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Language History, Language Change,
and Language Relationship
≥
Trends in Linguistics
Studies and Monographs 218
Editors
Walter Bisang
Hans Henrich Hock
Werner Winter
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Language History,
Language Change,
and Language Relationship
An Introduction to
Historical and Comparative Linguistics
by
Hans Henrich Hock
Brian D. Joseph
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.
앪
앝 Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines
of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.
ISBN 978-3-11-021842-8
ISSN 1861-4302
” Copyright 2009 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin.
All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this
book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechan-
ical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, with-
out permission in writing from the publisher.
Cover design: Christopher Schneider, Laufen.
Typesetting: Dörlemann GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde.
Printed in Germany.
v
Why does language change? Why can we speak to and understand our grand-
parents but have trouble reading Shakespeare? Why is Chaucer’s English of
the fourteenth century so different from Modern English of the late twentieth
century that the two are essentially different languages? Why are the Ameri-
cans and the English “one people divided by a common language”? And how
can the language of Chaucer and Modern English – or Modern British and
American English – still be called the “same language”?
The present book provides answers to questions like these in a straightfor-
ward way, aimed at the non-specialist, with ample illustrations from both fam-
iliar and more exotic languages. Specific topics covered include:
In writing this book, we, the authors, have been fortunate to receive sup-
port and encouragement from many different sources. Dr. Marie-Louise
Liebe-Harkort, then Editor-in-Chief of Mouton de Gruyter, set things in mo-
tion by requesting that Hans Henrich Hock produce an elementary introduc-
tion to historical and comparative linguistics at a less advanced level than his
Principles of Historical Linguistics (1986/1991). After Hock had produced a
working draft of some eighty-five percent of the present book, Brian D. Jo-
seph was invited to join the project, to provide a fully American perspective,
to help with the remaining parts of the book, and to offer comments and ad-
ditions to earlier parts. Since taking over as Editor-in-Chief of Mouton de
Gruyter in 1994 Dr. Anke Beck has provided continued and enthusiastic sup-
port for the project. A referee for Mouton de Gruyter provided a first profes-
sional reaction with many helpful hints for improvement. Dr. Werner Winter,
editor of “Trends in Linguistics” has given encouragement and helpful sugges-
tions on a near-final version of the book. We are very grateful to Mouton de
Gruyter for having placed our work in the hands of all such highly capable
and helpful colleagues.
We are also grateful for feedback from a class at The Ohio State University,
a group of students from many different institutions who attended the 1993
Linguistic Institute at The Ohio State University, and from several generations
of students at the University of Illinois who put up with earlier drafts, some of
which were highly preliminary indeed. Robert L. Good, a student at the Uni-
Preface to the First Edition ix
Contents
Introductory 1
1 Introduction 3
1. Language keeps changing 3
2. Types of linguistic change 8
3. Language relationship 14
4. A word of caution, or “Long live the speaker” 17
5. A note on transcription and terminology 19
Appendix to Chapter 1:
Phonetics, phonetic symbols, and other symbols 21
References 535
Chapter 1
Introduction
These are the words that Arlo Guthrie used at the end of his song “Coming
into Los Angeles”, bantering with the masses of young people who were
gathered at Woodstock in August 1969 for the most famous rock festival
of the time. What he said is recognizably English, but it is the language of the
4 Introduction
“youth” and “hip” culture of the late 1960s and early 1970s. It is clearly not
the English used today in America at similar gatherings, where words like rap-
pin’ have very different connotations. Within the time span of four decades,
English in America has changed significantly in certain respects.
Of course, these changes have taken place in an area of usage notorious for
its fickleness, an area often loosely referred to as slang. The very nature of
slang requires constant change, for nothing is worse than out-of-date slang.
Where Arlo Guthrie’s far out was completely in tune with the slang of his
time, today he might say awesome or cool. And as this book goes to press, awe-
some and cool may become dated, replaced by other, more “awesome” words.
Language change, however, is not limited to slang. It affects all areas of lan-
guage use, even the staid scholarly world, as the following example illustrates.
At a recent meeting of the American Oriental Society the proposal was
made to rename the organization: It was argued that although the Society is
dedicated to the languages, literatures, and cultures of all of Asia, from Israel
and Palestine to China and Japan, its name suggests an interest only in the Far
East. The proposal was greeted with disbelief, even outrage, and was quickly
voted down.
This minor incident, in a scholarly society most people have not even
heard of, puts into stark relief the fact that language keeps changing inexorably
and that even scholars dedicated to the study of language, literature, and cul-
ture can be caught unawares by change.
Evidently, unbeknownst to both sides, the meaning of the word oriental has
changed for many speakers of modern American English. When the Society
was founded in the nineteenth century, the word was used to refer to the area
just east of Europe in which the sun rises – the ancient Near East of Israel,
Babylonia, and adjacent areas. And scholars grounded in Latin knew that the
word oriental is derived from Latin oriens ‘rising (sun)’. (In this regard note
that the name of the German counterpart of the Society uses the term mor-
genländisch ‘connected with the “morning land”, the east’.) It was only by ex-
tension that the word was used to refer to areas even farther east, eventually to
all of Asia.
Since the founding of the Society, several things happened. To become a
competent scholar of oriental studies it is no longer necessary to know Latin
and thus to be able to know the “literal” meaning of oriental. As a conse-
quence, the term oriental cannot be interpreted literally anymore: from the
perspective of America, the sun rises in the Atlantic Ocean or, possibly, in Eu-
rope, not the Near East. A perhaps even more important element is this: Even
though we can look up the established meaning of words in a dictionary,
we learn most meanings from the way words are used around us, without any
Language keeps changing 5
use of hopefully in expressions like Hopefully, it will rain and advise the use of
something like I hope it will rain instead. Their British colleagues generally are
amused by this bit of linguistic conservatism and find the use of hopefully quite
compact and handy. The targets of disapproval may also change over time.
Up to about the 1960s the use of data as a singular mass noun, rather than a
(historically correct) plural form of datum, was subject to continued criticism;
but nobody objected to the singular use of agenda, originally plural of agen-
dum ‘to be dealt with’. Today, as the singular use of data has been accepted by
most educated speakers of English, its singular use generally is no longer an
issue. Instead, the debate centers around words like media and criteria, histori-
cally plurals of medium and criterion, respectively, which are undergoing simi-
lar changes from plural to singular use.
Most judgmental statements of this sort come from non-linguists. But
linguists have not always been free of such prejudices, either. Up to about the
1870s, most historical linguists subscribed to the idea that language change is
tantamount to decay. Their initiation to linguistics included a thorough study
of the classical European languages, Latin and Greek, and they had been per-
suaded that these glorious tongues of classical antiquity were the most perfect
on earth, and that the modern languages were but poor shadows of them. This
view was consonant with traditional Christian and pre-Christian beliefs ac-
cording to which an original, perfect, and idyllic garden of Eden or “Golden
Age” gave way to an ever worsening fall from grace, to ever-increasing decay
and depravity.
Anyone who has studied Greek and Latin knows that the word structure (or
“morphology”) of these languages is “richer” than that of most modern Euro-
pean languages. Thus, Latin nouns had six different “cases”, forms of nouns
whose choice depended on the syntactic context. There was a nominative for
the subject of the sentence (caesar ‘Caesar’), a genitive to indicate possession
(caesaris ‘of Caesar’), a dative which among other things indicated the recipient
of a gift (caesari ‘to, for Caesar’), an accusative for the object of the sentence
(caesarem ‘Caesar’), an ablative to indicate the source of an action, including the
agent of the passive (caesare ‘from, by Caesar’), and a vocative for addressing a
person or, more rarely, a thing (caesar ‘O Caesar’). In contrast, Modern French
nouns have one invariant form (César). The situation is similar in English and
many other modern languages. This reduction in morphological richness was
considered simply another manifestation of general human sloth and depravity.
Other linguists have claimed that the morphological reduction really is an
improvement: Not having to memorize four, five, six, or even more cases for
each noun simplifies the language and thereby makes it more efficient and ea-
sier to learn.
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