrated from Central Asia brought the art of weav¬ kalgas in the centre and outlines of
ing and silk reeling with them. The Bihu festival a miniature around it with flowing
of Assam with its special Bihu dance owes its silken brocaded borders. The body
carries a delicate all over buti.
origin to the Bodos. It is customary even today to (Collection: Crafts Museum).
offer to the elders of the family a woven scarf,
gamcha, woven by the young women, in white Following Page
cotton, with a patterned border worked in red. Tangkhul Naga shawl, Manipur,
contemporary
Intricate patterns used to be woven by the women
to honour the elders in their family and women Thick shawls are woven on the loin
loom by women for men, using
vied with one another to create novel combina¬ mercerised cotton for the warp and
tions and designs. Old patterns were preserved the weft. The closely woven fabric
by the families by being woven as samplers, with carries a bold and harmonious
combination of colours. At the ends
bamboo sticks added in place of the weft so as to of the shawl are finely woven jewel¬
preserve them over generations. The silk mekhala. like motifs

139
If I 1
 .* .* i i S t I ! S t i ! t i
s n : i is i 11 s: i:

' i ! i li 11* * It f 1
M I * i t M | | | « j
* 9 9 9 9 1 »##*«.« •

• « w .. ; i ; ; ; ; ; » • | } * * |
***fi!!*Ii**9i*ftM*i**Mii

;i.■!!»:: i tn<:f llilMfHiiUUlil

inm iiUliimi
KAt" ??••••«#••»* *•••••*•21SSJ

> » r-i
- > ■ :i . •"
41 .
; :
i
! ,-r ’ \r :
> ■ ■ -x :
<. # Vf .J1- v •.. ■. -
sarong, traditionally worn by the women of As¬ East India Company. With the introduction of ma¬
sam, is woven from the golden coloured moga chine-made cloth by the end of the 18th century,
silk which is a speciality of Assam. Sualkouchi both in Europe and in the Indian market, the weav¬
remains one of the most important moga silk ers' market was adversely affected and many of
centres of Assam. Rich brocaded patterns are them were thrown out of employment. It was com¬
woven on the moga silk with thick extra weft pat¬ mon to hear people say that the thumbs of the
terns worked in black, red or in natural white. A weavers were cut off, a phrase that has often been
finely woven chadar, matching with the moga silk taken literally — it actually meant that their only
mekhala, is an essential part of the wedding cere¬ means of livelihood was lost because of the influx
monial or festival dress of the people. of cheap industrial cloth; and the weaver, who had
a delicate physique and was unable to do any type
Bengal has been known from ancient times for its of manual work, was completely impoverished.
fine cotton. Mal-mal, known as muslin in Europe,
was exported from Bengal and was known as Silk weaving was known from ancient times and
gangetic muslin in the Greek and Roman records. used in the weaving of ritual cloth, as well as com¬
It was described as being transparent, and as light bined with cotton to vary colour and texture. Later
as the winds — nebula venti, woven winds. Trav¬ with the introduction of mulberry silk, a number of
ellers visiting Bengal from China and the Arab silk weaving centres developed in Bengal and in
countries talk of the rich merchants of Bengal, Orissa. Every town and several villages had their
whose most important item of export was textiles. silk looms, where weavers drawn from the tradi¬
Ancient records talk of trade links, not only with tional weaving castes of Tanti and Kayasthas car¬
the Far East and the Arab world, but also with ried out the weaving.
Ethiopia.
Murshidabad was the centre for silk weaves and
The finest woven cottons of Bengal belonged to the most famous product was the Baluchari saree,
the jamdani or the Daccai weaves. The cotton originally woven in the small village of Baluchar.
sarees had extra weft weaving which was non- The fine twisted silk warp had heavy silk as the
continuous. The woven designs ranged in quality weft, often in contrasting colours such as red and
from the fine jamdani, woven in the same shade black, and yellow and purple, creating an effect of
and count as the weft yarn, to create a shadowy light and shade. The patterns were woven with
effect, to bold patterns in multi-colours with a untwisted silk, giving a rich woven effect. The most
thick twisted cotton yarn. This fine quality was dramatic portion of the saree was the pallu, end
mostly created as yardage material for garments. portion; which was made up of a series of long
Sarees were woven with a range of designs with curvilinear kalgas, mango motifs surrounded by
different coloured weft threads of the thicker count framed outlines of miniatures, showing a sahib
and with a range of colours. The jamdani weaves with a lady seated on a chair, a woman riding a
of Dacca were extremely valuable and formed a horse, a steamer with passengers, etc. This art
part of the annual tribute paid by Dacca to died with the death of Drabraj, the last weaver at
Aurangzeb (1658-1707). Besides meeting the de¬ the end of the 19th century.
mands of the court, the traders had contacts in
many parts of the country and speciality goods The Jaggi caste produced the cheapest cloth,
were woven for different markets. Closely worked woven from a mixture of cotton and jute which
jamdani patterns were woven for export to Khat- was used by the poorest.4 Amongst the Jaggis,
mandu where it was used for making caps worn men and women worked side by side sharing all
by the well-to-do Nepalese. The material was con¬ the work, unlike in other communities, where the
sidered so precious that the caps were covered men sat on the loom and wove the cloth, while the
by a thin muslin cloth, through which the pattern the women did the winding and twisting of cotton.
was visible. The court of Tripura received special
Daccai mekhlas worn by the women for special The Finest silk and cotton were always woven for
occasions. Till recent times, each saree was the rulers with only the second quality made avail¬
packed in specially made lacquered boxes similar able to the trading companies for export. The
to those used for carrying the annual tribute sent Portuguese were the first traders to have a strong
to the Emperor Aurangzeb. Gold and silk were influence on the textile trade. They controlled the
also woven into materials to meet the demands weavers through brokers, by advancing large
of other regions. loans. The weavers were heavily indebted and prac¬
tically bonded to the company, and consequently
The production of fine quality muslin reached its earned poor wages. A lullaby sung even today in
peak in the 18th century to meet orders of the many parts of Bengal indicates the plight of the

142
 Ganga-Jamuna cotton saree,
Tangail, contemporary
Bengal has a range of cotton
weaving centres where the tradition
is of weaving richly patterned sarees
with heavy borders contrasting with
a finely textured body. This saree has
a blue-black body with patterns
woven in thejamdani technique. The
dramatic contrast in colour and the
combination of a white pattern on a
blue-black body makes it a
contemporary piece, made for the
changing tastes of today.

Preparation of bandha warp for

dyeing, Orissa
Young weavers tie the warp threads
stretched on the frame to create the
design of the bandha saree in
Ragardi village, Orissa. The frame
has the pattern drawn on the
stretched warp threads with
powdered coal dust. The wall
decorations which represent a
mythical mountain and mounds of
rice are worked in geometric units,
as is the warp.

143
poor: Aye ghoom jaye ghoom Borgi alou deshe body, extra warp woven patterns on the border
Bulbuli teh dhan khaye jaye baj nah debo keshe. and rich multi-coloured designs in an extra weft
Sleep comes and sleep goes, the Portuguese have on the pallu. The bandha patterns on the silk
come to our land. The nightingale eats away the sarees were generally of single ikat. In the Sam-
grain, how will 1 pay my taxes? balpur area where cotton bandhas were made, the
body carried single ikat patterns on the warp while
Despite the adverse effect of the introduction of the pallu carried designs in stripes in single weft
mill-made cloth, sarees and dhotis, the traditional ikat. The lively cotton sarees known as Vachi-
saree centres continued to weave. The number of trapuri carried the same combination, except in
weavers however shrank, but the skills remained. the case of the square checkerboard pattern which
Each centre produced its special weave and even was done in double ikat. Here yellow tussar silk
today the tradition continues. The tangail, the was woven into a patterned extra warp design of
dhanekhale, theshantipuri and Bengali tantair cot¬ fish and lotus and checks in silk were also woven
ton sarees are simple and yet have a range of into the body.
borders. Today the tangail sarees are making elabo¬
rate pallu designs using the jamdani technique. The silk sarees with a rich extra weft pallu, but
Generally the sarees are white but now a range of without bandhas, were also some of the finest.
colours has been introduced; and they are avail¬
Unfortunately the bandha technique dominates all
able from 60 to 120 counts. The introduction of
the centres and woven patterns have become rare.
moga silk in the body, in the form of checks or
The extra weft cotton sarees, in thick counts,
lines, and in the border, adds to the subtle rich¬ woven for the tribal women are also fast disap¬
ness of the sarees. pearing.

Murshidabad continues to weave the garad silk

saree in natural colour tussar silk with a broad red The bandha technique has become so popular
border, an essential part of a woman's trousseau that centres where bandhas are tied and dyed are
and worn on special ritual occasions. The Balu- preparing borders in single warp ikat and selling
chari tradition has also been revived and today them to the centres which did not know the
bandha technique. These borders have been in¬
Murshidabad produces a range of these patterns.
troduced in some of the centres in Bengal and
Orissa has been weaving a range of cotton and Bengal cotton sarees with staple bandha borders
silk sarees. The most important tradition has been brought in from Orissa are now available for sale.
the weaving of the bandha, warp and weft tie-dye
technique for making sarees in cotton and silk, The dominance of certain techniques, following
and the weaving of extra warp border designs and changes in fashion, has led to a concentration on
extra weft pallus. The silk tie-and -dye sarees of one or two of them, and it is hoped that the other
Haupatna carried a rich bandha pattern on the techniques will not be lost in the process.

FOOTNOTES

1. Robert Skelton, Bengal: The Historical Background from 3. Verrier Elwin. The Art of the north East Frontier of India,
Arts of Bengal. Catalogue Trustees of Whitechapel Art Gal¬ north East Frontier Agency, Shillong, 1959.
lery, London, 1979. 4. Veronica Murphy, textiles from Arts of Bengal Catalogue,
2. Aditi Shirali, textile and Bamboo Crafts of the north East¬ Whitechapel Art Gallery, London, 1979.
ern Region, national Institute of Design, Bombay, 1983

144
Southern India Weaves

The woven textiles of southern India have re¬

tained their traditional designs and techniques,
for external influences were not as dominant there
as in the north. An export trade catered to differ¬
ent markets creating a range of products to meet
the varying demands of different countries. This
however did not affect the design and the tech¬
niques of the goods produced for the local mar¬
ket. Even the influence of the alien tradition of a
ruling elite did not spread to the woven traditions,
except perhaps in the introduction of new prod¬
ucts such as himroo and in kalamkari designs.
Woven designs, especially those of sarees, re¬
tained their traditional patterns and colour combi¬
nations; for instance, though the Golconda kalamk¬
ari had a very strong Persian influence, the weav-

145
 ra
L-j

'■■

m
L-a

L &L&.... .1. '-■M-

r"»

iririririr^TO 1 w i ffirn?' ^ i r “s nrTrTrTrrp n rif i y"'^ f"'ff ]

it1 ... It St ft Jl " '■ ■' ■' ■' " '■• -*■- illhl

irir^irirTrY?’ rrr
.dWWWkJ^kAuLk JXJJ*U<>,kj,4 k
k^,4.IU,M b. Ai A^I*ak,.Llh.-ik
A t.AiUi

TT-rrrry»,jTrTr'Tr^y *irinrrrrrv'inf.?r-sf1 y ?r'ir"sH T1 f' 111 ['1T][

J i,- ^ J k J L -.11....-J t-i k-i.i,.. -J L ..i L .j L J i.. U\. ILiil „,4 Ih -I k Ak fj k ri H*

p-^y.'^ y^ypr^yp-g^p-.jj yu^ y ^ ^ p ^ p ‘Jjtf-qf ‘if ^'fTFIfy^ f

ving centres around continued to weave checks

and the extra warp patterns that were the tradi¬
tional techniques of the area.

The distinctive characteristic of the cotton and silk

textiles of southern India is that the woven de¬
signs are an integrated part of the woven fabric,
rather than an addition to the fabric, as in the case
of extra weft weaving. The jamdani or inlay tech¬
nique was used in the cotton weaves of Venkatagiri
known for their fine quality weaving. Even in the
silk extra weft patterns, the malli moghu was
woven in with the inlay technique. Checks and
stripes were worked as variations in colour and
texture. The most famous of these were the Cor-
nad sarees which combined silk and cotton, creat¬
ing textural and colour variations. Veldari, the
creeper, pattern of the Kanchipuram silk saree
was woven with the use of extra warp and the
Kanchipuram saree, Tamilnadu border carried extra warp patterns of the rudraksh,
A heavy silk saree, with contrasting mango, guinea or sovereign and patta.
colours typical of the silk sarees
woven in Tcimilnadu.
The most interesting technique which was possi¬
Opposite Page bly developed in the T^milnadu area is the weav¬
Silk processing, T^milnadu ing of solid borders known as korvai with the use
The weaver on the roof top is drying of three shuttles. The two side shuttles carry
freshly dyed silk for sarees. colours for the border, which are of the same

146
 material and colour as the border warp and the
centre shuttle carries the material and colour of
the body of the saree. First the shuttle on the right
is thrown by hand through the shed created in the
border; the thread is intertwined with the weft of
the body and placed on the woven section. The
second shuttle is thrown right across, to the other
border where the thread of the third shuttle is
intertwined with the body weft and thrown across
the border. The shed is closed and the operation
is repeated. In this way, the borders are woven
Preparation of the warp, Tamilnadu
with a non-continuous weft and interlocked to¬
In a long street traditionally found
in all weaving communities, the warp
gether, creating the solid colour borders of the
of a saree is being prepared by the saree. The solid mundhi-pallu matching with the
weaver's family. border is created by cutting the warp thread and

148
adding another warp by twisting the new set of
warp threads with the original warp of the body.

The main body warp and pallu warp are then

woven together with the weft of the pallu thread
for approximately IV2" to 2" before actually cut¬
ting the body warp. This process is known as
petni This complicated technique of weaving was
used for weaving traditional sarees both in cotton
and in silk. In Andhra Pradesh, especially Qadwal
and Wanaparti, the technique combines the silk
border and pallu with a cotton body. The tech¬
nique of extra weft weaving was used only in the
rich gold brocaded sarees made for weddings or
for offering to the temple. The extra weft patterns
were generally woven on the pallu of the saree
and sometimes all over the body.

'familnadu has a range of cotton sarees such as

the Magercoil sarees of coarse counts with bril¬
liant checks and contrasting border and pallu, the
Coimbatore and Salem cottons as well as the fine,
gold bordered Madurai cottons.
Kanchipuram cotton saree
Pure silk sarees were an essential part of the life Richly woven cotton sarees based on
of the Brahmin community. Ritual observations traditional silk patterns are being
required that the housewife should wear only silk woven in Kanchipuram. This saree
has contrasting borders and carries
sarees, since silk was the only material considered an extra warp pattern in stripes on
pure. It was she who performed the piya to the the body.

149
 household deity and prepared the food for the
family. Even the housewife of a poor Brahmin
household would be expected to dress in silk and
often had only two sarees, wearing one and wash¬
ing the other.

Sarees were bought during the Deepavali festival

and the whole family participated in the yearly
visit of the family weaver to the house. Family
members pored over the patterns and colours, the
type of gold thread to be used and the weight of
the sarees, for sarees traditionally were never
bought off a shelf. Weavers came from the weav¬
ing centres of Thanjavur, Kumbhakonam, Kanchipu-
ram and Dharamavaram, bringing samples of new
designs, colours and different qualities of silk.
Families of weavers worked over generations with
large joint families and since each design had to
Silk and gold brocaded saree, be woven in a set of three (the warp of three
T^njore, TSmilnadu
sarees had to be prepared at a time), the family
The purple silk saree has a rich gold
had to work with the weaver to develop variations
border and gold stripes woven into
the body with the use of extra warp within the limitation of a single warp.
threads. The pallu is woven with gold
threads worked into an all-over
pattern with a dominant motif rarely
The Finest known examples of the Kerala looms
seen on textiles, that of the double¬ are the karalakudi sarees, woven in off-white or
headed eagles known in Karnataka unbleached cotton with a gold woven border and
as Qandhaberunda. The double¬
pallu. The region has hardly any silk weaving cen¬
headed eagle can also be seen in
some old temple jewellery made for tres and the concentration is on the weaving of
the deity. cotton in white or off-white.

150
 Above
Tblia rumal saree, Andhra Pradesh.
7fe/ta rumal weavers sometimes used
gold in some of the long pieces, and
in some rare cases combined it with
embroidery as well. Here the
weavers wove a saree that was later
printed with goldwork khardi to -
create the effect of a gold weave.

Below

Cotton Cloth in telia rumal pattern

from Pochampalli, contemporary
Detail of fabric using the traditional
Chirala checkered double-ikat
technique, in which the solid single
coloured motif is enclosed within a
square. This type of patterning was
typical of the earlier rumals
produced in Chirala, which were
meant for export to the Middle East,
the Qulf and Iran. The original
colouring was maroon and white
with possibly a touch of black. The
checkered pattern was used only in
maroon and white. Here the
technique has been greatly refined
and the checked pattern is extremely
fine.

151
 lifiBTSinKiBw

152
Andhra Pradesh was known for its very fine cotton
weaves and Ganjam district has woven these from
ancient times. The skill was later transferred to
the weaving of khadi. Velamma and Pattusali wove
very special fine khadi for the use of those who Opposite Page
had taken to only wearing khadi as a part of their
involvement with the independence movement Kodalikaruppar brocaded and
printed saree, T&milnadu
and the philosophy of self-reliance, swadeshL
A speciality of the Tbnjore area,
made for the royal family of Tbnjore,
Today there is an amazing range of techniques in this saree combined finely woven
Andhra including the finely woven silk of Arni, cotton with motifs worked with
jamdani weave in gold thread. With
Puddakottai, Armur, Marayanpett, Siddipet, Sanga-
the woven designs as the focal point,
reddy, Peddapuram, Wanaparti, Gadwal and Pon- the outlines and details were worked
duru. Sangareddy and Puddakottai wove sarees in with natural dyes in the kalamkari
similar to those of T^milnadu, while the Haray- technique. This technique became
extinct during the beginning of the
anpett sarees of silk and cotton were typical of the century and was revived through the
Maharashtrian style. Armoor used to weave silk Vishwakarma exhibition, by the
Weavers' Service Centre, Madras.
sarees with extra weft butis of a star or a single
flower on the body, and a gold patta border. The Poothkulli, nilgiris, Tamilnadu
heavy gold pallu had gold thread as the weft and
The poothkulli is a long cloth woven
extra weft patterns woven with silver thread in the in cotton in two pieces, with woven
centre. Borders on four sides were woven in extra stripes in red and black, by the Kotas.
weft with silk yarn. The cottons used were brilliant Within the stripes the Toda women
embroider motifs that simulate the
and contrasted with the gold base of the pallu. weaving technique. The patterns are
Above the pallu, merging into the body, were similar to some of the ancient Ionian
woven large paisley patterns which created the patterns. The poothkulli is a
traditional garment worn by the
transition between the richness of the pallu and Todas and is also used for their
the delicacy of the patterns woven on the body. funerals.

153
 Paithani pallus have been famous from ancient
times. These were woven with a weft of gold thread
with patterns worked in silk with the interlocked
tapestry techniques. This was essentially a tech¬
nique of the Deccan and extended upto Chanderi.
The older examples of the pattern carry, besides
the pallu, borders also woven with the paithani
technique. The sarees were made in cotton and
were nine yards long, worn in the sakacha or Ma¬
harashtrian style. For formal occasions and for
the upper caste women to wear outside the home,
an elaborately worked shalu, a four metre by one-
and-a-half metre shawl would cover the wearer
from head to toe.

Wanaparti and Hyderabad also had a few weavers

knowledgeable in the paithani technique. Mol-
kalmuru in Karnataka used the paithani technique
until the Fifties but with a different style of motifs.
It was obviously a technique which was highly
prized since a number of centres like Armoor,
Kanchipuram silk and gold saree, Qadwal and even Surat and Ahmedabad imitated
T&milnadu the pallus during the beginning of the century.
The silk saree with contrasting
border and pallu worked in gold
Changing fashions and Western influences
thread carries zari stripes on a black
ground. Sarees of this kind are amongst the affluent families and the princely
usually worn by older women. states, found the ladies of the household taking

154
to wearing imported chiffon and georgette sarees; intricate all-over patterns in maroon and black,
demand for the paithanis died down. The weavers worked in the kalamkari technique. This technique
began to produce pallus to be attached to the has recently been revived by the Weavers Service
chiffon sarees, and small place-mats for the Eng¬ Centre in Madras for the Vishwakarma exhibition.
lish tourists who visited the Ajanta caves. The The woven pieces were as Fine as the original
designs were thus based on the paintings of lotus pieces to be found only in museums.
flowers, leaves and birds found on the ceiling of
the Ajanta caves. Sungardhi sarees are woven and tie-dyed in Madu¬
rai for the use of communities of Saurashtries
The technique of ikat was Known in the area from settled in T^milnadu. Some of these were weaver
very early times. Research in the origin of the communities having migrated originally from
technique indicates that it possibly originated in Gujarat and are known as Saurashtries. The finest
the Deccan and was carried to Patan. The tech¬ silk weaving is done by the Pattunulkar who be¬
nique is used in the border of sarees woven in long to this community. The weavers are called
many centres, spread all over the Deccan. The saliyar, a word derived from the Sanskrit word
Molkalmuru sarees of Karnataka carry ikat pat¬ salika, the weaver, and similar to salui, the family
terns on the body and the border, as does mashru name of the Patan patola weavers.
woven in Hyderabad.
The kalamkari tradition in Andhra has a strong
Telia rumals with ikat patterns, in maroon, white
tradition of temple cloths, used as a part of the
and black were traditionally worn by the men in
temple ritual, relating the episodes from the Rama-
Andhra Pradesh. They had multiple uses, being
yana and Mahabharata. These cloths are also used
worn as a lungi, as a turban, as well as a scarf to
for decorating rathas, chariots, used in proces¬
be thrown on the shoulder — similar to the man¬
sions organised by the temple on special occa¬
ner in which ajrakh is used in Kutch. The cloth was
sions. The centres preparing temple cloths today
initially woven in Chirala and was introduced into
are in Madras and Kalahasti, while the decorations
Pochampalli at the beginning of this century. 7fe/ia
for the rathas are prepared at Chikanayakapetta.
rumals were exported to the Gulf countries, to
Golconda used to produce elaborate hangings and
Africa and to Iran, with the weavers creating pat¬
square rumals made with designs derived from
terns suited for different markets. The close con¬
miniatures but does not do so any more.
tact with Iran led to the development of a brisk
trade with the Persian market. In the 60s the All
The kalamkari work of the Coromandel coast was
India Handicrafts Board assisted the weavers of
for piecegoods exported to the Far East, essen¬
Pochampalli to start weaving sarees. Silk weaving
tially to be bartered as trade goods in exchange
was also introduced by training two weavers in
for spices. Masulipatnam is the only centre which
Banaras. Pochampalli, a small impoverished vil¬
survives today. The style of Masulipatnam is
lage, slowly captured the market for ikat sarees
closely linked with the kalamkari of Ispahan, Iran,
and today the whole of Halgonda district works
which imported quantities of kalamkari from Masu¬
on ikat weaves which can compare with the very
lipatnam. Persian craftsmen had been brought to
best in single ikat warp weaving. Pochampalli is
Masulipatnam at the turn of the century and they
copying the patola of Patan but it lacks the vitality
introduced their techniques and patterns; soon it
and beauty of the original.
became difficult to distinguish the Indian kalamk-
Certain styles of textiles were developed in the aris from the Persian. Later the Indian craftsmen
southern states which were especially distinctive. surpassed the Ispahani workers affecting their mar¬
One such was the himroo, a mixture of cotton and ket adversely.
silk, woven with a warp of cotton and weft of silk.
Extra weft patterns were introduced with a silk Rich variations in textiles continue to be woven in
weft. The cloth, like mashru, was used by the Mus¬ southern India despite the influence of films which
lim community. Hyderabad and Aurangabad were have brought in pale pastel colours (locally called
the important centres of production. 'geva colours') as against the brilliant luminous
colours which are traditional. Attempts have also
The Kodalikuruppur sarees were developed for been made to weave Banarasi patterns and to
the Thanjavur royal family. Fine cotton sarees were weave skirt border sarees. Tradition however is
woven with gold jamdani patterns of stars, lines, too strong to be lost, and there is today a resur¬
wide borders, a delicate tree of life pattern on the gence of traditional, elaborately woven patterns
pallu and roundels all over the body. The gold based on old designs, both in silk and cotton, in
woven pattern was the core and was enclosed by all the centres of southern India.

155
The Handloom Sector of the Textile
Industry: An Overview
V.K. Agnihotri

The handloom industry in India is today the larg¬

est economic activity in the informal sector, after
agriculture. There are roughly 3.8 million hand-
looms in India, the largest number in the world,
engaged in the production of natural fibre fabrics
like cotton, silk and woollens, and in man-made
and mixed fibre fabrics. The industry is an integral
part of rural life and about 10 million people de¬
pend on these looms, fully or partially, for their
livelihood.

The industry has a long tradition of excellent crafts¬

manship, forming a part of the country's cultural
heritage — "a pulse beat of Indian cultural

The author is the Development Commissioner (Handlooms)

and Chairman, ACASH.

156
life"1 The weavers are the "link in an unbroken markets, producing even a hundred metres of fab¬
tradition which embraces both producers and con¬ ric in a particular design or colour combination
sumers within a socio-religious community."2 In to meet the individual taste of the consumer. It is
a climate where the preservation of ancient heri¬ this "exclusiveness" of handloom that gives it an
tages in considered vital, "the fine textile crafts¬ edge over cloth produced by the other sectors.
men of this country are national treasures, and
should be so recognised."3 It is necessary to continue research on improving
the quality and productivity of handlooms. Stud¬
Since ancient times, agriculture and handlooms ies have shown that minor modifications in ma¬
have existed side by side, an integral part of chines and processes can increase productivity
India's agrarian economy, maintaining the bal¬ by upto 50%.
ance in the economic life of the country. It is
imperative therefore to appreciate the importance The industry however is traditional and introduc¬
of handlooms for maintaining the critical balance tion of change is not only a matter of imparting
of the country's agrarian economy. Unlike natural skills, but of changing attitudes; many schemes
wealth, which can be regenerated, it would be im¬ started with enthusiasm and excellent intentions
possible to revive the handloom industry, if, due have not yielded expected results because of the
to a lack of appreciation of its crucial role, policy weavers' resistance to change.
formulations were made which would affect its
healthy growth. A view is sometimes expressed that, in the interest
of standardisation and economy of production,
Handlooms are an important component of the handlooms should be gradually replaced by pow-
policy of self-sufficiency which is one of the goals erlooms or automatic looms. Powerlooms have,
of India's planned economy since Independence. in fact mushroomed outside the handloom sector
Community and area development programmes to such an extent that it has adversely effected the
and, lately, the "cluster approach" adopted by the latter. A World Bank study has pointed out that the
Government for accelerating rural development, spectacular growth rate of the powerloom indus¬
aim at creating self-sufficiency among the rural try has been largely due to the fact that the market
population of the country. For a long time to come, wage in the powerloom sector is far below that in
the basic minimum clothing requirements of the the mill sector and not so different from that in
rural population will have to be met by the cloth the handlooms. The World Bank study further
produced locally on handlooms. points out that the choice facing Indian authori¬
ties has been one of a large increase in employ¬
Unemployment and underemployment continue ment at a low wage as against smaller additions
to be a major problem faced by the Indian econ¬ to employment at a higher wage. Therefore, there
omy. Several programmes have been initiated to is a case for encouraging the small sector in order
generate additional employment in rural areas. to change the pattern of earnings in favour of low
The handloom sector, which employs a large num¬ wage workers. This argument would, of course,
ber of people, has to be sustained through pro¬ apply even more strongly in favour of encourag¬
grammes which ensure that people employed in ing handlooms.5
the handloom industry continue to derive their
sustenance from it. It is unthinkable to provide The importance of the handloom sector in the
alternative employment to the approximately 10 nation's economy has been recognised by the gov¬
million people currently engaged in the handloom ernment at the policy planning level, since Inde¬
sector, for the socio-economic costs of doing so pendence. Successive Five Year Plans have en¬
would be too great. couraged and supported the handloom industry.
The outlays in the Central sector's Five Year Plans
Recently there has been a remarkable growth in has gone up from an allocation of Rs. 11.10 crores,
the handloom industry primarily as a result of the during the first plan, to Rs. 168 crores for the Sev¬
initiative of the weaving community. "The unique enth Plan. This has been further augmented by
skill of the weaver, his comprehension of colour,
texture and function, the weaver's capacity for Opposite Page

rapid adaptation and for production of small yard¬ Cotton Maheshwari sarees, Madhya Pradesh, contemporary
age in a variety of designs "4 has been the indus¬ The cotton looms of Maheshwar, an important pilgrim centre
try's greatest strength. Handloom cloth has be¬ on the banks of the river Narmada, have a reputation for
weaving very fine cotton, and silk and cotton combined
come an important foreign exchange earner on sarees. They are woven with subtle coloured checks, a gold
account of its ability to meet the needs of fashion patti, mat, or a rudraksh border.

157
allocations in the plans of individual State Govern¬ Parliament has passed a new legislation entitled:
ments totalling around Rs.500 crores during the "The Handlooms (Reservation of Articles for Pro¬
Seventh Plan period. As a result of these meas¬ duction) Act, 1985". On the basis of the recom¬
ures, the number of handlooms has gradually mendation of an Advisory Committee, 22 items
gone up from about 28 lakhs in 1951 to about 38 have been reserved under this legislation. The
lakhs today. The production output from hand- government has also decided to set up an effec¬
looms has increased from about 500 million tive machinery for the implementation of this leg¬
metres in the early fifties to about 3700 million islation. Three Regional Enforcement Offices have
metres in 1985-86, a seven fold increase in about been created so far in Delhi, Pune and Coimba¬
three decades. Today the handloom sector ac¬ tore.
counts for nearly 30% of the total textile produc¬
tion in the country. Other supportive measures have been undertaken
by the government, in addition to an active pro¬
In successive Textile Policy statements of 1978, gramme of supply of materials, worksheds, com¬
1981 and 1985, handlooms have been given pri¬ mon facilities, etc. to be carried out through coop¬
mary importance. The 1978 Textile Policy listed a eratives and State Corporations. Special fiscal
number of steps to enable the handloom sector measures have been introduced to remove the
to fulfil the role assigned to it in the industrial cost handicap of handlooms vis-a-vis powerlooms.
employment policies of the government. One of The existing marketing structure is being strength¬
the objectives of the 1981 Textile Policy statement ened and an intensive programme for publicity
was to achieve the maximum possible growth of and promotion has been launched to expand local
the handlooms sector to fulfil the role assigned and export markets. A census of handlooms is
to it in the industrial employment policies of the being carried out to broaden the data base. This
government. One of the objectives of the 1981 would help in better planning and programming
Textile Policy statement was to achieve maximum of the development programmes.
possible growth of handlooms in the decentral¬
ised sector, for generating employment and rais¬ The formulations regarding the handloom sector
ing the standard of living of small weavers. It in the new textile policy are based on the experi¬
emphasised the revival of dormant looms, as well ence of the implementation of earlier handloom
as their modernisation. development programmes. The sub-group on
handlooms, set up in 1983 to formulate policy for
The Textile Policy statement of 1985 recognised the Seventh Five Year Plan, had made recommen¬
the distinct and unique role of the handloom sec¬ dations pertaining to the gaps in the existing pro¬
tor and proposed a number of measures for the grammes, as well as new schemes to be taken up
preservation and growth of this sector as one of for the harmonious and integrated growth of the
the priority areas in the country's development handloom sector during the Seventh Plan period.
programme. One of the most important of these It stressed the need for strengthening the machin¬
is the introduction of technical innovations in the ery for implementation, for monitoring and for the
looms used by the weavers, so as to increase the continuous evaluating of development program¬
productivity and improve the quality of the prod¬ mes. It also recommended training and upgrad¬
uct. The transfer of technology from the research ing of the technical, managerial and administra¬
institutions to the actual weavers working in the tive skills of personnel employed in the develop¬
field has been emphasised. The diversification of ment and marketing of the sector.
production so as to increase the range of fabrics
and thus have access to larger markets is another With these measures introduced in the Seventh
important part of the programme. The weaving Plan, the handloom sector is expected to be greatly
of Janata cloth for the poorer sector of the popu¬ strengthened and many of the inadequacies that
lation will also, to a large extent, be carried out have existed in the system are expected to be
through handlooms. overcome.

FOOTNOTES
1. Pupul Jayakar, A Handloom Prilgrimage, The India Maga¬ 4. Ibid
zine, December 1984 . 5. Dipak Mazumdar: World Bank Staff Working Papers, No. 645
2. Ibid — The Issue of Small Versus Large in the Indian Tfextile
Industry (An Analytical and Historical Survey), 1984.
3. Ibid

158
 Glossary

abrawan — running water, trade name apave — weave back

of muslin; Persian
apasraya — a garment
acharo — top cloth of printing table
covering in western India. aribel — diagonal creeper pattern

add hi — light muslin aripana — ritual floor patterns

adguvasa — shoulder cloth for men asavali 1 — silk sarees woven in

ashawali Ahniedabad & Surat
adhyaka — supervisor of weaving
workshop, Mauryan period asali-tus — underhair of mountain goat

agani — fire ashrafi — gold coin

ajrakh / — resist-printed fabric from asil / asul — real

azrakh Kutch and Sind
as ta tana — a garment
aksi — reflection, embroidery or
weave visible on one side asule-jo pur — outline block, used for
azrakh in Sind and Kutch
aksu — a garment
ato — flour
aksavana — garment with lace trimming
atlash — satin
alankar — ornament
avika — wool; Sanskrit
algodan — cotton in Spanish; derived
from Arabic avirmalha — sheep with small pendants
on its throat.
alkatifa 1 — velvet or looped woven
alquatifa cloth; Arabic

al-khamliyat — velvet; Arabic

baburkhunr — gum of Mimoza arabica;

alpona — ritual floor patterns in used in printing
Bengal
badam — almond
alquaton — cotton; Arabic
bagh — garden-an all over darn stitch
alunah — pulling out of hair from embroidery from Punjab
sheep
bahi — account book
amir — noble; Persian

bahi-khata — account and record book

amlikar — embroidered shawl

bala-pash 1 — coverlet
ananas — pineapple bala-posh

anchal 1 pallu — upper end of the saree Baluchari — silk brocaded saree of
Baluchar, Bengal.
angarkha 1 — stitched upper garment for
angarkhi men banda 1 bandha — ikat of Orissa

anjan — kohl bandhani — tie-and-dye fabric

159
bandhu — to tie charquab — coat; Persian

haqual charu / c ha run — copper pot for dyeing

— importer of wool in
Kashmir
chati — clay pot
barasi
— men's garment
cheer a / chira — silk
barge heed
— willow leaves, Persian
chikan kari — white on white embroidery
bayton
— rectangular embroidered
Bengal quilt chipp 1 chhipa — printers

be-puri
— double-sided; Persian chipri — reed mat placed on dye
container for dipping
bhagti marg
— path of devotion printing block

bhathi
— fireplace chiraha — turbans
bhuk
— handfull; Sindhi chitra — drawing, design
bigha
— measurment of agricultural chitra virali — figured muslin
land
bogcheh choli — blouse
— cloth for tying clothes;
Persian
chope — holbein stitch embroidery
boteh 1 blit a 1 of Punjab, Haryana and
— plant pattern
buti Rajasthan.

cina patta — Chinese silk

boteh-kaj — slanting shrub pattern;
Persian
chint — variegated or sprinkled.
derived from the Sanskrit
boteh-reez — small shrub pattern;
chitra, i.e. chintz
Persian

— stiff cloth for lining derived cit-citary — printed cloth; Turkish

bukram /
bogranum / from the place name
boccranum Bokhara. citares — printed cloth; Rumanian

cun a / chuna — lime

camri — piece of cloth or paper to

cut the printing block, used
in north-west India.
daccai — fine cotton saree with inlaid
patterns
candataka — short skirt for women

dandio 1 — sticks
carbasina — cotton; Latin
dhandio

cat — processing of printed cloth

on sandy river bed darbha / kusa — a kin of plant used for
manufacturing textiles
chadar/ — wrap, shawl
chaddar daree — non-pile carpet

chador — veil degri — copper pot

chahar ghadi — square shawl dha — to do the weft

chameli — jasmine dhabla — blanket; Gujarati

chanderkhani — moonlight pattern in dharkala / — patchwork quilt from Kutch

tie-and-dye dharkee

160
dhoti — unstitched lower cloth worn gharchola / — auspicious red checked
by men gharcholu tie-and-dye saree used
during marriage ceremony
dhussa-dursa- — men's shawl in Kashmir in Gujarat
dursha and northern India
ghur — molasses
doshali amli — embroidered shawl
girha — measurement of cloth
dou-gul — two flowers; Persian
gopi — female devotee of Lord
dou-shala — double shawl or long shawl Krishna

dou-ruh — double faced; Persian govyacha — garment with lace trimming

dou-rukh — double sided; Persian grantha — a treatise or book

dou-ranga — double coloured; Persian grivah — neck

drapi — a garment guduma — woollen blanket

dukula — fine quality of bark cloth guduri — quilt made from worn cloth

dupatta — long scarf draped over gulenar — crimson, colour of

Salwaar and loose shirt pomegranate flower;
worn by women Persian

dvaradeya — gate tax gule panvane — butterfly flower; Persian

guna — virtues

ek puri — one sided

eka — one haft rangi — seven-coloured; Persian

haram — unlawful

hashieh 1 hashia — border; Persian

gaJJi — satin
hasya — laughter
galaband — scarf
himroo — mixed cotton and silk cloth
galicha / — carpet with extra weft patterns
galicho
hira kas — ferrous sulphate
ganga-yamuna — gold and silver, two
coloured

garud — natural colour silk

ikat — tie-and-dye yarn woven to
gaumukhi — cow-faced; cover for make a pattern
the hand and the
rosary izarband — belt or band for trousers

genda — marigold

ghar — layers of cloth laid on

printing table — net
jal

gharo kakar — red cloud jala — thread Jacquard

161
jaldar — net pattern kattun (gurma) — cotton

jama — upper coat kauseya — Chinese silk

jamevar — woven woollen Kashmir kesa — pieced cloak worn by

shawl with an all-over Buddhist priests in Japan;
pattern Japanese

jamdani — inlaid pattern of extra weft. khadi — handspun and handwoven

without floats cotton cloth

janu — knee; Persian khand — multiple pieces joined

sanghatya together
jari-zari — gold thread
kharita-khalita — bag, purse, envelope
jhul — elephant cover
khazz — plushy velvet
jimmi — unstitched skirt worn in
parts of Gujaat kheva — threads used in making the
thread —jacquard in
julaha — weaver Varanasi

khilet — robes of honour

khurjin — donkey bag

kabar-posh — shroud
kim khab / — gold brocade
kajjari asp — horse cover kinkhab

kajjari phil — elephant cover kiungridar — serrated border

kalabatun — gold thread korvai — solid border; Tamil

kalamkari — patterning of cloth with kos — measurement of distance

dyes and use of a pen

ksauma — linen
kalin — carpet

kulpha — ankle
kamarband — sash

kambala — blanket of wool kunjar — elephant

kantha — quilted and embroidered hurdi — from Kurdistan in Iran

old cloth; Bengali
kusa — a kind of plant usd for
kantha — upper part of the chest manufacturing textiles

kanat — tent wall kusomah — fibres of kusa plant

karti — multiple weft patterned

Kashmir shawl

karkhana — atelier, workshop lame — gold cloth, gold thread or

gilted paper
karpasa — cotton cloth
langot — loincloth
kartana — spinning
lata kritih — creeper design
Kasi — Varanasi
likhnam — drawing of pattern
kathivu- — looped cloth or velvet;
kathipba Arabic lungi — sarong

162
lugdi — half saree worn in mundhi-pallu — contrasting colour cross
north-western India. border; Tamil

muquim — broker

majith — red vegetable dye

makhamal — velvet nadir i — a style of Persian coat

makhi-buta — fly-sized dots naksha — pattern. In brocade

weaving of Varanasi, it
means the making of a
makhmali- — velvet with gold woven
thread Jacquard.
zarbaft patterns

naksha bandha — maker of the thread

makhmali — of velvet or like velvet
jacquard

mal-mal — fine cotton cloth nandra — printed cloth

tnalli moghu — jasmine buds; Tamil nari — woman

manga — mango nari-kunjar — woman and elephant

pattern in patola sarees
mar pech — curved snake; Persian
narikunjara — pattern of elephant formed
mashru — permitted, mixed cotton from figures of women
and silk cloth
natal — reel or swift
Massoria — fine net like cotton cloth of
Kota, Rajasthan. nathai — thread used in making the
thread Jacquard
masur buta — lentil sized flower
naqqash — design maker
Mata-ni- — painted and printed
nawab — Muslim aristocrat, or ruler
Pachedi hanging of the mother
of a state
goddess from Gujarat

nilambari — dark blue-black colour

matandar — central medallion

nimij — a garment
meenakari — inlaying of colours as in
enamelling
nivi — loincloth
meheramat — striped cloth, shawl;
Persian

mekhala — sarong worn in Eastern

India odhani — long scarf worn over skirt
or half saree
meeti / mitti / — earth, mud
mati opasa — a garment

mina — to enamel or blue colour otavah — weft yarns

mina-badam — blue almond otu — weft

moga — golden coloured silk

mogra — double jasmine

pachedi — long cotton dhoti with
mohar — Indian gold coin coloured cross border worn
in Saurashtra
mothra — checked tie-and-dye pattern
or double laheria pada — foot

163
paggia — threads used in making the petni — twisting of new warp
master pattern threads of the cross border
with the warp threads of
Paithani — a form of weaving of the body of a saree, in
non-continuous weft in South India; Tamil
interlocked tapestry
technique phateh dozi — embroidery of Kerman;
Persian
pandara — upper gament for men
pandya philkar — aluminium sulphate

pandva / — woollen shawl worn for

phuldar — flowered
pindavika rituals

phup / pusupa 1 — flower

pankhi — pashmina shawl from
pashpa
Uphill areas tie-and-dye

phuli — flower
panyala — multiple coloured striped
cloth from Rajasthan.
pistani band — breast cloth; Persian

pallu — cross border of saree or

scarf piaeh — base or feet

— exceedingly soft, name plangi — tying and dyeing of fabrics

paramnaram
given by Akbar to Kashmir
shawl poothkullie — toga like cloth worn by the
Todas
paridhana — a garment covering the
trunk and thighs popat — parrot

— the weaving implements / pra-ve — weaving forth

par id hi
the loom
pranya — the one who extends the
parita — swift, reed tantums tirate warp threads

paro — stone for beating and pravara / — upper cloth

washing cloth pravarna

pashm-farosh — retailer of wool purgar — wooden block-makers in

Kutch and Sind
pashmina — fine quality sheep wool
purz dar — made up of pieces
pathia — azrak printers low printing
table pushpa-pattas — flowered cloth

patka — sash

patola (plural) — double-ikat of Patan,

patolo Gujarat
qaba — coat
(singular)

— border, stripe qalghi — plume

patta

— mat design on borders qashida / — embroidery

patti
kashida
pattu — woollen shawl, Kulu
qatifa-yi-I- — cotton-velvet; eastern
— a garment covering the Purabi
pavasta
trunk
quba — an outer vest worn during
pench — superfine quality figured Jehangir's reign
muslin.

pesa — embroidery

pesa ka kara — embroidery worker rach — spindle

164
rafoogar / — repairer of shawls shal-phiri — second quality shawl
rafugar
sharad — autumnal full-moon
rajayitri — woman dyer poomima

ralli — quilt made from pieces of shahtoosh — kind of wool, quality wool
threadbare cloth carrying from the undercoat of
applique pattern mountain goats

rangar — dyer; painter of a prepaired shikam — stomach

pattern
shikar gah — hunting place; name of a
ranga-tikat — colour card hunting design

rasa chitra — paintings associated with sir — head

different emotions
siras — head
ratha — chariot
sodagiri — printed cloth for trading
riah — breast cloth; Tripura
sofreh — table-cloth; Persian
rudhraksh — auspicious seed used for
making a rosary souzani — stitched cloth, bath mat;
Persian
rumal — square scarf
srnga — horns of ram

stuka — wool sleek haired wool

producing sheep / carded
safidalcha — white
suchi — wooden bobbin
sakacha — 9 yard saree worn with
pleats tucked into the back, suf — wool; Persian

sungardhi — tie-and-dye sarees of

saliyar — weaver's caste in Southern
Madurai, Tamilnadu
India

suvasa — valley of Sind known for its

salwar 1 shalvar — loose pyjamas
umavali wool

salvi — weavers of patola in Patan swadeshi — produced in the country.

The Indian movement
sanah — a kind of flax started by Mahatma Gandhi
to boycott all foreign goods
saqlat — scarlet broad cloth

sayaban — awning

seh-gul — three flowers, Persian tak posh — shelf or niche cover;

Persian
shabnam — morning dew, name of a
muslin talim — written instruction for
Kashmiri shawl weaving
shakhe gavaz — stag horn pattern; Persian
tan — to prepare warp
shal — shawl; Persian
tanchoi — silk brocade originally
shale - termeh — patterned shawl; Persian woven in Surat

— cotton or silk shawl worn tanjeb — fine figured muslin, or a

shalu
by Maharashtrian women coat made from it
over the saree.
tan tail — cotton
shal- — shawl with borders
hashiayadar tantavah — warp threads

165
tapai — processing of a dye by umah — a kind of flax
sunning
upabarhana — cushion for the throne
tarah-guru — master who reads out the
design upadhana — a garment

tarahdar — with designs upapaksa — armpit

tarahadar guru — master designer upasary a — a garment

tareh armeni — Armenian pattern upastarana — a garment

tareh — — European pattern upastir — a garment

farangi
uma — a wool
tareh — rumi — Turkish pattern
umavati — sheep

tarpya — upper garment of men

usnisa — men's upper garment of
made of whitish wool
whitish wool, also turban

tata / tantu — the warp ut-ji-gissi — camel dung

taviz — amulet utkmatti — the drawing up of heedle

rods
termeh — woollen material with
non-continuous weft
patterns woven in Iran.

that — net Vaishnav — followers of Vishnu

thiyab — velvet garments; Arabic varatapani — drawing on cloth with dyes.

makhmal
vasas — sacramental garment
thulma — thick blanket
vasana — a garment for consecration
tibri — broken pot during sacrifice worn by
men & women
tili — straw
vasovaya — weaver
tilia rumal / telia — tie-and-dye scarves woven
rumal in Andhra vasrnan — a garment

tilikar — woven on the loom with vastra — fabric on the loom and a
small bobbins valuable object.

tiraz — factories originally vastra haran — depiction of Krishna

belonging to the Caliphate stealing the gopis' clothes
to weave special fabrics.
Later came to be known as vati — small vessel
royal ateliers.
veldari — creeper design
toojins — wooden bobbins

tritik — stitch resist dyeing

tus — woolly undercoat of high yantra — ritual diagram

altitude goats

166
 Captions

Warp of a Patan patola, Giyarat. Raghardhi village, Orissa

The tied and dyed warp threads are Dyeing and weaving is part of the
of a traditional patola saree from life of the bandha weavers of
Patan. The basic outline of the Orissa. They till the soil and grow
design is created by tying the base their rice but their main occupation
colour of the warp threads. The is the weaving silk and cotton
colours are then dyed and tied until bandha sarees.
the entire pattern is created.

Woven quilt, Manipur, contemporary Bandha saree pallu, Sambalpur

The Manipuris have a tradition of The bandha in this saree is very

weaving quilts with the use of refined. The outline of the design
cotton slivers introduced between has been tied down first so as to
closely laid parallel warp threads create a clear linear pattern.
and then enclosed by weaving in (Collection: Crafts Museum).
weft threads. Variations in colours
of the warp create a flowing linear
pattern.

Brocaded silk saree, Tanjore then reversed. With the end of the
pink warp the extra weft pallu
The richly brocaded saree has an comes to an end. The pattern is
unusual pallu which merges into then woven in the jamdani or inlay
the body. The saree combines a technique where each motif has a
range of techniques. The pallu is separate bobbin. The diagonally
dyed a bright pink to match with placed kalga and the lotus flowers
the colour of the border, and the lend a symmetrical effect to a very
body is dyed purple after tyeing the classical pattern.
dyed pallu warp threads. This
results in the pink warp merging The body begins with stripes woven
into the purple. The warp threads with an extra warp twisted with the
of the border are laid with an extra silk warp threads in the same
warp in zari to weave the border manner as used for making the
with the use of the dobby. The paithani solid pallu. The stripe with
pallu is woven with extra wefts a wavy pattern is so closely woven
thrown across upto the border and that it becomes a part of the fabric.

167
PHOTO CREDITS
national Handicrafts and Handlooms Museum: 18,
48, 59, 66
Himman Dhamija: 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 58
Jasleen Dhamija: 2, 5, 13, 23, 34, 35, 36, 44, 55, 57,
62, 69, 77
Kamal Sahai: 26, 31, 32, 33
Los Angeles County Museum Of Art: 19, 22a
The Metropolitan Museum Of Art: 15, 22
Pankaj Shah: Cover Photo, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11,
14, 25, 43, 45, 51, 53, 54, 56, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65,
68, 74, 76, 81
Pranlal Patel: 52
Ram Dhamija: 67
T.S. Randhava: 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 49, 50, 78
Textile Museum, Washington: 16, 17, 20, 21
V.K. Rajamani: 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 79, 80
Weavers Service: 12, 46, 47
Jasleen Dhamija has a lifetime's involvement
in the development and study of crafts,
handwoven textiles, folk arts and cross-cultural
traditions. Beginning her career at the All India
Handicrafts Board in 1954, she pioneered
research in all aspects of development and in
the revival of traditional textile designs and
techniques.

Dhamija worked for over six years in Iran with

U.H. Agencies for revitalising craft traditions,
and as an advisor to Farabi University of Art
and Culture, Tehran. During this period, she
travelled in Central Asia, studying textile
traditions. She has also worked and travelled
extensively in Africa. She now lives in Hew Delhi
and teaches History of Indian Textiles and
Costumes at the national Institute of Fashion
Technology

Her publications include Folk Arts and Crafts

of India, Indian Carpets, Living Traditions of
Iran's Crafts, Tribal Weaves of Iran, and Woven
Textiles of Andhra Pradesh: Myth Sr Reality.

Jyotindra Jain, Director of the national

Handicrafts & Handlooms Museum, Hew Delhi,
obtained a master's degree in ancient Indian
culture from Bombay University, followed by a
Ph.D. in anthropology and Indology from the
University of Vienna. He has since conducted
extensive ethnographic field research in a
number of states, with a focus on the folk and
tribal religions of Western India, and has set
up the Shreyas Folk Museum of Gujarat.
Dr. Jain has several publications on rituals and
ritual arts of India to his credit, and exhibitions
curated by him on various aspects of traditional
Indian art have been shown in India and abroad.
He is recognised as one of the most eminent
historians of Indian tribal and folk arts.

Other Titles of Interest

Museums of India
The national Handicrafts 8f Handlooms
Museum, Hew Delhi
Jyotindra Jain and Aaarti Aggarwala

The Romance of the Cashmere Shawl

Monique Levi-Strauss
Printed in Singapore

For a complete catalogue, please write to

Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd.
Chidambaram, Ahmedabad 380 013. India.