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Preface to the Second Edition
7
revisions, identical to the material in the last three chapters of the
first edition.
Most of the figures in the book have been redrawn and more
descriptive captions have been added to the figures.
The exercise material has been reorganized from a collection
of problem sets at the end of the book to a section at the end of
each chapter with exercises and further results. Several new
exercises have been added.
In the layout of the book, the text has been marked with
various symbols to clarify the structure. The completion of a Proof
has been marked with a , the end of an Example with a , and
the end of a Remark with a .
I am grateful to my colleagues Jens Gravesen, Steen
Markvorsen, Michael Pedersen, Morten Brøns, Andreas Aabrandt
and Kristoffer Jon Albers for constructive remarks, technical
assistance and helpful comments over the years.
In a recent class based on material from the first edition of the
book and conducted by Hjorth, a number of students have
supplied valuable comments and minor corrections to the text. In
particular Hjorth and I would like to thank Tobias Boklund, Lukas
Kluge, Lasse Mohr Mikkelsen, Asger Limkilde and Aksel Kaastrup
Rasmussen.
8
9
Preface to the First Edition
10
Mathematics, Technical University of Denmark. The English
translation of the first three chapters has been prepared with the
very efficient help of Dan Erik Krarup Sørensen. The figures were
drawn by Beth Beyerholm.
I am grateful to several people for valuable comments on the
material in the book. In particular, I am indebted to the students
who tested the material in practice. Among them, Jonas Bjerg,
Peter Gross, Lars Gæde, Christian Henriksen, Jan Kristensen,
Jens Christian Larsen, Anders Høst-Madsen, Thomas Randrup,
Henrik Obbekær Rasmussen, Peter Røgen and Dan Erik Krarup
Sørensen deserve particular mentioning for detailed comments.
Jennifer Brockbank suggested many improvements in the
translation of the first chapters.
My late colleague Niels Vigand Pedersen was a most valued
discussion partner at the early stages of the Danish book.
It is a particular joy to thank my good colleague Poul Hjorth
who has lectured on the material in the book and has contributed
many valuable remarks. As a special favour, he has read most of
the text and has suggested several improvements in the
language. In this connection, I am also very grateful to Robert
Sinclair.
11
12
Preliminary Notions
Logical symbols
∀ for all
∃ there exists
: such that
⇒ implies
⇔ if and only if
∧ and
∨ or
⊆ subset
⊇ proper subset
∈ belongs to
∉ does not belong to
Sets of numbers
13
Notions from set theory
14
If ~ is an equivalence relation in S, then S can be partitioned
into a corresponding system of disjoint subsets, so-called
equivalence classes Sα, indexed by α ∈ I, and defined by
15
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16
Contents
17
2.6 Points in relation to a subset
2.7 Closed sets
2.8 The closure of a set
2.9 Limit points. Hausdorff spaces
Exercises and Further Results
18
Chapter 6: Higher Order Derivatives
6.1 Multilinear mappings
6.2 Banach spaces of multilinear mappings
6.3 Higher order derivatives
6.4 Higher order derivatives in finite dimensions
6.5 Higher order derivatives of multilinear mappings
6.6 Symmetry of higher order derivatives
6.7 Taylor’s formula
6.8 The Inverse Function Theorem
Exercises and Further Results
19
9.4 The general isoperimetric problem
9.5 Elements of the history of calculus of variations
9.6 Minima for rubber bands on rigid cylinders
9.6.1 The problem
9.6.2 Energy and degree of a circle map
9.6.3 Estimate of the energy of maps
9.6.4 Manifolds of maps
9.6.5 Final comments
Exercises and Further Results
Bibliography
List of Symbols
Index
20
21
Chapter 1
22
whole numbers, and hence turned to develop a geometric theory
of proportions. With this theory they could measure irrational
quantities such as the area of a circle by approximating it with
regular polygons - the beginnings to limiting processes. But there
was still a long way to go to develop an abstract number system in
which such limiting processes could be formalized.
It took humankind more than 2,000 years after the Greek
contributions before the real number system as we know it today
was finally developed shortly before 1900. We begin this chapter
by sketching a geometric approach to the real number system.
23
called the natural numbers , have been employed by humans in
an intuitive and non-conceptual manner, even in the oldest
cultures; some cultures did not go beyond 2, though. Much later,
the negative integers were introduced by Hindu mathematicians to
represent ‘deficits’; the first use of negative numbers is often
ascribed to Brahmagupta about 628, but it goes back to about 400
AD. It was also around that time the Hindus began to use the
number ‘zero’ as a usual number; earlier the Egyptians and the
Greeks (sources from about 300 BC) had used ‘zero’ only as a
‘place-holder’ to indicate the absence of a number.
If we subdivide each of the intervals of equal length on the
oriented axis marked by the integers, in q subintervals of equal
length, we get a set of division points along which we can mark all
fractions with a denominator q and an arbitrary integer p as
numerator, the numbers p/q. By letting q run through all the
natural numbers we can thereby mark all fractions, representing
the so-called rational numbers , along the oriented axis.
Fig. 1.1 On the real number axis, the number can clearly be located by a
simple geometrical construction. The number is, however, not a rational
number.
24
Other documents randomly have
different content
injury upon them; or should cause them any vexation or annoyance;
or should oppose them as members of an opposite political faction;
he shall be at once delivered up as a slave to those against whom he
committed these offences. And, indeed, it is impious that when a
condition of slavery has been abolished, the dignity of freedom
should be degraded; and that, while the slave is exalted, the master
is abased, and the children of the latter suffer injury, because the
slave has power to inflict it.
FLAVIUS RECESVINTUS, KING.
XVIII. Freedmen who have Entered any Religious Order,
shall not be Returned to the Service of their Masters.
Any freedman who has been honored by presentation to the
Church by his master, or whom the condition of his emancipation, or
his membership in a religious order, has devoted to the service of
the Church, can under no circumstances whatever, be returned to
the control of his former master, or of his heirs. For whatever is
known to belong to God can never be again subjected to the
dominion of man.
THE GLORIOUS FLAVIUS EGICA, KING.
XIX. In what manner Royal Freedmen and their
Descendants shall Defend the King, while Serving in the
Army; and with whom Those in the Public Service shall
March.
We attempt to rule the country subject to our crown by the
adoption of just laws, when, for the public good, we provide
defenders who may protect it against enemies. And while there is no
lack of defenders of the throne, it is not improper that the numbers
of the same should, for the purpose of repelling foreign foes, be
increased by the addition of such slaves as have received their
freedom through the royal favor. Wherefore, because it is necessary
that such persons should afford their assistance to those to whom
they are indebted for their liberty, we especially decree by this law,
that all such freedmen and their descendants shall, in time of war,
be included among the guards of the king; and the latter shall assign
them their places in the ranks, and prescribe the duties they shall
perform. And if any freedman should, in time of war, remain at
home; and should not, in obedience to the royal order, join the army
with the rest; he shall be delivered up as a slave to the person from
whom he received his liberty. Those only shall be exempt from this
penalty, who, by order of the king, or the governor, have been
charged with the performance of some other duty; or who were
prevented from joining the army by sickness, or by some other
unavoidable necessity.
FLAVIUS EGICA, KING.
XX. Concerning Freedmen who are Guilty of
Transgressions.
We have often heard of freedmen who, after the restraints of
servitude have been removed, desert those who set them free, and
assert that they are the equals of their masters, or of their
descendants. Wherefore, we now, with all due deliberation, publish
the following decree, to wit: that if any person, of either sex, who
has been set free, or any of their children, should be guilty of any
subtlety or deceit, or fraudulent conduct towards their former
masters, or towards their children, grandchildren, or any
descendants of the latter, or should show them any disrespect, at
any time, they shall be immediately returned to slavery. And the
children of persons guilty as aforesaid, shall be delivered up to
perpetual servitude, according to the provisions of a former law.
BOOK VI.
CONCERNING CRIMES AND TORTURES.
TITLE I. CONCERNING THE ACCUSERS OF CRIMINALS.
ANCIENT LAW.
I. A Slave, Accused of a Crime, may be Demanded of his
Master by the Officials of the District.
Where a slave is charged with a crime, the judge shall first notify
the master, superintendent, or agent, who has control of the
accused, and order him to produce the slave in court; and should he
refuse to do so, the governor of the city, or the judge may compel
him to produce said slave. If the master, or he who has charge of his
affairs, cannot be found, the slave shall be arrested and tried by the
judge.
THE GLORIOUS FLAVIUS CHINTASVINTUS, KING.
II. For what Offences, and in what Manner, Freeborn
Persons shall be put to the Torture.
If moderation is displayed in the treatment of crimes, the
wickedness of criminals can never be restrained. Therefore, if
anyone should, in behalf of the king or the people, bring an
accusation of homicide or adultery against a person equal to him in
rank, or in palatine dignity, he who thus seeks the blood of another
shall first have an opportunity to prove what he alleges. And if he
cannot prove it in the presence of the king, or those appointed by
the royal authority, an accusation shall be drawn up in writing, and
signed by three witnesses; and the accused person may then be put
to the question.
If the latter, after undergoing the torture, should prove to be
innocent, the accuser shall at once be delivered up to him as a slave,
to be disposed of at his will, except that he shall not be deprived of
life. But if he should be willing to make a compromise with his
accuser, he may accept from the latter as large a sum as may
compensate him for the sufferings he has endured. The judge shall
take the precaution to compel the accuser to specifically describe the
alleged offence, in writing; and after he has done so, and presented
it privately to the judge, the torture shall proceed; and if the
confession of him who is subjected to the torture should correspond
with the terms of the accusation, his guilt shall be considered to be
established. But if the accusation should allege one thing, and the
confession of the person tortured the opposite, the accuser must
undergo the penalty hereinbefore provided; because persons often
accuse themselves of crime while being tortured. But if the accuser,
before he has secretly given the written accusation to the judge as
aforesaid, should, either in his own proper person, or by anyone
else, inform the party of what he is accused, then it shall not be
lawful for the judge to subject the latter to torture, because the
alleged offence has become publicly known. This rule shall also
apply to all other freeborn persons. But if the accusation should not
be that of a capital crime, but merely of theft, or of some minor
breach of the law, nobles, or persons of superior rank, such as the
officials of our palace, shall, upon such an accusation, under no
circumstances, be put to the question; and if proof of the alleged
offence is wanting, he who is accused must declare his innocence
under oath.
All persons of inferior rank, and freeborn persons, when accused
of theft, homicide, or any other crime, shall not be tortured upon
such an accusation, unless the property involved is worth more than
fifty solidi. But if the property is of less value than fifty solidi, and the
accused is convicted upon legal testimony, he shall be compelled to
make restitution, as prescribed by other laws; or if he should not be
convicted, after purging himself by oath he shall receive the
satisfaction granted by the law for those who have suffered from an
improper demand for torture.
We hereby especially provide that a lowborn person shall not
presume to accuse a noble or one of higher rank than himself; but if
such a person should accuse another of crime, and proof of the
same should be wanting, the person accused shall at once purge
himself of all guilt by oath, and swear that he never took, nor has in
his possession, the property on account of which he was prosecuted;
and oath having been made, as aforesaid, he who brought the false
accusation shall undergo the penalty for the same, as prescribed by
a former law. But whether the person subjected to the torture is a
noble, one of inferior rank, or a freeman, he must be tortured in the
presence of the judge, or of certain respectable men appointed by
him; and in such a way as not to lose his life, or the use of any of
his limbs; and because the torture must be applied for the space of
three days, if, as the result of accident, or through the malice of the
judge, or the treachery of anyone else, he who is subjected to it
should die; or if the judge, having been corrupted by the bribes of
the adversary of the accused, should not prohibit the infliction of
such torments as are liable to produce death; the judge himself shall
be delivered up to the nearest relatives of the accused person, that,
on account of his injustice, he may undergo at their hands the same
sufferings which he unlawfully inflicted upon the accused.
If, however, he should declare himself under oath to be innocent,
and witnesses who were present should swear that death did not
result from any malice, treachery, or corruption of which he was
guilty, but only as a result of the torture itself; for the reason that
the said judge did not use his discretion to prevent excessive cruelty,
he shall be compelled to pay fifty solidi to the heirs of the deceased;
and if he should not have sufficient property to pay said sum, he
shall be delivered up as a slave to the nearest heirs of the former.
The accuser shall be surrendered to the nearest relatives of the
deceased, and shall suffer the penalty of death, which he suffered
who perished through his accusation.[32]
ANCIENT LAW.
ANCIENT LAW.
I. Concerning Those who Administer Drugs for the
Production of Abortion.
If anyone should administer a potion to a pregnant woman to
produce abortion, and the child should die in consequence, the
woman who took such a potion, if she is a slave, shall receive two
hundred lashes, and if she is freeborn, she shall lose her rank, and
shall be given as a slave to whomever we may select.
ANCIENT LAW.
II. Where a Freeborn Man Causes a Freeborn Woman to
Abort.
If anyone should cause a freeborn woman to abort by a blow, or
by any other means, and she should die from the injury, he shall be
punished for homicide. But if only an abortion should be produced in
consequence, and the woman should be in no wise injured; where a
freeman is known to have committed this act upon a freewoman,
and the child should be fully formed, he shall pay two hundred
solidi; otherwise, he shall pay a hundred solidi, by way of
satisfaction.
ANCIENT LAW.
III. Where a Freeborn Woman Causes another Freeborn
Woman to Abort.
Where a freeborn woman, either by violence or by any other
means, causes another freeborn woman to abort, whether, or not,
she should be seriously injured as a result of said act, she shall
undergo the same penalty provided in the cases of freeborn men.
ANCIENT LAW.
IV. Where a Freeborn Man Produces Abortion upon a
Slave.
Where a freeborn man produces abortion upon a female slave,
he shall be compelled to pay twenty solidi to the master of the slave.
ANCIENT LAW.
V. Where a Slave Produces Abortion upon a Freeborn
Woman.
Where a slave produces abortion upon a freeborn woman, he
shall receive two hundred lashes in public, and shall be delivered up
as a slave to said woman.
ANCIENT LAW.
VI. Where a Slave Produces Abortion upon a Female
Slave.
Where a male slave produces abortion upon a female slave, he
shall be compelled to pay ten solidi to her master, and, in addition,
shall receive two hundred lashes.
FLAVIUS CHINTASVINTUS, KING.
VII. Concerning Those who Kill their Children before, or
after, they are Born.
No depravity is greater than that which characterizes those who,
unmindful of their parental duties, wilfully deprive their children of
life; and, as this crime is said to be increasing throughout the
provinces of our kingdom and as men as well as women are said to
be guilty of it; therefore, by way of correcting such license, we
hereby decree that if either a freewoman or a slave should kill her
child before, or after its birth; or should take any potion for the
purpose of producing abortion; or should use any other means of
putting an end to the life of her child; the judge of the province or
district, as soon as he is advised of the fact, shall at once condemn
the author of the crime to execution in public; or, should he desire to
spare her life, he shall at once cause her eyesight to be completely
destroyed; and if it should be proved that her husband either
ordered, or permitted the commission of this crime, he shall suffer
the same penalty.[35]
TITLE IV. CONCERNING INJURIES, WOUNDS, AND MUTILATIONS
INFLICTED UPON MEN.
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