CHAPTER ONE

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 GEOGRAPHICAL AND PHYSICAL SETTING OF DAWURO

The name Dawuro represents the land, people and their language. Dawuro was one of the very
old and prosperous states of Omotic people with independent royal kingship and composed of
three major clans named Malla, Dogallaa, and Amaara, each of which is further classified in to a
number of tribes or sub-clans.1 During the Imperial regime, Dawuro was known as [Dawuro]-
Konta awaraja (sub-provinces) of Kaffa province. Further, the Därg made in 1987 [Dawuro]-
Konta awaraja part of Semen Omo (North Omo Administrative Region), together with Wolaita,
Konta, Gamo and Gofa centered in Arba Minch.2

In 1991, Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government reshaped into
zone, when Dawuro emerged as one Zone of South Nation, Nationalities and People’s Regional
State (SNNPRS) in 2000.3 Currently, Dawuro is one of six zones in the South West Regional
states of Ethiopia. The southwest regional state includes, Dawuro, Kaffa, Konta, Benchi-sheko,
West Omo and Sheka zones. Dawuro is located at about 500km southwest of Addis Ababa, the
capital of Ethiopia and 319 km of Hawassa, the capital of the Sidama Region.4

Dawuro is bordered on the south by Kucha in Gamo Zone, on the west by the Konta Zone, on the
north by the Gojeb River which defines its boundary with the Oromia Region, Jimma zone, on
the northeast by Hadiya and Tembaro Special Woreda in Central Ethiopia Regional State, and on
the east by Wolaita Zone; the Omo River defines its eastern and southern boundaries.5

1
Abraham Bulcha, “Word Formation of Dawuro, Southwest Ethiopia”, Research Square, (Wolaita Sodo
University, 2021), pp.1-2; Allison Lassieur, Ethiopia: countries and cultures (New York, 2004), p.6; Donald N.
Levine, Greater Ethiopia: the Evolution of Multi ethnic Society (Chicago, 2000), pp26-30; Allan, J.Edward,
“Omotic over view’’, in M.L.Bender(Ed). The None Semitic Languages of Ethiopia (Michigan, 1976)., pp.324-330.
2
Wondimu Lema and Mulugete Bezabih, “Ye Dawuro Hizb Tarikena Bahil” (The History and culture of
Dawuro people), (Addis Ababa, 2003E.C), pp.1-2.
3
Data Da’e, “Clan Kingdoms, and Cultural Diversity in Southern Ethiopia: The Case of Omotic
Speakers Northeast African Studies” (ISSN 0740-9133), Vol.VII, No.III, (Max Plank Institute for Social
Anthropology, Halle/Salle, 2000), pp.163-187.
4
Ibid, p.189; Asrat Alemayehu Wachamo, “Cultural, Ethnic Identification, and Personal Identity
Achievement among the Dawuro Adolescents: The Case of Waka Secondary School and Gojeb Teacher Education
College,” Paper Presented on the Language, History, and Culture Symposium at Tercha, Dawuro, 2008, pp.7-8.
5
Wondimu and Mulugeta, pp.5-7.

1
The administrative center of Dawuro is Tarcha. 6 It has ten districts and two city administrations
namely, Tocha, Maraka, Gena-Woldahne, Loma-Bosa, Disa, Tarcha-Zuriya, Essera, Kechi,
Zaba-Gazo, Mari-Mantsa and Tarcha and Gessa respectively.7

Figure1. The Map of Dawuro Zone and its districts

Source: Dawuro Zone Administrative office website; (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/dawuro)

The absolute location of Dawuro is situated at 70 14' north latitude and 370 5' east longitude and
1200m to approximately 1450m above sea level. Dawuro lies in between 60 36' to 70 21' north
latitudes and 360 68' to 370 52' east longitudes. The Gojeb and Omo rivers circumscribe and
demarcate Dawuro from northwest to southwest in a clockwise direction. Concerning
topographic and weather or climate distribution the zone, 29% is cool or high land, 45% mid hot
land and 26% is low land.8 The average annual temperature is 15.10 C to 27.50 c. The area

6
Wondimu Lema, “The Historical Defensive Wall of Medieval Dawuro Kingdom,’’ 2012, Paper Prepared
to UNESCO Recognition,p.2; Elias Aweto, Shiferaw Banjaw, Abebech Asenbo,”Yegabicha, Yelidetena Lekiso Bahil
Be Semen Omo” (The Culture of Semen Omo)(Hawassa,1990 E.C), pp.16-18.
7
Tesfaye Ayele, “The socio-economic challenges of weavers and potters in mari, mansa and tarcha zuria
woredas, Dawuro zone, SNNPRS”, (MA Thesis, Jimma University, Sociology, 2020), pp.2-3.
8
Wondaferaw Gezahegn, “The role of indigenous knowledge and beliefs on natural resource management:
the case of sacred forests in Dawuro zone, southwest Ethiopia”, (MA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopian
Studies, 2012), pp. 23-24; Tadesse Berisso, “The Dawuro: An overview of their culture, A Paper Presented to the
House of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia”, (Addis Ababa, August 1998), pp.7-15.

2
receives 1201 to 2500 mm annual rain fall. The altitude ranges 550 m at the western edge along
Omo River and 2900 m above sea level at Tocha-Tuta mountains peak. 9 The region is composed
of strongly dissected, hilly to mountainous areas (65%) developed on granite rocks. About 35%
of the land is flat and convenient for farming. Agro-climatic zones of the region include geziya
/highland (2300 - 2600 masl), dashuwa /mid altitude (1500 - 2300 masl) and gad’d’aa /low land
(750 - 1500 masl). The known mountainous are Duzi in Essera district, Atso in Loma district,
Gazo in Gena district, Gebero in Mareka district and Tuta in Tocha district. The land surface is
mountainous, plain and valley along Omo River.10

Many rivers, springs, and waterfalls found in the Dawuro Zone. A few of the rivers are Bachire,
Mantsa, Yarda, Wogay, Shata, Gojeb, Zoa, Zigina, Wuni, and Umma, as they are named in
Dawuro. Dawuro have four seasonable divisions yearly namely, Balguwa or summer (June to
August) - high rain season, Addilliya or winter (September to November) - wet season, Boniya or
autumn (December to February) - dry season, Assuura or spring (March to May) - starting of
semi-rainy season.11 According to 2007, population and House census results, the population of
Dawuro are 600,121, of which 551,464 are engaged agricultural activities and 48,657 are urban
population. Whom 249,263 are men and 240,314 women; with an area of 4,814.52 square
kilometers.12

Based on economic activities 91.9% are agricultural while 8.1% are engage on different
economic activities, such as trade, governmental office, and crafts men. 13 The major crops grown
in the zone includes Enset, Maize, Teff, Wheat, Barley, Sorghum, Soya been and Peas.14 Apart
from root crops and tuber include potato, sweat potato, yam and casaba. Different fruits and
vegetables grown in the zone are banana, mango, abucado, orange, lemon, papaya, carrot and

9
Wondaferaw, p.26.
10
Tadesse, p.29; Mamo Ushecho, A History of ethnic interaction between Dawuro and the surrounding
communities from 1800s to 1990s, (MA Thesis, Jimma University, History 2017), p.3.
11
Ibid, p.8.
12
CSA, “The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia. Results for Dawuro Zone, Southern Peoples
Regional State”. (PHC/CSA. Addis Ababa, 2007), pp.124-127; Unique Ethiopia,Vol.,2.No,009.Nov.2015, Prepared
by Sun light Media Communication Association; Gezahegn Gebre, “The Role of Traditional Agro-forestry Practice
in Sustainable Land Management. The Case of Mareka Woreda, Dawuro Zone, SNNNPR’’, M.Sc. (Dilla University,
Geography, 2016), p.32.
13
Markos Mamude and Girma Alemu, “The Impact of Resettlement Program on Livelihoods of Indigenous
Community, the Case of Esira District in Dawuro Zone, SNNPRS”, (International Journal of Economy, Energy and
Environment, Vol. 6, No. 3, 2021), pp.73.
14
Ibid, p.76.

3
tomato. The zone known for its cash crops such as zinger, onion and coffee. There is
considerable number of livestock in the zone, which include cattle, poultry, goat and sheep. The
agricultural activities are practiced using old and backward hand tools. Food consumption comes
from 70% agriculture, 20% market purchase, 10% animal products, and other incomes.15

1.2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE DAWURO PEOPLE

1.2.1. Origin and Settlement of the Dawuro People

The Omo River Valley in southwest Ethiopia is home to the Dawuro people, one of Ethiopia's
indigenous peoples with a distinct civilization, culture, customs, political legacy, and local
kingdom. Therefore, Dawuro State was one of the oldest and most prosperous Omotic states of
the Afro-Asiatic group, ruled by an independent royal ruler. The Dawuro people belong to a
patrilineal society that is divided into three main clans: Malla, Dogallaa, and Amaara. These
clans are further divided into several tribes and sub-clans. Each of these three great clans has a
legendary identity that it has developed during the lengthy sociocultural history of Dawuro. 16

Therefore, it is said that the Dogallaa is skilled in managing the spiritual components of
community life, the Amaara has innate abilities in managing the economic facets of society, and
the Malla main clan has keen insights in administration. 17 In addition to its basic features used to
refer to one of the major clans of Dawuro, the term Malla refers to the dominant peasant group as
opposed to other hierarchically subordinated social groups. 18 The term ‘Amara’ on the other hand
has no relation with the Semitic Amaharas of the north but indicates one of the major clans of
Dawuro. The early cultural, historical, economic and political deeds of southwestern Ethiopian
people in general and Dawuro in particular are not well researched due to the absence of written
language, less foreign contact and lack of written records.19

15
Zekarias Megiso, “Dawro: A Short Survey of Society and Economy in the Second Half of the 19th
Century", (BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1989), pp.19-21.
16
Data Dea,“Social Stratification and Rural Livelihood among Dawuro, Southwest Ethiopia ”( MA Thesis,
Addis Ababa University, Social Anthropoloyg,1977), p.3; Dubale Gebeyehu,“Social Exclusion and life of Mana-
potters in Dawuro, Southwest Ethiopia”, (MA Thesis, Social Anthropology, Addis Ababa, 2010), pp.7-10.
17
Ibid, pp.13-17.
18
Ibid, p.20.
19
“Dawuro Zone Administrative Office, Initiative of Dawuro Cultural Values and Heritages Promotion and
Preservation Program”, p.2.

4
According to this historical perspective, the Dawuro people's contribution to the nation's history
and civilization was disregarded and got very little consideration. 20 Up until the late 19th century,
Dawuro was one of the strongest sovereign kingdoms among the Omotic powers, and its exact
borders were once unknown. Its location between the Gojeb and Omo rivers is thought to have
extended beyond its current historical boundaries.21 By asserting that they were the "first settlers"
in the area, the kingdom of Dawuro at the time asserted their dominance over the nearby Omotic-
speaking districts. It is possible to include evidence based on oral histories gathered from various
locations within the area.22

Dawuro assert their dominance over the surrounding areas by claiming to be the original
inhabitants of the area and to have given birth to the Omotic-speaking Walayita through the
Malla clans in the mountain stronghold of Kindo, in Wolayita. By 1800, the kingdom of Dawuro
had advanced its boundaries westward to the Kaffa kingdom's eastern boundary. 23 Along the
Dawuro-Kaffa border, some culture and language have thus completely assimilated. At that time,
no governments or kingdoms were deserving of the Ometo title of "Kawo," which denotes
monarch. It is believed that the southwest part of Ethiopia in general and the kingdom of Dawuro
in particular was characterized by population movement. Many clans from northern Ethiopia
regions migrated in to Dawuro with their various cultural aspects and integrated with indigenous
clans to form the kingdom of Dawuro.24

Meanwhile, a large number of clans from various regions of Shewa, Tigray, Gondar, Gojjam,
Kambata, Tambaro, Yem, Walayita, Gamo, Goffa, Qucha, Malo, and Kaffa made their home in
Dawuro. Numerous clans are thought to have originated as refugees and traders from the
northern Ethiopian regions, according to certain academics and oral histories. 25 However, a great
number of tribes arrived in Dawuro as a result of political and cultural exchanges with the nearby
Omotic nations. Clans such as Yifatiya and Fatigara connected their historical ancestry to the
Muslim Sultanates of Ifat and Fatagar, respectively, while Dambena, Gisha, Dawutara, and
Masiria traced their origin to the central region of Shewa.
20
Seid, pp.1-3.
21
Elias Aweto, ShiferawBanjaw and Abebech Ansebo, yeSemen Omo Hizboch Politikawi (The history of
north Omo people), Tarik part one (Addis Ababa, 1990 E.C), p.106.
22
Ibid, p.108.
23
E. Poul Balisky, A Study of Religious Innovation …, Pp.201-205.
24
“Dawuro Zone Administrative Office, Initiative of Dawuro Cultural Values and Heritages Promotion and
Preservation Program”, pp.5-11.
25
Ibid, p.12.

5
According to Ethiopian data, documented sources about the history, significance, and
nomenclature of towns have a greater bearing than oral traditions. The primary causes of this are
the early formation and paucity of written records pertaining to the countryside. Even if oral
histories are less trustworthy, they nonetheless serve to preserve the history of earlier
generations. Written materials present challenges for researchers studying early Dawuro history.
Thus, a number of local informants firmly concurred that Dawuro is the name of the country and
the people who lived there for a considerable amount of time prior to the arrival of any foreign
missionaries, researchers, or refugees.26

Cerulli, E. asserts that the term Waratta is most likely given by the Oromo to the Dawuro region.
He has the same opinions, with the exception that small "Kullo," sometimes written Cullo, is
frequently referred to as Dawuro (Dawaro, Dawuro), the local term for their land because it was
settled by refugees from the Muslim nations of Dawaro, which is east of Bali. 27 The
aforementioned reasoning leads one to the conclusion that the name Dawuro is well-known in
the area, despite the writer's own claim that the area was invaded by Muslim states, saying that
"there does not seem to be any evidence for such an assertion."28

The majority of documented and oral accounts, with the exception of a few that mention that
some clans have claimed to have originated in Dabare Dawaro but have failed to provide proof
of their origins there, support the above argument. Consequently, there is no confusion or
resemblance between the term Dawuro and the Muslim states of Dawaro, other than the fact that
the words are similar in letters or alphabet, which may have caused confusion. Furthermore, no
trustworthy source completely explains their historical relationship.29

Based on the information below, it is appropriate to adopt the name Dawuro as the name of the
region and its people. The identity of the clan or social group that originated in the Muslim states
of Dawaro is unknown. There isn't a trustworthy source that describes the outcomes of

26
Alemayehu Assfa and et.al, “Omate Dawrona “Kullo” Kmilwu Yabeherbachen seyame Tekkelgnawune
iyeto lamuqebatzgajwe symposium yaqrba tenatawi tseufi,”An Amharic typescript presented in a symposium to
decide the appropriate name of the people from Omate, Dawuro and Kullo. Waka: North Omo Zone, 1992.E.C
(Available at Dawuro Zone culture and Information Department), p.12.
27
E. Cerulli, People of South-West Ethiopia and Its Borderland (London: International Africa Institute,
1956), p.97.
28
Ibid, p.101.
29
Bahrey, History of the [Oromo] of Ethiopia: With Ethnology and History South-West Ethiopia, (African
Sun publishing, 1993), p.18.

6
interactions between native inhabitants and recent arrivals. Before the arrival of the refugees,
Dawuro had strong clan leaders and was well-organized. Geographically, Dawaro and Dawuro
are separated by a great distance. Traveling from Muslim Dawaro to the modern Dawaro area
appeared to be exceedingly challenging due to the terrain of the middle Ages. Given the number
of medieval nations that separated the two, the Dawaro movement might encounter resistance. 30

People took certain cultural items with them when they left their original locations. However,
with the exception of a few spots where recent settlers from the nearby Gibe-Oromo Muslim
villages have settled, there have never been any sizable areas established by Muslim groups.
Furthermore, because Dawuro is located between the Gojeb and Omo rivers, it was also known
by the name Omatiya, which was most likely derived from the river Omo. 31 It is also evident that
the Dawuro people of today are the only kingdom to refer to themselves as Omatiya assa, the
people who belong to the Omotic group, and to their region as Omatiya bittaa center Omotic
group.32

Different people and adjacent states went by the name Kullo. There is yet another claim that the
Amhara invaders gave the name Kullo. It was in the current Loma district, at a site called Kuyli,
which was between Koysha and Disa. Ras Wolde Giorgis's letter to Emperor Menelik II was the
primary cause. In a letter addressed to the emperor, he declared that he had completely taken
control of the Dawuro area from Kuyli's center. In such a situation, he altered the word Kuyli to
Kullo, signifying the beginning of the new name.33

Ultimately, it is exceedingly challenging to accept the aforementioned claim because a single

letter's alteration lacks a shared interpretation, and other circumstances may have had an
unnoticed influence on the people's decision to change the land's name. Furthermore, it is
unknown from any written record if Kuyli, the name of the King's Court, was forcibly changed
to Kullo, the name of a village that encompasses the entire Dawuro territory, by Emperor
Menelik II and his invaders. But the area, the people, and their language are all referred to by the
name Dawuro. In addition, a number of historical research articles, history books, and oral

30
Data Dea, “Rural Livelihood and Social Stratification among Dawuro, South West Ethiopia.” (MA Thesis
in Social Anthropology. Addis Ababa University. 1997), pp.21-24; Dubale Gebeyehu, “Social Exclusion and the
Life of Manas-Potters in Dawuro, South- west Ethiopia.” M.A Thesis, Department of Sociology and Social
Anthropology, Addis Ababa University, 2010), pp.10-12.
31
Ibid, p,17; Informants, Ato, Bezula Gelu and Ato Simala Okashu.
32
Informants, Ato, Kebede Mukulo and Ato Alemayehu Utino.
33
Informants, Ato Mesele Woldemichael, Ato Abera Debancho and Ato Shanko Chumbee.

7
histories on the history of Dawuro unequivocally acknowledged the people's independence and
cultural values from the early stages of state development until the Ethiopian Empire's
integration in 1891.34

Therefore, those who took the initiative to record their people's history must never to contest
another people's right to sovereignty. It is expected of responsible authors to write with much
thought. Furthermore, from the time of its founding until the Ethiopian Empire's inclusion,
Dawuro was the strongest, most independent state among the Omotic nations. Strong evidence of
this can be found in the construction of a medieval defensive wall, which was finished in the
second half of the 18th century. Dawuro is one of the independent states that aim to defend its
people, their territory, and themselves from outside threats, domination, and border disputes.

1.2.2 Language

Ethiopia's southwest region is renowned for being home to a diverse range of language and
ethnic groupings. Owing to linguistic considerations, the Omotic group is almost identical to a
variety of dialects.35 The Omotic people are able to interact with each other without any issues,
despite their extreme geographical communication challenges. The accent of the Dawuro tongue
is comparable to that of the Gamo and Goffa dialects, including elements of both the highlands
and the lowlands.36

The Gibe and Omo river basins in southwest Ethiopia are home to a concentration of Omotic
languages. Regarding its dialects, the linguistic situation of the Omotic region is poorly
researched. In addition, how similar and different from one another are these variations, and is a
brief description sufficient to distinguish the several dialects offered? The Dawuro language is
one of Africa's four super-family languages; it is a member of the Omotic family.37

The Dawuro people possessed unique identities, languages, cultures, histories, and ancestral
traditions. Currently, elementary and secondary schools use this language as their medium of
instruction, and there are encouraging efforts underway to turn it into the official language of the

34
Bekalo Bareda, “Ye Dawuro Omatya Hizboch Tarikena Bahil, Yemejemeria Etim” (The history of omate
people, Dawuro) (Addis Ababa, 2004 E.C), PP.14-15.
35
Abraham, pp.11-13.
36
Ibid, p.16; “Gamo Goffa Zone Information and Culture Department Culture Study Team”( 2004 E.C), pp.
147-151.
37
7Wondimu Gaga, “Sociolinguistic Facts about the Gamo Area, South Ethiopia” (Addis Ababa,2010),
pp.10-11.

8
Zone. The Dawuro language is also spoken in the Tambaro, Kambata, Kaffa, and southwest
region of Oromia (Jimma zone). The Omate tongue, from which the Dawuro language is derived,
indicates that the people lived along the Omo River. With a few exceptions, the Dawuro clans all
claim distinct parts of the Dawuro countries as their birthplace. These states include Kaffa, Yam,
Gamo, Goffa, and Wolaita. The language of the manja (the former hunter) clan is spoken in
addition to Dawurotsuwa. Consequently, the Dawurotso is a part of central omotic group.38

The following synopsis of scientific research on language origins may be found below: "The
Dawuro, formerly known as the “Kullo”, are members of the Omotic people who live in
southwest Ethiopia. Like Goffa, Gamo, Walaita, and Konta, their language, Dawurotsuwa K'ala,
is categorized as a dialect of central Omotic languages. Along with sociopolitical and economic
subjection, the northern Christian kingdom's conquest over Dawuro was accompanied by
linguistic changes.39

Consequently, Amhara terms started to appear in the local language. And starting with the
conquest and continuing until the end of the Derg era, Amharic became a Ligua-Francua for the
elites. Dawuro is an Omotic language speaker who is most comparable to the languages of the
Walayita, Kambata, Kaffa, Gamo, and Goffa. Walayita, Gamo, and Goffa are the groups with
which Dawuro shares boundaries. Among the center Omotic communities, the statement implies
the peoples' closest language families and autonomy. Prior to its 1891 incorporation into the state
of Ethiopia, the state of Dawuro was a centralized kingdom.40

1.2.3 Religion

The Dawuro people held several traditional beliefs, just like members of other communities. Prior
to the arrival of Christianity, every Dawuro clan worshipped one or more ancestral spirits. 41 Every
sprit was exclusive to a specific clan member. The Dawuro traditional beliefs attribute many
supernatural beings to distinct aspects of their nature and personalities. Among the common deities
are Tillos'ossa, who is claimed to have been the truthful god, Med'd'ossa, who was thought to

38
Dawit Bekele, “Language Documentation Based Lexical Study of the Earlier Dawuro Kingdom”, (PhD
Dissertation, AAU, Linguistics and Philology, 2016), pp.156-171.
39
Alebachew Biadge, “Verb Complements in Dawuro: A descriptive Approach.”( MA Thesis, AAU,
Language and Literature, 2010), pp.32-25.
40
Azeb Amha, The Omotic Language Family, (Leiden University, 2018), pp.47-51.
41
“Dawuro Zone Tarik, Bahil ena Qunquwa …” p.7.

9
practice housekeeping, and Satsas'ossa, who was reported to have appeared on young people,
women, and even members of pariah groups.42

Furthermore, Levine contends that Omotic people believed Super Power's residence, or S'oossa,
was extremely remote or unreachable for believers. Thus, believers have started to worship many
active spirits that are thought to have resided in various natural objects, including rivers, large trees,
mountains, and soon.43 Fekadu makes a convincing case that the Omotic people as a whole
worshipped a variety of spirits to whom they offered various yearly or monthly sacrifices. He adds
the following details to his claim:

“የክርስትና ሀይማኖት ከመታወቁ…አስቀድሞ ደቡብ ህዝቦች የትዉፊታዊ እምነት አምላኪዊች ነበሩ፡፡

…የአምልኮው ስርዓት…ከፀሐይ፣ ከጨረቃ፣ ከታራሮች፣ ከወንዞች፣ ከሐይቆች፣…ጋር ይጎዳኛል፡፡
ሁሉም ነገር [በነርሱ] የሚገለጥ ተደርጎ የታመናል ፡፡…ለነርሱም…መስዋዕት ይቀርባል”፡፡44
Almost all Dawuro adhered to "traditional" beliefs prior to the region being forcibly incorporated
into the Ethiopian empire in 1891 by Menelik's war general, Dejazmach, subsequently known as
Ras Wolde Giorgis Aboye, according to oral tradition and some recorded reports. 45 The
Sharechuwa, or religious leaders, are one of the distinctive features of Dawuro traditional beliefs.
They have their own centers of spirituality. A spiritual position was usually inherited. The person
who received the spirit from his father is referred to in this tradition as Work'aa S'oossa, or the
"golden god," while Birras'oossa, or the "silver god," is a spirit that can act outside of the
community and may manifest on the brother of the golden god.46

In addition to these, there were others who had beliefs in other entities, such as rain, trees, and
stones. In addition to their traditional beliefs, Dawuro people also practice Christianity. 47 By
means of Kambata, a priest named Sebehat brought Christianity from Shewa to Dawuro. He also
built a St. Michael church in Wushay District at a location known as Ofawati. Sebehat brought a
“Tabot”, or the arc of prayer.48 However, up to Emperor Menelik's conquest of the area,
42
Dubale, pp.60-62; Elias, Shifreaw and Abebech, pp.103-105; Torboka Chachiru Tsadiku. “Ye Dawuro
Biher BahilenaTarik” (The history of Dawuro people). (Addis Ababa. 2006E.C), pp. 157-60.
43
Torboko, pp.161-162; BekeleWolde Mariam, YeKaffa Hizbochena Mengist Achir Tarik (Addis Ababa,
1996 E.C), pp. 218-219.
44
Fekadu Gumasa, YeWongel Eminet Enkisikase Be Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, 1991.E.C), p.84.
45
Informants, Ato Zewude Haleko, Ato Kebede Worbu, and Ato Shanko Chumbee.
46
Informants: Godda Abaye Alenche, Godda Shamana Shashu, Madda Godda Wulataw Ondu and Ato
Asefa Wolde Tsadiku.
47
Terefi Abebe, “A Research the Ethno-History of Konta People, submitted to Bureau of culture and
tourism, culture study and development core process”, (Hawassa, 2010). p.62.
48
Dubale Gebeyahu, Social Hierachy, Status, and Life of the Manas in Dawuro, South-West Ethiopia
(Hawassa, 2012). pp.34-38.

10
traditional traditions ruled the region and prevented Christianity from spreading much. As the
region was incorporated under Emperor Menelik II in 1891, under the command of Ras Wolde
Giorgis, Christianity had a renaissance toward the end of the 19th century. 49 Fast religious
growth and the construction of Christian churches in the area were brought about by the
acquisition. Today, the Ethiopian Orthodox, Protestant, and Catholic faiths are practiced by the
inhabitants of Dawuro.50

Moreover, Islam had a lengthy history in Dawuro that began in the seventeenth century at the
same time as long-distance trading. Dawuro, like other regions in southwest Ethiopia, was a
source of valuable commodities for commerce, including coffee, spices, gold, ivory, and slaves.
Muslim traders were drawn to the area by these trading goods. Along the journey, they brought
Islam to the communities of Angela and the zaba villages in the Gena district, Churchura in the
Wushye district, and Disa in the Loma district. But outside of the aforementioned communities,
Islam has minimal impact on the number of adherents in Dawuro's other regions.51

1.2.4 The Medieval Defensive Walls (Halala, Kella)

The kingdom of Dawuro was renowned among the medieval southwest Ethiopian rulers for
building strong defenses.52 Along the kingdom's borders, the defenses consist of stone walls and
ditches with heavily guarded gates. Goffa, Kucha, Wolaita, Kambata, Tambaro, Hadiya, and
Jimma are the walls that encompass Dawuro. In addition, some accounts claim that the walls
reach the western Kaffa border and that they touch the southern Omo margins, where the Omo
River marks the Dawuro border. The defensive ditches were roughly five meters wide and three
meters deep.53

The defensive walls were between 150 and 200 kilometers long, according to various sources. It
is reported from oral accounts that the defensive wall took over 20 years to build. The written
historical records make no mention of the Dawuro kingdom's defensive fortifications. On the
other hand, according to certain authors, the walls may have been built entirely in the first part of

49
Ibid, p.47.
50
Wondaferaw, pp.23-27.
51
Abebe Gobana, “A Historical Survey of Konta People South-West Ethiopia Ca. 1750-1990,” (MA Thesis
Jimma University, History and Heritage Management, 2013).p.11.
52
Admasu Abebe, “The Origin, Significance and Physical Condition of the Great Medieval Defensive Dry
Stone Walls of Dawuro/Kati Halala Keela, Southwest Ethiopia”, (ERJSSH, vol.1 no.1. 2014), pp.2-4.
53
Ibid, p.8.

11
the 1800s, during the reign of King Halala (1782– 1822). The locals in the area refer to the walls
as "Halala Kella," in honor of King Halala, who finished building them.54

Some historical sources claim that in the 1800s, the kingdom of Dawuro faced both internal and
external difficulties, much like other states in southwest Ethiopia. Therefore, the main purpose of
creating defensive ditches was to keep their land safe from expansionists and encroaching
neighbors.55 In addition to their historical significance, the construction of the defensive walls
had practical economic purposes by reducing or eliminating soil erosion, serving as a tourist
destination, and defending natural resources from outside threats. Furthermore, it demonstrates
the solidarity of earlier generations and reinforces and mirrors individuals' cultural identities. 56

1.2.5 The Seven gates of Walls and Their Economic Importance

The commercial activities related to import and export were managed by means of these gates.
People's travel to and from the nearby kingdoms was strictly regulated. These gates were
guarded day and night by troops rather than having doors to open and close. 57 Gatekeepers were
personally assigned by the king to each of them. In addition to serving as security measures,
these gates were utilized to monitor economic activity and the flow of people into and out of
Dawuro from surrounding states.58 In addition, the walls provide specific details on the
achievements of the Omo Valley's medieval era and can be valued as priceless relics from earlier
generations.59 This suggests that the Dawuro people also left behind a lasting historical legacy for
modern societies by demonstrating how their forebears gave their life in defense of their
territory.

Daara Mitsa (Gate at Dara): It is situated in Bazashota's in Gena Bosa woreda, close to the
confluence of the Gibe and Gojeb rivers. Ten fortresses were erected on either side of the gate,
and there were two rows of Defense Walls, two lookout towers, and other structures on top of the

54
Admasu Abebe and Zelalem Tesfaye, “Defensive Walls under Threat: Examining the Status of the Great
Medieval Defensive Walls of Dawuro People in Southern Ethiopia”, (Journal for Studies in Management and
Planning. Vol.1 issue,9, 2015), pp.11-13.
55
Ibid, pp. 16-18.
56
Ibid, p.20.
57
Adimasu Abebe. “Documentation and preservation of an endangered Dawuro historical heritage: The
case of great medieval defensive walls of Dawuro, Kawa Halala Kella”, (MA Thesis. AAU, History, 2011), pp32-
36.
58
Informants, Woraba Mitiku Mita, Wäyzäro Zayitu Beriu, Ato Bekele Detamo, Genne Wolate Doshu,
Guffo Godda Abaye Alenche and Sharigne Godda Shamana Shashu.
59
Ibid,

12
mountain.60 In order to maintain security and gather tributes, the gate keepers sit atop them and
monitor everyone's arrival and departure. Aba Garga Mista, or the Aba-Garga Gate: Situated in
the western region, it serves as a barrier against attacks from Jimma and Konta, but it was also
utilized as a trading route to Jimma. Regarding informants, in 1891 this gate was the main point
of entry for Menelik II's soldiers into the region.61

Ella or Kaffa Mista (Ella/Kaffa Gate): It is located in the Manta-Tulama to protect the territory
from aggressors and cattle burglars especially from Kaffa. Qala Mitsa (Gate at Qala): It is
located in the southwestern part on the border of Konta and Gofa. 62 Yet, the cattle raiders from
Menit, Bume, and Goldia continuously attacked the Dawuro society during dry season in this
direction.63 Currently, the gate is found in the dense forest of ChaberaChurchura national Park.
Yelu or Doylo mitsa/ Gate at yelu or Doylu: It is located in the southern part on the borders of
Gamo-Gofa, and Malo. Zima- waruma or Dangarsa mista/Gate at Zima Waruma.64 It is located
in the eastern part on the way to Wolaitta. In this direction, seven parallel rows of Walls were
built to block the attacks from that side. 65 Zaba-garada or Barakenna mitsa/ Gate at zaba
Garada: It is found in the northeastern part of the region on the borders of Kambata, Tanbaro and
Wolaitta.66

Table1: The Names of Seven Gates and Its Direction

No Dawuro Name Amharic Name English Name Directions

.

1 Daara Miis’aa Dara Beri Dara Gate Northern part

60
“The Light under the Bushel Basket: The International Indigenous Peoples' Rights and Its Implications for
Ethiopia”, (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340681542) accessed on February 3, 2024.
61
Ibid
62
Wondimu Lema, “The Historical Defensive Wall of Medieval Dawuro Kingdom”, Paper Prepared to
UNESCO Recognition, (2012), pp.27-32.
63
Informants, Ato Kebede Otoro and Ato Dessalegn Wonde.
64
Admasu, “Documentation and preservation”…pp.35-38.
65
Ibid, p.41.
66
Wondimu, p.36.

13
2 Aba Garga Miis’aa Aba Garga Beri Aba Garga Gate Western part

3 Ella or Kaffa Miis’aa Kaffa Beri Kaffa Gate Southeastern part

4 Qala Miis’aa Qala Beri Qala Gate Southwestern part

5 Yelu or Doylo Miis’aa Yelu or Doylo Beri Yelu/Doylo Gate Southern part

6 Zima-waruma/Dangarssa Zihon Beri Elephant Gate Eastern part

Miis’aa

7 Zaba-garada or Barakenna Zaba-garada/ Zaba-garada/ Northeastern

Miis’aa Tinishu Beri Small Gate part67

Structures may be preserved for their aesthetic value and historical significance. They are also
the standard products of their day. More precisely, preserving Dawuro's defense walls has the
multiple benefits listed below.68 In terms of the economy, they have prevented outsiders from
exploiting any natural resources, they have lessened soil erosion, and they may be a popular
tourism site. Sociocultural, they represent "the oaths" of generations defending Dawuro; they
also act as a source of pride and motivation for oneself, foster unity, act as an identity marker,
maintain the society's cultural treasures, and bear witness to Dawuro's national
accomplishments.69

They provide historical context for the reconstruction of Dawuro's past, serve as evidence of the
medieval civilization in the Omo Valley, and represent a unique accomplishment in terms of the
region's territorial preservation.70 If not, the money received from these various wall gates had a
significant positive impact on the Dawuro people's economic growth, particularly in the area of
trade, which is typically seen as a partial form of economic activity in the area from the outset.
Therefore, it was impossible to divorce Dawuro's history from its defensive fortifications.

67
Admasu, pp.9-11; “Ministry of Culture and Tourism, The Halala Walls”, (In Kirs, Annual Bilingual
Magazine of ARCCH 4(1), 2010), pp.1-2.
68
Admasu Abebe, “The Origin, Significance and Physical Condition of the Great Medieval Defensive Dry
Stone Walls of Dawuro/Kati Halala Keela, Southwest Ethiopia”, (ERJSSH, vol.1 no.1, 2014), pp.12-15; Hailu
Zeleke, “Dawuro During The Construction of The Walls of Halala,in Kirs”, Annual Bilingual Maga Zine of
ARCCH, 2009), Pp.45-47.
69
Ibid, p.17.
70
Informants, Ato Tefera Otoro, Ato Jebero Munze, and Ato, Madine Menu.

14
 1.2.6. Political Developments

I. Pre-conquest Period

Before Menelik conquered the region in 1891, the Dawuro were ruled by hereditary monarchs
known as Kawo/Kawuwa, according to oral tradition in the area. 71 The monarchs of Meetsa,
Tsata, Kalissiya, Zutuma, Gada, Dutiya, Hiziya, Sayireruwa, Berra, and Kawuka are a few of the
recognized hereditary monarchs. These so-called "tribal" kings had engaged in conflict over
resources and political dominance.72 It was said that Dawuro was weak and only used to pay
tributes to the Kaffa kings because of the constant internal conflicts among the kings. But
eventually, a king by the name of Erashu was able to bring Dawuro under his control and wage
war against Jalli Jinko, a king of the Kaffa, by allying with rulers of Goffa and Konta.73

This is said to have compelled Jalli Jinko to sign a pact with King Erashu. Under the terms of
this contract, Dawuro ceased paying tribute to the Kaffa kingdom, favorable trading links were
established between the two countries, and King Erashu was granted the marriage of princess
Bale, the daughter of King Jalli Jinko.74 Later, as additional local monarchs rose up against the
Kaffa Empire, it was further undermined. However, King Erashu also carried on his war against
the kings of Maji, Jimma, Wolaita, and Kambata, his surrounding kingdoms. Following Erashu's
passing, his son Hallala carried on the battle both with his internal adversaries and the
surrounding kings.75

Because of this, informants said, he was compelled to set up a political system that lessened
internal competition and permitted others to partake in political authority. 76 The administrative
posts listed below are part of this arrangement, which is also referred to as the Traditional
Dawuro State Structure. In order from top to bottom, the political structures of Dawuro were
Kati/Kawuwa, Worabba, Iraasha, Guuda, Daana, Hudugaa, and D'uuga.77
71
Informants, Ato Awoke Abera, Ato Wogayehu Mesele, and Ato Getachew Otoro.
72
Solomon Tilahun. “A Political History of Dawuro Kingdom. Ca. 1750.-1890: Southwest Ethiopia”, ( MA
Thesis, Jimma University, History. 2015), pp.12-16; Mamo, p.8.
73
Informants, Ato Adino Woju and Ato Assefa Beelelo.
74
Ibid,
75
Haber land, E. “Notes on History of Konta”, (1975), p.740; “YeGamo Goffa Hizboch Tarik Ketint Iske
1974”, pp. 147-150.
76
Informants, W/r, Amsalech Woldemichael, and W/r, Elifnesh Duressa.
77
Informants, Ato Shanko Chumbee, Ato, Gebre Gebabo and W/r, Zenebech Wamancho; Zekarias Megiso.
“Dawuro: Short Survey of Social and Economy in the Second Half of 19th Century”, (BA Thesis. AAU, History.
1989), pp.5-11; Getinet Feleke, “Intra Ethnic Based Clan Marginalization in Dawuro, Southwest Ethiopia”, ( BA
Thesis. Deberberhan University, History, 2021), p.19.

15
Figure2. The indigenous political structures of Dawuro from top to bottom respectively

Katiya/Kawuwa
Worabba
Iraasha
Guuda
Daana
Huduga
D'uuga

Source: picture developed by researcher

Kati/Kawuwa is the king’s position is the highest political position in Dawuro. Kings were
chosen from a select group of well-known tribes (clans), including the Metsa, Sayireruwa, and
Kawuka.78 It was passed down through the male line. The kings' ensign is shown on the left arm
as a gold armlet. Worabba is situated close to the king's residence. This role is given to a well-
liked, wealthy, middle-aged man by the monarch himself. The worabba should be a reliable
individual, not necessarily a member of the king's tribe or clan. In Dawro, there used to be six or
eight Worabba positions under each monarch. Every Worabba commander had three
responsibilities: collecting tribute, recruiting warriors in coordination with the lower offices, and
enforcing laws and regulations.79

In the old Dawro political framework, Irasha constituted the third major political position. The
Worabba approved the nominations of Irashas, who answered to him. The extent of the region
and population under a certain Worabba influenced the number of Irasha under him. Irasha's
tenure was flexible; based on his popularity and loyalty; he might be removed or kept in office.
Besides Irasha, Gudda, was a political office. The people chose the Guadda officials, and their
terms of office were set. They were in charge of managing the populace in their respective
regions and carrying out directives from the aforementioned offices.80

78
Zekarias, p.16.
79
Informants, Ato Baykedegn Beyene,and Ato Worabo Ashango.
80
Ibid,

16
Positioned above the Huduga but adjacent to Gudda is the political office known as Danna.
Officials from Huduga and Danna were in charge of carrying out directives from higher-up
authorities. They acted as a liaison between the community and the government. Their tenure is
undefined, and upon retirement, they were succeeded by individuals who enjoy broad public
support. Lower positions, such as D'uuga, head of food and drink during banquets and rituals,
may also be held by slaves. Wars with the surrounding monarchs of Wolaita, Kambata, Goffa,
and Jimma had continued, despite the Dawro king's efforts to defuse internal strife through the
construction of this governmental structure.81

II. Menelik’s Conquest and Its Aftermath in Dawuro (1891-1936)

Dawuro was subjugated by Menelik II's army in the last years of the 19th century during the
campaign that brought the Empire to its current size. Menelik obtained more troops for his
conquest of Dawuro from the kingdoms of Jimma Oromo, Janjaro, and Kaffa, which had already
fallen. By crossing the Gojjeb River, this force arrived in Dawuro from the Jimma front through
Hanchano. At the age of seven, Kanssa, the former king of Dawuro, was dependent on his
mother Shashotee to oversee Dawuro's affairs. The King's Army tried to attack Menelik's army at
the Abba Kela front, but they were routed quickly and withdrew to camp atop Lomme Embuti
Mountain.82

Wolde Giorgis Abbote, led Menelik's army to Dawuro. After his army defeated Dawuro soldiers,
they took King Kantsa prisoner and eventually converted him to Christianity by renaming him
Haile Tseyon. Their lives were altered in certain ways by the Dawuro's conquest and assimilation
into the Ethiopian Empire.83 They developed towns, altered their traditional system of property
ownership, and underwent cultural and governmental transformations. For example, the invaders
tricked the populace by making fictitious claims and promises. For instance;

“እኛ አገራችሁን ልናሰለጥን እንጂ ልንዋጋ አልመጣንም፤ ቤተክርስቲያን እንሰራለን፤ አገራችሁን ከሌላ
ጠላት እንጠብቃለን፤ ወታደሮቻችን እዚሁ አካባቢ ሰፍረዉ እናተን እንድጠብቁ አናደርጋለን…”84
81
Tadesse, pp.18-23.
82
Dinberu, “Indigenous Knowledge and Socio-Cultural History of Dawuro Ca. 1540s-1991”, (MA Thesis.
Jimma University, History, 2015), pp.47-49; Dubale Gbeyehu, p.42; Dawit Bekele, “Language Documentation
Based Lexical Study of the Earlier Dawuro Kingdom”, (PhD Dissertation, AAU, Linguistics and Philology, 2016),
pp37-43.
83
Informants: Ato, Bilatelota, Dana Worabo and Ato, Tema Chofore; Bekele, The History Of The Kingdom
Of Kaffa kingdom, (2010), p.245.
84
Bahru Zawde, A History of Modern of Ethiopian 1855-1991 (2nd ed). Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa
University Press, (2001), p.92.

17
Following the conquest, troops and bureaucrats who desired to settle in Dawuro were given the
wide region (three quarters) ruled by the Dawuro rulers, which caused alienation. Some Dawuro
were given the option to pay taxes and keep the land they were on; those who didn't pay eventually
lost their land. The residents of the town who lent them money requested land as collateral, which
caused the Dawuro to lose more territory. 85 In this fashion, the Naftegna-gabbar system (serfdom)
was founded and a sizable portion of Dawuro's land came under the control of the government,
church, administrators, troops, and other Northern residents. The Naftegna was backed by several
gabbars (tenants) in this structure. The gabbar had to supply the Naftegna with labor in the fields
and in their homes, as well as grain and animals for slaughter.86

Furthermore, taxes were gathered from every region; a portion was transferred to Menelik's
central treasury, while the remaining portion was retained by the local authorities. A small
number of Dawuro typically descended from previous kings and their officials were assigned as
balabats and koros, or bottom-level administrators, whose duties included enforcing the law,
keeping the peace, and collecting taxes in areas the government had specified. Dawuro didn't
have any established towns prior to Menelik's invasion.87 The monarchs' little settlements were
already very mobile, which made it possible for them to keep an eye on rivals and frequently
visit their subjects. Nonetheless, Menelik's strategy after capturing a territory in the South was to
place garrison towns sporadically around the province.

These settlements were hubs from which to launch subsequent expansions. Hence, Ras Wolde
Ghiorgis and his heirs founded garrison cities like Tocha and Waka to house officials like tax
collectors, judges, and local governors in addition to the soldiers required to keep control of the
area. Town development was not a sincere attempt to create an urban system since Menelik's
efforts to encourage urbanization were driven by political and military considerations. As such,
the goal of his efforts was not to build economically viable communities, but rather to leave a
legacy of a new kind of economically focused urban system layered over the old. Some of these

85
Elias, Shiferaw and Abebech, P.157; “Dawuro Zone Tarikena, Bahil …” P.6.
86
Torboko(2007 E.C), p.87.; see letters in appendix A1,2,3 from the former Kaffa Tekilay Gizat Office
archive at Jimma, File no,U2/7919/120/55, Megabit 1,1955 E.C, File No,አ 27/9980/65/56 on Hamile
27,1966E.C,FileNo,2/268 Hamile29,1966 E.C showing the replacement of tradition political tittles by Amharic
tittles and the destruction of traditional administrative system under corrupted Imperial governors.
87
Tadesse, p.26.

18
settlements are virtually hard to build later because they were constructed on the top of the
mountains for military purpose.88

After the conquest and absorption, Dawuro saw exploitative cultural changes in addition to
modifications to the land tenure system and the construction of garrison towns. These include the
growth of Christianity and Orthodox churches. 89 As early as 1891, churches such as Tocha
Medihane Alem, Waka Iyessus, and Waka Gozzo Mariam were founded, and the locals were
coerced into becoming Christians. Particularly in the recently developed metropolitan areas,
Amharic rose to prominence as the primary language. The old system was progressively replaced
by a new one that included police stations and courts. Apart from their ruthless economic
exploitation, the Naftegna from the north established the monopoly of settler's advantage and
thus controlled all military, judicial, and political power in the acquired areas. As members of the
"superior race" destined for dominance, they saw themselves as judges, warriors, police officers,
tax collectors, and judges.90

What Menelik's government had initiated was expedited by Haile Sellassie's administration.
Imperial economic exploitation and land alienation persisted, and more and more northern
settlers were introduced into the Dawuro and other southern regions that had been subjugated. 91
The administration became increasingly centralized during Haile Sellassie's leadership. Modern
bureaucracy, a standing army, modern education, and a modern transportation and
communication system which the Dawuro profited from minimally were adopted in order to
achieve this goal. In Dawuro, Haile Sellassie's administration was most known for instituting a
parliamentary system, containing the lebashay system for regulating the slave traffic, and, most
importantly, for overseeing the construction of the Omo bridge under Fitawrary Wodle
Semayat's direction.92

88
Wondimu and Mulugeta, P.161; Data (1997),P.20.;see letters in appendix B1,2,3,4from the former Kaffa
Tekilay Gizat Office archive at Jimma,File No,ከ/3352/7/55 on Tir 15,1955E.C, File No,3/3575/55 on
Sene15,1955,E.C,File No,ለ 31/5025/120/55 on Tir15,1955E.C,File No,231/3764/120/55 on Tahisas 10,1955E,C.
All of them describes about the 1955E.C.land tax realization, difficulties, and its consequences to implement in
Dawuro-Konta region.
89
3Bekalo, P. 145; Walelign Emiru, Yealem Miritsi Arbegnoch Achir Tarik, (Addis Ababa, 1997E.C),
Pp.285-290.
90
Data Dea, ‘‘The challenges of Integrative power: Hierarchy and political challenge in Dawuro, Southern
Ethiopia”, (PhD Dissertation, Norway: University of Bergen, Social Anthropology, 2003), p.172.
91
Ibid, p.174.
92
Informants: Ato Bafe Babu and Ato Tezara Elias; Donham, D and James, W (eds), The Southern Marches
of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in History and Social Anthropology, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986),
pp.86-91.

19
 III. Italian Occupation in Dawuro (1936-1941)

Italian colonial forces invaded and occupied Ethiopia between 1936 and 1941. 93 As Hinnant,
accurately noted, the Italians pursued distinct strategies for the north and south when it came to
dealing with the conquered peoples in this area. Strong repressive tactics were used in the north
to subdue the Amhara and Tigre peoples' fervent nationalism. 94 By redressing the abuses of
Ethiopian domination, if only momentarily, the Italians hoped to win over the indigenous
populace in the southern and western regions that Menelik had conquered. So, in addition to the
Hamasien collaborators they had taken with them from Eritrea, as soon as they landed in the
Dawuro nation (in March 1937), they recruited and incited accomplices to help them find their
way and combat the resistance fighters.95

Nonetheless, the Italian army was opposed by the Dawuro patriots in a number of locations
thanks to their cooperation with the Naftegna resistance fighters who were encamped nearby. 96
Oral informants claim that numerous fighters on both sides lost their lives during a six-hour
conflict in a location known as Yalo. 97 The Italian army killed tens of innocent civilians in the
Angela market as retaliation for the region's resistance. Despite the Italian army's ability to
capture the area, resistance persisted in Dawuro until 1941, when British forces assisted in their
eventual defeat.

Italians took over the area and built a camp called Forto close to Waka town on Geberro
Mountain. Several smaller camps were also set up to manage resistance movements around the
Dawuro country. In smaller towns, a few of these camps were letter developed. Italians
eliminated the land tax and the Naftegna-gabbar system while they were in Dawuro, just as they
had done in other southern regions. They gave the Dawuro people the freedom to manage their
own affairs. Along with building roads and introducing the Konkakiya phone system, they also
built other infrastructure.98

IV. Post Liberation Period in Dawuro (1941-1974)

93
Bahru, pp.153-156; Matteto Piccaia, La regione del Conta nel territorial deiGalla e Sidama (Treviso:
1940), p.34.
94
Tadesse, p.17.
95
Hinnant, J., “The Gada System of the Guji of Southern Ethiopia”, (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of
Chicago, 1977), pp.64-67.
96
Informants, Ato Zewude Haleko, Ato Bonato Adeko, and Ato Demissie Desta.
97
Ibid
98
Tadesse, p.18.

20
The pre-war administrative structure was implemented in Dawuro almost immediately following
liberation, and in the years that followed, the central government frequently reorganized the
administrative structure.99 This may have been done to increase tax revenue for the government
apparatus and to provide a standardized, centralized administrative framework for the nation.
Emperor Haile Selassie split Ethiopia into 12 Awraja, 66 wereda, 339 wereda meselenes, and
meketel meselenes in 1943 following the Italian withdrawal from the country in 1941. Later, in
1946, wereda became Awraja Gizate and the previous Awraja Gizate structure changed to Tekelay
Gizate. Conversely, the wereda Gizate and meketel Gizate were formed from the wereda meselenes
and meketel meselenes.100

As a result, Kaffa was included in Ethiopia's 1943 census as one of the 12 Awraja, which was made
up of six wereda. As a result, one of Kaffa Awraja's structural components is [Dawuro]-Konta
wereda. Three wereda meselenes were created from the division of the [Dawuro]-Konta wereda
meselenes. Tocha-Wushaye, Konta, and Lomma-Koyisha are a few of these. 101 Three years later,
[Dawuro]-Konta wereda meselenes was split into six weredas once more. Lomma-Koyisha, Gena-
Bossa, Mareqa, Wushaye, Tocha, and Konta are a few of these. Eventually, under Kaffa Tekilay
Gizate, Konta was recognized as one of the weredas in [Dawuro]-Konta Awraja in 1969.

By issuing a proclamation that clearly outlined the extent of their jurisdiction, the Emperor
presumably exerted unyielding central control over provincial and wereda governors following
liberation. Governors received monthly wages, as is well known. Consequently, the authority to
closely monitor wereda level government agencies was granted to province governors. Governors
from Dawuro-based neftegna (gun-carrying settlers) families were mostly appointed by the
Emperor during the post-liberation era. In order to govern the region, it appears that the Emperor
carried on with parts of Menelik's policies.102

It is feasible to envision the primary duties and tasks carried out in their job, although. It is evident
that during their tenure, they prioritized security, taxation, and land registration, distribution of
99
Ketema Mesekel, “The Evolution of Landownership and Tenancy in Highland Bale: A case study of
Goba, Sinana, and Doaola to 1974” (AAU, MA Thesis, History, 2001), pp.49-52.; Worken Abebe, “Land Tenure
and Agricultural History in Kaffa,” (MA Thesis (Addis Ababa University, History, 2005), pp.28-30.
100
Worken, p.32.
101
Informants, Ato Feleke Woldemichael and Ato Tafesse Tarekegn; “Ye Kaffa Lemate” (‘Kaffa’s
development” (No,-,-1965 E.C (1973), p.20.
102
Addis Hiwot, Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolution, (London: Published by Review of Africa
Political Economy, 1975), p.84.

21
government troops, and securing incentives for northern settlers. 103 Individuals were also
represented in the national parliament during the post-liberation era. Dawuro was absorbed and
placed under the rule of Wolde Giorigis as part of the province of Kaffa. As he left, the Dawuro
people elected the following leaders to rule over them. As you can see here, four of the Dawuro
monarchs were Shawa Amhara, hence these were not the original Dawuro.104 They were in charge:

Afeniguse Ketema (1910-1917)

Däjjazmach Yeman (1917-1924)

Däjjazmach Wossen (1924-1929)

Däjjazmach Haile Mika’él (1929-1935)

It appears that the list of governors in the region up until the Italian takeover is incomplete.
However, based on the information I have access to, which includes some written and oral data, it is
the only one, to my knowledge. Furthermore, I don't have any accurate information about these
governors' duties or responsibilities. This also applies to their successors. It is conceivable to
envision their main goals and duties, nevertheless. They concentrated on the preservation of the
region's peace and stability, the registration and distribution of land to Shawan settlers and soldiers,
and the gathering of taxes and other government income from the populace.105

To safeguard their own advantages, they also gathered their strongest, most dependable, and most
devoted supporters around them. Soon after 1941, a large number of Shawans were once more
chosen to govern the Dawuro people. Some of the [Dawuro]-Konta Awrijja Gizait governors after
the Italian evacuation in 1941 were listed below. For the first two, the job of bringing about peace
in the region was assigned. It was well known that Däjjazmach Garesu Duki had put an end to some

103
Markakis John, Anatomy of a Traditional Polity, (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1974), pp. 352-354.
104
Informants: Zeleke Mukulo, Damene Dejene and Bekele Wodaje.;see letters in appendix C1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8
from the Former Kaffa Tekilay Gizat Office Archive at Jimma, File No,ለ 2/12125/2 on Ginbot 6,1949 E.C,File
No ለ/9226 on Sene 10,1949E.C,ለ 12/15139/2. On Hamile 23,1949E.C,File No,ለ 12/7838/97/46 on Megabit 19,1955
E.C,File No,አ 38/1652/133/43 on Yekatit6,1956 E.C,File No,ለ 12/2081/57 , on Megabit17,1957E.C,File
No ,29/19727 on Tahisas10,1964 E.C, patriots appeal cation papers on Meskerem15,1964 E.c. All documents
explain the patriotic element participation fascist occupation and the question of patriots to get benefit for their
services after liberation.
105
See MIA No. 2181/44, 2182 have many letters about the problem of the lower official in collecting land
tax from [Dawuro]-Konta Aweraja Gizait; Aysha Amado,YeWolaita Tarik Meneshawoch,Second Edition(Addis
Ababa, 2003 E.C) , pp.135-138; Elias, Shifreraw and Abebech, p.156.

22
local opposition in Dawuro and that Däjjazmach Zawde Asfaw had gathered the guns the Italians
had left behind when they had evacuated.106 The governors in question were:

Däjjazmach Garesu Duki (1941)

Däjjazmach Zawde Asfaw (1941-1943)
Däjjazmach Tesfay Wolde (1943-1947)
Däjjazmach Abebe Awrarise (1947-1952)
Däjjazmach Abebe Gaber (1952-1956)
Fitawrari Kidane Wolde Midhen (1956-1960)
Ato Haile Nawte (1961-1968)

Fitawrari Denek Fanta (1969–1974) was named governor of [Dawuro]–Konta Awrajja till the fall of
the old regime.107 He was killed when the revolution broke out. Upon closer inspection, it is evident
that no native Dawuro man held the position of governor of the region from the time of its
incorporation in 1891 until the start of the revolution. The Shawans were the primary source of
candidates for governor for nearly a century. Not many locals even held the lowest post. The
political system did not have space for non-Christians. Even the eligible candidates changed their
name to Amharic, became churchgoers, or adopted a Christian name. Oral tradition suggests that
Onfe to Kinfe, Kamma to Ketema, and so on in later years are fine examples of transformed local
names.

According to oral and written sources, a Shawan Amhara was created to represent the Dawuro
people in the parliament rather than the locals. Thus, it is easy to draw the conclusion that, in the
years following their freedom, the Dawuro people in particular and the people in the southwest of
the country as a whole were estranged not only from their land but also from the political system
and the administration. "The people... largely excluded from the government are mostly from the
south... including the provinces of Illubabor, Kaffa, Gamo, Goffa, Sidamo, Arsi and Bale... [Who]
have never formed a part of the central government, with which they lack religious, historical or
dynastic...," said Christopher Clapam in response to the lack of southern representation in the
parliament.108

106
Seid Ahmed, p.89.
107
Ibid, p.91.
108
Christopher Clapam, Haile Selliase’s Government (London: 1969), p.45; Informants: Genne , Wolate
Doshu, W/r, Zayitu Biru, Kawana Damene Denefo.

23
The Shawans and the balabats gained a great deal of riches, power, and status during the post-
liberation period (1941–1974) at the expense of the local peasantry under the Haile Selliase
administration. On the eve of the Ethiopian revolution in 1974, the peasants in Dawuro in particular
and throughout the southwest region as a whole did not have better socioeconomic position or
parliamentary representation. Dawuro was experiencing a poor harvest season at the time. More
specifically, Dawuro lost a great deal of cattle to diseases and the tsetse fly. And there were violent
outbursts and tensions in the area. Thus, before the revolution officially began in Addis Ababa in
February 1974, it was taking place in the [Dawuro]-Konta Awrajja. The pupils soon started
traveling down the capital road in Awrajja, capital, Waka, with the proclamation of “Land to the
Tiller.”109

V. The Derg Administration (1974-1991)

As part of its plan to change the rural socioeconomic structure, the Derg administration has
implemented a number of drastic measures since the communist revolution of 1974. 110 Peasant
associations, service cooperatives, communal farms, and agricultural marketing corporations
have all been formed and unified nationally by the government in addition to the nationalization
and transfer of rural land to peasants. Programs including the establishment and growth of state
farms, relocation, and villagzation have also been implemented.111

The most well-liked reform among Ethiopians generally and Dawuro people specifically was the
1975 land reform decree.112 It ended landlord-tenant relationships and private land ownership,
freeing them from centuries of feudal exploitation and oppression. Dawuro also saw some
improvements in the fields of education and healthcare, but many of the attitudes from earlier
times persisted. The revolution's elimination of regional and customary institutions in favor of
centrally planned governmental apparatuses was a primary source of criticism. More money was
spent on military gear by the Mengistu administration in order to wage battles in the nation's

109
Hayward, H, “Proto-Omotic” In Proceeding of the Seventh International Conference of Ethiopian
Studies” (University of Lund, 1976), pp.28-29.
110
Andergachew Tiruneh, A Transformation from Aristocratic to Totalitarian: The Ethiopian
Revolution1974-1987, (London: Cambridge University press, 1993), p.38.
111
Ibid, p.41.
112
UNECA, “Sustainable Agricultural and Environmental Rehabilitation Program”, (Addis Ababa, 1995),
p.5.

24
north. The military occasionally received more than half of the state budget. At the same time
frame, there were severe drought affected the country.113

The combined result was greatly depleted financial resources, low investment in education,
agriculture, health services or infrastructure and great disruption to populations and individual
households.114 The Dawuro people's malla clans abhorred the villagization scheme, which forced
several social groupings (strata) to live in a single hamlet. According to the Malla, a number of
deaths have been attributed to the contact that occurs when individuals from different social
classes villagize with one another, leading to the ailment known as gomiya.115 But in June 1985,
the reform was implemented, demonstrating the agriculture sector's support and helping to bring
about the change in farming practices in Dawuro. As part of a ten-year collectivization
arrangement spanning from 1983 to 1994, the announcement permitted the order of the
villagization plan.116

In order to provide basic amenities like a water supply, health facilities, schools, and other
infrastructures, the Villagization initiative aimed to unite the separated families into villages. The
fall of Mengistu's dictatorship in May 1991 signaled the end of hostilities, but the current war
with Eritrea has not ended. Through the establishment of linguistically-based regional states, the
current government decentralized the state structure. At least in theory, it granted these
governments the authority to manage their own affairs, speak in their native tongues, and
preserve their cultural traditions. According to our informant, the Dawuro are among the
beneficiaries of this policy.117

However, overall, Dawuro's transformation was gradual and continuous, even in the face of
conquest, integration, and numerous sociopolitical and economic efforts implemented by Ethiopian
governments. The Dawuro are predominantly still rural people that follow their customs and way of
life. The conquest resulted in neither a significant influx of northern settlers nor a large enough
infrastructural development to significantly alter the established economic and social structure.

113
Markos Mamude and Girma Alemu, “The Impact of Resettlement Program on Livelihoods of Indigenous
Community, the Case of Essera District in Dawuro Zone, SNNPRS”, (International Journal of Economy, Energy
and Environment, Vol. 6, No. 3, 2021), pp.73-74.
114
Ibid, p.76.
115
Informants, W/r Elifnesh Duressa, W/r Demekech Doku, and Ato Mekasha Mamo .
116
Tadesse, p.15.
117
Informants, Ato Feleke Woldemichael, Ato Taye Dosha and Ato Tekile Utino.

25
 CHAPTER TWO
A HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE AMONG DAWURO PEOPLE
2.1 Farming

The population pressure and climate change caused humans to transition from hunting and
gathering to agriculture.118 Ethiopia is a prime example of a nation with an agrarian economy
based mostly on subsistence. For centuries, Ethiopian farmers produced domestic crops only
found in Ethiopia; namely, teff (Ergrostis tef) in North and Central Ethiopia, enset (Ensete
ventricosum) and anchote (Coccinia Abyssinia) farms in South and Southwestern parts.119
Besides, the existence of fertile soil on the highland, midland and lowland was supportive to the
production of diversity of crops in the country.

Dawuro agriculture is a mixed agricultural approach that involves raising both crops and
livestock. Farming was how both men and women made a living. 120 Dawuro is planted at various
altitudes for maize, sorghum, teff, wheat, barley, lentils, coffee, enset, and a variety of root crops.
Family holdings are split up into several smaller parcels that serve various functions. Those are;
Dadda, Shoyik'aa, Otsaa, Daara, and Zaba.121

Dadda is a small plot around a house. It is used, in most cases, for growing enset and coffee.
Shoyik’aa is a plot next to dadda. It is used to grow annual crops like barley and maize for family
consumption and for cash. Otsa is a grazing land. (Fallow land) Dara is also a grazing land, but it
is used for smaller animals like calves, sheep, and goats and for harvesting grass for the old and
weaker animals. Zaba is the area right in front of a house. It is a gathering place for people
during mourning, wedding, sacrifice, and other ceremonies. It is also a place where people grow
flowers and threes for shade.122

These lands are owned by the majority of Dawuro farmers, while the exact amount varies from
family to family. There is very little farmer involvement in the processes of terracing, planting
trees, creating ditches and springs, building dams, and building roadways. Additionally, very
118
Bekele Tona, “Farmers Participation toward Forest Production and Protection in Dawuro Zone, Essera
District, Ethiopia”, (Journal of Ecology & Natural Resources (JENR), Volume 5 Issue 2, 2021), pp.7-9.
119
Tesfaye Beshah, “Understanding Farmers: Explaining Soil and Water Conservation in Konso, Wolaitta
and Wello, Ethiopia” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Wageningen University, 2003), pp. 20- 21.
120
Zekarias Megiso, “Dawro: A Short Survey of Society and Economy in the Second Half of the 19th
Century”, ( BA Thesis in History, Addis Ababa University, 1989), pp.21-22.
121
Informants, Ato, Oltaye Onche, Ato Abara Debancho, Ato Zekarias Bekele, and Ato Terefe Dodicho
122
Ibid.

26
little is used in the way of contemporary inputs like pesticides, better seeds, and fertilizers.
Dawuro is incredibly lush and wealthy, with an abundance of forests, a huge expanse of
uncultivated land, rich wild animals (including lions, gazelles, leopards, elephants, giraffes, and
zebras), and a wide range of vegetation. Nowadays, it is fairly common to grow a variety of
crops.123 Local farmers are familiar with growing maize, wheat, barley, coffee, sorghum, cotton,
and other fruit trees. In Dawuro, agriculture is practiced through a combination of agricultural
production and mixed farming. Farming was the source of income for both sexes. teff, corn,
sorghum, wheat, barley, lentils, coffee, enset, and variety of root crops are cultivated in different
altitudes of Dawuro.124

The farming methods used by the Dawuro peasants included crop rotation, mulching (using
animal dung as fertilizer to farmlands), ranching, fallows, and fattening stocks (for head
animals), among other practices.125 A proverb in Dawuro says, "Saluu ira imiina sa’ay ayfiya
imee." This implies that the earth will produce an abundance of fruit when rain descends from
the highest sky.126 However, there are currently environmental changes in Dawuro; the high
population density, land scarcity, fluctuating rainfall, and degradation of forests for agricultural
purposes are examples of these changes.127

2.1.1. Natural Condition and Prospect for Crop Production

Dawuro is ecologically blessed with a climate that is conducive to agriculture and produces
extremely fertile soil that is primarily colored red, black, and brown. 128 The region, which is
believed to have served as the state's economic backbone, is also home to soil types that include
loam, silt, and sand.129 Actually, the Dawuro fertility has given rise to a widespread term for the
region called "Medere Genet," which translates to "heaven on earth." 130 The lengthening rainfall
cycle in Dawuro occurs from March to October. March through May is the main rainy season.
July through October is the second rainy season, with July and August being the wettest months.

123
Wondaferaw, pp.29-36.
124
Informants, Ato, Woju Manjo, Ato Gebeyehu Utino, and Ato Belayneh Gamu.
125
Informants, Ato Gebre Gababo, and Ato Atumo Ante.
126
Informant, Ato Ute Mukulo.
127
Bekele, p.78.
128
Terefe Gebere, et.al., pp.10-11; Informant:Erasha Tadesse Golu.
129
Chiatti, Remo, “The Politics of Divine Kingship in Wolayita (Ethiopia), 19th and 20th Centuries”,
(Ph.D.Dissertation,Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, 1984), pp. 33-35.
130
“Dawuro Zone bahilina Tarik…” p.10.

27
The yearly rainfall in the projected region ranges from 1201 to 2500 mm and 15.10 to 27.50
degrees Celsius is the average annual temperature.131
Table2, - The Four Rainfall Seasons and Farming Period in Dawuro
No Annual Name of seasons in Months The amount of rainfall and farming
seasons Dawuro language period
1. Autumn Addiiliya September to Harvesting of crops yields from
November farmland and there is medium amount of
rain.
2. Winter Booniyaa December to Preparation and beginning plowing of
February farmland and there is scant of rain or dry
season in area.
3. Spring Asuuraa March to May The beginning of cropping period for
maize, sorghum, finger millet,
pumpkins, yam, taro, groundnut, enset,
etc., and coming of rains of medium
rainfall season in area.
4. Summer Baaliguwa June to August The major Cropping time for crops like
Teff, Tongoriya or grain, bean, pea,
wheat, barley etc., and high rain season
in area.132

2.1.2. The Major of Crops Produced in Dawuro

Dawuro has consistently generated enough food crops for itself, and the locals have grown a
wide range of crops, including grain, cash, root, and fruit crops. Chiatti referenced the
Vanderheym notice, which stated, The Dawuro area has impressed me with its cultivated fields
and vegetation.133 Dawuro is an incredibly fruitful region, surrounding the settlement of huts and
bestowing rich characteristics upon the land with its numerous plantings of durra, maize or corn,
barley, coffee, tobacco, cotton, and millet. Numerous academics emphasized that in addition to
grains, fruits, roots, and leaves (Halakuwa, Shifera, Moringa, or Moringa oleifera) growing in
highland, midland, and lowland regions, the rich Dawuro people also have access to these
foods.134 Root crops play a significant role in household food requirements largely through the

131
Wondaferaw, p.43.
132
Tadesse, p.3; Worku Wondimu, “Ethnic interaction between the Dawuro and the Konta people, south-
west ethiopia, 1890s-1974”, (MA Thesis, Jimma University, History, 2013), pp.12-15.
133
Chiatti, p.36.
134
Olmstead, J. “Agricultural Land and Social Stratification in the Gamu Highland of Southern Ethiopia”, In
Proceeding of the First United States Conference on Ethiopian Studies, (East Lansing: Michigan State University,
1973), pp.11-23.

28
lean period. There are five main cereals consumed in Ethiopia: teff, maize, wheat, barley and
sorghum. Traditionally teff has been the Ethiopian staple, but its price has risen to the point
where it is inspired mostly in urban areas and by higher income households. Poor rural
households, like in Dawuro, grow teff as a cash crop.135

I. Cereal Crops are most important food crops produced for home consumption as well as
commercial purpose, such as, Maize or corn (Zea mays) (Maize is the major food crop in the
midland and lowland area), Wheat (Triticum), Barley (Hordeum), teff (Eragrotis tef), White
Sorghum (Sorghum vulgare), Finger millet (Eleusine coracona), etc.136

II. Root Crops: are the bases and most staple foods for rural Dawuro people. The roots crops
grow in Dawuro include Enset (Ensete ventricos), is Major food in highland, midland and
lowland area, Sweat potato (Ipomoea batatas), Irish potato (Solanum tuberosum), Yam
(Dioscorea sativa), Cassava (Manihota esculenta), Taro (Colocasia antiquorum), Pumpkins
(Cucurbita pepo), Beetroot (Beta vulgaris) and so on. 137 Enset (Ensete ventricos) is indigenous
drought resistant root crop with a high caloric production per unit land and is significant
supplement of peasant diet. Currently, coverage of enset is increasing its environmental range. It
has multi-purposes in rural Dawuro. Its main purpose is food value.

The process of fermentation was made-up to get finished involving seven and eleven days and
Kocho (uncca) processed as one of its ultimate products. 138 The most delicious part of the enset,
the Etima was the final from in the process of adapting the matured enset plant into suitable for
eating part. Enset is produced as kocho, bulla or godetsa and provide balance diets.139 The kotcho
is a starch pulp fermented, obtained by scratching the inside place and by scraping the tuber. The
fermentation of pulp needs two to three weeks to provide a delicate good. The bulla is a liquid
take out from the pulp by force down with the foot. 140 It is a snuffed food intended for particular
visitors. The godetsa is a compressed and fermented corm and guarantee the food of the
households when the other food possessions are finished in area.
135
Ibid, p.24.
136
“Dawuro zone agricultural office annual report”, (2010), pp.3-7.
137
Yishak Gecho,“Rural Household Livelihood Strategies: Options and Determinants in the Case of
Wolaitta Zone, Southern Ethiopia”, (Ethiopian Institute for Agricultural Research, Vol.3, No.3), (Haramaya
University, 2014), pp. 92-104.
138
Dubale Gebeyehu, Social Hierarchy, Status and Life of Mana Clan in Dawuro, Southwest Ethiopia,
(Hawassa, 2012), pp.47-51.
139
Informants: W/r Worknesh Manu, and W/r, Miilkam Simaala.
140
Ibid,

29
III. Cash crops; - these include Tobacco (Nicotiania tabacum), Cotton (Gossypium hirsutum),
Tukiya (Coffee or Coffee Arabica), Chat (Catha edulis), Ginger (Zingeriber officinale),
Sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum), Onion (Allium cepa), Garlic (Allium satium), Fenugreek
(Tigonella fenum), Cabbage (Brassica oleracea), Gesho (Rahmus prinoids), Peppers (Piper
nigrum), Carrots (Daucus Carota), Tomatoes (Solanum Iycopersicum), now cassava roots
(products dried on sun light then input in factories to produce powder’s). Both Coffee and Chat
is the perennial crops.141

Those cash crops grew in the midland and lowlands area produced mainly for commercial
consumption as well as home consumption and Oil seeds are Nug (Guizotica abyissina),
Sunflower (Heliathus annus), Flax or linseed (Linum usitsatissimum), Castor beans (Recinus
cummunis), Rapeseed (Brasica napus), Groundnut (Arachis hypogaea), Palm seeds (Elaeis
guineensis), etc.142

IV. Fruits: include Papaya (Carica papaya), Banana (Musa acuminate), Pineapples (Ananas
comosus), Lemon (Citrus Limon), Orange (Citrus sinensis), Avocado (Percia Amercana),
Mango (Mangifera indica), Watermelon (Citrullus lanatus), etc fruits are functioned for
commercial purpose and home consumption in area.143
2.1.3. Indigenous Cooperative Farming Work (Daguwa or Daboo, and
Zawiya) in Dawuro
The Dawuro people are engaged in different types of work organization and mutual economic
relations in the process of production. The well-known work organizations include Dabbo
(Daguwa) and Zawiya.144 Dabbo (Daguwa) is a traditional system in which farmers group
themselves together to help each other by offering free labor services to carry out agricultural
activities such as, harvesting and house construction. 145 A person who is in need of labor for
agricultural activities or for house construction prepares food and drinks (usually alcoholic
drinks like bordiya and harak’iiya) and asks for the helping hands of his friends, in-laws, and
neighbors.146 These activities are usually for a day and sometimes accompanied by work songs

141
“Dawuro Bahil na Tarik,” P.2.
142
Ibid, p.4.
143
International Journal of African Society, Culture and Traditions, Vol.2, No.3, pp.52-53.
144
Informants, Ato Jebero Dingamo, Ato, Mesele Mengesha, and Ato, Taye Mengesha.
145
Informants, Ato Fola Faatsaa, Ato, Biramo Chem’o and Ato Asefa Akusho.
146
Ibid,

30
that initiate hard work. The Dawuro do not engage in agricultural activities and in house
construction during the holidays like Maskal, Christmas, Sunday, Easter and other saint days.

Zawiya is a system in which farmers work on each other’s farm turn by turn. Food and drink
(usually breakfast) prepared for the participants. The work does not cover the whole day like in
dabbo. Women do also enter in to zawiya system for grinding crops, for spinning cotton and for
other activities like harvesting garden products. Besides this, the richer households have access
to wage labor which takes the form of uniya (payment in kind) and kiraa (payment in cash).147

Kotsa(share-cropping and share-rearing) are also practiced in Dawuro. Bagga(½),

Hezzetuwa(1/3) and Miissa(1/4) are different types of share-cropping practices in which
individuals of different economic status (or social stratum), pull their resources together such as,
land, labor, equipment, seed crop, oxen and ultimately share what they produce according to the
agreement entered in to and/or on the basis of what each participant has contributed.148

2.1.4. Traditional Agricultural Tools and Practices

The local farmers have a farmed their land mainly with plough cultivation by a pair of oxen. The
plough has been the very important of farm tools in the area. 149 The agricultural tools in Dawuro
are consisting of ox-plow became dominant tool. Oxen drown plough and traditional hand tools
such as Kaasuwa, Gomaa, (hoe), Zun’iya (pair of hoe) and Walla (cutlass) are used for
cultivation. The Dawuro farmers have practiced mixed farming systems and cropping models in
farm as environmental variety. In addition to Dawuro peasants were offered both traditional and
modern farming system practiced at different place by using of farming tools. Still the
blacksmiths produced agricultural tools from metals in Dawuro.150

The farming system has been working under the inadequate supply of farm possessions via hand-
cultivation or labor force, and pair oxen plows. The farming practices are based on hand farming,
also hand in hand cultivation, and ox-plough, farm practice in the use of ox power with that of
hand tools, mainly hoes. Informants suggested that hoe cultivation, crop production, cattle
breeding economy by way of the oxen-drawn plough is common in rural Dawuro.151
147
Informants: Sharinge Godda Shamana Shashu, Ato, Sore Kajela, Ato Tadesse Golu
148
Informants: Ato Worku Tessema, Ato Tezara Elias; Tadesse, p.20.
149
James C. McCann, People of the Plow: An Agricultural History of Ethiopia, 1800-1990 (The University
of Wisconsin Press, 1995), pp.45-46.
150
Informants: Gudda Mekonnen Genebazo, Ato Abera Betela.
151
Informants: Gudda Ayala Ababa, Ato Tasama Chare.

31
2.1.5. Indigenous Soil Management Practices in Dawuro

Dessalegn stated that the indigenous agricultural practice in Ethiopia is superior to that realized
by peasant farmers in Sub-Sahara Africa. Peasant farming system now return substantial
awareness of soil management, environment protection and of regenerating of the fertility of the
soil, contour ploughing and ploughing to control run off, mulching, rationing soil bounding and
terracing are practiced commonly in Ethiopia.152

Informants and written source stated that the farmers of Dawuro have traditional conservation of
soil fertility as changing and diverse soil management practices were used to conserve and
improve soil productiveness. The first method, kella is indigenous stone terracing and protects
their soil from erosion and increases productivity in Dawuro. 153 The second method, zerua is a
common terrace made up of soil terraced built often at the border of the farm land. The third
method, drainage ditches are opened at the edge, in order to overflow water runs away, lacking
moving other components of the plan. The fourth method, contour plowing is practiced
everywhere as the soil seems to be vulnerable to erosion because of the gradient.154

Farmers prefer to till their land both horizontally and vertically, leaving gap on some days to
expose weeds and soils to the sun as well as to allow for adequate ventilation. Because they
cannot leave the ground after vertical plowing due to erosion concerns, contour plowing requires
that both of the plough's passes take place on the same day. Indeed, Dawuro farmers use both
artificial and natural soil conservation techniques.155 The majority of soil and water maintenance
techniques employ natural conservation mechanisms. Man-made methods include leaf litter, live-
fences, mulching, manure, household waste, and, to a lesser extent, row-planting multipurpose
trees.

The most common way is using manure and homes refuse uses that are the cover of farmland.
Manuring is the use of cow dung and household turn down on the farm land. The manure is
stored on the selected place of land, for more useful allocation and to keep away from wastage. If

152
Dessalegn Rehmato, The Peasants and the State: Studies in Agrarian Change in Ethiopia, 1950-2000
(Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, 2009), p.35.
153
Admasu Abebe, “The Origin, Significance and Physical Condition of the Great Medieval Defensive Dry
Stone Walls of Dawuro/Kati Halala Keela, Southwest Ethiopia” (ERJSSH 1 (1), 2014), PP.19-20.
154
Teferi Girma et al, “Small Scale Irrigation and Household Food Security: The Case of Wolaitta Zone”
Proceeding of the Second Annual National Research Rewiew, (Wolaitta Soddo University, 2013), pp. 97-107.
155
Ibid, p.110.

32
possible, the stored dung is consistently distributed the day before to the farmer plows the land.
Through plough or hoeing the manure is buried for rapid integration with the soil, simple to
decompose and to make certain protection from being washed away by erosion. An important
amount of dung is also lost when the cattle are grazing in common forage land areas.156

The second way, cultivation with a hoe is more useful than plough for conservation and keeping
soil fertility. Moreover, they regard as incline in their area unsuitable for plough, and they hold
that plough may revolve up the unproductive subsoil. The third way, crop rotation is performed
by rural Dawuro people although there are differences across the ecological region. Crop
rotations are mixture of cereals, root crops and fruit crops. Fourth, composting has been
supported by adding employees in labor shortages for digging the cavity and carrying the
compost. Usually that was holding up an economic development as well as increase of
productivity in the area.157

2.1.6. The Role of Women in Farming among Dawuro

The work load in the area is carried out by women's groups, including farm management
(including cleaning up animal excrement and moving materials between plants), processing,
storing, transporting, and marketing. Since it is culturally taboo for men to handle these tasks and
sell the Enset produce at markets, women are disadvantaged in their pursuit of an education and
other public and political issues. In Dawuro, women handle a variety of domestic responsibilities
and participate in society to some extent.158

They also seem to give the advice and assistance of their men relations for farming activities.
The manure of cattle is stored and extended by women before plowing. Further, Yonas stated
that “woman lucky enough to acquire land had to find a sharecropper who would plow the land
for 50% of the yield…male relatives plowed the land for her... they did so after plowing their
own lands, thus delaying hers and leaving her with a bad harvest…these women lacked the farm
tools necessary for farming.”159

156
Data, “Soil fertility Management in Wolaitta, Southern Ethiopia…,” pp. 23-25.
157
Yonas, “Land Rights and Large Scale Agricultural Investments in Ethiopia”…, pp.68-69; Chiatti, pp.38;
49; Robin S. Reid, “Land-use and land-cover dynamics in response to changes in climatic, biological and socio-
political forces: the case of southwestern Ethiopia” (International Livestock Research Institute, 1999), pp341-346.
158
Girma Gezimu Gebrea,, Hiroshi Isodab, Dil Bahadur Rahutc, Yuichiro Amekawad, Hisako Nomurab,
“Gender differences in the adoption of agricultural technology: The case of improved maize varieties in southern
Ethiopia”, (Women's Studies International Forum, 2019), pp.2-6.

33
The aforementioned argument proposed that female heads of home were better enough than
married men in conditions of the extent of control they had over land and crop production.
Women are providing as assistance to men during sharecropping placements and distribute the
price of seeds and fertilizers. In fact, women played dominant role in livestock production.
Furthermore, they are responsible to house maintain domestic animals and taking care for cattle,
and managing the dairy products and the earnings from them. The majority of the time they are
the ones who cut grass for evening feeding, forage crops in day time, cleaning the cattle’s held
place and watering; in task these activities they are supported by sons and daughters.160

Milking is reserved for women, and the milk belongs to them, if an animal produces above liters
per day in three milking, this is considered a good economic value of women in Dawuro. 161
Simply oxen are cared more by men in the plough period because at this time, the man and his ox
have a more rapidly link and work collectively. At this time men water and graze ox after plough
and willing it even so when coming house women take extra role, which is common practice and
supportive for economic development of the Dawuro.162

2.1.7. Challenges of the Farming

Informants and written sources affirmed that the major challenges of farming in Dawuro are
inadequate of farmland particularly in highland area, rainfall variation, overpopulation, resource
depletion, deforestation and erosion hazard which are obstacles to effective farming. 163 In
Dawuro, the landscape is composed of rugged heaving mountain, flat lands, shrub land, deep
gorges, rolling hills, plateaus and plains that widen up to lowland of river Gojeb and Omo.
Dawuro has rainfall variation that highly affected farmland as well as cropping; as a result it
enhances occurring of food shortage.164

159
Yonas, p.70; Informants: Woraba later Qegnazmach Asrat Temesgen, Ato Bakalo Sappa, Ato Wondimu
Lemma, and Woraba Mitku Mitta.
160
Takeshi Fujimoto, “Cultivating in the Indigenous Way, Eating in the National Way: Changing Food and
Identity among the Malo, Southwestern Ethiopia”, (African Study Monographs, Supplementary Issue 61, 2023),
pp.42-48.
161
Terefe Z. Abebe, “The Potentials of Local Institutions for Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: The Case of
Farming Households in Dawuro Zone, Ethiopia”, (American Research Institute for Policy Development, 2014),
pp.97-100.
162
Seid Ahmed, “A History of Women in Dawro, Southern Ethiopia”, (EJBSS 2(2), 2019), pp.59-65.
163
Informants; Ato Madebo Maja, and Ato Degafu Bunaro; Data, “Soil fertility Management in Wolaitta,
Southern Ethiopia…,” p.1.
164
Geremew Kefyalew and Toli Jembere, “Access to Market and Growth of Micro and Small Scale
Enterprises in Ethiopia: Evidence from Wolaitta and Dawro Zones, Southern Ethiopia” (British Journal of
Economics, Management & Trade Vol. 13, No.3, Accessed 10.9734/BJEMT/2016/26232, (Wolaitta Soddo

34
Rainfall variability in rural Dawuro was by far the major source of drought. In the lowlands area,
the rainfall season was categorized by common malfunction, inadequate amounts, and poor
distribution over the growing seasons. Despite the fact that the highlands received moderately
rainfall, irregularity of occurrence, poor distribution over the growing seasons and common
heavy shower were major problems.165 In fact, in Dawuro access of agricultural land has become
scarcity, particularly in the highlands in Dawuro. Dawuro, rural households faced food shortages
for seven months in the lowlands and five months in the highlands, from the March up to June
period was the time of the food shortage. Consequently, the low farm production and seasonal
food shortages during benefit trade have short of home into continuous food insecurity and
poverty in rural area.166

Prior to uprising of 1974, inhabitants were in increasing shortage of land and other fundamental
resources and high population pressure. But, there was comprehensive agricultural structure
provided after 1975 land reform, if not in terms of more provided renting out the land for
shortage periods of time, and employ labor outside the households. By the later part of the 1980,
the shortage of land had reached acute proportions. Consequently, the change in Dawuro did
increase economic progress, improved civilized society and help in period of food shortage.167

Therefore to avoid those chronic problems from the area; local administration as well as country
government are supporting small scale business and enterprise and generate opportunity for
investors to invest, establishing of industry parks in area. That is better for minimize the socio-
economic problems of people, the Dawuro.168

2.1. 8. A HISTORY OF LAND TENURE

2.1. 8.1. Land Administration before the Conquest of Menelik

University, 2016), pp.1-9.

165
Ibid, p.13.
166
Informants: Ato Abebe Abate, Ato, Bagegnhu Bekele, Ato Mesena Menu, Ato Girma Gebre, Ato Biramo
Bilate.
167
Informants: Ato Gesese Debisa, Ato Mulatu Muka, Ato Desta Damota, Ato Bekele Gonduso.
168
Informants: Ato Adinew Ajawo, Ato Bekele Bekalo, Ato Halaba Haringo, Ato Mandado Ondu.

35
The state of Dawuro had an indigenous landholding structure prior to 1891. 169 It was predicated
on inherited land ownership. One possible form of this hereditary property holding system is the
inherited right to land ownership. In addition, the land was given to the individuals by the
Kawuwa/king, in recognition of their valiant efforts on the front lines of battle. As a result of the
militias' success in the battlefield, Kawuwa awarded them a sizable amount of land.170

Yet, there are five types of indigenous land administration systems. First, k’oomuwa bitta
(Ancestral land) land holding was a hereditary land in which members of the same family had
birth right to land. Second, Aawuwa Bitta (fathers land), the war leaders (Toora k’aara) and
other famous persons were giving this kind of land. The owners of such lands had the right to
give the land to their descendants. Third, Kawuwa Bitta (government land), the government
owned fertile land to be cultivated by corves/free laborers. Fourth, Deriya Bitta (community
land) was helpful for public services for rearing cattle and existed in the all parts of the state.
Fifth, Bazzuwa Bitta (peripheral land) was useful for inhabitants to cut-grass as well as wood in
the area.171

In Dawuro farm land is called Shoyik’aa. Until the mid-19th century the people of the Dawuro
paid tribute either in kind or cash to the king (state) once within every eight years. In fact, the
community paid agricultural land tax directly to local chiefs. In addition, the chief had a wide
fertile lands and corves laborer. In the early period Dawuro had excess lands; such as, Maata
gadiya (grassland) on the border of their holding the farmers used for grazing, tethering and cut-
grass. Mitsa gadiya (woodland) which was the outermost plot land where people naturally grow
trees but now the largest part of it is planted eucalyptus trees. Wood lands also demarcated the
edge of the land. Most farmers had all these types of plots of the land despite the size of each
differ across economic classes.172

Richer farmers had larger kariya (front yard), daada (back yard or garden area), and mitsaa
gadiya (woodland) and maata gadiya (grassland). Until incorporation into Ethiopia Empire, the
people of Dawuro were paying tribute both in kind or cash to their Kawuwa/Katiya (kings). Even
though each district peasants were not paying tax regularly before they divided into two districts
and paid tax to their local chiefs. But in Kawo Kaantsa’s regime, the sum each family had to at
169
Admasu, p.24; Bekele, The History of the Kingdom of Kaffa…, (2010), P.245.
170
Mamo, pp.31-35; Wana, Yewolaita Hizb Tarik, Second Edition, (1994.E.C)pp.171-173.
171
Informants: Ato Bekele Gonduso, Ato Adinew Ajawo, Ato Bekele Bekalo, Ato Halaba Haringo
172
Informants: Ato Mandado Ondu, Ato Kassahun Ketema, W/ro Odame Dinato, W/ro Almaz Aynu.

36
three packages of butter, two jars of honey wine, one blanket, one goat, one-fourth of a cow, and
one-eighth of a slave. Yet post-1891, land administration system was faced challenge due to
incorporation of state of Dawuro into Ethiopia Empire that resulting of the land controlled by
Näftȃgnȃ/ armed settlers.173

2.1. 8.2. Land Administration after Conquest of Menelik

The Southwest’s acquired territories became state property under Emperor Menelik's policy, and
the king had sole authority over how to administer them. 174 Before the south's territorial
expansion was later enforced on the newly acquired lands, a sophisticated system of land holding
had been planned in this region. For instance, the primary component of Ethiopia's land strategy
in the south was the ownership of land based on the so-called sisso, or one-third principle.
Because of the hefty levying of the landowners, it consequently caused an economic depression
in the farmers' standard of living. For the reason the local economy was based entirely on the
hand-to-mouth farming and trade was limited to the local level because that was resulting of the
economic depression in the area.175

After-1891, Emperor Menelik attempted the new land policy in Dawuro with the purpose of
beginning land tenure system. Thus, he distributed the land to Näftȃgnȃ army, decided the right
to heavy taxes and exploiting of the local labor forces. Besides the conquerors abolished
indigenous political administration (hereditary political kingship) and replaced with their
administration.176 The new representatives’ selected a person who victimized local community.
Heavy tribute in the form of grain, labor and severe taxation imposed on a lot of farmers to
abandon their lands and look for tenancy when they were weakened to get together the harsh
burden on them. In general economy growth of the area faced a serious setback.

I. Gäbbar-Näftȃgnȃ System in Dawuro

Cerulli stated that after conquest, Dawuro was made Mäd-bet (royal kitchen) directly under
Menelik. The tribute was collected yearly and immediately went to the emperor from the 1903-
1907. However, from 1907-1937 the living situation of people of Dawuro suffering as a result of

173
Informants: Ato Ashenefi Gebre, Ato Zewde Gebre.
174
John Markakis, Ethiopia: Anatomy of Traditional Polity, (Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, 2006),
pp. 135-146.
175
Ibid; p.148.
176
Bahru, pp.64-65; Pierre, pp.1-23; Negash, p. 5; Data, pp.5-6; Yigezu, p.3.

37
a burden of the Näftȃgnȃ-gäbbar system. The land policy of Menelik in forcefully subjugated
areas was to distribute the land holding gäbbars as temporary property of the Shäwan nobility.
Emperor Menelik made the lands personal possessions over that he had the right to exchange
(sell). Menelik planned the other resources acquired from land owners for such purposes.177

Even though the landlords who had disastrous to grant him possessions of the land, most of the
time land granted to chiefs, churches appointed bodies, Näftȃgnȃ/armed settlers, soldiers, civil
servants and others. The gäbbar system in Dawuro was similar to the country context in the wake
of the surrender; the gäbbar system inherited tenancy by bondage was established. 178 In that case
the large parts of land, which belonged to the Ethiopia crown, were distributed to the Näftȃgnȃ
settlers. This besieged people of the Dawuro in bondage of the conquerors.179

According to local tradition and written sources entitled the pre-Imperial regime, all the districts
of Dawuro had not paid tribute regularly. It divided in districts to pay tribute, for instance, one
year tax paid by Tocha District; next year tribute paid by Wushaye District to Dana (local chiefs)
in Dawuro and continued this way paid tribute to local chiefs in the area. In Dawuro, the time of
the gäbber system has still been known as the Maadda Wodiya (free laborer period).180 The
grinding period was the common activities of the gäbbars, who imposed to give labor services
(cultivation and foods grinding) to the feudal officials through the customary way of grinding
grain into flour. Yet the phrases do have also implication of the time by which the communities
suffer a set by the gäbbar-lord possession ship of the feudal landed gentry. In this regard as the
sort of the slavery and slave trade taken place in the area.181

Yet written literature mentioned that in Dawuro there had been levied tax paying in kind to the
Näftȃgnȃ (armed settler) by inhabitants. For instances, one Näftȃgnȃ levied to pay tax of eight
Kuni’a (one Kuni’a grains is 60 glasses which mean 60x8= 480 glasses) of grains, four pots of
butter, two pots of honey, two sheep or goats and two Maria Theresa thaller coins yearly on the
each home. Further he also occasional asked a payment what he liked. 182 The gäbbar were also
asked to provide firewood, woods for fence and gesho tree for tela making. They had to carry up
177
Seid Ahmed, p.46; Richard Pankhust, Economic History of Ethiopia: 1800-1935, (Addis Ababa: HSIU
Press, 1968), pp.87-88;
178
Informants: Ato Taddesse Zeleke, and Ato Atumo Antee.
179
Informant: Ato Ute Kedire.
180
Informants: Ato Bekele Doshu and Ato Belayneh Bediru.
181
Ibid; John Markakis, Ethiopia: Anatomy of Traditional Polity, (Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University,
2006), pp. 135-146.
182
Berhanu, p.63; Demissie, p.116.

38
fire wood and wood for fences all the way from own home to Waka and Tocha to give labor
services there fencing, cutting grass for animals, chopping firewood and do other obligations
assigned by him.183 The Women in these homes had to go to Gerazmač’s home at Waka town to
give labor services in turn as a kitchen servant grinding grain, cleaning the home including
animals held place etc. The Gäbbar-Näftȃgnȃ system was extremely burdened economy of the
Dawuro.184

During the gäbbar system period, the land was distributed by Gaša(40 hectares) to Näftȃgnȃ
army and the appointed representatives of the Imperial government. But, the national land
proclamation of 1930 based on the fertility of land divided into three types: läm meret (fertile),
läm-tef meret (semi-fertile) and tef meret (infertile) and tax paid to local chiefs. 185 Besides, a new
governor, Däjjazmach Haile Mika’él (1929-1935) appointed to Dawuro. He made ease all taxes
in the area. Finally, Däjjazmač Haile Mika’el was responsible for keeping justice and calm down
of the land concern in each court of the Dawuro. Later on, the Grazmač Wolde Yohannis and
Qäňňazmač Gezum governors of awaraja, they imposed the local people to paid Kurt Gibir of
22,000 Gibir or 22000 sham budgets of soldiers up to 1937.186

II. The Economy and Land Issues during Italian Occupation in Dawuro
(1936-1941)
On March, 1937, Italian occupational forces penetrated into Dawuro. During this period,
[Dawuro]-Konta awaraja is part of Keffa province.187 But, Italians did somehow positive activity
mainly abolished Näftȃgnȃ-gäbbar system from Dawuro. Adane states

“የኢጣሊያ ወረራ ወቅት አርሶ-አደሮች ከነፋጠኛ አገዛዝ አንጸራዊ እፎይታ ያገኙበት

ጊዜነ በር። ኢጣሊያኖች የገባር ሥርዓትን አጠፉ። የባርነትና የባሪያ ንግድን
አስቀሩ።188

“During Italian occupation period, Dawuro peasants gained

freedom from Näftȃgnȃ administration. Italians abolished gäbbar
system and prohibited slavery and slave trade from Dawuro.”
183
Informants: Ato Shanko Chumbee, Ato Gebre Gebabo and Ato Damene Dejene.
184
Informants: Ato Woju Manjo, Ato Makasha Mamo.
185
Adane, pp. 102-103; Panchu and Eyobe, p. 542; Yigezu, pp. 54-58.
186
Balisky, Wolaitta Evengelists…, p. 131.
187
Worken Abebe, “Land Tenure and Agricultural History in Kaffa,” (MA Thesis Addis Ababa University,
History, 2005), pp.28-30.
188
Adane, pp.102-103.

39
They allowed the Dawuro people to administer their own affairs at the local level. They also
constructed some infrastructure like roads from Dawuro to Wolaita was constructed that was
supporting economic development and relations of people in the area. They also introduced a
telephone system which was locally known as Konikakiya.189

III. The Economy and Land Issue during Restoration of Imperial Period,
(1941-1974)
In the post-liberation period, from 1941 to1974, the regime of the Haile Selliase significantly
increased the wealth, power and prestige of the Shawans and the balabats at the expense of the
local peasantry.190 The peasants had neither parliamentary representation nor better socio-
economic status in Dawuro in particular and in the southwest as a whole on the eve of the
Ethiopian revolution in 1974. At the time Dawuro there was a bad harvest season. To be specific,
the tsetse fly and epidemics destroyed many cattle in Dawuro. And tensions and acts of violence
erupted in the area.191

Soon after liberation, in 1942, the Imperial government introduced new the taxation system; the
consistent rate of land taxation system. There were three levels of land tax system in Dawuro, such
as, fertile land, semi-fertile, and infertile land. For this reason the state level in one Gaša (40
hectares) of fertile landowners to pay 15 ETB on an annual tax basis. One Gaša of semi-fertile
landowners paid 10ETB and one Gaša infertile 5 ETB probable to pay yearly tax in that order.
Through the 1942 decree number 10, the government made succession rural land measurements and
judgments of the Minister of Interior. Emperor Haile Selliasie took successive actions on land and
introduced many tax reforms in the country.

It was intended to generate a means of state revenue for his state machinery. Like other areas, the
post-liberation period brought land measurement, land sales and privatization of many land in
Dawuro. According to law, land was classified in to four categories. These were yemengist meret,
Siso or balabat meret, Maderiya (temporarily given to government officials), and Semon meret
(land given to the church on permanent basis). In return these lands were divided among the
government, the local chief or the church which had their own share over the land.

189
Informants: Ato Abera Debancho, Ato Fola Pata, Ato Mesele Woldemichael.
190
Addis Hiwot, Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolution (London: Published by Review of Africa Political
Economy, 1975), p.87.
191
Worku Wondimu, pp.63-68.

40
After liberation the central government issued orders to give Maderiya land for the patriots-who
had taken part in the Ethiopian Patriots Resistance Movement. Accordingly, one gasha was given to
those who were directly involved in the liberation movement and the half a gasha to the families of
a patriot who died at the war. Due to the corrupt nature of the administration, according to
informants, there was a major problem that many people presented falsified evidence which gave
land for those who did not participate in the campaign and those who actually participated were
denied. Although there was protest, obviously it bore no fruit. All in all, the Dawuro people were
not considered as patriots even if some of the people took part in the war of liberation.

In Dawuro, there was no major land measurement and registration in the immediate decade after
liberation. Up until 1955 the local people had their own land and paid tax to the government and the
local balabats according to the previous system. In fact, it was reduced by half soon after the
liberation. Archival sources clearly showed that peasants were not victim of any kind of the eviction
and dispossession at this time. They were given a two years of relief and exemption from taxation
as the area becomes a battleground in the time of occupation. A letter from the Ministry of interior
to the Kaffa Tekaly Gizait read like this:

“የኩሎ ኮንታ ህዝብ ቀድሞ በአርበኝነትና በጠላት ጦር የተጎዳ በመሆኑ የመሬት ግብር መክፈል አቅቶት እርስቱን የለቀቀ
ሁሉ ችግሩ እየተመረመረ የመመዝገቢያ ብቻ ብር ሁለት እየከፈለ መሬቱን የሁለት ዓመት የማቅኛ ጊዜ ቱሰጥቶት ወደርስቱ
እንዲመለስና ከሁለት ዓመት በኋላ እንዲገብር፡፡”
A rough translation may be:
The Dawuro and Konta people were victim of the Italian occupation period. It is decide that the
people abandoned the areas as a result of the war. In order to return the displaced people, they
were exempted for two years and they need to pay two birr for registration until they revive from
the war.
Even there was uncollected tax from the people. A letter from the Ministry of interior to the Kaffa
Tekaly Gizait explicitly claimed that this was because the lower official were not in a position to do
their properly. But the official from the [Kullo]-Konta Awrajja explained that it was not due to their
failure but due to absence of the people as a result of the war. The following letter explicitly showed
this.

“የ[ኩሎ] ኮንታ ህዝብ በአምስት ዓመት የጠላት ወረራ ጊዜ ከሞት የተረፈዉ ወደ ጎረቤት አገር እየተሰደደ ስለሚኖር
አግሩ አብዛኛዉን ሰዉ የሌላዉ ዉድማ ነዉ፡፡ ስለዚህ አሁን ዉዝፍ አየተባለ የሚቆጠር ገንዘብ በ 1935 ህዝቡ
ይገብረዉን በ 1942 ስለተቆጠረ ባለቤት የሌለዉ መሬት ሣየለይ በሙሉ በመቆጠሩ በሞተዉና በተሰደደዉ…
የተቆጠረዉን ለማሰከፈል አሰቸጋሪ ስለሆነ [ነዉ]፡፡”
Translation:

41
 The people of Konta and Dawuro were victim of the war in the Italian occupation. Most of the
people migrated to the nearby area and the land became a barren land. They said ‘uncollected tax’
has come from the 1935 qutir gebber rather than the 1942 measured land. As a result of this
problem it is difficult to collect the land tax in the new reform.

The post-liberation period also brought the emergence of towns in the [Dawuro]-Konta Awrjja.
New towns flourished in the wereda capitals. Some of them were Bale (in Wushaye), Lomma
Bale (in Lomma), Woldahane (in Genna). In these towns new government workers and private
businessmen contributed a lot for the development of the towns in the area.

IV. The Economy and Land Policy during Därg Regime (1974-1991)

Using socialist philosophy, Därg nationalized all institutions in the nation from 1974 to 1991,
outlawed tenancy, and fundamentally altered the agrarian system by announcing the right to use the
land. A land decree from 1975 allowed all Ethiopians living in rural areas to own their land
collectively, thereby ending private land ownership, granting land ownership rights to all landless
peasants, prohibiting the use of hired labor on land, capping household sizes at ten hectares, and
creating rural associations.

One of the most crucial aspects of the land reform for maintaining local economic development was
the creation of peasant associations. Subsequently, the Zamača members established peasant
associations and enlisted the assistance of nearby farmers and agricultural extension workers. This
made attendance at school mandatory for the whole Dawuro local community. The Dawuro farmers'
economic progress was really aided by the land reforms. One aspect of the Därg's land reforms plan
was the establishment of the peasants association. The "Development by Cooperative working"
initiative, known as "Idiget Behibert Zämäča," was introduced to Dawuro in 1974 and was
instrumental in the initial phase of the development of peasant associations in the region prior to the
1975 land reform decree.

At the time of the land edict, Dawuro's 200,000 residents inhabited a very small land area. A
collection of all the local farmers made up the peasants association. A rural economy with limited
employment opportunities outside of agriculture was exposed by the rapid increase in population.
At the core of the collective state structure was smallholder agriculture. In order to maintain social
order and control over the peasantry, the state possessed land and institutionalized hierarchical
management.

42
During this time, it was possible for commercial farms to change into state farms using
contemporary inputs and mechanization in an attempt to significantly increase commercialization.
State farms proved to be disastrous since labor productivity was restricted by collectivization and
employers' effectiveness was hampered by low salaries. Mechanized farming never achieved
economies of scale, and state farms consumed a significant portion of the available capital for
agricultural development. The Därg implemented a significant land reform in 1975, eliminating
previous types of land-lords by making property ownership a nationality. Due to the integration of a
thriving significant commercial farming community, the land reforms in Dawuro broke the Imperial
regime's separation between landowners and indigenous landlords.

Aside from the introduction of an allowance system for grain relief, Dawuro honored cooperative
farming between 1979 and 1988. Particularly after the devastating famine in 1985, the Därg policy
reached its pinnacle with the knowledge of forced relocation and villagization plans. The Därg
period's most frightening years are thought to have been 1980–1988. In Dawuro, to put it briefly,
there was a general agrarian development that started following the land reform in 1975. This
development did not involve more land being rented out during periods of land scarcity, but rather it
involved using labor from outside the household. Up till now, the Dawuro transformation has
increased economic progress, civilized society and help in period of food deficiency.

The likelihood of rural out-migration is typically limited in areas with dense populations and rapid
population increase. The increasing degeneration of land parcels into little packages, in addition to
insufficient work and farming, had an impact on the economic advancement of the Dawuro people.
Youth movement to different locations continued as a result.

2. 2. Pastoral Farming

Ethiopia is one of the biggest producers of livestock in Africa, both domestically and for export.
One of the main economic sectors in Ethiopia is pastoral farming, which facilitates economic
growth and supports the GDP of the nation. In actuality, the GDP of Ethiopia's livestock industry
accounted for between 12 and 33% of the country's entire agricultural GDP and between 12 and
15% of its total exports to other nations. The economic value of livestock: Approximately 80% of
Ethiopian farmers utilize ox carts to plough their fields. In relation to manual cultivation, the
average area farmed by a farm household and yields per hectare are unquestionably associated with
farm ownership and livestock ownership. Livestock is a vital component of the economic and social

43
lives of smallholder peasants, agro-pastoralists, and pastoralists in Ethiopia. It also provides
breeders with a source of income.

The Dawuro people bred animals (ox, cow, heifer, and bull, sheep, goats, poultry, and pack animals,
such as donkeys, mules, and horses) as part of their ancient and revered pastoral agricultural
technique. It made a significant contribution to food security, traction power, fertilizers (use
manure), and nutritional value. The Dawuro farmers who purchase fertilizer and give labor services
may be impacted by the utilization of proceeds from the sale of cattle in crop production. The sale
of cattle for cash is the primary source of economic significance in the livestock product trade. The
primary asset being milk cows were raising milk products. It served as the foundation for the
economic significance that provided monetary flow, plow cultivation, food supply, and other
benefits.

Every farmer in Dawuro has at least one or two cows or oxen in their home. Mules, donkeys, and
horses utilized exclusively for hauling goods. Larger horses than those found in the north have
actually been welcomed and even encouraged to fight against invaders. Goats and sheep, more
commonly, provide meat and skin. They are also used in sacrifices and sold on local markets to help
Dawuro households meet their basic necessities and earn money.

There are a lot of chickens even though eating their meat is customarily frowned upon; since the
Menelik invasion, eggs have been used as seasoning and in sauces. The cats and dogs are raised,
highly regarded, and the protectors of the house. Raising cattle has been a beneficial practice for the
people of Dawuro to obtain dairy products, meat, and skins, which tanners also made for sleeping
purposes. Sheep and goat skins have been employed as matting and bags in some appropriate
instances. Composted manure from it was used to fertilize yard crops. As part of the custom known
as wuddiya, residents of the same village band together to take turns caring for the village's animals.
It makes it possible for village kids to go to school and to help their parents when they are not
attending school.

In the rural Dawuro, pastoral farming was a prominent economic practice that dates back a long
way, according to informants and written sources. Dawuro's cattle wealth was greatly depleted once
it was included into the Ethiopian Empire state in the late 19th century, but the common culture and
way of life surrounding cattle were still substantial. Development pertaining to cattle is one of the
key elements that make Dawuro distinctive. There were few animals per home in Dawuro, which is

44
different from animal rearing in Africa, where household herds are typically larger. They were also
treated with more respect and shared a similar home with their owner. The Dawuro people valued
cow rearing as a significant practice.

The wealth accumulation and presentation of animal herds practiced ceremony is known as cattle
counting ceremonies, known as, S’eetsaa. It was great significance to both rich farmers who wish to
do the rites and these peasants who are in collective possession with them. The cattle-counting
ceremony was presenting by rich farmers in Dawuro. In fact, the S’eetsaa services have been
usually practiced in Dawuro since long time. This practice existing among the neighboring Cushitic
peoples, for the most part the Hadiya nation’s groups who inhabited around the Gibe valley.

The S’eetsaa ceremony along with marriage and hunting of wild animals are some of the socio-
economic practices that have largely practiced by the Dawuro people. As Panchu and Eyobe noticed
about livestock production in Dawuro, the earlier time one farmer who had richness of cattle, he
have been above ten head animals, donkeys, mules, horses, he was owner of them. The person plans
having of 100-10,000 cattle to presenting cattle counting ceremony that gave prestigious. The
peasant who have hoard 100 cattle was presenting “S’eetsa” cattle counting ceremony similarly
person who accumulated1000 cattle was presenting “Liqa” cattle counting ceremony by men
prestigious on the two women presenting cattle counting ceremony called “Gimua.” As similarly, if
the person has 10,000 cattle, presenting cattle counting ceremony called “Uma” ceremony, it was
common in Dawuro Livestock productions were much appreciated practices together with socio-
economic significance in Dawuro and surrounding areas.

Figure3, Socio-economic Value; Cattle Counting Ceremony (S’eetsaa) in Dawuro

Source: Dawuro zone; Zaba gazo and Gena woldahane districts, photo by researcher during field
work

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 2.2.1. Characteristic Features of Pastoral Farming

For the purpose of raising livestock and producing cattle, Dawuro has enough pasture land and
water in its flatlands, highlands, midlands, lowlands, tributary gorges, and surrounding areas.
Herding cattle was done in an environment that provided employment opportunities and economic
value for the populace, according to documented and oral sources. When the owners are preparing,
the impoverished are allowed some access to the cattle, such as joint ownership and split ownership
with wealthy peasants. Each of these orders was given based on neighborhood, kinship ties,
marriage bonds, church affiliations, and other social networks. They give chances for shared
owning the animals. Apparently, the dual ownership of cattle was common since they provide as
wealth for poorer farmers to own a live animal. Animal rearing very much offers to farmers to get
money, for employing wage labor, manure use as fertilizers and dairy-farming (meats, milk and
milk products). Livestock is a useful economic growth of the Dawuro.

2.2.2. Challenges and Factors Affect the Economic Value of Pastoral Farming

The main challenges of the pastoral farming in Dawuro were diseases of the cattle, lack of access to
animal treatment, changes in the area's environment that brought about erratic rainfall patterns, and
a paucity of grass that increased the likelihood of famines and droughts. The escalating yearly
fluctuations in precipitation, along with a rise in periods of drought and intense precipitation have a
detrimental impact on agricultural output and cattle pasture.

A further blow to the Dawuro people's economic progress could be food shortages caused by the
harsh shocks to agricultural and livestock production caused by the climate. The availability of
clean drinking water is likely to decrease due to increasing evaporation and the increasing variation
of rainfall events. This led to lack of grasses; droughts and famine in area that affect the pastoral
farming. More specifically, the variation of climate conditions extremely influences pastoral
farming in Dawuro.

2.3. Apiculture/Honey Production

An ancient economic activity in Ethiopia was the production of honey. The production and
extraction of honey by Ethiopian farmers remains a very customary practice, despite its lengthy
history. In Dawuro's rural areas, apiculture was a significant economic activity. the use of honey
bees to produce a variety of goods, including honey, royal jelly, propellant, bee pollen, honey-wax,

46
and brood, in addition to serving as pollinators for flowering tree crops. The main source of natural
water and food for bees, which is also accessible to cattle and rural residents, is identified as the
sphere.

The production of honey was utilizing human resources. In an unfavorable agroecosystem when
crop failure is a real possibility and harvesting is minimal, apiculture has also offered appealing
options for providing services and generating revenue in rural areas. By using a small, easily
adjustable apiculture production method, there is a great deal of potential to work with the
occupants and boost yields beyond what people are willing to consume. Low-income individuals
have the opportunity to boost their income through apiculture by selling their harvested bee
products at a profitable market.

Despite extensive deforestation in other areas, Dawuro still has a large number of bee-friendly
plants that produce nectar and pollen. As a result, Dawuro's apiculture helps low-income people
boost their income by selling honey at markets. As a result, people were producing honey for the
local community and selling it at a profitable market. Beekeepers, in particular, were able to
transform their own lives by selling honey in markets, building new homes in both rural and urban
areas, raising their kids, and buying land nearby.

2.4. Fishing/Aquaculture

The Dawuro people have a long history of fishing. That was an antiquated method of fishing that
people used to do. Fishing was a long-standing and beneficial activity, according to the Dawuro
Zone Fish Production Office, but it only became recognized as a formal Zonal activity in 2017.
Traditional methods of fishing and net-catching were still used in the area's ponds, rivers, Gojeb,
Yarda, Wogay, Shaata, and other bodies of water.

As comparing Dawuro with Gamo-Gofa, however the Gamo-Gofa was well-known by fishing and
persons catching fish by net from Chamo Lake, and Abaya Lake. Besides they were directly
exporting to central markets and getting high income from fishing. But, in Dawuro, the fishing has
been very scant and its income also least.

According to the Dawuro Zone Fishing Production Office, fishing in Dawuro was extremely poor
when compared to the availability of water resources in the surrounding area. Some of those are
fishing spots, such the man-made Lake Omo in the Gojeb River, etc. Fishing in Dawuro generally

47
has three economic benefits: it increases local fishermen's income, creates jobs, and provides
nutritional or food values. There is hardly enough fishing at Dawuro. However, today's local
government and fishing experts encourage and raise residents' understanding of fishing, which
boosts Dawuro's economic development and encourages more fishing.

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 CHAPTER THREE
MINING AND HANDCRAFTS IN DAWURO
3.1. Mining
One of the main economic pursuits of the ancient African civilization was mining. Even so, the
"name of Ghana; the Gold coast" correctly refers to the ongoing presence of Gold during the
colonial era. There were metal and nonmetal works in Dawuro. One notable example is the
production of Marc'c'uwa, or iron bar, the native currency made from smelted iron. Despite having
a different grade, it was worth about the same as metals in other locations. Moreover, "the Dawuro
were familiar with gold, silver, and copper, which they employed for tools, decorations, and
weaponry." During the kingdom's existence, the Marc'c'uwa, or iron bar, was the unit of currency.
In 1900, each bar of iron was worth eighteen Maria Theresa thallers. These claims support the
notion that mining exists in mining in the area.

In Dawuro, the existing of mining was very scanty. Besides myths and informants proposed
existence of mining in Dawuro, for example, metals mine found earlier time in present district
Tocha area in sacred area and coal mine in Gena Woldahane and Tarcha zuriya District. Moreover,
in Dawuro there has been large amount underground hot spring water. This hot spring water is
useful for domestic and foreign tourists to visit the area and for recreations of the visitors. Besides,
this hot spring water is source of thermal energy. There are many hot springs, like streams, rivers
and ponds, which are useful to drink, and other home consumption of the inhabitants.

According to Dawuro Zone Mining and Energy Officer, Ato Teklebirhane Bedare, in Dawuro, there
are two types of mining i.e. industrial mine and construction mine. The industrial mine is consisting
of coal mine (stone charcoal) at the same place. The construction mines are sand mines, humus and
stone mines. But the stone mines are basalt (black stones) mine and Igno bright (white stone) mine.
Actually the sand and stone mines are helpful for construction of homes, hotels, bridges, roads,
privates and governmental offices in area.

Furthermore, Teklebirhane stated that the sand and stone mines found in all districts of the Dawuro
although the quality of sands found in Tarcha zuriya and Gena Woldahane Districts account for
70% stones found in Tarcha Zuriya District. The economic contribution of the mining is very least
income. Thus far, the sand and stone mines are dugout by small-scale investors in private

49
association and sell to inhabitants build to their homes. However, the private or small-scale
investors paid annual tax as officially to local governments; very recent time total tax income from
sands and stone mines is 1.4 Million ETB in 2016, 2.3 Million ETB in 2017, and 4.87 Million ETB
in 2018. That is supporting of the economic development of Dawuro.

3.2. Handcrafts

The distinction between Dawuro cultural handicrafts and those of the rest of the Southwest lies in
the fact that the majority of these creations, with the exception of utensils fashioned from grasses
and gourds are the work of socially outcast groups in society: the Shemayniya (weavers), the mana
(potters), the Wogachiya (iron-smiths), the Dencha/Degela (tanners), and the Manja (hunters). Both
the kind and extent of their marginalization are influenced by numerous interrelated factors. These
groups of individuals are denied options and possibilities in life to escape from varied hardship
conditions, are exposed to extreme poverty, and are excluded from the advantages of development.
Because of their cultural disasters and lack of interaction with Malla society, they are frequently
feared and shunned from the well-organized society.

The Hilancha group is referred to by a variety of related but distinct names in recorded sources on
the Dawuro people, including craftspeople, craftsmen, occupational groupings, casts, and outcasts.
Though the word "hilancha" comes from the word "hila," which literally means skill, the word
"hilancha" actually refers to skilled laborers. Many hilancha (artisan) groups, including the Mana
(potters), Wogac'iiya (smiths), Sheemayniya (weavers), Dencha/Degela (tanners), and Manja
(hunters), are found in Dawuro. Male tanners and female potters are the ideal artisans in Dawuro
society.

Artisan specialists and their clients have economic interactions that stem from their practical
concerns for the creation of basic necessities. The artisan respective mastery of this productive
process will determine how much of an impact they make on perceptions. The Dawuro people's
economic progress was founded on the highly valued materials that artisans made. They used
raw materials and property given to the locals and surrounding societies to make both domestic
and commercial items including cooking supplies, farming implements, iron bars, clothes,
leather goods, and guns.

They got ready in groups for the subsequent tasks, which included mining, smelting, and forging
metal or harvesting, spinning, and weaving cotton. Their chief, who was chosen by them and
50
well-known among the chiefs, oversaw these preparations. Within Dawuro, artisans were
working together to produce exquisite cotton and iron garments. Nevertheless, despite the value
of their abilities to the entire community, the Malla hold them in the highest regard. In Dawuro,
they are regarded as second-class citizens. As Data Dea rightly pointed out, it should be
highlighted that while the majority of people with artisan backgrounds work in these fields, not
all of them do, and even those who do so partially still make a living from farming.

3.2.1. Shemayniya (Weaver)

One social class in Dawuro was the weavers' class. From cotton, they made priceless garments.
In Dawuro, weaving has been a prevalent activity, as reported by informants and written sources.
Indeed, Dawuro's mid- and lowlands are home to cotton farms, which is why the region
produced cotton products. In Dawuro, cotton was grown in lowland and midland areas, and they
wear cotton cloth, according to written texts referring to cotton plantations and likely the
weaving business. Aside from Bulukuwa (a cotton blanket), Dawuro also had its own cotton
products, which were separated by roughly five meters: Adiisaabba, Asara, Nas'aala, and so
forth. Bamboo-made loom threads were once utilized by weavers.

Figure4. Medium of exchange/currency of Dawuro called Bullukuwa/a cotton blanket

produced by Weaver.

Source: Dawuro Museum, Tarcha; photo by researcher during field work

51
The Dawuro possessed indigenous cotton clothes like bulukuwa (blanket). Likewise, cotton is
one of export good as raw materials and bulukuwa as a finished goods used as export
commodities in Dawuro. In fact, the weavers is making useful of home materials through the
similar kind of clothes as surrounding societies. The bulukuwa (blanket) are much appreciated in
all the markets of Ethiopia. The weavers (shemayniya) is producing wove blankets and clothing,
but it also expensive cloth. The cotton plantations were cultivate in the lowland regions and were
the private material goods of the king; most of the cotton came from these plantations.

In fact, Dawuro and Omotic states, particularly the Dorze people (who are famed for their
famous cotton blanket weaving), are home to talented weavers who manufactured bulukuwa. In
Dawuro, the early Bulukuwa (blanket) fabrics are highly valued. Still, it retails for a fairly high
price. They raised their income and paid taxes to the local government, which boosted the local
economy in Dawuro. The most revered clothing, according to informants, is made of Bulukuwa
fabric, which provides sociocultural advantages in addition to economic value in Dawuro.

In essence, a mother in Dawuro would dress in Addisaabba to enter the neighborhood markets as
a Sofiyaa after giving birth to a new child. On the other hand, if someone died, the dead body of
human used to be covered by big Bulukuwa (blanket) during funeral. Therefore, weavers were
providing several advantages and supporting economic progress of the inhabitants of the
Dawuro.

3.2.2. Wogac’c’iiya (Iron Smith)

Among the minority groups in Dawuro, the Wogac’c’iya (iron-smiths) have had the most success
in enhancing their way of life. The Wogac'c'iya's success has been attributed to a number of
elements, including their well-known iron tools, which draw customers from all over the world
and combine agriculture and metalworking to provide a decent living. Iron Smith, also known as
Wogac'c'iiya, belonged to a social class and originated in the north and moved south and
southwest, encompassing Dawuro.

Among the Dawuro craftspeople, there are multiple signs suggesting that the smiths hold a
superior status. As opposed to the Manja and the Mana-potters, their encampment is not isolated.

52
Along with them (the Malla), they join labor unions, funeral homes, and religious groups. In
addition to practicing share-cropping and share-rearing, they are able to enter the Malla's homes
and share food. The smiths are distinguished from all other craftspeople by words that are good,
such sincere, honest, and so forth, rather than negative ones, like untrustworthy, evil-eyed,
adulterous, and cruel, among others. Being late is the most unfavorable characteristic they all
have.

Habreland observed that, with relation to the particular castes, smiths are powerful in several
regions of Africa. They do, however, differ from the other special caste groups everywhere they
form. They have a distinct level of status that sets them apart from other artisans due to the
unique type of job they do, which is directly related to the major power and specific skill
required by their occupation. Dawuro once had iron mining located in the sacred Mountain
Maalo in the Tocha district. The melted metal was placed in the king's treasuries, piled up in
stocks, and then distributed to craftsmen for use in making swords, spears, knives, plows, and
other items. The provisions of Marc'c'uwa were regularly counted and guarded day and night.

More significantly, it was they who rehabilitated the irons imported from Jimma into Dawuro to
make Marc’c’uwa (iron bars), Dawuro own currency of the day that served as form of
transaction in Dawuro and with the surrounding peoples. The smiths produced farming tools and
iron bars in Dawuro. For example, they used to produce agricultural tools from metals, such as,
hoe, hand-hoe, the beam, the plowshare, the sheath , the stilt, two wooden ears and home tools,
such as, ax, sickle, knife; the war materials, such as, knives, spears, shields, swords etc.

In addition, we know the prices of Marc’c’uwa by weight and height. For instance, the one
Marc’c’uwa height is 30cm and weight is 0.5k.g that help to know the prices of Marc’c’uwa to
be the price is high or low. On market days many Marc’c’uwa local societies tie and put in
shoulder carried go to market to do transactions. Also Cerulli cited that “for money of the
Dawuro use of a piece of curved iron a special shape and size called Marc’c’uwa.” The Dawuro
people used Marc’c’uwa (iron bar) to trade transactions (sell or buy) of goods among the
surrounding peoples (Wolaita, Gamo, Gofa, Konta, and Sidama, Hadya, and Kambata).

Figure5, Medium of exchange/currency of Dawuro called Marc’c’uwa/Iron bars produced by

Smith from Iron Metal.

53
Source: Dawuro Museum, Tarcha; Photo by researcher during field work

In early period there were unique groups of people who were making not only spears for the
palace by that occasion they filled the entire necessities for their home equipment’s. Hence they
were the only skilled groups who could make spears for the military particularly needed when
the king passed orders for extensive recruitment under his worker’s authority. Still now smiths
are a playing dominant role on rural agricultural sector since they produced the farming tools and
making household materials supporting economic situations of people of the Dawuro.

3.2.3 Mana (Potters)

It's unclear where the Mana came from. While Malla believe they are native to the Gamo and
Goffa regions, they assert their own indigenous status to the Dawuro country. Other than
Dawuro, the Mana does not speak any other language. Of all the craftspeople, they are the most
hated bunch. The Malla claim that they should be avoided because they consume human flesh
and because they have the "evil eye." They're considered less than human.

The local custom holds that there is no set foundation for pottery; rather, it was revived by a
community of landless people. However, the pottery asserts that this Dawuro region belonged to
their forefathers, who occupied it before any other people did. They were pushed into pottery as a
result of the landlords taking their land away from them. Potters created a variety of household
items. They were also in charge of anything related to the funeral that contained actual incidents of
purported witchcraft. Their chiefs possessed a basic ability connected to the dangerous location of
iron and hides. These chiefs have undoubtedly accumulated a variety of abilities since, at one time,
one of them started to care a little bit.

54
Potters are the principal part in practicing pottery production and pot making has been uses which
claim skill consumer’s times and power although when taken to sell market a cheaper price as
compared to other commodities. Potters were also producing precious home materials, such as pots,
coffee pot or kettle, jars, cups and spoon from cattle horn and drums from skin and drum (used
earlier times in funeral ceremony). They were the ones who beat or sound the drum; dance and play
during some occurrence of sorrows and also the circumcision is performing by potters. Yet potters
are making appreciated household materials in Dawuro. They are disadvantaged in terms of access
to land, education and health. Before the 1975 land reform, they do not have the right to own land.

Figure6, Potters selling their craft product in Tarcha market.

Source: Photo by researcher during field work

3.2.4. Denchaa(Tanners)

The Dencha claim that initially, their ancestors traveled from Gondar to Kaffa. According to
informants, they were an integral part of the Gondar's Black Jews, also known as Beta Israel. It is
believed in Kaffa that Queen Ballee (Akka), who married Adito Erasho, the Dawuro king, brought
the Dencha to Dawuro so they could provide their expertise to her. One of the social groupings in
Dawuro that engaged in farming and tanning is the tanning community. The skin and horns of
animals that have been hunted or killed are handled by tanners. When European traders heavily
demanded ivory from the Ethiopian market in return for sophisticated weapons, Kati Kantsaa
established an ivory monopoly. Animal horns and skins could, however, be retained by the owner
for use as clothing and furniture after a small gift was given to the local chief. Even though, the
king took only half his artisans’ income, they still received a large amount of items and services,
which made him the wealthiest man in the state.

55
The popular perception of tanners is higher than that of potters. Their superior position is
demonstrated by the impurity, contamination, craft, and unusual characteristics attributed to the
nature of pottery, as well as the practicality of the separation and segregation techniques relative
to the tanner's distinctiveness. However, in addition to tanning skins, tanners are expected to use
farming as a means of self-sufficiency. The hunting of ivory and animal skins was typically done
with caution to obtain valuable items for home decoration. While the demand for ivory increased
due to commerce, the teeth and tusks of the animal gained physical force and magnificence.

Animals such as, elephants, leopards, and lions became the personal property of the kings of
Dawuro, even as hippopotami, with their precious leather used for shields, were left to someone
who wanted them. Hunting could arise only after the king had decided his consent. The two tusks
brought to the king, who privileged the first man who had offended the animal, giving him the
opportunity of trying an earring. Lions and leopards were caring with automatic plans after
having been attracted with a sheep or goat. Again, the first man who threw his spear into the
animal that satisfied the king who had the right to half of the animal’s skin. As a result, wild
animals are now disappeared from the highly populated area and also found in the side of the
rivers, lakes and unsettled region of the Dawuro.

Today, the Dencha are basically tanners. Among their products are a highly valued painted sleeping
mat called manchala and saddles which are used by richer persons who can afford to own a horse or
a mule. Contrary to the esteem of their products the tanners are among the despised craftsmen.

3.2.5 Manja (Hunters)

Informants claim that the Manja originated in a location in Kaffa known as Minjo. They have a
larger population than all the artisan and minority groups combined. They converse in both
Dawuro and Manja (also known as Manji or Kaffa k'allo). The Manja are woodland people that
live a hunter-gatherer lifestyle and hold onto their customs. Their consumption of woodland
creatures including porcupines, monkeys, and bakuta (dead animal) led to their classification as
second-class citizens. However, they serve crucial functions at funerals by setting up the graves
and providing music.

Today, the Manja are to be found at the periphery of forests where they, increasingly, follow a
cultivator’s life-style in Dawuro. They do not hunt much currently due to the diminution of the
forest in the area. They sell fire wood, charcoal and wood furniture to the town people to
56
augment their economy. The Manja resemble the artisans in that they are all despised and
distanced by the Malla, though the magnitude of segregation is much stronger in the case of the
Manja.

Interaction and integration between various groups in Dawuro were generally hampered by
endogamy, restrictions on interactions due to religious punishments, lack of mobility, and
vocational differences. There have been ties and contacts across occupational boundaries
notwithstanding these restrictions on intergroup discourse. It should come as no surprise that
those from the dominant stratum profit more politically, socially, and economically from these
interactions. This does not imply that those from lower social classes are only losers. They have
the same opportunity to control their status. All parties involved in the connection valued it,
albeit some may have benefited more than others.

3.3 Economic Values of Handcrafts

Numerous handcrafted goods play a vital role in the economies of several nations worldwide.
They gain from the traditional artisan industry in both home and foreign markets. Research
conducted in Ethiopia thus far has shown the importance of traditional craft activity for both the
nation's economy as a whole and the livelihoods of those working in the craft sector.

When it comes to Dawuro, hillancha (craftsmen) revealed that their products have irreplaceable
economic value in Dawuro community from ancient to present. Dawuro community easily get
handcraft product in very cheap price. Handcraft products help the community in their
multipurpose day to day activities such as, smith’s product for agricultural purpose, potters
products for household use, weaver’s product for to fulfill human basic needs and etc. The cost
of woven and handcrafted goods in the local market is much less than that of factory-made
goods, which has a negative impact on the sector's growth.

However, the community tends to rely more on factory-made goods due to their accessibility,
affordability, and abundance. Despite all of these obstacles, it appears that there is room for the
industry to expand, with potters, tanners, smiths and weavers revealed that they are still making
handcraft products. Furthermore, the informants also mentioned how important a part craft
product revenues have in an artisan's livelihood. For example, the key informant reported that the
income from craft activities is a substantial addition to household income, which is second only
to agriculture. In addition, the sources of employment in Dawuro for household members of
57
artisans. This suggests that Dawuro's handicraft endeavors have a significant positive impact on
worker productivity.

3.4 The Challenges of Handcraft Workers

Various documented records demonstrate the extremely low living conditions that occupational
minorities experience worldwide, as well as the multiple social and economic obstacles that they
encounter in various places across the globe. They experience little operating capital, a lack of a
fair market in the community, and a paucity of raw materials for the production process.
Furthermore, they lived a wretched life in much of the world because to the problems associated
with social exclusion, which are especially severe in developing nations due to marginalization
and prejudice.

The socioeconomic layers in Dawuro society are unique in and of themselves. A society's wealth,
income, employment, and level of education can all be used to determine a person's social and
economic standing. The community's socioeconomic disparities are a result of social and
economic marginalization, which creates high and low status individuals. Education is the
cornerstone of raising one's social and economic standing in the community. However, a number
of studies suggest that the artisans, or hillancha, in Dawuro, possess a low degree of education.
Due to their poor level of education, they have a number of social and economic difficulties.

The absence of basic infrastructure in rural Dawuro is one of the biggest barriers to handcraft
activity. It is challenging to complete necessary duties on time and produce the best results in
Dawuro due to a lack of fundamental infrastructure. As a result, the rise in production costs
makes a craft product less competitive with advanced technology products in the region. The
activity of many rural artisans is being destroyed by a number of interrelated issues, such as mass
production of goods backed by smart marketing and advertising, and as a result, the economic
position of artisans is rapidly declining and economically the craftsmen became dependent on
Malla clans.

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 CHAPTER FOUR

A HISTORY OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC INTERRELATION OF

DAWURO WITH NEIGHBORS PEOPLE

4.1 Trade
Large-scale commercialization plans are currently being supported in Ethiopia by beneficial
economic deregulation of the agriculture sector. The Dawuro people engage in trade as their second
primary economic activity. Bartering, or the local exchange of things, was the Dawuro people's
original form of commerce. Dawuro markets have typically been held once a week. As was
previously mentioned, trading took place both within and outside of Dawuro. Local marketplaces
served as the hub for domestic trade, which was primarily focused on the exchange of handcrafted
and agricultural goods.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Dawuro's main trade was external or long distance
trading. It took place in Dawuro's weekly markets. Oral informants mentioned Wushaye Balle (in
Essara Wereda), Tullma (in Lomma wereda), Tocha (in Tocha wereda), Mari (in Mareqa Wereda),
and others as some of them. With Dawuro under the influence of these market hubs, new trade
routes to the nearby kingdoms of Kaffa, Jimma, Konta, Ţämbaro, Wolaita, and Goffa developed.

In general, many items of trade were sourced from the southwestern part of the country. The main
commercial hubs of the nation in the area, Jiren, Bonga, and Gore, drew a large number of traders.
Dawuro was situated in this region; hence it generated a lot of valuable goods that it exported.
According to oral informants, Dawuro's main exports were ivory, cattle, coffee, skins and hides,
honey (esa), Bulukuwa, coriander, ginger, cotton, and other products. In exchange, Dawuro
received imports of numerous goods, including iron, beads, and amole (salt bar).

The Dawuro economy has always benefited greatly from the processing and trading of cotton.
Donkeys carried cotton from lower-lying areas, including the Omo River region, to higher ground.
The rural population of Dawuro spun it at home and elevated it to greater heights, contributing
significantly to the local economy.

Despite the difficult logistical challenges required, there are hints that southwest Ethiopia was
participating in the Aksumite trade as long as 1500 years ago. Slaves, ivory, cotton, and musk were
South West Ethiopia's most valuable trading goods. Slaves were mostly obtained through warfare.

59
Amole, which is uniform lumps of slat used as a medium of exchange, was accepted in exchange
for fabric, copper, or beads. For a very long time, cotton has been one of Ethiopia's more valued and
widely produced crops. Dawuro, thus, is a portion of Ethiopia that produces and trades cotton.
Cotton is also hand-spun and hand-woven in a long-standing and reputable "cottage" business. But
due to a lack of sufficient information, it has been impossible until recently to take Dawuro fully in
to account in study of the cultivated cotton of Ethiopia.

One of Ethiopia's most lucrative industries at the start of the nineteenth century was the slave trade.
The Southwest region as a whole, and Dawuro in particular, became Ethiopia's main supplier of
slaves. Many traders, primarily Muslim, started to show up in the Dawuro (especially in the Dissa
regions today) in pursuit of such valuable commodities as ivory, slaves, skins, and hides. However,
the Muslim traders did not establish themselves in Dawuro's highlands. Informants claim that the
extremely low costs of these commodities in Dawuro drew a large number of traders to the region.
The arrival of several traders gave the Dawuro kings the ability to use their mitsas to collect
customs, increasing their power.

They are thought to have collected taxes in exchange for goods like ivory, slaves, and soon. The
Dawuro rulers took part in the profitable slave trade when it emerged as the main industry in the
region. There, they conduct a massive trade in coffee, ivory, coriander, beeswax, and glassware,
salt, iron, textiles, and gold powder for slaves. It was asked for royal permission to enter the nation,
travel around it, and leave.

4.1.1. Medium of Exchange and Trade

The Dawuro people considered commodity exchange to be an essential part of their economic
system; yet, due to a lack of written records, the specifics of the local exchange of items among
Dawuro communities before to the modern era were unclear. Oral informants said that a crude
bartering system existed. At the local marketplaces, people from many villages traded goods in the
form of barters, agriculture products, cattle and their byproducts, handcrafted wooden goods, cotton
textiles, iron, and clay goods.

The Dawuro people used a variety of trading methods in their trade. For a long while, bartering was
the primary method of transaction. There are still some segments of society that adhere to it. The
Dawuro and other Omotic peoples exchanged goods and services using their own indigenous
currency. For a considerable amount of time, even after Amole known locally as Yamma and Maria
60
Theresa Thaler arrived in the region in the nineteenth century, some of the moneys in the area were
Malima, Shaluwa, and Marc'c'uwa. Dawuro is the owner of the first three. According to Dawuro
customs, malima was a hank of thread that had been blackened black by wood. The evidence for the
use of Malima was the verse Botii Karati Boynagi/ which literally means: the one who had neither
Botti (white) nor Karati (white) i.e. the poorest man/.

Pankhurst misrepresents some of the Ethiopian "primitive money" in his article. One is the
Shaluwa, Dawuro indigenous money. He talked about the concept of a "piece of cloth" serving as
money. Shaluwa, however, was spun cotton rather than fabric. Additionally, he categorized
Ethiopian primitive money into two categories: primarily utilized for agriculture or warfare, or
demanded for consumption (such as food) and embellishing textiles. He added that they were
difficult to implement from one location to another. Shaluwa, which is light, was employed to make
cloth, not for ornamentation, in contrast to his generalization, and all it needed was a basic means of
transportation.

Even when Amole was introduced to the region, it remained the primary form of payment in
Dawuro during that period. In Dawuro, Shaluwa dominated trade. It resulted from the lack of
Yamma in the region. Tradition states that 12–20 Shaluwa might be exchanged for an ox, while 15-
20 Shaluwa were exchanged for a slave. In particular, a goat might be exchanged for five Shaluwa.
The Dawuro rulers mostly planted cotton on their farms, thus they did not view their weaving as an
artistic endeavor. As previously mentioned, Tomoso Genne was the woman in charge of organizing
the spinning procedure at the Dawuro king's residence. Therefore, the monarchs spun as much
Shaluwa as they could to augment their wealth.

The other currency used on the borders of Dawuro, Konta and Wolayita was Marc’c’uwa.
According to Borille, in Pankhurst’s reference; Marc’c’uwa was circulated in the Omo valley
including Dawuro, Konta, Wolayita, Kambata, Goffa, Gamo and in other adjacent states. He also
explained it as “a bent piece of iron of 2.5cm length and 2cm wide and somewhat thicker at the
center than ends”. By referring to Borille, Pankhurst further stated that these iron bars were named
Marc’c’uwa, a corruption of local terms Marc’c’uwa. It is reported that Marc’c’uwa was producing
in Delli Dencha in Tocha districts where the people in the area produced iron in traditional ways.

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Like many Omotic peoples, markets activities seem to have been the daily affairs in Dawuro land.
Tulema, Mari, Tocha, and Wara have long been centers of both local and long distance marketing
and trade. It is known the some cyclical market pattern found throughout Dawuro land. Most
market places are located at open fields to have room for large number of people. Such market are
found at a cross road and the outskirts of small hamlets. According to the tradition of both Dawuro
people no single market place was serve more than three days of a week. The whole countryside has
been connected by the network of the markets. Apparently, small local markets were not
accommodating more than three hundred people. At such market, most of the buyer and sellers
were women. They have brought small amounts a grains, butter, Ensete dough, cheese, egg, pepper,
potatoes, cabbage, and bean etc.

Four to six important markets are located in the area. Tulema in Lomma wereda, Mari in Mareka
wereda, Bale in Essera wereda, and Tocha in Tocha wereda are just a few examples of the people
that are located in Dawuro. People participate in the market place and speak with each other without
the need for any other middlemen because Tulema in Lomma Weda only has market days on
Mondays and Thursdays, while Tocha only has one day every week, Saturday.

4.1.2 Slave Trade

There were two aspects to slavery and the slave trade in Dawuro. Slaves were traded in and out of
the Dawuro region. In Dawuro, there were many classifications for slaves and distinct terms used
by the various peoples. For example, Godebushawa slaves belonged to the royal lineage and were
treated with greater respect in society than Lugamiya slaves or Ginjaborijiya slaves.

Slaves were raised differently than other people in Dawuro. While his house was being demolished
over him, someone relished their servitude. This could be an attempt to prevent social indolence.
Due to their inability to pay their debt, someone else became a slave. Enslavement in Dawuro also
resulted from refusal to work with Madda-Ossuwa and build the Halala Kella. Under such
circumstances, the Danna sentenced him and his family to slavery.

Like other areas in Dawuro slaves were also produced by raiding and kidnapping as well as in war
like. Raiding, according to Pankhurst, were the most effective ways of producing slaves. Like other
areas, slave raiders enslaved the inhabitants of a certain place without any discrimination. The
situation across Omo River explicitly describes by Harris as;

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 “---very great annual slave hunt are undertaken from Dumbaro [ Ţämbaro], Caffa,
(Kooloo) [Dawuro] , Konta---wide tract--- have been encircled, the band of rovers,
converting impel the denizens to the center---and---that all who attempted to escape will
be ruthlessly hunted down and perhaps slain, tamely approach and suffered themselves
to blind folded”.
Slave raiders brought their victims to the major markets like Bonga (in Kaffa), Jiern (in Jimma) and
others. Particularly, slave raiding was an easy task in the area beyond Gojeb. It includes the states of
Dawuro, Konta, Kaffa, Koyisha, Mallo, Doko, Goffa, Gimira and even beyond. With the
cooperation of local slave raiders the task of slave raiding in Dawuro was the easiest task. It is
reported that the major Dawuro local slave raider was known by the name Darota Dazza, he was
one of Hatsa-rashasa (around Kutcha borders of Dawuro), who belong to Gollo-Malla clan.

Dazza raided many provinces in Dawuro, Konta, Mallo, and Goffa. It is believed that he had strong
contact with the Dawuro kings as he paid tribute in slaves. The kings also participated in the
profitable slave trade by raiding and abducting of many slaves. They established many slave
markets in Dawuro. Some of them were Dissa Gala Guduwa and Churchra Gala Guduwa where
they sold their slaves. They were also their war captives after their wars with their neighbors. It is
believed that the slave trade was one of the major sources of income for the Dawuro kings’.

The Dawuro rulers' participation in the slave trade allowed local lords to enter the market. Slave
raids that were well-planned soon occurred in Dawuro. Their constant warfare caused instability in
society and made it a target for slave raids. This move ultimately caused the power of the Dawuro
monarchs to run out in their later years. On the verge of Menelik's absorption, this inevitably made
the state weaker.

Merely 8,000 slaves perish at Bonga Market each year at the hands of despicable traffickers.
Among these ethnological islands, the Kaffa inhabit the most significant one; they speak a language
different from that of the Oromo and the Abyssians, which is related to the Dawuro dialect. At least
7,000 slaves were reportedly sent out of Kaffa annually, according to Father Des Avanchers, who
estimated that the slave trade in Kaffa was thriving during Cecchi's time. Primarily from the Gimira
and Konta tribes of “Shanqella” (Nigro), the majority of slaves traded at Kaffa marketplaces are
from these two tribes. Savage conflicts frequently resulted from slave raids. A lot of slaves were
kept by the Kaffa monarch and nobility according to custom and their masters may sell them, or
even exchanged for other goods.

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Hirmata drew about 30,000 people, according to Bieber's observation in 1905. Like previous
visitors, he was astounded by the diversity of Ethiopians gathered there, including Amhara from
Gojjam and Showa, Oromo from all the Gibe Kingdoms, and numerous representatives of lacuna
and Omotic groups, such as Dawuro, Konta, and several others from the Ometo cluster. With
connections to the Yejju and Raya Oromo to the north and caravans from Gurage, Enarya, Kaffa,
Guma, and other Southwestern Oromo settlements to the south, the market at Seqota in Lasta was
well connected.

The majority of labors unrelated to agriculture were detested by the Christian Ethiopians, in
addition to their hatred of trade. Additionally, craftsmanship was associated with taboos that
excluded people and was seen as socially degrading. Because of this, vital crafts like smithing,
tanning, weaving, ceramics, and hunting were restricted to marginalized and minority tribes, who
lived a solitary and impoverished existence on the outskirts of Ethiopian society. The Dawuro
people lived similarly to other Ethiopian peripheral regions under these circumstances. Some
groups in Dawuro, such as the smithers, are monopolized by other upper class farmers, and they
also work in the tanning, weaving, and pottery industries. This instance is a widespread issue in
south and southwest Ethiopia.

A number of other minor Sidama Kingdoms persisted in the Walaita region to the days of Menelik;
the most significant of these were Dawuro, Konta, Gofa, and Gamo. States thus have the same
linguistic groupings and cultural practices among their Omotic speakers. Through the exchange of
goods on a local and national level, this demonstrates the positive relationships that exist between
neighbors and their respective groups.

Table3. The price of Slave in Dawuro in 19th and early 20th Century

No Sex and age of slave Price of Slave in Dawuro

1 10-14 years old slave One goat or 15-20 shaluwa(cotton)

2 Adult Virgin female slave Four oxen or 90ETB

3 Married Female slaves Exchanged with two oxen

4 Healthy married male slave Exchanged with four-five oxen

5 Healthy unmarried male slave Exchanged with three oxen

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 6 Old male or female slave Less than children price.

But, the Italian occupational forces abolished slavery and slave trade from Dawuro. However,
according to informants after liberation slave trade was slightly held in Dawuro by some royal
clans.

4.1.3 Trade Relation between Dawuro and Jimma

A fundamental aspect of Ethiopia in the 19thc was the nature of long-distance trade, which linked
the country's east, west, north and south. The routes and long-distance trade provided a link
between various regions and their populations. The primary routes in the nation connected the
regions of Jimma, Kaffa, Konta, Dawuro, and Yam in order to transport important goods.
Furthermore, the town of Jimma began to control the local trade of the Gibe region, coffee
progressively became recognized as a key commercial product, and there were strong interregional
ties.

One important outcome was that Jimma became the hub of trade, drawing in a large number of
people from the surrounding areas, primarily from Yam, Dawuro, Kaffa, and Konta. Trade was
crucial to the Dawuro people's way of life even if agriculture constituted their primary economic
source. The Dawuro people king's economic heritage states that since commerce was a major source
of revenue, most of the time it was founded on goodwill and harmonious relations within their
borders. By shielding them from bandit attacks and reducing customs fees, the monarchs of Dawuro
and Jimma provided help to merchants.

Owing to transit issues, traders traveled across the Gibe and Gojeb rivers by swimming or in
traditional boats during their trade between Dawuro and Jimma. Hatarasha was therefore the
government agency in charge of protecting merchants from looters, particularly in the Gojeb and
Gibe rivers. The exchange of crafts, agricultural goods, and salt bars takes place in the large weekly
marketplaces of Dawuro between Dawuro and Jimma. The kingdoms of Kaffa, Jimma, Kambata-
Tambaro, Wolaita, Goffa, and Gofa were connected by new trade routes that gradually developed in
Dawuro. Dawuro is located in the center for these regions. The trade between Dawuro and Jimma
held through passing Gojeb River by Locally called Ogoruwa. A person who makes the merchants
to pass the river was known as haatsarasha. There was Dawuro proverb for haatsarasha:

65
 “D’uumennan D’iip’ii goo faranjiya baatitir kissiyana

Kuuntsenan P’iliis’i goo Debancho Abari Shaafana”

Translation… “Don’t worry for getting too late and River overflows,
because there are modern light and Mr. Abera Debancho who take care of us,
respectively”.

The coming of many traders helped the Dawuro kings to collect innumerable wealth which made
the kings more powerful. In return, many items like amole, iron, beads, and textile products were
imported to Dawuro by Muslim merchants mainly from Jiren market in Jimma. When the slave
became the major source of slave trade in Ethiopia, Jimma began to appear the center of big market
for supply in Southwestern Ethiopia by attracting many traders to the area. Like other areas, in
Dawuro slaves were produced by raiding, kidnapping and war captives took to the market of
Jimma.

With the cooperation of local slave raiders, the task of slave raiding in Dawuro was the easiest task.
It is believed that the slave trade was one of the sources of income for the Dawuro kings. The
participation of the Dawuro kings in the slave trade, paved the way for internal and external
challenges. As a result, the power of the Dawuro kings weakened in the subsequent years. Thus, to
conquer as a vassal territory and to control the rich sources of the area many neighboring states
attempted to attack Dawuro for many times. Although written sources lacked information about the
nature and course of the war most Dawuro elders remembered Dawuro’s war with the kingdom of
Jimma.

Both Dawuro and Jimma kingdom represent their people and land which were considered to be
independent and separate kingdoms. Relation between Dawuro and Jimma began to take an interest
in long-distance trade and in the continuing years grew steadily closer. The incorporation into
Ethiopian Empire represents two different pattern of submission: in Jimma Abba Jiffar, agreed to
pay annual tribute to Menelik and to aid his forces in return for Jimma’s continued internal
autonomy, while in Dawuro Menelik’s forces were faced resistance from Dawuro traditional army.
Therefore, diplomatic efforts to subdue Dawuro without fighting were conducted by Abba Jiffar to
do likewise in Jimma but the Kawo Kantsaa of Dawuro refuse.

66
Consequently, with the superiority of arms, the forces of Menelik commanded by Dejazmach and
later Ras W/Giorgis soon had the upper hand over Dawuro army. During the invasion the Dawuro
traditional values lost its identities and traditions of self-government. Besides, they were humiliated
and oppressed. Menelik’s invaders were in many ways seen as foreigners representing a different
culture, language and life style than the indigenous people. As a result, the pre-existing mode of
contacts between the people of Dawuro and Jimma was either destroyed or replaced by conquerors’
approaches of contacts. But there were some beliefs in established rules of social norms and values
that maintained the magnitude of inter-ethnic and cultural relationships between Dawuro and Jimma
people. Moreover, high numbers of local people from Dawuro migrated to Jimma in search of wage
labor. Some come only to earn money during coffee harvest. Others stayed and worked as manual
laborers formed permanent residence.

As a result, the two regions' near settlement, trade, agriculture, and marriage were the main things
that made it easier for them to interact. However, obstacles to their connection included a lack of
transportation, trade routes passing through impenetrable forests, and an absence of competent
administration. Similarly, the 1920s and 1930s witnessed a general increase in bandit activity in
both areas, primarily with the intention of robbing slave markets.

Both Dawuro and Jimma were incorporated into the Oromo-Sidama Administrative Region, which
was centered in Jimma, during the Italian colonial period in southwest Ethiopia, which lasted from
1936 to 1941. To gain widespread support from the local populace, Italians attempted to enact a
number of political, economic, religious, and social reforms in these areas. Another development
that promoted socio-political and economic interdependence was the establishment of the Jimma-
Chida-Waka road transport and the 1960 launch of Ethiopian Airlines. However, the old Imperial
Regime was ousted by the Revolution of 1974, which also brought new economic ideas brought
about by Derg military leaders.

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 Figure7, The map of Keffa kiflager

Source: Jimma Museum, photo by researcher.

4.1.4 Trade Relation between Dawuro and Konta

Dawuro and Konta are located in southwest Ethiopia, among what are known as enset growing
zones. Their boundaries are shared. Furthermore, have strong affinity for the Omotic language
groups. They share agro-ecological zones as well, where different crop varieties are planted and
animals are raised. Trade had a significant role in their early history in maintaining their strong
bonds and unity. Consequently, networks of trade routes linked several settlements and their
inhabitants.

During the 19th century, the area is believed to have been a major source for slave raids.
Furthermore, the political, economic, and sociocultural ties between Dawuro and Konta were
threatened by Menelik's southwestward advance. Furthermore, certain Dawuro clans, including
Agare, Goldia, and Manqalla, who claimed to have migrated from Dawuro country, lived in Konta
from the medieval to the contemporary era and claimed Dawuro as their ancestral homeland.
However, clans like Ara, Zaminia, Gudereta, Yora, and Zutuma continued to expand, reaching
Bake, Agare, Ameya, Churchura, Dalba, Koyisha, and Genji regions before completely assimilating
with the Dawuro-migrating clans.

4.1.5 Trade Relation between Dawuro and Kaffa

The early histories of the Dawuro and the Kaffa are similar. Their state was formed in the early era,
and trade and relationships with neighboring communities played a role in that development. Either
peace or strife resulted from the interaction. The ancient topography of Dawuro demonstrated their

68
superiority over the nearby Omotic speaking regions and went beyond the current boundaries and
demarcation on the Gojeb and Omo Rivers. Throughout their interactions, the chiefs of these clans
engaged in several conflicts to rule over vast swaths of territory, the native population, and their
resources.

Along with the advent of long-distance trade in the area, Dawuro and Kaffa had a long history of
introducing Islam. Both people relied on local and long-distance trade for their income, and they
utilized amole bars of rock salt from northern regions for internal trade as "primitive money" to
exchange goods and also for cooking. Both involved the slave trade and employed shaaluwa cotton-
based raw material used to prepare cloth as the means of exchange in small-scale commerce. It is
well known that Kaffa and Dawuro had a close relationship. A large number of people moved from
these places to Jimma once coffee plantations became the main cash crop in the area. Great number
of people migrated from both areas to Jimma in search of better life.

The peoples of Dawuro and Kaffa have a long history together, spanning from the early state
formation era until the overthrow of the Derg dictatorship in the 1990s. They have strong social,
cultural, political, and economic bonds. Moreover, their interethnic mixing allowed their connection
to endure the existing dominance and grow beyond their geographical boundaries. Their partnership
strengthened ties between Omotic, Oromo, and other states in the area.

4.1.6 Trade Relation between Dawuro and Gamo Goffa

Gamo-Goffa and Dawuro are separated by the Omo River to the south and southeast. Both have
unique geographic characteristics, which can be described by analogies with respect to political
boundaries, demographic distribution, ethnic variety, and topography. Additionally, both are the
original occupants of the area, particularly the hilly area to the west of the Rift valley.
Linguistically, they are members of the Omotic speaking family, which stands for the dialectally
closest subdivisions. The relationship between the Dawuro and Gamo Goffa people was expedited
by their shared language, culture, economy, and ethnicity.

The development of relations was primarily facilitated by the trade connections between Dawuro
and Gamo Goffa. Thus, their long-lost harmony and stability resulted from their interactions on the
social, economic, and religious levels. The kind of trade that permitted the use of slaves as
commodities led to ongoing disputes between Dawuro and Gamo Goffa, which had an impact on
the relationships amongst the populace. Additionally, trade is now seen as a conduit for political
69
power as a means of engagement and communication. There have been suggestions that throughout
the years between the Italian conquest in 1936 and the integration, the population were grouped into
distinct regional political units. They were arranged under the colonial administrative region of
Oromo-Sidama during the occupation era.

4.1.7 Trade Relation between Dawuro and Wolaita

In the South Ethiopia Peoples Regional State (SEPRS), Dawuro and Wolaita share common limits
along the eastern frontier along the River Omo. The people had a long history of rich cultural,
linguistic, ethnic, economic, religious, and social ties due to their shared geographical boundaries.
Due to their similar ecological classification, historical background, and way of settlement, both
groups were able to adapt to the region's abundance of plant and animal resources. Regarding the
two zones in question, it is thought that because of the territories' relative social security, natural
resource wealth, optimal climate, trade, religious contact, and political marriages amongst the royal
families, their populations were made up of both native-born people and immigrants.

Huge stone walls known as Halala Kella and Ijajo Kella, built by Dawuro and Wolaita respectively,
appear to have been indicative of their defensive tactics during their fights. They were allegedly the
primary players in both local and long-distance trade, and they also had significant economic ties.
Slaves, crafts, and agricultural products were all well-known to come from these places.

4.1.8 Trade Relation between Dawuro, Tambaro and Kambata

In the Central Ethiopia People Regional State (CEPRS), Kambata and Tambaro are situated north of
Dawuro along the Gibe and Omo rivers. While Kambata and Tambaro are situated on the side of
both the Gibe and Omo rivers, Dawuro is situated on the western side of both rivers. In terms of
ethnic classification, the Kambata and Tambaro people were categorized under Cushitic speaking
families, whilst the Dawuro people belonged to Omotic speaking groups. From Yemererra, in the
central Sidama highlands, the Kambata and Tambaro people arrived at their current location in the
nation southwest of Dawuro.

The people of Tambaro, Kambata, and Dawuro were closely related throughout the 19th century.
They exchanged goods made from agriculture and other spices that were gathered from the Dawuro
forests. Amole, sometimes known as a bar of salt, and slaves were additional trade goods. Shalluwa,
a cotton-based raw material used to make textile, was their means of exchange. Over the years, a

70
large number of Omotic and Cushitic clans have arrived in Kambata and Tambaro area via
commerce, marriage, and other means. Clans from Dawuro, including S'aata, Kawuka, Kalise, and
many more, went to Tambaro area and Kambata. However, several groups moved to Dawuro from
Kambata and Tambaro.

The growing of coffee and the trade of other goods allowed the people to interact and eventually
unite with some of the local tribes. Furthermore, slave raids in the area increased in severity
between 1907 and 1920 following the annexation. These people did, however, manage to retain
their long history and resolve disputes through their unique systems of mutual cooperation and
diverse forms of socio-cultural interaction.

The following suggestion explains trade route connected Dawuro with the neighboring states.

Figure8, Suggests, The trade route connected Dawuro with neighboring states

Kaffa

Konta Jimma

Dawuro Kambata
Malo

Wolaita
Gofa

4.2. The Role of Trade on Urban Dwellers

The Ministry of Urban Development initiated profound plan of the town in 1971. Even Waka town
showed development in the late in 1960s and early 1970s. However, Fitawrari Deneke Fanta
(1969-1974) governor of [Dawuro]-Konta awaraja, primarily launched plan to organize urban
dwellers around Waka to and Tocha established new district towns in Dawuro. The first-class
designation of the urban residents gave them municipality status. These residents were Ten
thousand of them are major players in the development of the economy, particularly in the
commercial districts and Waka business centers.

Urban residents occasionally modified trading activities in the town. The commercial activity in
Waka town and its surrounding districts contributed to the Dawuro people's economic progress by

71
facilitating trade in the areas' flat land marketplaces, hotels, cafés, restaurants, cafeterias, and retail
stores. Dawuro's urban residents conducted business with merchants from Wolaita, Gurage,
Amhara, Silti, Kambata, Hadiya, Oromo, Gamo-Gofa, and other Ethiopian ethnic groups.

Trade goods from rural Dawuro areas include Bulukuwa (blankets), Enset products, tobacco, cotton,
coffee, hides and skins, amole salt from Jimma, iron metals from Kaffa, traders with a range of
commodities, and the same for soaps and textiles. These days, the traders are purchasing and selling
various trade goods in Waka, Tocha, and eventually the district towns. However, Waka's
commercial dominance ended when the town became more urbanized and expanded, causing
traders to relocate and new hotels, cafeterias, restaurants, and cafés to be established in various
parts of Dawuro town districts. That improved the region's trade activity.

Table4. The Major Markets Days among Dawuro

No. Weekly Market Markets days existing town and Wärada (Districts)
days
Saturday Market Tocha town in Tocha district, Bale town in Essera
1
district, Abba Town in Tarcha Zuriya district, Disa
town in Disa district.

Sunday Market Wara town in Tarcha zuriya district, Mari town in

2
Mari-mansa district, Woldahane town in Gena district,
Abba-bonga town in Tarcha zuriya district.

Monday and Gessa town in Loma district, Gorika town in Tarcha

3
Tuesday Market zuriya and Boka town in Kechi district, Monday and
Tuesday respectively.

4 Thursday Tarcha town in capital of Dawuro, Kechi town in

Market kechi district.

The founding different trade association was dominant to the basis of urban dwellers housing.
Essentially whole economic services and living way of the urban dwellers was order in town and
their trade items, such as, agricultural products (cereal crops, root crops, fruit crops and cash crops,
etc.), livestock products (dairy-farming or milks products and meat, skins and hides, etc.), artisans
products (hoe and hand-hoe, pottery, woven clothes, tanner materials, etc.), bee products (honey)

72
and others products. Still agricultural products are put as the major products in area for urban
dwellers and rural households of Dawuro.

The trade activity in Waka and Tocha had started many years ago. The town received agricultural
products resembling other rural area. Business activity was a basis for economic growth of towns
under consideration. It was also one of main characteristic to be considered since the processes of
urban plan take place. In Waka town there was no industrial accessibility as such except a few
small-scale and handcraft industries, which were not complex and mainly dependent on locally and
in the neighborhood obtained raw materials for their production. Those were suitable for eating,
hotels, bakery, grain mill, woodwork, metalwork, hide, skin, and carpenter, to employment
opportunity of maker grain and woodwork played significant role for the economic development of
the people of Dawuro.

4.3. The Role of Women Trade Economic Importance among Dawuro

The participation of women was crucial in advancing trade that had economic relevance. In
addition, women working in the service sector, food processing, household chores, and
childrearing are found in metropolitan regions. They carried out a wide range of economic
operations in rural areas, including building huts, cultivating and harvesting crops, and
marketing. The economies of men and women are distinct, as Chiatti observes: "The man owns
the estates and animals." A few animals may be given to certain elite clan women as gifts from
their own families. All revenues made by a woman selling her goods at a market belong to her.

In Dawuro, women actively participate in small-scale business ventures. Small, daily local
markets that were typical in Dawuro, along with an abundance of weekly markets, continue to
encourage petty trading for both men and women. Women are the most active traders, with the
majority of them focused on selling food and traditional drinks that are created at home.
According to informants and written sources, women dominate the marketing scene in the
Dawuro local area.

Then, trade items were brought to local markets to be bought and sold. These included goods and
raw materials like corn, teff, sorghum, yam, wheat, barley, beans, pea nuts, sweet potatoes,
cotton, Shaluwa (a cotton product made from a kind of thread spanned by women), bulukuwa
(blanket), coffee, injeria, bread, banana fruits, spices, garlic, ginger, lemon, orange, milk and
milk products (butter and cheese), and drinking items or beverages like Birziya (a non-alcoholic
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mead), Parsuwa (Borde), harak'iiya (strong alcohol), geshuwa, tejji, tella, etc. That helped the
local homes flourish economically.

4.4 The Spread of Modernization in Dawuro

Before Emperor Menelik conquered the Dawuro region, modernization ideas and a sense of
progress developed among traditional handcraft production centers. On the other hand, the old
medieval rulers were obliged to rule the kingdom from their mobile courts due to a lack of a
broader sense of civilization and awareness. Dispute resolution in the kingdom was handled by
mobile courts. This hampered the region's modernization ideas from stagnating and the people's
capacity to recover economically and maintain stability.

In Dawuro, there were no established towns prior to Menelik's invasion. The monarchs' little
settlements were already very mobile, which made it possible for them to keep an eye on rivals
and frequently visit their subjects. Nonetheless, Menelik's strategy after capturing a territory in
the South was to place garrison towns sporadically around the province. These settlements
functioned as hubs from which outposts might be launched. In order to retain control over the
area, Ras Wolde Ghiorgis and his successors built garrison cities like Tocha and Waka to house
soldiers as well as local governors, judges, and tax collectors.

Since Menelik's efforts to encourage urbanization were driven by political and military
considerations, the growth of towns did not truly represent an attempt to create an urban system.
His efforts thereby left a legacy of a new kind of commercially focused urban system
superimposed on the existing framework, rather than aiming to construct communities that were
economically viable. Eventually, some of these cities will be nearly impossible to expand
because they were constructed for military purposes atop mountains.

Following the conquest and integration, Dawro saw significant economic changes in addition to
modifications to the land tenure system and the creation of garrison towns. These include the
growth of Christianity and Orthodox churches. As early as 1891, churches such as Tocha
Medihane Alem, Waka Iyessus, and Waka Gozzo Mariam were founded, and the surrounding
population was coerced into becoming Christians. Particularly in the recently developed
metropolitan areas, Amharic rose to prominence as the primary language. The old system was
progressively replaced by a new one that included police stations and courts.

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The administration became increasingly centralized during Haile Sellassie's leadership. In order
to do this, contemporary bureaucracy, a standing army, modern education, and a modern
transportation and communication infrastructure were implemented, none of which greatly
helped the Dawuro. In Dawuro, the establishment of the parliamentary system, the containment
of the lebashay system, the regulation of the slave trade, and most importantly, the building of
the Omo Bridge during Fitawrary Wodle Semayat's leadership, were the main achievements of
Haile Sellassie's administration.

The establishment of small towns in different areas of Dawuro served as the center of trade,
communication and administration. Thus, many peoples from far distant areas attracted and
joined the town life and begun their economic, social, ethnic and cultural interaction in new
ways. The location of Dawuro in the center of Omotic states and their common share along the
rivers Gojeb and Omo basins is other historical ties for their strong relationship and the
foundation for modern political integration.

Although few villages in the form of town and the district political center such as Waka and
Essara bale established towards the end of 19th century. There was no significant changes and
noted expansion of urban centers, until the end of 20thcentury in Dawuro in general. Because,
there was no responsible and effective administrative body and structure that provided for fast
improvements of urbanization. Therefore, less attention was given to the region. Furthermore, all
district governors from conquest to the downfall of Haile Selassie regime had northern Origin.

In spite of its internal and external critics, urbanization traditions lagged behind and hindered the
regional economic and political development. On the other hand, considerable number of people
movement from Dawuro to the neighboring areas. The impact of these factors are resulted the
underdevelopment, depopulation and less utilization of resources in the region. As result,
motivated by modernization ideas, many people had become aware of urbanization with the
expansion of trade considerable number of people moved out from their former localities joined
urban centers for their better lives where they achieved ethnic, economic and social interaction at
their destination among diverse ethnic and linguistic communities.

The condition gradually paved the way for ethnic and linguistic interrelation in the region.
Church education provided basic skills in reading and writing until the introduction of modern
education by Emperor Haile Sellasie, the first primary school in Waka town in 1937. In addition,

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with the permission from Emperor Haile Sellasie, 1940s few primary and Biblical schools
opened in different parts of Dawuro by Sudan Interior missions. The opening of few modern
schools provided the people with secular idea and missionary church education facilitated the
expansion of small towns at different Worada political administrative centers. Eventually, the
changes brought the sense of modernization and the spread of ideas of modernization in small
towns and strengthened population interaction in various ways among the people in the region.

4.5. The Expansion of Church Education among Dawuro

According to Dawuro zone, priest called Sebhat, through Kambata and Hadiya, introduced
unpublished document, on history, culture, and language symposium report, Christianity to the
region during medieval period. Sebhat (priest) had built St.Michael church in the village of Bale,
in the present day Essara district administrative head quarter for the arc of (covenat) st.Michael
tabot, he brought with him.

Although, the introduction of Christianity has long history in Dawuro, nothing is recorded
regarding religious expansion until the coming of Emperor Menelik’s troops to the areas towards
the end of 19th century. After the incorporation of the area to Menelik, Christianity reintroduced
and expanded. In addition, many Christian churches flourished in different parts of the region.
For instance, the first established Orthodox Christian church in Tocha, the St. Michael church
and the Medanalem Jesus church of Waka, in Eyesus village. The established churches begun
their religious teachings aimed at Christian norms. Besides, they thought the skill of reading and
writing for those who converted to Christianity in the village.

With the introduction of church education, many children from far distant areas come to join the
established church education. Then after, many people left for their birthplaces from deep rural
areas come with their children to take care of their children and permanently settled nearby
churches. The condition gradually paved the way for ethnic and linguistic interaction in the
region. Church education provided basic skills in reading and writing until the introduction of
modern education by Emperor Haile Selassie, the first primary school in Waka town in 1937. In
addition, with the permission from Emperor Haile Selassie, 1940s few primary and Biblical
schools opened in different parts of Dawuro by Sudan Interior missions.

The opening of few modern schools provided the people with secular idea and missionary church
education facilitated the expansion of small towns at different Worada political administrative
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centers. Eventually, the changes brought the sense of modernization and the spread of ideas of
modernization in small towns and strengthened population interaction in various ways among the
people in the region.

4.6. Growth and Development of Towns

Towns in Dawuro began to sprout and grow before Menelik was incorporated. Up to its demolition
in 1891 by the soldiers of Ras Wolde Giorgis, the Koyisha Kati Gad'uw was regarded as the first in
Dawuro, according to Dawuro folklore. The incorporation promoted the development of several
Dawuro garrison towns. Däjjazemach Wolde Giorgis established the Tocha town as the center in
May 1891. Afanigus Ketema relocated his center to Genna in 1912 after he left. The governor of the
region, Däjjazemach Yemane, established Waka as his capital two years later.

In 1952, Qagnazemach Abebe Gabre moved the [Dawuro]-Konta Awrajia's capital back to Waka
from Tocha. Both Dawuro people were living in Waka at the time. He built the St. George church in
the town center in 1953, and in 1960 Ato Haile Nawet tried to move Tarcha to become the new
capital. This idea remained on paper until recently, but he never carried it out. But the populace
strongly protested to it. Furthermore, until recently, Waka was the primary military town. The
town's topographical characteristics were one of the main causes of the reconfiguration of the
[Dawuro]-Konta Awarjja's core.

The buildings were built along the road facing each other, and the town's only thoroughfare
measured about 3.5 kilometers in length and fewer than 400 meters in breadth. A 40% to 50% steep
slope at the back of the dwellings has a long-term impact on the town's expansion. Waka had a
relatively tiny population 2848 people and minimal social service facilities in 1974, despite being
the capital of the [Dawuro]-Konta Awrajja for a considerable amount of time. The post-liberation
period also brought the emergence of towns in the [Dawuro]-Konta Awrjja. New towns flourished
in the wereda capitals. Some of them were Bale (in Wushaye), Lomma Bale (in Lomma), and
Woldahane (in Genna). In these towns, new government workers and private businesspersons
contributed a lot for the development of the towns in the area.

4.7. Service Economy in Dawuro

I. Hotels

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Ethiopia is one of tour center in Africa. It has been a unique tangible and intangible historical
heritage, rich plants, animals, and birds, land scopes, magnificent architectures, wonderful
secrecy, significant archaeological sites and sociable communities. Besides the hotel, industry
plays dominant role and provides different services to tourists together with accommodation,
restaurants, cafes, and cafeterias. The beginning of the twentieth century saw establishment of
the modern institution in Ethiopia. The Etegue Taitu hotel was first opened hotel in Ethiopia, in
1905. Hotels are playing dominant role economic development of the country by attracting
tourists (foreign and domestic) and to obtain hard cash-income from tourists.

According to informants, in Dawuro, Genni Tsehaynesh first constructed mini-hotels or business

house in Waka, the capital of “Kulo” Konta awuraja in late 1960s. After Tsehaynesh has been
built mini-hotel houses, Ato Abate, Genni Zaritu, Ato Dedu, Genni Abonesh and other mini-
hotels was built in Dawuro different districts like Waka, Tocha, Essera, Gena, and Loma districts
in 1970s and early 1980s. Consequently, the business of these hotels more supported commercial
activity and sparked hotel industry in Waka, Tocha and Essera towns. Informants stated that in
Waka, Essara and Tocha town has many hotels that gave services to local societies.

II Transportation

Transport is one of the complex services which contributes greater share to the country’s
economic development everybody travels whether it be work, play, and shop or do business. All
raw materials must be conveyed from the land to a place of manufacture or usage, and all goods
must be moved from the factory to the market place and from the staff to the consumer.
Transport is the means by which these activities occur; it is the cement that binds together
communities and their activities. Meeting these needs has been and continues to be the Transport
task.

However, for a long period of time Dawuro people used to traditional methods of transportation
in order to connect with their neighbors people. Due to the problems of transportation, the
trading activities between Dawuro and neighbors people were conducted by swimming and using
traditional boats to cross the Gibe, Omo and Gojeb rivers. As a result, in Dawuro transportation
is recent phenomena. During 1980s, the highway project planned to develop to way. Even the
built of bridges on Omo River and Gojeb River that is supporting economic development
particular trade activity in the area. But now Dawuro is one of the transportation centers in

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Southwestern Ethiopia that was promoting of economic progress of the area as well as the
country.

III Communication

Primarily telecommunication service was introduced by Menelik II in 1894. During 1894, the
wide open wire line system was laid out and linking the capital with all the important
administrative cities of the country. In 1941 Ethiopia also re-organized the Telephone, Telegraph
and Postal services by USA government. Taye noticed that telecommunication plays a basic role
in total growths of all sectors related to social, political and economic interaction. Hence, it
provides good service to economic sectors.

Informants stated that, beginning of telecommunication in Dawuro was traced back to Italian
occupation period (136-1941) and locally it was known as konkakiya. However, the service was
allowed to only for governors and excluding local communities. Soon after 1941, the
telecommunication service was suspended until early 1990s. The absence of electricity service in
Dawuro until 2004 may hinder the spread of telecommunication service in the area. Both
electricity and banking service was introduced Dawuro in 2004 and 2005 respectively. Even
though, the telecommunication service was resumed in 1990s at government office level at
Waka, Tarcha, Kechi, and Essera.

IV Tourism

Tourism was one of the economic sectors and promotes of the country income. Regarding to
Dawuro, despite of its inadequate infrastructure, it has been abundant natural and man-made
tourist sites. The Dawuro Zone is gifted with numerous natural tourist destinations such as,
rivers, springs, waterfalls, Chebera-churchura national park, Malo cave, forests and mountains in
different parts of the region. In addition, there is impressive man made tourist destinations such
as, Great defensive walls of Dawuro (Halala kela), Angalat Gabi indaa, Koyisha kati gad’uwa,
and tombs of different kings.

In addition, there are different intangible annual festivals such as, Toki bea (new year
celebration), S’iink’aata (epiphany), Baalatiya (meskel) and The newly built Halala Kela Luxury
Resort is located at Gilgel Gibe III Dam in Loma district of Dawuro zone are impressive tourist
destination sites in the region.

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