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Modeling and
Analysis of
Stochastic
Systems
Second Edition
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Texts in Statistical Science

Modeling and
Analysis of
Stochastic
Systems
Second Edition

Vidyadhar G. Kulkarni
Department of Statistics and Operations Research
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
U.S.A.
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
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 To

my wife

Radhika
 Jack and Harry were lost over a vast farmland while on their balloon ride.
When they spotted a bicyclist on trail going through the farmland below, they
lowered their balloon and yelled, “Good day, sir! Could you tell us where we
are?”
The bicyclist looked up and said, “Sure! You are in a balloon!”
Jack turned to Harry and said, “This guy must be a mathematician!”
“What makes you think so?” asked Harry.
“Well, his answer is correct, but totally useless!”
The author sincerely hopes that a student mastering this book will be able to
use stochastic models to obtain correct as well as useful answers.
 Contents

Preface xix

1 Introduction 1

1.1 What in the World is a Stochastic Process? 1

1.2 How to Characterize a Stochastic Process 4
1.3 What Do We Do with a Stochastic Process? 6
1.3.1 Characterization 7
1.3.2 Transient Behavior 7
1.3.3 Limiting Distribution 7
1.3.4 First Passage Times 8
1.3.5 Costs and Rewards 8

2 Discrete-Time Markov Chains: Transient Behavior 9

2.1 Definition and Characterization 9

2.2 Examples 13
2.3 DTMCs in Other Fields 22
2.3.1 Genomics 22
2.3.2 Genetics 23
2.3.3 Genealogy 25
2.3.4 Finance 27
2.3.5 Manpower Planning 28
2.3.6 Telecommunications 30
2.4 Marginal Distributions 31
2.5 Occupancy Times 36

xi
xii CONTENTS

2.6 Computation of Matrix Powers 38

2.6.1 Method of Diagonalization 38
2.6.2 Method of Generating Functions 41
2.7 Modeling Exercises 42
2.8 Computational Exercises 49
2.9 Conceptual Exercises 53

3 Discrete-Time Markov Chains: First Passage Times 55

3.1 Definitions 55
3.2 Cumulative Distribution Function of T 56
3.3 Absorption Probabilities 60
3.4 Expectation of T 69
3.5 Generating Function and Higher Moments of T 74
3.6 Computational Exercises 76
3.7 Conceptual Exercises 81

4 Discrete-Time Markov Chains: Limiting Behavior 85

4.1 Exploring the Limiting Behavior by Examples 85

4.2 Irreducibility and Periodicity 89
4.3 Recurrence and Transience 93
4.4 Determining Recurrence and Transience: Infinite DTMCs 99
4.4.1 Foster’s Criterion 103
4.5 Limiting Behavior of Irreducible DTMCs 105
4.5.1 The Transient Case 105
4.5.2 The Discrete Renewal Theorem 106
4.5.3 The Recurrent Case 109
4.5.4 The Null Recurrent Case 110
4.5.5 The Positive Recurrent Aperiodic Case 111
4.5.6 The Positive Recurrent Periodic Case 113
4.5.7 Necessary and Sufficient Condition for Positive Recurrence 115
CONTENTS xiii

4.5.8 Examples 116

4.6 Examples: Limiting Behavior of Infinite State-Space Irreducible
DTMCs 118
4.7 Limiting Behavior of Reducible DTMCs 122
4.8 DTMCs with Costs and Rewards 126
4.8.1 Discounted Costs 126
4.8.2 Average Costs 128
4.9 Reversibility 129
4.10 Computational Exercises 132
4.11 Conceptual Exercises 139

5 Poisson Processes 145

5.1 Exponential Distributions 145

5.1.1 Memoryless Property 146
5.1.2 Hazard Rate 147
5.1.3 Probability of First Failure 148
5.1.4 Minimum of Exponentials 149
5.1.5 Strong Memoryless Property 150
5.1.6 Sum of iid Exponentials 152
5.1.7 Sum of Distinct Exponentials 153
5.1.8 Random Sums of iid Exponentials 154
5.2 Poisson Process: Definitions 155
5.3 Event Times in a Poisson Process 162
5.4 Superposition and Splitting of Poisson Processes 166
5.4.1 Superposition 166
5.4.2 Splitting 169
5.5 Non-Homogeneous Poisson Process 173
5.5.1 Event Times in an NPP 177
5.6 Compound Poisson Process 177
5.7 Computational Exercises 180
xiv CONTENTS

5.8 Conceptual Exercises 185

6 Continuous-Time Markov Chains 189

6.1 Definitions and Sample Path Properties 189

6.2 Examples 194
6.3 Transient Behavior: Marginal Distribution 203
6.4 Transient Behavior: Occupancy Times 207
6.5 Computation of P (t): Finite State-Space 209
6.5.1 Exponential of a Matrix 209
6.5.2 Laplace Transforms 212
6.5.3 Uniformization 214
6.6 Computation of P (t): Infinite State-Space 217
6.7 First-Passage Times 221
6.7.1 Cumulative Distribution of T 222
6.7.2 Absorption Probabilities 223
6.7.3 Moments and LST of T 224
6.8 Exploring the Limiting Behavior by Examples 227
6.9 Classification of States 229
6.9.1 Irreducibility 229
6.9.2 Transience and Recurrence 229
6.10 Limiting Behavior of Irreducible CTMCs 233
6.10.1 The Transient Case 233
6.10.2 The Continuous Renewal Theorem 234
6.10.3 The Null Recurrent Case 237
6.10.4 The Positive Recurrent Case 237
6.11 Limiting Behavior of Reducible CTMCs 246
6.12 CTMCs with Costs and Rewards 249
6.12.1 Discounted Costs 249
6.12.2 Average Costs 251
6.13 Phase Type Distributions 252
CONTENTS xv

6.14 Reversibility 254

6.15 Modeling Exercises 259
6.16 Computational Exercises 265
6.17 Conceptual Exercises 272

7 Queueing Models 275

7.1 Introduction 275

7.2 Properties of General Queueing Systems 279
7.2.1 Relationship between πj∗ and π̂j 279

7.2.2 Relationship between πj∗ and πj 281

7.2.3 Relationship between π̂j and pj 282

7.2.4 Little’s Law 290
7.3 Birth and Death Queues 293
7.3.1 M/M/1 Queue 293
7.3.2 M/M/1/K Queue 294
7.3.3 M/M/s Queue 295
7.3.4 M/M/∞ Queue 296
7.3.5 Queues with Finite Populations 297
7.3.6 M/M/1 Queue with Balking and Reneging 297
7.4 Open Queueing Networks 298
7.4.1 State-Dependent Service 306
7.4.2 State-Dependent Arrivals and Service 306
7.5 Closed Queueing Networks 308
7.6 Single Server Queues 312
7.6.1 M/G/1 Queue 312
7.6.2 G/M/1 Queue 317
7.7 Retrial Queue 320
7.8 Infinite Server Queue 324
xvi CONTENTS

7.9 Modeling Exercises 325

7.10 Computational Exercises 327

8 Renewal Processes 339

8.1 Introduction 339

8.2 Properties of N (t) 343
8.3 The Renewal Function 349
8.4 Renewal-Type Equation 355
8.5 Key Renewal Theorem 359
8.6 Recurrence Times 363
8.7 Delayed Renewal Processes 367
8.8 Alternating Renewal Processes 373
8.9 Semi-Markov Processes 378
8.10 Renewal Processes with Costs/Rewards 384
8.11 Regenerative Processes 390
8.11.1 RGPs with Costs/Rewards 393
8.11.2 Little’s Law 396
8.12 Computational Exercises 397
8.13 Conceptual Exercises 406

9 Markov Regenerative Processes 409

9.1 Definitions and Examples 409

9.2 Markov Renewal Process and Markov Renewal Function 413
9.3 Key Renewal Theorem for MRPs 417
9.4 Extended Key Renewal Theorem 420
9.5 Semi-Markov Processes: Further Results 424
9.6 Markov Regenerative Processes 428
9.7 Applications to Queues 433
9.7.1 The Birth and Death Queues 433
9.7.2 The M/G/1 Queue 435
CONTENTS xvii

9.7.3 The G/M/1 Queue 437

9.7.4 The M/G/1/1 Retrial Queue 438
9.8 Modeling Exercises 440
9.9 Computational Exercises 442
9.10 Conceptual Exercises 443

10 Diffusion Processes 445

10.1 Brownian Motion 445

10.2 Sample Path Properties of BM 448
10.3 Kolmogorov Equations for Standard Brownian Motion 450
10.4 First Passage Times 452
10.5 Reflected SBM 458
10.6 Reflected BM and Limiting Distributions 461
10.7 BM and Martingales 463
10.8 Cost/Reward Models 466
10.9 Stochastic Integration 470
10.10 Stochastic Differential Equations 475
10.11 Applications to Finance 481
10.12 Computational Exercises 484
10.13 Conceptual Exercises 486

Epilogue 489

Appendix A Probability of Events 491

Appendix B Univariate Random Variables 493

Appendix C Multivariate Random Variables 497

Appendix D Generating Functions 503

Appendix E Laplace-Stieltjes Transforms 505

xviii CONTENTS
Appendix F Laplace Transforms 507

Appendix G Modes of Convergence 509

Appendix H Results from Analysis 511

Appendix I Difference and Differential Equations 513

Answers to Selected Problems 515

References 533

Index 539
 Preface

Probabilistic methodology has now become a routine part of graduate education in

operations research, statistics, computer science, economics, business, public policy,
bioinformatics, engineering, etc. The following three aspects of the methodology are
most vital for the students in these disciplines:

1. Modeling a “real-life” situation with stochastic or random elements

2. Analysis of the resulting stochastic model
3. Implementation of the results of the analysis

Of course, if the results of Step 2 show that the model does not “fit” the real-life situa-
tion, then one needs to modify the model and repeat Steps 1 and 2 until a satisfactory
solution emerges. Then one proceeds to Step 3. As the title of the book suggests, we
emphasize the first two steps. The selection, the organization, and the treatment of
topics in this book are dictated by the emphasis on modeling and analysis.
Based on my teaching experience of over 25 years, I have come to the conclusion
that it is better (from the students’ points of view) to introduce Markov chains be-
fore renewal theory. This enables the students to start building interesting stochastic
models right away in diverse areas such as manufacturing, supply chains, genet-
ics, communications, biology, queueing, and inventory systems, etc. This gives them
a feel for the modeling aspect of the subject early in the course. Furthermore, the
analysis of Markov chain models uses tools from matrix algebra. The students feel
comfortable with these tools since they can use the matrix-oriented packages, such
as Matlab, to do numerical experimentation. Nothing gives them better confidence
in the subject than seeing the analysis produce actual numbers that quantify their in-
tuition. We have also developed a collection of Matlab-based programs that can be
downloaded from:

1. www.unc.edu/∼vkulkarn/Maxim/maxim.zip
2. www.unc.edu/∼vkulkarn/Maxim/maximgui.zip

The instructions for using them are included in the readme files in these two zip files.
After students have developed familiarity with Markov chains, they are ready for
renewal theory. They can now appreciate it because they now have a lot of renewal,
renewal-reward, or regenerative processes models. Also, they are more ready to use
the tools of Laplace transforms.

xix
xx PREFACE
I am aware that this sequence is contrary to the more prevalent approach that starts
with renewal theory. Although it is intellectually appealing to start with renewal the-
ory, I found that it confuses and frustrates students, and it does not give them a feel for
the modeling aspect of the subject early on. In this new edition, I have also changed
the sequence of topics within Markov chains; I now cover the first passage times be-
fore the limiting behavior. This seems more natural since the concepts of transience
and recurrence depend upon the first passage times.
The emphasis on the analysis of the stochastic models requires careful develop-
ment of the major useful classes of stochastic processes: discrete and continuous time
Markov chains, renewal processes, regenerative processes, and Markov regenerative
processes. In the new edition, I have included a chapter on diffusion processes. In or-
der to keep the length of the book under control, some topics from the earlier edition
have been deleted: discussion of numerical methods, stochastic ordering, and some
details from the Markov renewal theory. We follow a common plan of study for each
class: characterization, transient analysis, first passage times, limiting behavior, and
cost/reward models. The main aim of the theory is to enable the students to “solve”
or “analyze” the stochastic models, to give them general tools to do this, rather than
show special tricks that work in specific problems.
The third aspect, the implementation, involves actually using the results of Steps
1 and 2 to manage the “real-life” situation that we are interested in managing. This
requires the knowledge of statistics (for estimating the parameters of the model) and
organizational science (how to persuade the members of an organization to follow
the new solution, and how to set up an organizational structure to facilitate it), and
hence is beyond the scope of this book, although, admittedly, it is a very important
part of the process.
The book is designed for a two-course sequence in stochastic models. The first
six chapters can form the first course, and the last four chapters, the second course.
The book assumes that the students have had a course in probability theory (measure
theoretic probability is not needed), advanced calculus (familiarity with differential
and difference equations, transforms, etc.), and matrix algebra, and a general level
of mathematical maturity. The appendix contains a brief review of relevant topics. In
the second edition, I have removed the appendix devoted to stochastic ordering, since
the corresponding material is deleted from the chapters on discrete and continuous
time Markov chains. I have added two appendices: one collects relevant results from
analysis, and the other from differential and difference equations. I find that these
results are used often in the text, and hence it is useful to have them readily accessible.
The book uses a large number of examples to illustrate the concepts as well as
computational tools and typical applications. Each chapter also has a large number
of exercises collected at the end. The best way to learn the material of this course
is by doing the exercises. Where applicable, the exercises have been separated into
three classes: modeling, computational, and conceptual. Modeling exercises do not
involve analysis, but may involve computations to derive the parameters of the prob-
lem. A computational exercise may ask for a numerical or algebraic answer. Some
PREFACE xxi
computational exercises may involve model building as well as analysis. A concep-
tual exercise generally involves proving some theorem, or fine tuning the understand-
ing of some concepts introduced in the chapter, or it may introduce new concepts.
Computational exercises are not necessarily easy, and conceptual exercises are not
necessarily hard. I have deleted many exercises from the earlier edition, especially
those that I found I never assigned in my classes. Many new exercises have been
added. I found it useful to assign a model building exercise and then the correspond-
ing analysis exercise. The students should be encouraged to use computers to obtain
the solutions numerically.
It is my belief that a student, after mastering the material in this book, will be well
equipped to build and analyze useful stochastic models of situations that he or she
will face in his or her area of interest. It is my fond hope that the students will see
a stochastic model lurking in every corner of their world as a result of studying this
book.

Vidyadhar Kulkarni
Department of Statistics and Operations Research
University of North Carolina
Chapel Hill, NC
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The discipline of operations research was borne out of the need to solve military
problems during World War II. In one story, the air force was using the bullet holes
on the airplanes used in combat duty to decide where to put extra armor plating. They
thought they were approaching the problem in a scientific way until someone pointed
out that they were collecting the bullet hole data from the planes that returned safely
from their sorties.

1.1 What in the World is a Stochastic Process?

Consider a system that evolves randomly in time, for example, the stock market
index, the inventory in a warehouse, the queue of customers at a service station,
water-level in a reservoir, the state of the machines in a factory, etc.
Suppose we observe this system at discrete time points n = 0, 1, 2, · · ·, say, every
hour, every day, every week, etc. Let Xn be the state of the system at time n. For
example, Xn can be the Dow-Jones index at the end of the n-th working day; the
number of unsold cars on a dealer’s lot at the beginning of day n; the intensity of the
n-th earthquake (measured on the Richter scale) to hit the Continental United states
in this century; or the number of robberies in a city on day n, to name a few. We say
that {Xn , n ≥ 0} is a discrete-time stochastic process describing the system.
If the system is observed continuously in time, with X(t) being its state at time
t, then it is described by a continuous-time stochastic process {X(t), t ≥ 0}. For
example, X(t) may represent the number of failed machines in a machine-shop at
time t, the position of a hurricane at time t, or the amount of money in a bank account
at time t, etc.
More formally, a stochastic process is a collection of random variables
{X(τ ), τ ∈ T }, indexed by the parameter τ taking values in the parameter set T .
The random variable takes values in the set S, called the state-space of the stochastic
process. In many applications the parameter t represents time. Throughout this book
we shall encounter two cases:

1
2 INTRODUCTION
1. T = {0, 1, 2, · · ·}. In this case we write {Xn , n ≥ 0} instead of {X(τ ), τ ∈ T }.
2. T = [0, ∞). In this case we write {X(t), t ≥ 0} instead of {X(τ ), τ ∈ T }.

Also, we shall almost always encounter S ⊆ {0, 1, 2, · · ·} or S ⊆ (−∞, ∞). We

shall refer to the former case as the discrete state-space case, and the latter case as
the continuous state-space case.
Let {X(τ ), τ ∈ T } be a stochastic process with state-space S, and let x : T → S
be a function. One can think of {x(τ ), τ ∈ T } as a possible evolution (trajectory) of
{X(τ ), τ ∈ T }. The functions x are called the sample paths of the stochastic process.
Figure 1.1 shows typical sample paths of stochastic processes. Since the stochastic
process follows one of the sample paths in a random fashion, it is sometimes called
a random function. In general, the set of all possible sample paths, called the sample
space of the stochastic process, is uncountable. This can be true even in the case of a
discrete time stochastic process with finite state-space. One of the aims of the study
of the stochastic processes is to understand the behavior of the random sample paths
that the system follows, with the ultimate aim of prediction and control of the future
of the system.
X(t)

t
(a) Continuous-time, discrete state space

X(t)

t
(b) Continuous-time, continuous state space

Xn

× × × ×

× × ×

× × ×

× × ×

n
(c) Discrete-time, discrete state space

Figure 1.1 Typical sample paths of stochastic processes.

Stochastic processes are used in epidemiology, biology, demography, polymer

science, physics, telecommunication networks, economics, finance, marketing, and
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Indians; one writer, an Indian agent, even asserting that the troops
had attacked and killed Indians half civilized, who had fought on the
side of the Government during the war with the Confederate States.
It was claimed by the adherents of the peace party that the Indians
above named had been guilty of no depredations against the whites,
and had done nothing deserving of the exercise of military power. I
believe it is a rule in evidence that a party coming into court is not
expected to impeach his own witnesses. I propose to show by the
official statements of the officers of the Indian Department,
including some of those who were loudest and most determined in
their assertions of the innocence of the Indians after prompt
punishment had been administered by the military, that the Indian
tribes whose names have been given were individually and
collectively guilty of unprovoked and barbarous assaults on the
settlers of the frontier; that they committed these depredations at
the very time they were receiving arms and other presents from the
Government; and that no provocation had been offered either by the
Government or the defenceless citizens of the border. In other
words, by those advocating the Indian side of the dispute it will be
clearly established that a solemn treaty had been reluctantly entered
into between the Indians and the Government, by which the
demands of the Indians were complied with, and the conditions
embraced in the treaty afterwards faithfully carried out on the part
of the Government; and at the very time that the leading chiefs and
old men of the tribes were pledging themselves and their people
that “they will not attack any persons at home or travelling, or
disturb any property belonging to the people of the United States, or
to persons friendly therewith,” and that “they will never capture or
carry off from the settlements women or children, and they will
never kill or scalp white men or attempt to do them harm,” the
young men and warriors of these same tribes, embracing the sons of
the most prominent chiefs and signers of the treaty, were actually
engaged in devastating the settlements on the Kansas frontier,
murdering men, women, and children, and driving off the stock.
Now to the evidence. First glance at the following brief summary of
the terms of the treaty which was ratified between the Government
and the Cheyennes and Arapahoes on the 19th of August, 1868, and
signed and agreed to by all the chiefs of these two tribes known or
claiming to be prominent, and men of influence among their own
people. As the terms of the treaty are almost identical with those
contained in most of the treaties made with other tribes, excepting
the limits and location of reservations, it will be interesting for
purposes of reference.
First. Peace and friendship shall forever continue.
Second. Whites or Indians committing wrongs to be punished
according to law.
Third. The following district of country, to wit, “commencing at
the point where the Arkansas river crosses the 37th parallel of north
latitude; thence west on said parallel—the said line being the
southern boundary of the State of Kansas—to the Cimarron river
(sometimes called the Red fork of the Arkansas river); thence down
said Cimarron river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the
Arkansas river; thence up the Arkansas river in the middle of the
main channel thereof to the place of beginning, is set apart for the
Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians.”
Fourth. The said Indians shall have the right to hunt on the
unoccupied lands of the United States so long as game may be
found thereon, and so long as peace subsists among the whites and
Indians on the border of the hunting districts.
Fifth. Is a provision for the selection and occupation of lands for
those of said Indians who desire to commence farming on said
reserve, and for expenditures for their benefit.
Sixth. The United States further provides for an annual
distribution of clothing for a term of years.
The treaty with the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache tribes,
ratified August 25, 1868, embraced substantially the same provisions
as those just quoted, excepting that relating to their reservation,
which was as follows: “Commencing at a point where the Washita
river crosses the 98th meridian west from Greenwich, thence up the
Washita river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to a point
thirty miles west of Fort Cobb, as now established; thence due west
to the north fork of Red river, provided said line strikes said river
east of the 100th meridian of west longitude; if not, then only to
said meridian line, and thence south on said meridian line to the said
north fork of Red river; thence down said north fork, in the middle of
the main channel thereof, from the point where it may be first
intersected by the lines above described, to the main Red river;
thence down said river, in the main channel thereof, to its
intersection with the 98th meridian of longitude west from
Greenwich; thence north on said meridian line to the place of
beginning.”
To those who propose to follow the movements of the troops
during the winter campaign of 1868–’69, it will be well to bear in
mind the limits of the last named reservation, as the charge was
made by the Indian agents that the military had attacked the Indians
when the latter were peacefully located within the limits of their
reservation.
To show that the Government through its civil agents was doing
everything required of it to satisfy the Indians, and that the agent of
the Cheyennes and Arapahoes was firmly of the opinion that every
promise of the Government had not only been faithfully carried out,
but that the Indians themselves had no complaint to make, the
following letter from the agent to the Superintendent of Indian
Affairs is submitted:

Fort Larned, Kansas, August 10, 1868.

Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I yesterday made
the whole issue of annuity goods, arms, and ammunition to the
Cheyenne chiefs [the Arapahoes and Apaches had received their
portion in July. G. A. C.] and people of their nation; they were
delighted at receiving the goods, particularly the arms and
ammunition, and never before have I known them to be better
 satisfied and express themselves as being so well contented
previous to the issue. I made them a long speech, following your
late instructions with reference to what I said to them. They
have now left for their hunting-grounds, and I am perfectly
satisfied that there will be no trouble with them this season, and
consequently with no Indians of my agency.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, your obedient
servant,
E. W. Wynkoop, United States Indian Agent.
Hon. Thomas Murphy, Superintendent Indian Affairs.

The italics are mine, but I desire to invite attention to the

confidence and strong reliance placed in these Indians by a man
who was intimately associated with them, interested in their welfare,
and supposed to be able to speak authoritatively as to their
character and intentions. If they could deceive him, it is not
surprising that other equally well-meaning persons further east
should be equally misled. The above letter is dated August 10, 1868.
The following extract is from a letter written by the same party and
to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, dated at same place on the
10th of September, 1868, exactly one month after his positive
declaration that the Cheyennes “were perfectly satisfied, and there
will be no trouble with them this season.”
Here is the extract referred to: “Subsequently I received
permission from the Department to issue to them their arms and
ammunition, which I accordingly did. But a short time before the
issue was made a war party had started north from the Cheyenne
village, on the war path against the Pawnees; and they, not knowing
of the issue and smarting under their supposed wrongs, committed
the outrages on the Saline river which have led to the present
unfortunate aspect of affairs. The United States troops are now
south of the Arkansas river in hot pursuit of the Cheyennes, the
effect of which I think will be to plunge other tribes into difficulty
and finally culminate in a general Indian war.” It will be observed
that no justification is offered for the guilty Indians except that had
they been aware of the wise and beneficent intention of the
Government to issue them a fresh supply of arms, they might have
delayed their murderous raid against the defenceless settlers until
after the issue. Fears are also expressed that other tribes may be
plunged into difficulty, but by the same witness and others it is easily
established that the other tribes referred to were represented
prominently in the war party which had devastated the settlements
on the Saline. First I will submit an extract of a letter dated Fort
Larned, August 1, 1868, from Thomas Murphy, Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, to the Hon. N. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I held a council to-
day with the Arapahoes and Apache Indians, at which I
explained to them why their arms and ammunition had been
withheld; that the white settlers were now well armed and
determined that no more raids should be made through their
country by large bodies of Indians; and that while the whites
were friendly and well disposed toward the Indians, yet if the
Indians attempted another raid such as they recently made on
the Kaw reservation, I feared themselves and the whites would
have a fight, and that it would bring on war.
The head chief of the Arapahoes, Little Raven, replied “that
no more trips would be made by his people into the settlements:
that their hearts were good toward the whites, and they wished
to remain at peace with them.” I told him I would now give
them their arms and ammunition; that I hoped they would use
them for the sole purpose of securing food for themselves and
families, and that in no case would I ever hear of their using
these arms against their white brethren. Little Raven and the
other chiefs then promised that these arms should never be
used against the whites, and Agent Wynkoop then delivered to
the Arapahoes one hundred pistols, eighty Lancaster rifles,
twelve kegs of powder, one and one-half kegs of lead, and
 fifteen thousand caps; and to the Apaches he gave forty pistols,
twenty Lancaster rifles, three kegs of powder, one-half keg of
lead, and five thousand caps, for which they seemed much
pleased.... I would have remained here to see the Cheyennes
did I deem it important to do so. From what I can learn there
will be no trouble whatever with them. They will come here, get
their ammunition and leave immediately to hunt buffalo. They
are well and peacefully disposed toward the whites, and, unless
some unlooked-for event should transpire to change their
present feelings, they will keep their treaty pledges.

This certainly reads well, and at Washington or further east

would be regarded as a favorable indication of the desire for peace
on the part of the Indians. The reader is asked to remember that the
foregoing letters and extracts are from professed friends of the
Indian and advocates of what is known as the peace policy. The
letter of Superintendent Murphy was written the day of council,
August 1. Mark his words of advice to Little Raven as to how the
arms were to be used, and note Little Raven’s reply containing his
strong promises of maintaining friendly relations with the whites. Yet
the second night following the issue of arms, a combined war party
of Cheyennes and Arapahoes, numbering over two hundred warriors,
almost the exact number of pistols issued at the council, left the
Indian village to inaugurate a bloody raid in the Kansas settlements;
and among the Arapahoes was the son of Little Raven. By reading
the speech made by this chief in the council referred to by Mr.
Murphy, a marked resemblance will be detected to the stereotyped
responses delivered by Indian chiefs visiting the authorities at
Washington, or when imposing upon the credulous and kind-hearted
people who assemble at Cooper Institute periodically to listen to
these untutored orators of the plains. The statements and promises
uttered in the one instance are fully as reliable as those listened to
so breathlessly in the others. Regarding the raid made by the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, it will be considered sufficient perhaps
when I base my statements upon the following “Report of an
interview between Colonel E. W. Wynkoop, United States Indian
Agent, and Little Rock, a Cheyenne chief, held at Fort Larned,
Kansas, August 19, 1868, in the presence of Lieutenant S. M.
Robbins, Seventh United States Cavalry, John S. Smith, United States
interpreter, and James Morrison, scout for Indian agency.”
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “Six nights ago I spoke to you in
regard to depredations committed on the Saline. I told you to go and
find out by whom these depredations were committed and to bring
me straight news. What news do you bring?”
Little Rock: “I took your advice and went there. I am now here
to tell you all I know. This war party of Cheyennes which left the
camp of these tribes above the forks of Walnut creek about the 2d
or 3d of August, went out against the Pawnees, crossed the Smoky
Hill about Fort Hays, and thence proceeded to the Saline, where
there were ten lodges of Sioux in the Cheyenne camp when this war
party left, and about twenty men of them and four Arapahoes
accompanied the party. The Cheyennes numbered about two
hundred; nearly all the young men in the village went; Little Raven’s
son was one of the four Arapahoes. When the party reached the
Saline they turned down the stream, with the exception of twenty,
who, being fearful of depredations being committed against the
whites by the party going in the direction of the settlements, kept on
north toward the Pawnees. The main party continued down the
Saline until they came in sight of the settlement; they then camped
there. A Cheyenne named Oh-e-ah-mo-he-a, a brother of White
Antelope, who was killed at Sand Creek, and another named Red
Nose, proceeded to the first house; they afterwards returned to the
camp and with them a woman captive. The main party was
surprised at this action, and forcibly took possession of her, and
returned her to her house. The two Indians had outraged the
woman before they brought her to the camp. After the outrage had
been committed, the parties left the Saline and went north toward
the settlement of the south fork of the Solomon, where they were
kindly received and fed by the white people. They left the
settlements on the south fork and proceeded toward the settlements
on the north fork. When in sight of these settlements, they came
upon a body of armed settlers, who fired upon them; they avoided
the party, went around them, and approached a house some
distance off. In the vicinity of the house they came upon a white
D
man alone upon the prairie. Big Head’s son rode at him and
knocked him down with a club. The Indian who had committed the
outrage upon the white woman, known as White Antelope’s brother,
then fired upon the white man without effect, while the third Indian
rode up and killed him. Soon after they killed a white man, and,
close by, a woman—all in the same settlement. At the time these
people were killed, the party was divided in feeling, the majority
being opposed to any outrages being committed; but finding it
useless to contend against these outrages being committed without
bringing on a strife among themselves, they gave way and all went
in together. They then went to another house in the same
settlement, and there killed two men and took two little girls
prisoners; this on the same day. After committing this last outrage
the party turned south toward the Saline, where they came upon a
body of mounted troops; the troops immediately charged the
Indians, and the pursuit was continued a long time. The Indians
having the two children, their horses becoming fatigued, dropped
the children without hurting them. Soon after the children were
dropped the pursuit ceased; but the Indians continued on up the
Saline. A portion of the Indians afterward returned to look for the
children, but they were unable to find them. After they had
proceeded some distance up the Saline, the party divided, the
majority going north toward the settlements on the Solomon, but
thirty of them started toward their village, supposed to be some
distance northwest of Fort Larned. Another small party returned to
E
Black Kettle’s village, from which party I got this information. I am
fearful that before this time the party that started north had
committed a great many depredations.”
 D
Afterward captured by my command and
killed in a difficulty with the guard at Fort Hays,
Kansas, in the summer of 1869.
E
Little Rock was a chief of Black Kettle’s band
of Cheyennes, and second in rank to Black
Kettle.

Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “Do you know the names of the

principal men of this party that committed the depredations, besides
White Antelope’s brother?”
Answer by Little Rock: “There were Medicine Arrow’s oldest son,
named Tall Wolf; Red Nose, who was one of the men who outraged
the woman, Big Head’s son named Porcupine Bear; and Sand Hill’s
brother, known as the Bear that Goes Ahead.”
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “You told me your nation wants
peace; will you, in accordance with your treaty stipulations, deliver
up the men whom you have named as being the leaders of the party
who committed the outrages named?”
Answer by Little Rock: “I think that the only men who ought to
suffer and be responsible for these outrages are White Antelope’s
brother and Red Nose, the men who ravished the woman; and when
I return to the Cheyenne camp and assemble the chiefs and head
men, I think those two men will be delivered up to you.”
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “I consider the whole party
guilty; but it being impossible to punish all of them, I hold the
principal men, whom you mentioned, responsible for all. They had
no right to be led and governed by two men. If no depredations had
been committed after the outrage on the woman, the two men
whom you have mentioned alone would have been guilty.”
Answer by Little Rock: “After your explanation I think your
demand for the men is right. I am willing to deliver them up, and will
go back to the tribe and use my best endeavors to have them
surrendered. I am but one man, and cannot answer for the entire
nation.”
Other questions and answers of similar import followed.
The terms of the interview between Colonel Wynkoop and Little
Rock were carefully noted down and transmitted regularly to his next
superior officer, Superintendent Murphy, who but a few days
previous, and within the same month, had officially reported to the
Indian Commissioner at Washington that peace and good will
reigned undisturbed between the Indians under his charge and the
whites. Even he, with his strong leaning toward the adoption of
morbid measures of a peaceful character, and his disinclination to
believe the Indians could meditate evil toward their white neighbors,
was forced, as his next letter shows, to alter his views.

Office Superintendent Indian Affairs, Atchison, Kansas,

August 22, 1868.
Sir: I have the honor herewith to transmit a letter of the
19th inst. from Agent Wynkoop, enclosing report of a talk which
he had with Little Rock, a Cheyenne chief, whom he had sent to
ascertain the facts relative to the recent troubles on the
Solomon and Saline rivers, in this State. The agent’s letter and
report are full, and explain themselves. I fully concur in the
views expressed by the agent that the innocent Indians, who are
trying to keep, in good faith, their treaty pledges, be protected
in the manner indicated by him, while I earnestly recommend
that the Indians who have committed these gross outrages be
turned over to the military, and that they be severely punished.
When I reflect that at the very time these Indians were making
such loud professions of friendship at Larned, receiving their
annuities, etc., they were then contemplating and planning this
campaign, I can no longer have confidence in what they say or
promise. War is surely upon us, and in view of the importance of
the case, I earnestly recommend that Agent Wynkoop be
 furnished promptly with the views of the Department, and that
full instructions be given him for his future action.
Very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
(Signed) Thomas Murphy, Superintendent Indian
Affairs.
Hon. C. E. Mix, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Washington, D. C.

What were the recommendations of Agent Wynkoop referred to

in Mr. Murphy’s letter? They were as follows: “Let me take those
Indians whom I know to be guiltless and desirous of remaining at
peace, and locate them with their lodges and families at some good
place that I may select in the vicinity of this post (Larned); and let
those Indians be entirely subsisted by the Government until this
trouble is over, and be kept within certain bounds; and let me be
furnished with a small battalion of United States troops, for the
purpose of protecting them from their own people, and from being
forced by them into war; let those who refuse to respond to my call
and come within the bounds prescribed, be considered at war, and
let them be properly punished. By this means, if war takes place—
which I consider inevitable—we can be able to discriminate between
those who deserve punishment and those who do not; otherwise it
will be a matter of impossibility.”
This proposition seems, from its wording, to be not only a
feasible one, but based on principles of justice to all concerned, and
no doubt would be so interpreted by the theorizers on the Indian
question who study its merits from afar. Before acting upon Colonel
Wynkoop’s plan, it was in the regular order referred to General
Sherman, at that time commanding the Military Division of the
Missouri, in which the Indians referred to were located. His
indorsement in reply briefly disposed of the proposition by exposing
its absurdity:
 Headquarters Military Division Missouri, St. Louis,
of the
Missouri,
September 19, 1868.
I now regard the Cheyennes and Arapahoes at war, and that
it will be impossible for our troops to discriminate between the
well-disposed and the warlike parts of these bands, unless an
absolute separation be made. I prefer that the agents collect all
of the former and conduct them to their reservation within the
Indian territory south of Kansas, there to be provided for under
their supervision, say about old Fort Cobb. I cannot consent to
their being collected and held near Fort Larned. So long as
Agent Wynkoop remains at Fort Larned the vagabond part of the
Indians will cluster about him for support, and to beg of the
military. The vital part of these tribes are committing murders
and robberies from Kansas to Colorado, and it is an excess of
generosity on our part to be feeding and supplying the old,
young, and feeble, while their young men are at war.
I do not pretend to say what should be done with these, but
it will simplify our game of war, already complicated enough, by
removing them well away from our field of operations.
I have the honor to be, your obedient
servant,
(Signed) W. T. Sherman, Lieutenant-General,
commanding.

Again, on the 26th of the same month, General Sherman, in a

letter to General Schofield, then Secretary of War, writes: “The
annuity goods for these Indians, Kiowas and Comanches, should be
sent to Fort Cobb, and the Indian agent for these Indians should go
there at once. And if the Secretary of the Interior has any contingent
fund out of which he could provide food, or if he could use a part of
the regular appropriation for food instead of clothing, it may keep
these Indians from joining the hostile Cheyennes and Arapahoes.
The latter should receive nothing, and now that they are at war, I
propose to give them enough of it to satisfy them to their hearts’
content, and General Sheridan will not relax his efforts till the winter
will put them at our mercy. He reports that he can already account
for about seventy dead Indians, and his forces are right in among
these hostile Indians on the Upper Republican, and on the head of
the Canadian south of Fort Dodge.”
Still another letter from General Sherman to the Secretary of
War argues the case as follows: “All the Cheyennes and Arapahoes
are now at war. Admitting that some of them have not done acts of
murder, rape, etc., still they have not restrained those who have, nor
have they on demand given up the criminals as they agreed to do.
The treaty made at Medicine Lodge is, therefore, already broken by
them, and the War Department should ask the concurrence of the
Indian Department, or invoke the superior orders of the President
against any goods whatever, even clothing, going to any part of the
tribes named, until this matter is settled. As military commander I
have the right, unless restrained by superior orders, to prevent the
issue of any goods whatever to Indians outside of these
reservations; and if the agency for the Cheyennes and Arapahoes be
established at or near old Fort Cobb, the agent should if possible be
able to provide for and feed such as may go there of their own
volition, or who may be driven there by our military movements.... I
have despatched General Hazen to the frontier, with a limited
amount of money wherewith to aid the said agents to provide for
the peaceful parts of those tribes this winter, while en route to and
after their arrival at their new homes. No better time could be
possibly chosen than the present for destroying or humiliating those
bands that have so outrageously violated their treaties and begun a
devastating war without one particle of provocation; and after a
reasonable time given for the innocent to withdraw, I will solicit an
order from the President declaring all Indians who remain outside of
their lawful reservations to be outlaws, and commanding all people,
soldiers and citizens, to proceed against them as such. We have
never heretofore been in a condition to adopt this course, because
until now we could not clearly point out to these Indians where they
may rightfully go to escape the consequences of the hostile acts of
their fellows. The right to hunt buffaloes, secured by the treaties,
could also be regulated so as to require all parties desiring to hunt to
procure from the agent a permit, which permit should be indorsed
by the commanding officer of the nearest military post; but I think,
the treaty having been clearly violated by the Indians themselves,
this hunting right is entirely lost to them, if we so declare it.”
The foregoing extracts from letters and official correspondence
which passed between high dignitaries of the Government, who
were supposed not only to be thoroughly conversant with Indian
affairs, but to represent the civil and military phase of the question,
will, when read in connection with the statements of the
superintendent and agent of the Indians, and that of the chief, Little
Rock, give the reader some idea of the origin and character of the
difficulties between the whites and Indians in the summer and fall of
1868. The tabulated list of depredations by Indians, accompanying
the chapter descriptive of General Forsyth’s campaign, will give more
extended information in a condensed form.
While Forsyth was moving his detachment of scouts through the
valleys of the Republican, in the northwestern portion of Kansas,
General Sheridan had also arranged to have a well-equipped force
operating south of the Arkansas river, and in this way to cause the
two favorite haunts of the Indians to be overrun simultaneously, and
thus prevent them when driven from one haunt from fleeing in
safety and unmolested to another. The expedition intended to
operate south of the Arkansas was composed of the principal portion
of the Seventh Cavalry and a few companies of the Third Regular
Infantry, the entire force under command of Brigadier-General Alfred
Sully, an officer of long experience among the Indians, and one who
had in times gone by achieved no little distinction as an Indian
fighter, and at a later date became a partial advocate of the adoption
of the peace policy. General Sully’s expedition, after being
thoroughly equipped and supplied, under his personal supervision,
with everything needful in a campaign such as was about to be
undertaken, crossed the Arkansas river about the 1st of September,
at Fort Dodge, and marching a little west of south struck the
Cimarron river, where they first encountered Indians. From the
Cimarron the troops moved in a southeasterly direction, one day’s
march to Beaver creek, the savages opposing and fighting them
during the entire day. That night the Indians came close enough to
fire into the camp, an unusual proceeding in Indian warfare, as they
rarely molest troops during the hours of night. The next day General
Sully directed his march down the valley of the Beaver; but just as
his troops were breaking camp, the long wagon train having already
“pulled out,” and the rear guard of the troops having barely got into
their saddles, a party of between two and three hundred warriors,
who had evidently in some inexplicable manner contrived to conceal
their approach until the proper moment, dashed into the deserted
camp within a few yards of the rear of the troops, and succeeded in
cutting off a few led horses and two of the cavalrymen who, as is so
often the case, had lingered a moment behind the column. General
Sully and staff were at that moment near the head of the column, a
mile or more from camp. The General, as was his custom on the
march, being comfortably stowed away in his ambulance, of course
it was impossible that he or his staff, from their great distance from
the scene of actual attack, could give the necessary orders in the
case.
Fortunately, the acting adjutant of the cavalry, Brevet Captain
A. E. Smith, was riding at the rear of the column and witnessed the
attack of the Indians. Captain Hamilton of the cavalry was also
present in command of the rear guard. Wheeling his guard to the
right about, he at once prepared to charge the Indians and to
attempt the rescue of the two troopers who were being carried off
as prisoners before his very eyes. At the same time Captain Smith,
as representative of the commanding officer of the cavalry, promptly
took the responsibility of directing a squadron of cavalry to wheel
out of column and advance in support of Captain Hamilton’s guard.
With this hastily formed detachment, the Indians, still within pistol
range, but moving off with their prisoners, were gallantly charged
and so closely pressed that they were forced to relinquish possession
of one of their prisoners, but not before shooting him through the
body and leaving him on the ground, as they supposed, mortally
wounded. The troops continued to charge the retreating Indians,
upon whom they were gaining, determined if possible to effect the
rescue of their remaining comrade. They were advancing down one
slope while the Indians just across a ravine were endeavoring to
escape with their prisoner up the opposite ascent, when a
peremptory order reached the officers commanding the pursuing
force to withdraw their men and reform the column at once.
Delaying only long enough for an ambulance to arrive from the train
in which to transport their wounded comrade, the order was obeyed.
Upon rejoining the column the two officers named were summoned
before the officer commanding their regiment, and, after a second-
hand reprimand, were ordered in arrest and their sabres taken from
them, for leaving the column without orders—the attempted and half
successful rescue of their comrades and the repulse of the Indians to
the contrary notwithstanding. Fortunately wiser and better-natured
counsels prevailed in a few hours, and their regimental commander
was authorized to release these two officers from their brief
durance, their sabres were restored to them, and they became, as
they deserved, the recipients of numerous complimentary
expressions from their brother officers. The terrible fate awaiting the
unfortunate trooper carried off by the Indians spread a deep gloom
throughout the command. All were too familiar with the horrid
customs of the savages to hope for a moment that the captive would
be reserved for aught but a slow lingering death, from torture the
most horrible and painful which savage, bloodthirsty minds could
suggest. Such was in truth his sad fate, as we learned afterwards
when peace (?) was established with the tribes then engaged in war.
Never shall I forget the consummate coolness and particularity of
detail with which some of the Indians engaged in the affair related
to myself and party the exact process by which the captured trooper
was tortured to death; how he was tied to a stake, strips of flesh cut
from his body, arms, and legs, burning brands thrust into the
bleeding wounds, the nose, lips, and ears cut off, and finally, when
from loss of blood, excessive pain, and anguish, the poor, bleeding,
almost senseless mortal fell to the ground exhausted, the younger
Indians were permitted to rush in and despatch him with their
knives.
The expedition proceeded on down the valley of Beaver creek,
the Indians contesting every step of the way. In the afternoon,
about three o’clock, the troops arrived at a ridge of sand-hills, a few
miles southeast of the present site of “Camp Supply,” where quite a
determined engagement took place with the savages, the three
tribes, Cheyennes, Arapahoes and Kiowas, being the assailants. The
Indians seemed to have reserved their strongest efforts until the
troops and train had advanced well into the sand-hills, when a most
obstinate and well-conducted resistance was offered to the further
advance of the troops. It was evident to many of the officers, and no
doubt to the men, that the troops were probably nearing the
location of the Indian villages, and that this last display of opposition
to their further advance was to save the villages. The character of
the country immediately about the troops was not favorable to the
operations of cavalry; the surface of the rolling plain was cut up by
irregular and closely located sand-hills, too steep and sandy to allow
cavalry to move with freedom, yet capable of being easily cleared of
savages by troops fighting on foot. The Indians took post on the
hilltops and began a harassing fire on the troops and train. Had the
infantry been unloaded from the wagons promptly, instead of adding
to the great weight, sinking the wheels sometimes almost in to the
axles, and had they, with the assistance of a few of the dismounted
cavalry, been deployed on both sides of the train, the latter could
have been safely conducted through what was then decided to be
impassable sand-hills, but which were a short time afterward proved
to be perfectly practicable. And once beyond the range of sand-hills
but a short distance, the villages of the attacking warriors would
have been found exposed to an easy and important capture,
probably terminating the campaign by compelling a satisfactory
peace. Captain Yates, with his single troop of cavalry, was ordered
forward to drive the Indians away. This was a proceeding which did
not seem to meet with favor from the savages. Captain Yates could
drive them wherever he encountered them, but it was only to cause
the redskins to appear in increased numbers at some other
threatened point. After contending in this non-effective manner for a
couple of hours, the impression arose in the minds of some that the
train could not be conducted through the sand-hills in the face of the
strong opposition offered by the Indians. The order was issued to
turn about and withdraw. This order was executed, and the troop
and train, followed by the exultant Indians, retired a few miles to the
Beaver, and encamped for the night on the ground now known as
“Camp Supply.”
Captain Yates had caused to be brought off the field, when his
troop was ordered to retire, the body of one of his men who had
been slain in the fight by the Indians. As the troops were to continue
their backward movement next day, and it was impossible to
transport the dead body further, Captain Yates ordered preparations
made for interring it in camp that night; but knowing that the
Indians would thoroughly search the deserted camp-ground almost
before the troops should get out of sight, and would be quick with
their watchful eyes to detect a grave, and if successful in discovering
it would unearth the body in order to obtain the scalp, directions
were given to prepare the grave after nightfall, and the spot selected
would have baffled the eye of any one but that of an Indian. The
grave was dug under the picket line to which the seventy or eighty
horses of the troops would be tethered during the night, so that
their constant tramping and pawing should completely cover up and
obliterate all traces of the grave containing the body of the dead
trooper. The following morning even those who had performed the
sad rites of burial to their fallen comrade could scarcely have been
able to indicate the exact location of the grave. Yet when we
returned to that point a few weeks afterward it was discovered that
the wily savages had found the grave, unearthed the body, and
removed the scalp of their victim, on the day following the
interment.
Early on the morning succeeding the fight in the sand-hills
General Sully resumed his march toward Fort Dodge, the Indians
following and harassing the movements of the troops until about two
o’clock in the afternoon, when, apparently satisfied with their
success in forcing the expedition back, thus relieving their villages
and themselves from the danger which had threatened them, they
fired their parting shots and rode off in triumph. That night the
troops camped on Bluff creek, from which point General Sully
proceeded to Fort Dodge, on the Arkansas, leaving the main portion
of the command in camp on Bluff creek, where we shall see them
again.
 XII.
IN a late chapter I promised to submit testimony from those high in
authority, now the highest, showing that among those who had
given the subject the most thoughtful attention, the opinion was
unanimous in favor of the “abolition of the civil Indian agents and
licensed traders,” and the transfer of the Indian Bureau back to the
War Department, where it originally belonged. The question as to
which cabinet minister, the Secretary of War or the Secretary of the
Interior, should retain control of the bureau regulating Indian affairs,
has long been and still is one of unending discussion, and is of far
more importance to the country than the casual observer might
imagine. The army as a unit, and from motives of peace and justice,
favors giving this control to the Secretary of War. Opposed to this
view is a large, powerful, and at times unscrupulous party, many of
whose strongest adherents are dependent upon the fraudulent
practices and profits of which the Indian is the victim for the
acquirement of dishonest wealth—practices and profits which only
exist so long as the Indian Bureau is under the supervision of the
Interior Department. The reasons in favor of the War Department
having the control of the government of the Indians exist at all
times. But the struggle for this control seems to make its
appearance, like an epidemic, at certain periods, and for a brief time
will attract considerable comment and discussion both in and out of
Congress, then disappear from public view. To a candid, impartial
mind I believe the reasons why the Indians should be controlled by
the Department of War, the department which must assume the
reins of power when any real control is exercised, are convincing. It
may be asked, Then why, if the reasons are so convincing, are not
proper representations made to the authorities at Washington and
the transfer secured? This inquiry seems natural enough. But the
explanation is sufficiently simple. The army officers, particularly
those stationed on the frontier, have but little opportunity, even had
they the desire, to submit their views or recommendations to
Congress as a body or to members individually. When impressed
with ideas whose adoption is deemed essential to the Government,
the usual and recognized mode of presenting them for consideration
is by written communications forwarded through the intermediate
and superior commanders until laid before the Secretary of War, by
whom, if considered sufficiently important, they are submitted to the
President, and by him to Congress. Having made this
recommendation and furnished the Department with his reasons
therefor, an officer considers that he has discharged his duty in the
premises, and the responsibility of the adoption or rejection of his
ideas then rests with a superior power. Beyond the conscientious
discharge of his duty he has no interest, certainly none of a
pecuniary nature, to serve. In the periodical contests which prevail
between the military and civil aspirants for the control of the Indian
Bureau, the military content themselves as above stated with a brief
and unbiassed presentation of their views, and having submitted
their argument to the proper tribunal, no further steps are taken to
influence the decision. Not so with those advocating the claims of
the civil agents and traders to public recognition. The preponderance
of testimony and the best of the argument rest with the military. But
there are many ways of illustrating that the battle is not always to
the strong nor the race to the swift. The ways of Congress are
sometimes peculiar—not to employ a more expressive term.
Under the Constitution of the United States there are but two
houses of Congress, the Senate and the House of Representatives,
and most people residing within the jurisdiction of its laws suppose
this to be the extent of the legislative body; but to those acquainted
with the internal working of that important branch of the
Government, there is still a third house of Congress, better known as
the lobby. True, its existence is neither provided for nor recognized
by law; yet it exists nevertheless, and so powerful, although
somewhat hidden, is its influence upon the other branches of
Congress, that almost any measure it is interested in becomes a law.
It is somewhat remarkable that those measures which are plainly
intended to promote the public interests are seldom agitated or
advocated in the third house, while those measures of doubtful
propriety or honesty usually secure the almost undivided support of
the lobby. There are few prominent questions connected with the
feeble policy of the Government which can and do assemble so
powerful and determined a lobby as a proposed interference with
the system of civilian superintendents, agents, and traders for the
Indians. Let but some member of Congress propose to inquire into
the workings of the management of the Indians, or propose a
transfer of the bureau to the War Department, and the leaders of
the combination opposed raise a cry which is as effective in rallying
their supporters as was the signal of Roderick Dhu. From almost
every State and territory the retainers of the bureau flock to the
national capital. Why this rallying of the clans? Is there any principle
involved? With the few, yes; with the many, no. Then what is the
mighty influence which brings together this hungry host? Why this
determined opposition to any interference with the management of
the Indians? I remember making this inquiry years ago, and the
answer then, which is equally applicable now, was: “There is too
much money in the Indian question to allow it to pass into other
hands.” This I believe to be the true solution of our difficulties with
the Indians at the present day. It seems almost incredible that a
policy which is claimed and represented to be based on sympathy
for the red man and a desire to secure to him his rights, is shaped in
reality and manipulated behind the scenes with the distinct and sole
object of reaping a rich harvest by plundering both the Government
and the Indians. To do away with the vast army of agents, traders,
and civilian employees which is a necessary appendage of the
civilian policy, would be to deprive many members of Congress of a
vast deal of patronage which they now enjoy. There are few, if any,
more comfortable or desirable places of disposing of a friend who
has rendered valuable political service or electioneering aid, than to
secure for him the appointment of Indian agent. The salary of an
agent is comparatively small. Men without means, however, eagerly
accept the position; and in a few years, at furthest, they almost
invariably retire in wealth. Who ever heard of a retired Indian agent
or trader in limited circumstances? How do they realize fortunes
upon so small a salary? In the disposition of the annuities provided
for the Indians by the Government, the agent is usually the
distributing medium. Between himself and the Indian there is no
system of accountability, no vouchers given or received, no books
kept, in fact no record except the statement which the agent
chooses to forward to his superintendent.
The Indian has no means of knowing how much in value or how
many presents of any particular kind the Government, the “Great
Father” as he terms it, has sent him. For knowledge on this point he
must accept the statement of the agent. The goods sent by the
Government are generally those which would most please an
Indian’s fancy. The Indian trader usually keeps goods of a similar
character. The trader is most frequently a particular friend of the
agent, often associated with him in business, and in many instances
holds his position of trader at the instance of the agent. They are
always located near each other. The trader is usually present at the
distribution of annuities. If the agent, instead of distributing to the
Indians all of the goods intended for them by the Government, only
distributes one half and retains the other half, who is to be the
wiser? Not the Indian, defrauded though he may be, for he is
ignorant of how much is coming to him. The word of the agent is his
only guide. He may complain a little, express some disappointment
at the limited amount of presents, and intimate that the “Great
Father” has dealt out the annuities with a sparing hand; but the
agent explains it by referring to some depredations which he knows
the tribe to have been guilty of in times past; or if he is not aware of
any particular instance of guilt, he charges them generally with
having committed such acts, knowing one can scarcely go amiss in
accusing a tribe of occasionally slaying a white man, and ends up his
charge by informing them that the “Great Father,” learning of these
little irregularities in their conduct and being pained greatly thereat,
felt compelled to reduce their allowance of blankets, sugar, coffee,
etc., when at the same time the missing portion of said allowance is
safely secured in the storehouse of the agent near by. Well, but how
can he enrich himself in this manner? it may be asked. By simply,
and unseen by the Indians, transferring the unissued portion of the
annuities from his government storehouse to the trading
establishment of his friend the trader. There the boxes are unpacked
and their contents spread out for barter with the Indians. The latter,
in gratifying their wants, are forced to purchase from the trader at
prices which are scores of times the value of the article offered. I
have seen Indians dispose of buffalo robes to traders, which were
worth from fifteen to twenty dollars each, and get in return only ten
to twenty cups of brown sugar, the entire value of which did not
exceed two or three dollars. This is one of the many ways agents
and traders have of amassing sudden wealth. I have known the
head chiefs of a tribe to rise in a council in the presence of other
chiefs and of officers of the army, and accuse his agent, then
present, of these or similar dishonest practices. Is it to be wondered
at that the position of agent or trader among the Indians is greatly
sought after by men determined to become rich, but not particular
as to the manner of doing so? Or is it to be wondered at that army
officers, who are often made aware of the injustice done the Indian
yet are powerless to prevent it, and who trace many of our
difficulties with the Indians to these causes, should urge the
abolishment of a system which has proven itself so fruitful in fraud
and dishonest dealing toward those whose interests it should be
their duty to protect?
In offering the testimony which follows, and which to those at all
interested in the subject of our dealings with the Indian must have
no little weight, I have given that of men whose interest in the
matter could only spring from experience and a supposed thorough
knowledge of the Indian character, and a desire to do justice to him
as well as to the Government. At the present writing a heavy cloud
portending a general Indian war along our entire frontier, from the
British possessions on the north to the Mexican border on the south,
hangs threateningly over us. Whether it will really result in war or in
isolated acts of barbarity remains to be seen. But enough is known
to prove that the day has not yet arrived when the lawless savage of
the plains is prepared or willing to abandon his favorite pastime of
war and depredation upon the defenceless frontier, and instead to
settle quietly down and study the arts and callings of a quiet and
peaceful life. It is impossible for the Indian to comprehend the force
of any law or regulation which is not backed up by a power
sufficiently strong to compel its observance. This is not surprising, as
a large proportion of their white brethren are equally obtuse.
Lieutenant-General Sheridan showed his thorough appreciation of
the Indian character, in an endorsement recently written by him
upon a complaint relating to Indian depredations, forwarded from
one of his subordinates to the War Department. General Sheridan
writes, “We can never stop the wild Indians from murdering and
stealing until we punish them. If a white man in this country
commits a murder, we hang him; if he steals a horse, we put him in
the penitentiary. If an Indian commits these crimes, we give him
better fare and more blankets. I think I may say with reason, that
under this policy the civilization of the wild red man will progress
slowly.”
As might naturally be expected, a massacre like that at Fort Phil
Kearny, in which ninety-one enlisted men and three officers were
slain outright, and no one left to tell the tale, excited discussion and
comment throughout the land, and raised inquiry as to who was
responsible for this lamentable affair. The military laid the blame at
the door of the Indian Bureau with its host of civil agents and
traders, and accused the latter of supplying the Indians with the
arms and ammunition which were afterward turned against the
whites. The supporters of the Indian Bureau not only did not deny
the accusation, but went so far as to claim that all our difficulties
with the Indians could be traced to the fact that the military
commanders, particularly Generals Hancock and Cooke, had
forbidden the traders from furnishing the Indians with arms and
ammunition. This was the official statement of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs in the spring of 1867. It was rather a queer complaint
upon which to justify a war that, because the Government would not
furnish the savages with implements for murdering its subjects in
approved modern method, these same savages would therefore be
reluctantly forced to murder and scalp such settlers and travellers as
fell in their paths, in the old-fashioned tomahawk, bow and arrow
style. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in his report to the
Secretary of the Interior in the spring of 1867, labored hard to find a
justification for the Indians in their recent outbreak at Fort Phil
Kearny. The withholding of arms and ammunition from the Indians
seemed to be the principal grievance. As the views of the
Commissioner find many supporters in quarters remote from the
scene of Indian depredations, and among persons who still cling to
the traditionary Indian, as wrought by the pen of Cooper, as their
ideal red man, I quote the Commissioner’s words: “An order issued
by General Cooke at Omaha on the 31st of July last, in relation to
arms and ammunition, has had a very bad effect. I am satisfied that
such orders are not only unwise but really cruel, and therefore
calculated to produce the very worst effect. Indians are men, and
when hungry will like others resort to any means to obtain food; and
as the chase is their only means of subsistence, if you deprive them
of the power of procuring it, you certainly produce great
dissatisfaction. If it were true that arms and ammunition could be
accumulated by them to war against us, it would certainly be unwise
to give it to them, but this is not the fact. No Indian will buy two
guns. One he absolutely needs; and as he has no means of taking
care of powder, he necessarily will take, when offered to him, but a
very limited quantity. It is true that formerly they hunted with bows
and arrows, killing buffalo, antelope, and deer with the same; but to
hunt successfully with bow and arrows requires horses, and as the
valleys of that country are now more or less filled with white men
prospecting for gold and silver, their means of subsisting their horses
have passed away, and they now have but few horses. I mention
these facts so as to place before the country, as briefly as possible,
the condition as well as the wants of the Indians.”
 Unfortunately for the Commissioner, his premises were entirely
wrong, and his conclusions necessarily so. It is a difficult task to
prove that men whose habits, instincts, and training incline them to
deeds of murder, will be less apt to commit those deeds, provided
we place in their hands every implement and facility for their
commission; yet such in effect was the reasoning of the
Commissioner. Where or from whom he could have obtained the
opinions he expressed, it is difficult to understand. He certainly
derived no such ideas from a personal knowledge of the Indians
themselves. How well his statements bear examination: “If it were
true that arms and ammunition could be accumulated by them to
war against us, it would certainly be worse to give it to them, but
this is not the fact. No Indian will buy two guns.”
On the contrary, every person at all familiar with the conduct of
the Indians knows that there is no plan or idea which they study
more persistently than that of accumulating arms and ammunition,
and in the successful execution of this plan they have collected, and
are to-day collecting arms and ammunition of the latest and most
approved pattern. This supply of arms and ammunition is not
obtained for purposes of hunting, for no matter how bountifully the
Indian may be supplied with firearms, his favorite and most
successful mode of killing the buffalo, his principal article of food, is
with the bow and arrow. It is, at the same time, the most
economical mode, as the arrows, after being lodged in the bodies of
the buffalo, may be recovered unimpaired, and be used repeatedly.
“No Indian will buy two guns!” If the honorable Commissioner had
added the words, provided he can steal them, his statement would
be heartily concurred in. From a knowledge of the facts, I venture
the assertion that there is scarcely an Indian on the plains, no
matter how fully armed and equipped, but will gladly barter almost
anything he owns, of proper value, in exchange for good arms and
ammunition. Even if his personal wants in this respect are satisfied,
the Indian is too shrewd at driving a bargain to throw away any
opportunity of possessing himself of arms or ammunition, as among
his comrades he is aware that no other articles of trade command
the prices that are paid for implements of war. An Indian may not
desire two guns for his own use, but he will buy or procure one gun
and one or more revolvers as a part of his equipment for war, and
there are few of the chiefs and warriors of the plains who to-day are
not the possessors of at least one breech-loading rifle or carbine,
and from one to two revolvers. This can be vouched for by any
officer who has been brought in contact with the hostile Indians of
late years. As to the Indian not having proper means to take care of
his ammunition, experience has shown that when he goes into
action he carries a greater number of rounds of ammunition than do
our soldiers, and in time of peace he exercises far better care of his
supply than do our men. The army declared itself almost
unanimously against the issue of arms to the Indians, while the
traders, who were looking to the profits, and others of the Indian
Bureau, proclaimed loudly in favor of the issue, unlimited and
unrestrained. General Hancock, commanding at that time one of the
most important and extensive of the Indian departments, issued
orders to his subordinates throughout the Indian country, similar to
the order referred to of General Cooke. The order simply required
post commanders and other officers to prevent the issue or sale of
arms and ammunition to any Indians of the plains. As we were then
engaged in hostilities with nearly all the tribes, it would have been
simply assisting our enemies not to adopt this course. A
spontaneous outcry came from the traders who were to be affected
by this order—an outcry that did not cease until it resounded in
Washington. General Hancock reported his action in the matter to
his next superior officer, at that time Lieutenant-General Sherman.
General Sherman at once sent the following letter to General
Hancock, emphatically approving the course of the latter, and
reiterating the order:

Headquarters Military Division of the Missouri,

St. Louis, Missouri, January 26, 1867.
General: I have this moment received your letter of January
22, about the sale of arms and ammunition to Indians by traders
 and agents. We, the military, are held responsible for the peace
of the frontier, and it is an absurdity to attempt it if Indian
agents and traders can legalize and encourage so dangerous a
traffic. I regard the paper enclosed, addressed to Mr. D. A.
Butterfield, and signed by Charles Bogy, W. R. Irwin, J. H.
Leavenworth, and others, as an outrage upon our rights and
supervision of the matter, and I now authorize you to disregard
that paper, and at once stop the practice, keeping the issues and
sales of arms and ammunition under the rigid control and
supervision of the commanding officers of the posts and districts
near which the Indians are.
If the Indian agents may, without limit, supply the Indians
with arms, I would not expose our troops and trains to them at
all, but would withdraw our soldiers, who already have a
herculean task on their hands.
This order is made for this immediate time, but I will, with
all expedition, send these papers with a copy of this, to General
Grant, in the hope that he will lay it before the President, who
alone can control both War and Indian Departments, under
whom, at present, this mixed control of the Indian question now
rests in law and practice.
Your obedient
servant,
W. T. Sherman, Lieutenant-General Commanding.
General W. S. Hancock, commanding Department of the
Missouri.

This was before the peace policy had become supreme, or the
appointment of agents from the Society of Friends had been
discovered as a supposed panacea for all our Indian difficulties.
General Sherman, as stated in his letter, forwarded all the papers
relating to the arms question to the headquarters of the army.
General Grant, then in command of the army, forwarded them to the
Secretary of War, accompanied by the following letter, which clearly
expresses the views he then held:

Headquarters Armies of The United States,

Washington, D. C., February 1, 1867.
Sir: The enclosed papers, just received from General
Sherman, are respectfully forwarded, and your special attention
invited. They show the urgent necessity for an immediate
transfer of the Indian Bureau to the War Department, and the
abolition of the civil agents and licensed traders. If the present
practice is to be continued, I do not see that any course is left
open to us but to withdraw our troops to the settlements and
call upon Congress to provide means and troops to carry on
formidable hostilities against the Indians, until all the Indians or
all the whites on the great plains, and between the settlements
on the Missouri and the Pacific slope, are exterminated. The
course General Sherman has pursued in this matter, in
disregarding the permits of Mr. Bogy and others, is just right. I
will instruct him to enforce his order until it is countermanded by
the President or yourself. I would also respectfully ask that this
matter be placed before the President, and his disapproval of
licensing the sale of arms to Indians asked. We have treaties
with all tribes of Indians from time to time. If the rule is to be
followed that all tribes with which we have treaties, and pay
annuities, can procure such articles without stint or limit, it will
not be long before the matter becomes perfectly understood by
the Indians, and they avail themselves of it to equip themselves
for war. They will get the arms either by making treaties
themselves or through tribes who have such treaties.
I would respectfully recommend that copies of the enclosed
communications be furnished to the Military Committee of each
house of Congress.
Very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
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