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Basics of Social Research Qualitative and Quantitative
Approaches with MySearchLab eText Access Code W.
Lawrence Neuman Digital Instant Download
Author(s): W. Lawrence Neuman
ISBN(s): 9780205863679, 0205863671
Edition: Paperback
File Details: PDF, 3.30 MB
Year: 2012
Language: english
 P E A R S O N C U S T O M L I B R A R Y

Table of Contents

Glossary
W. Lawrence Neuman 1
1. Doing Social Research
W. Lawrence Neuman 15
2. Theory and Social Research
W. Lawrence Neuman 39
3. Ethics in Social Research
W. Lawrence Neuman 67
4. Reviewing the Scholarly Literature and Planning a Study
W. Lawrence Neuman 89
5. Qualitative and Quantitative Measurement
W. Lawrence Neuman 131
6. Qualitative and Quantitative Sampling
W. Lawrence Neuman 165
7. Survey Research
W. Lawrence Neuman 191
8. Experimental Research
W. Lawrence Neuman 227
9. Nonreactive Research and Secondary Analysis
W. Lawrence Neuman 257
10. Analysis of Quantitative Data
W. Lawrence Neuman 281
11. Field Research and Focus Group Research
W. Lawrence Neuman 309
12. Analysis of Qualitative Data
W. Lawrence Neuman 341

I
 13. Writing the Research Report
W. Lawrence Neuman 363
Bibliography
W. Lawrence Neuman 381
Index 393

II
 GLOSSARY

Following the definition, the number in parentheses Applied social research Research that attempts to solve
indicates the chapter in which the term first appears in a concrete problem or address a specific policy ques-
the text and is in the Key Terms section. Italicized terms tion and that has a direct, practical application. (1)
refer to terms defined elsewhere in this glossary. Association A co-occurrence of two events, factors,
Abstract A term with two meanings in literature characteristics, or activities, such that when one
reviews: a short summary of a scholarly journal arti- happens, the other is likely to occur as well. Many
cle that usually appears at its beginning, and a refer- statistics measure this. (2)
ence tool for locating scholarly journal articles. (4) Assumption Parts of social theories that are not tested,
Acceptable incompetent When a field researcher pre- but act as starting points or basic beliefs about the
tends to be less skilled or knowledgeable in order world. They are necessary to make other theoretical
to learn more about a field site. (11) statements and to build social theory. (2)
Accretion measures Nonreactive measures of the res- Attitude of strangeness A technique in field research in
idue of the activity of people or what they leave which researchers study a field site by mentally adjust-
behind. (9) ing to “see” it for the first time or as an outsider. (11)
Action research A type of applied social research in Attributes The categories or levels of a variable. (4)
which a researcher treats knowledge as a form of Axial coding A second coding of qualitative data after
power and abolishes the division between creat- open coding. The researcher organizes the codes,
ing knowledge and using knowledge to engage in develops links among them, and discovers key ana-
political action. (1) lytic categories. (13)
Alternative hypothesis A hypothesis paired with a null Back translation A technique in comparative
hypothesis stating that the independent variable has research for checking lexicon equivalence.
an effect on a dependent variable. (4) A researcher translates spoken or written text
Analytic domain In domain analysis, a type of domain from an original language into a second language,
a researcher develops using categories or terms he then translates the same text in the second lan-
or she developed to understand a social setting. (13) guage back into the original language, then com-
Analytic memo’s The written notes a qualitative pares the two original language texts. (12)
researcher takes during data collection and after- Bar chart A display of quantitative data for one variable
ward to develop concepts, themes, or preliminary in the form of rectangles where longer rectangles
generalizations. (11) indicate more cases in a variable category. Usually, it
Anonymity Research participants remain anonymous is used with discrete data and there is a small space
or nameless. (3) between rectangles. They can have a horizontal or
vertical orientation. Also called bar graphs. (10)
Appearance of interest A technique in field research
in which researchers maintain relations in a field Basic social research Research designed to advance
site by pretending to be interested and excited by fundamental knowledge about the social world. (1)
the activities of those studied, even though they are Bivariate statistics Statistical measures that involve
actually uninterested or very bored. (11) two variables only. (10)

From Glossary of Basics of Social Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, Third Edition. W. Lawrence
Neuman. Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.

1
 GLOSSARY

Blame analysis A counterfeit argument presented geographic areas in which aggregated units are ran-
as if it were a theoretical explanation that substi- domly selected then samples are drawn from the
tutes attributing blame for a causal explanation sampled aggregated units, or clusters. (6)
and implies an intention or negligence, or respon- Code sheets Paper with a printed grid on which a
sibility for an event or situation. (2) researcher records information so that it can be
Body of a table The center part of a contingency easily entered into a computer. It is an alternative
table. It contains all the cells, but not the totals to the direct-entry method and using optical-scan
or labels. (10) sheets. (10)
Bogardus Social Distance Scale A scale that measures Codebook A document that describes the procedure
the distance between two or more social groups for coding variables and their location in a format
by having members of one group express the for computers. (10)
point at which they feel comfortable with various Coding The process of converting raw information
types of social interaction or closeness with mem- or data into another form for analysis. In content
bers of the other group(s). (5) analysis, it is a means for determining how to con-
Case study Research, usually qualitative, on one or a vert symbolic meanings in text into another form,
small number of cases in which a researcher care- usually numbers (see Coding system); in quantita-
fully examines a large number of details about each tive data analysis, it is a means for assigning num-
case. (1) bers; and in qualitative data analysis, it is a series
of steps for reading raw notes and assigning codes
Causal explanation A statement in social theory
or conceptual terms (see Axial coding, Open coding,
about why events occur that is expressed in terms
Selective coding). (9)
of causes and effects. They correspond to associa-
tions in the empirical world. (2) Coding system A set of instructions or rules used in
content analysis to explain how to systematically
Cell of a table A part of the body of a table. In a con-
convert the symbolic content from text into quan-
tingency table, it shows the distribution of cases
titative data. (9)
into categories of variables as a specific number or
percentage. (10) Cohort study A type of longitudinal research in which
a researcher focuses on a category of people who
Central limit theorem A lawlike mathematical rela- share a similar life experience in a specified time
tionship that states whenever many random sam- period. (1)
ples are drawn from a population and plotted, a
normal distribution is formed, and the center of Compensatory behavior A threat to internal validity
such a distribution for a variable is equal to its that occurs when participants in the control group
population parameter. (6) modify their behavior to make up for not getting
the treatment. (8)
Citation Details of a scholarly journal article’s location
Competent insider performance A method field
that helps people find it quickly. (4)
researchers use to demonstrate the authenticity and
Classical experimental design An experimental design trustworthiness of a study by the researcher “pass-
that has random assignment, a control group, an ing” as a member of the group under study. (11)
experimental group, and pretests and posttests for
Computer-assisted telephone interviewing
each group. (8)
(CATI) Survey research in which the interviewer
Classification concept Complex, multidimensional sits before a computer screen and keyboard and uses
concepts that have subtypes. They are parts of the computer to read questions that are asked in a
social theories between one simple concept and a telephone interview, then enters answers directly
full theoretical explanation. (2) into the computer. (7)
Closed-ended question A type of survey research ques- Concept cluster A collection of interrelated ideas that
tion in which respondents must choose from a share common assumptions, belong to the same
fixed set of answers. (7) larger social theory, and refer to one another. (2)
Cluster sampling A type of random sample that uses Conceptual definition A careful, systematic definition
multiple stages and is often used to cover wide of a construct that is explicitly written to clarify

2
 GLOSSARY

one’s thinking. It is often linked to other concepts of categories for two variables for logically impos-
or theoretical statements. (5) sible cases. (10)
Conceptual equivalence In historical-comparative Contingency question A type of survey research question
research, the issue of whether the same ideas or con- in which the respondent next goes to one or another
cepts occur or can be used to represent phenomena later question based on his or her answer. (7)
across divergent cultural or historical settings. (12) Contingency table A table that shows the cross-tab-
Conceptual hypothesis A type of hypothesis in which the ulation of two or more variables. It usually shows
researcher expresses variables in abstract, conceptual bivariate quantitative data for variables in the form
terms and expresses the relationship among variables of percentages across rows or down columns for
in a theoretical way. (5) the categories of one variable. (10)
Conceptualization The process of developing Continuous variable’s Variables measured on a con-
clear, rigorous, systematic conceptual definitions tinuum in which an infinite number of finer grada-
for abstract ideas/concepts. (5) tions between variable attributes are possible. (5)
Concurrent validity Measurement validity that relies Control group The group that does not get the treat-
on a preexisting and already accepted measure ment in experimental research. (8)
to verify the indicator of a construct. (5) Control variable A “third” variable that shows
Confederate A person working for the experimenter whether a bivariate relationship holds up to alter-
who acts as another participant or in a role in front native explanations. It can occur before or between
of participants to deceive them for an experiment’s other variables. (10)
cover story. (8) Convenience sampling A type of nonrandom sample
Confidence interval A range of values, usually a little in which the researcher selects anyone he or she
higher and lower than a specific value found in a happens to come across. (6)
sample, within which a researcher has a specified Covariation The idea that two variables vary together,
and high degree of confidence that the population such that knowing the values in one variable pro-
parameter lies. (6) vides information about values found in another
Confidentiality Information with participant names variable. (10)
attached, but the researcher holds it in confidence Cover sheet One or more pages at the beginning of a
or keeps it secret from the public. (3) questionnaire with information about an interview
Confounding variable’s In experimental research, or respondent. (7)
variables or factors that are not part of the intended Cover story A type of deception in which the experi-
hypothesis being tests, but that have effects on vari- menter tells a false story to participants so they
ables of interest and threaten internal validity. (8) will act as wanted and do not know the true
Content analysis Research in which one examines pat- hypothesis.
terns of symbolic meaning within written text, audio, Cover term In domain analysis, the name for a domain
visual, or other communication medium. (1) (9) (i.e., a cultural setting or site in which people regu-
Content validity Measurement validity that requires larly interact and develop a set of shared understand-
that a measure represent all the aspects of the con- ings) or “miniculture” that can be analyzed. (13)
ceptual definition of a construct. (5) Criterion validity Measurement validity that relies on
Context effect An effect in survey research when an some independent, outside verification. (5)
overall tone or set topics heard by a respondent Crossover design A design to reduce creating inequality;
affects how he or she interprets the meaning of it is when a study group that gets no treatment in the
subsequent questions. (7) first phase of the experiment becomes the group with
Contextual equivalence The issue in historical-com- the treatment in the second phase, and vice versa. (3)
parative research of whether social roles, norms, Cross-sectional research Research in which a
or situations across different cultures or historical researcher examines a single point in time or takes
periods are equivalent or can be compared. (12) a one-time snapshot approach. (1)
Contingency cleaning Cleaning data using a computer Cross-tabulation Placing data for two variables in a
in which the researcher looks at the combination contingency table to show the number or percentage

3
 GLOSSARY

of cases at the intersection of categories of the two cases purposely as a way to provide greater insight
variables. (10) into social processes or a setting. (6)
Curvilinear relationship A relationship between two Diffusion of treatment A threat to internal validity
variables such that as the values of one variable that occurs when the treatment “spills over” from
increase, the values of the second show a chang- the experimental group, and control group research
ing pattern (e.g., first decrease then increase then participants modify their behavior because they
decrease). It is not a linear relationship. (10) learn of the treatment. (8)
Data The empirical evidence or information that a per- Direct-entry method A method of entering data into
son gathers carefully according to established rules or a computer by typing data without code or optical
procedures; it can be qualitative or quantitative. (1) scan sheets. (10)
Debrief When a researcher gives a true explanation of Direct observation notes Notes taken in field research
the experiment to research participants after using that attempt to include all details and specifics of
deception. (8) what the researcher heard or saw in a field site. They
Deception When an experimenter lies to research par- are written in a way that permits multiple interpre-
ticipants about the true nature of an experiment tations later. (11)
or creates a false impression through his or her Discrete variables Variables in which the attributes can
actions or the setting. (8) be measured only with a limited number of dis-
Deductive approach An approach to inquiry or social tinct, separate categories. (5)
theory in which one begins with abstract ideas and Domain analysis A method of qualitative data analy-
principles then works toward concrete, empirical sis in which a researcher describes and reveals the
evidence to test the ideas. (2) structure of a cultural domain. (13)
Defocusing A technique early in field research when Double-barreled question A problem in survey
the researcher removes his or her past assump- research question wording that occurs when two
tions and preconceptions to become more open to ideas are combined into one question, and it is
events in a field site. (11) unclear whether the answer is for the combina-
Demand characteristics A type of reactivity in which tion of both or one or the other question. (7)
the participants in experimental research pick up Double-blind experiment A type of experimental
clues about the hypothesis and alter their behavior research in which neither the research participants
accordingly. (8) nor the person who directly deals with the research
Dependent variable The effect variable that is last and participants for the experimenter knows the specif-
results from the causal variable(s) in a causal expla- ics of the experiment. (8)
nation. Also the variable that is measured in the pre-
Ecological fallacy Something that appears to be a
test and posttest and that is the result of the treatment
causal explanation but is not. It occurs because of
in experimental research. (4)
confusion about units of analysis. A researcher has
Descriptive research Research in which one “paints a empirical evidence about an association for large-
picture” with words or numbers, presents a profile, scale units or huge aggregates, but overgeneralizes
outlines stages, or classifies types. (1) to make theoretical statements about an association
Descriptive statistics A general type of simple statistics among small-scale units or individuals. (4)
used by researchers to describe basic patterns in Ecological validity A way to demonstrate the authen-
the data. (10) ticity and trustworthiness of a field research study
Design notation The name of a symbol system used by showing that the researcher’s descriptions of the
to discuss the parts of an experiment and to make field site matches those of the members from the
diagrams of them. (8) site and that the researcher was not a major dis-
Deviant case sampling A type of nonrandom sample, turbance. (11)
especially used by qualitative researchers, in which Editing A step in the writing process that is part of
a researcher selects unusual or nonconforming rewriting, in which a writer cleans up and tightens

4
 GLOSSARY

the language and checks grammar, verb agreement, applied, nonspecialist audience. Usually a little lon-
usage, sentence length, and paragraph organization ger than an abstract. (14)
to improve communication. (14) Exhaustive attributes The principle that response cat-
Elaboration paradigm A system for describing pat- egories in a scale or other measure should provide a
terns evident among tables when a bivariate con- category for all possible responses (i.e., every pos-
tingency table is compared with partials after the sible response fits into some category). (5)
control variable has been added. (10) Existing statistics research Research in which one
Empirical evidence The observations that people expe- examines numerical information from govern-
rience through their senses—touch, sight, hearing, ment documents or official reports to address new
smell, and taste; these can be direct or indirect. (1) research questions. (1)
Empirical generalization A quasi-theoretical state- Experimental design Arranging the parts of an experi-
ment that summarizes findings or regularities in ment and putting them together. (8)
empirical evidence. It uses few if any abstract con- Experimental group The group that receives the treat-
cepts and only makes a statement about a recurring ment in experimental research. (8)
pattern that researchers observe. (2) Experimental mortality Threats to internal validity
Empirical hypothesis A type of hypothesis in which the due to participants failing to participate through
researcher expresses variables in specific terms and the entire experiment. (8)
expresses the association among the measured indica- Experimental realism External validity in which the
tors of observable, empirical evidence. (5) experiment is made to feel realistic, so that experi-
Empty boxes A name for conceptual categories in an mental events have a real impact on participants.
explanation that a researcher uses as part of the Experimental research Research in which one inter-
illustrative method of qualitative data analysis. (13) venes or does something to one group of people
Equivalent time-series design An experimental but not to another, then compares results for the
design in which there are several repeated two groups. (1)
pretests, posttests, and treatments for one group Experimenter expectancy A type of reactivity due to
often over a period of time. (8) the experimenter indirectly making participants
Erosion measures Nonreactive measures of the wear aware of the hypothesis or desired results. (8)
or deterioration on surfaces due to the activity of Explanation pattern A pattern in the elaboration para-
people. (9) digm in which the bivariate contingency table shows
Error of segregation A mistake that can occur when a relationship, but the partials show no relationship
writing qualitative research in which a writer and the control variable occurs prior to the indepen-
separates concrete empirical details from abstract dent variable. (10)
ideas. (14) Explanatory research Research that focuses on why
Ethnography An approach to field research that events occur or tries to test and build social theory. (1)
emphasizes providing a very detailed description of Exploratory research Research into an area that has
a different culture from the viewpoint of an insider not been studied and in which a researcher wants
in that culture in order to permit a greater under- to develop initial ideas and a more focused research
standing of it. (11) question. (1)
Ethnomethodology An approach to social science that External consistency A way to achieve reliability of
combines philosophy, social theory, and method data in field research in which the researcher cross-
to study. (11) checks and verifies qualitative data using multiple
Evaluation research A type of applied research in which sources of information. (11)
one tries to determine how well a program or policy External criticism In historical research, a way to
is working or reaching its goals and objectives. (1) check the authenticity of primary sources by accu-
Executive summary A summary of a research project’s rately locating the place and time of its creation
findings placed at the beginning of a report for an (e.g., it is not a forgery). (12)

5
 GLOSSARY

External validity The ability to generalize from exper- the respondents with an opinion or knowledge are
imental research to settings or people that differ asked a specific question on the topic. (7)
from the specific conditions of the study. (5) (8) Functional theory A type of social theory based on
Face validity A type of measurement validity in which an biological analogies, in which the social world or
indicator “makes sense” as a measure of a construct its parts are seen as systems, with its parts serving
in the judgment of others, especially those in the sci- the needs of the system. (2)
entific community. (5) Funnel sequence A way to order survey research ques-
Factorial design A type of experimental design that tions in a questionnaire from general to specific. (7)
considers the impact of several independent vari- Galton’s problem In comparative research, the prob-
ables simultaneously. (8) lem of finding correlations or associations among
Fallacy of misplaced concreteness When a person variables or characteristics in multiple cases or
uses too many digits in a quantitative measure in units, when the characteristics are actually dif-
an attempt to create the impression that the data fused from a single unit or have a common origin.
are accurate or the researcher is highly capable. (9) Thus, a researcher cannot really treat the multiple
units (e.g., countries, cultures, etc.) as being wholly
Field experiment Experimental research that takes
separate. (12)
place in a natural setting. (8)
Gatekeeper A person in an official or unofficial role
Field research A type of qualitative research in which a
who controls access to all or part of a field site. (11)
researcher directly observes the people being studied
in a natural setting for an extended period. Often, General Social Survey (GSS) A survey of a random
the researcher combines intense observing with par- sample of about 1,500 U.S. adults that has been
ticipation in the people’s social activities. (1) conducted in most years between 1972 and the
present and is available for many researchers to
Field site One or more natural locations where a analyze. (9)
researcher conducts field research. (11)
Go native What happens when a researcher in field
First-order interpretation In qualitative research, research gets overly involved and loses all distance
what the people who are being studied actually feel or objectivity and becomes like the people being
and think. (4) studied. (11)
Floaters Respondents who lack a belief or opinion, Grantsmanship The strategies and skills of locating
but who give an answer anyway if asked in a survey appropriate funding sources and preparing high-
research question. Often, their answers are incon- quality proposals for research funding. (14)
sistent. (7) Grounded theory Social theory that is rooted in obser-
Focus group A type of group interview in which vations of specific, concrete details. (2)
an interviewer asks questions to the group and Guilty knowledge When a researcher in field research
answers are given in an open discussion among learns of illegal, unethical, or immoral actions by the
the group members. (11) people in the field site that are not widely known. (11)
Folk domain In domain analysis, a domain based on Guttman scaling A scale that researchers use after data
actual words, ideas, and phrases used by members in a are collected to reveal whether a hierarchical pat-
social setting or historical actors in a specific era. (13) tern exists among responses, such that people who
Frequency distribution A table that shows the distri- give responses at a “higher level” also tend to give
bution of cases into the categories of one variable “lower-level” ones. (5)
(i.e., the number or percent of cases in each cat- Halo effect An error often made when people use
egory). (10) personal experience as an alternative to science for
Frequency polygon A graph of connected points acquiring knowledge. It is when a person overgen-
showing the distribution of how many cases fall eralizes from what he or she accepts as being highly
into each category of a variable. (10) positive or prestigious and lets its strong reputation
Full-filter question A type of survey research question or prestige “rub off” onto other areas. (1)
in which respondents are first asked whether they Hawthorne effect An effect of reactivity named after a
have an opinion or know about a topic, then only famous case in which research participants reacted

6
 GLOSSARY

to the fact that they were in an experiment more Index The summing or combining of many separate
than they reacted to the treatment. (8) measures of a construct or variable. (5)
Hidden populations People who engage in clandes- Inductive approach An approach to inquiry or social
tine, deviant, or concealed activities and who are theory in which one begins with concrete empirical
difficult to locate and study. (6) details, then works toward abstract ideas or general
Historical-comparative research Research in which principles. (2)
one examines different cultures or periods to bet- Inferential statistics A branch of applied mathemat-
ter understand the social world. (1) ics or statistics based on a random sample. It lets
History effects A threat to internal validity due a researcher make precise statements about the
to something that occurs and affects the level of confidence he or she has in the results of a
dependent variable during an experiment, but sample being equal to the population parameter. (6)
which is unplanned and outside the control of the Informed consent An agreement by participants stat-
experimenter. (8) ing they are willing to be in a study after they learn
Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) An exten- something about what the research procedure will
sive catalog and comprehensive collection of involve. (3)
ethnographies on many cultures (mostly preliter- Institutional review board (IRB) A committee of
ate) that permits a researcher to compare across researchers and community members that over-
cultural units. (12) sees, monitors, and reviews the impact of research
Hypothesis The statement from a causal expla- procedures on human participants and applies eth-
nation or a proposition that has at least one ical guidelines by reviewing research procedures at
independent and one dependent variable, but it has a preliminary stage when first proposed. (3)
yet to be empirically tested. (4) Interaction effect The effect of two independent vari-
Ideal type A pure model about an idea, process, or ables that operate simultaneously together. The
event. One develops it to think about it more effect of the variables together is greater than what
clearly and systematically. It is used both as a would occur from a simple addition of the effects
method of qualitative data analysis and in social from each. The variables operate together on one
theory building. (2) another to create an extra “boost.” (8)
Idiographic An approach that focuses on creating Internal consistency A way to achieve reliability of
detailed descriptions of specific events in particu- data in field research in which a researcher exam-
lar time periods and settings. It rarely goes beyond ines the data for plausibility and sees whether they
empirical generalizations to abstract social theory form a coherent picture, given all that is known
or causal laws. (2) about a person or event, trying to avoid common
Illustrative method A method of qualitative data forms of deception. (11)
analysis in which a researcher takes the concepts Internal criticism How historical researchers establish
of a social theory or explanation and treats them the authenticity and credibility of primary sources
as empty boxes to be filled with empirical examples and determine its accuracy as an account of what
and descriptions. (13) occurred. (12)
Included term In domain analysis, the subtypes or Internal validity The ability of experimenters to
parts of the cultural domain that are within a strengthen a causal explanation’s logical rigor
cover term and have a semantic relationship to one by eliminating potential alternative explana-
another (13) tions for an association between the treatment
Independence The absence of a statistical relationship and the dependent variable through an
between two variables (i.e., when knowing the val- experimental design. (5) (8)
ues on one variable provides no information about Interpretation pattern A pattern in the elabora-
the values that will be found on another variable). tion paradigm in which the bivariate contingency
There is no association between them. (10) table shows a relationship, but the partials
Independent variable The first variable that causes or show no relationship and the control variable is
produces the effect in a causal explanation. (4) intervening in the causal explanation. (10)

7
 GLOSSARY

Interrupted time-series design An experimental design in Likert scale A scale often used in survey research in
which the dependent variable is measured periodically which people express attitudes or other responses in
across many time points, and the treatment occurs terms of several ordinal-level categories (e.g., agree,
in the midst of such measures, often only once. (8) disagree) that are ranked along a continuum. (5)
Interval-level measurement A level of measurement Linear relationship An association between two vari-
that identifies differences among variable attributes, ables that is positive or negative across the attributes
ranks, and categories, and that measures distance or levels of the variables. When plotted in a scat-
between categories, but there is no true zero. (5) tergram, the basic pattern of the association forms
Intervening variable A variable that is between the a straight line, not a curve or other pattern. (10)
initial causal variable and the final effect variable Linear research path Research that proceeds in a clear,
in a causal explanation. (4) logical, step-by-step straight line. It is more charac-
Interview schedule The name of a survey research teristic of a quantitative than a qualitative approach
questionnaire when a telephone or face-to-face to social research. (4)
interview is used. (7) Literature review A systematic examination of pre-
Jotted notes In field research, what a researcher incon- viously published studies on a research question,
spicuously writes while in the field site on whatever is issue, or method that a researcher undertakes and
convenient in order to “jog the memory” later. (11) integrates together to prepare for conducting a
study or to bring together and summarize the
Laboratory experiment Experimental research that
“state of the field.” (4)
takes place in an artificial setting over which the
experimenter has great control. (8) Longitudinal research Research in which the
researcher examines the features of people or other
Latent coding A type of content analysis cod-
units at multiple points in time. (1)
ing in which a researcher identifies subjective
meaning such as general themes or motifs in a Macro-level theory Social theories and explanations
communication medium. (9) about more abstract, large-scale, and broad-scope
aspects of social reality, such as social change in
Latin square design An experimental design used to
major institutions (e.g., the family, education, etc.)
examine whether the order or sequence in which
in a whole nation across several decades. (2)
research participants receive multiple versions of
the treatment has an effect. (8) Manifest coding A type of content analysis coding in
which a researcher first develops a list of specific
Level of analysis A way to talk about the scope of
words, phrases, or symbols, then finds them in a
a social theory, causal explanation, proposition,
communication medium. (9)
hypothesis, or theoretical statement. The range of
phenomena it covers, or to which it applies, goes Marginals The totals in a contingency table, outside the
from social psychological (micro level) to organi- body of a table. (10)
zational (meso level) to large-scale social structure Matrix question A type of survey research question
(macro level). (4) in which a set of questions is listed in a compact
Level’s of measurement A system that organizes the form together, all questions sharing the same set
information in the measurement of variables into of answer categories. (7)
four general levels, from nominal level to ratio level. (5) Maturation effect A threat to internal validity in
Level of statistical significance A set of numbers experimental research due to natural processes of
researchers use as a simple way to measure the growth, boredom, and so on, that occur to research
degree to which a statistical relationship results participants during the experiment and affect the
from random factors rather than the existence of a dependent variable. (8)
true relationship among variables. (10) Mean A measure of central tendency for one variable
Lexicon equivalence Finding equivalent words or that indicates the arithmetic average (i.e., the sum of
phrases to express the identical meaning in differ- all scores divided by the total number of scores). (10)
ent languages or in the translation from one lan- Measurement equivalence In historical-comparative
guage to another (see Back translation). (12) research, creating or locating measures that will

8
 GLOSSARY

accurately represent the same construct or variable chronological order, describing particular people
in divergent cultural or historical settings. (12) and events, and focusing on colorful details. (13)
Measurement validity How well an empirical indicator Naturalism The principle that researchers should exam-
and the conceptual definition of the construct that the ine events as they occur in natural, everyday ongoing
indicator is supposed to measure “fit” together. (5) social settings. (11)
Median A measure of central tendency for one vari- Negative relationship An association between two vari-
able indicating the point or score at which half the ables such that as values on one variable increase,
cases are higher and half are lower. (10) values on the other variable fall or decrease. (2)
Members The insiders or native people in a field site Nominal-level measurement The lowest, least precise
who are being studied. (11) level of measurement for which there is only a differ-
Member validation A way to demonstrate the authen- ence in type among the categories of a variable. (5)
ticity and trustworthiness of a field research study Nomothetic An approach based on laws or one that
by having the people who were studied (i.e., mem- operates according to a system of laws. (2)
bers) read and confirm as being true that which the Nonlinear research path Research that proceeds in a
researcher has reported. (11) circular, back-and-forth manner. It is more char-
Meso-level theory Social theories and explanations acteristic of a qualitative than a quantitative style to
about the middle level of social reality between a social research. (4)
broad and narrow scope, such as the development Nonrandom sample A type of sample in which the
and operation of social organizations, communities, sampling elements are selected using something
or social movements over a five-year period. (2) other than a mathematically random process. (6)
Micro-level theory Social theories and explanations Nonreactive Measures in which people being studied
about the concrete, small-scale, and narrow level are unaware that they are in a study. (9)
of reality, such as face-to-face interaction in small Normal distribution A “bell-shaped” frequency polygon
groups during a two-month period. (2) for a distribution of cases, with a peak in the center and
Mixed domain In domain analysis, a domain that identical curving slopes on either side of the center. It
combines the words and categories of mem- is the distribution of many naturally occurring phe-
bers under study with categories developed by a nomena and is a basis of much statistical theory. (10)
researcher for analysis. (13) Normalize social research Techniques in field research
Mode A measure of central tendency for one vari- used by researchers to make the people being studied
able that indicates the most frequent or common feel more comfortable with the research process and
score. (10) to help them accept the researcher’s presence. (11)
Multiple indicators Many procedures or instruments Null hypothesis A hypothesis that says there is no rela-
that indicate, or provide evidence of, the pres- tionship or association between two variables, or
ence or level of a variable using empirical evidence. no effect. (4)
Researchers use the combination of several together One-shot case-study design An experimental design
to measure a variable. (5) with only an experimental group and a posttest, no
Mundane realism A type of external validity in which pretest. (8)
the experimental conditions appear to be real and Open coding A first coding of qualitative data in
very similar to settings or situations outside a lab which a researcher examines the data to condense
setting. (8) them into preliminary analytic categories or codes
Mutually exclusive attributes The principle that for analyzing the data. (13)
response categories in a scale or other measure should Open-ended question A type of survey research ques-
be organized so that a person’s responses fit into only tion in which respondents are free to offer any
one category (i.e., categories should not overlap). (5) answer they wish to the question. (7)
Narrative A type of writing and analysis in field research Operational definition The definition of a variable in
and historical-comparative research in which the terms of the specific activities to measure or indi-
writer attempts to “tell a story” by following cate it with empirical evidence. (5)

9
 GLOSSARY

Operationalization The process of moving from the and dependent variables for each category of a con-
conceptual definition of a construct to a set of spe- trol variable. (10)
cific activities or measures that allow a researcher Percentile A measure of dispersion for one variable
to observe it empirically (i.e., its operational that indicates the percentage of cases at or below a
definition). (5) score or point. (10)
Oral history A type of recollection in which a Pie chart A display of numerical information on one
researcher interviews a person about the events, variable that divides a circle into fractions by lines
beliefs, or feelings in the past that were directly representing the proportion of cases in the vari-
experienced. (12) able’s attributes. (10)
Order effects An effect in survey research in which Placebo effect A false treatment or one that has no effect
respondents hear some specific questions before in an experiment. It is sometimes called a “sugar
others, and the earlier questions affect their pill” that a subject mistakes for a true treatment. (8)
answers to later questions. (7)
Plagiarism A type of unethical behavior in which one
Ordinal-level measurement A level of measurement uses the writings or ideas of another without giving
that identifies a difference among categories of proper credit. It is “stealing ideas.” (3) (14)
a variable and allows the categories to be rank-
ordered. (5) Population The name for the large general group of
many cases from which a researcher draws a sample
Orientation reading At the start of historical-compar-
and which is usually stated in theoretical terms. (6)
ative research, reading several general but serious
book-length works to acquire background knowl- Positive relationship An association between two vari-
edge about a specific era or culture. (12) ables such that as values on one increase, values on
the other also increase. (2)
Overgeneralization An error that people often make
when using personal experience as an alterna- Possible code cleaning Cleaning data using a com-
tive to science for acquiring knowledge. It occurs puter in which the researcher looks for responses
when some evidence supports a belief, but a person or answer categories that cannot have cases. (10)
falsely assumes that it applies to many other situ- Posttest The measurement of the dependent variable
ations, too. (1) in experimental research after the treatment. (8)
Panel study A powerful type of longitudinal research Praxis An idea in critical social science that social
in which a researcher observes exactly the same theory and everyday practice interact or work
people, group, or organization across multiple time together, mutually affecting one another. This
points. (1) interaction can promote social change. (2)
Paradigm A general organizing framework for social Prediction A statement about something that is likely
theory and empirical research. It includes basic to occur in the future. (2)
assumptions, major questions to be answered, Predictive validity Measurement validity that relies on
models of good research practice and theory, and the occurrence of a future event or behavior that
methods for finding the answers to questions. (2) is logically consistent to verify the indicator of a
Parameter A characteristic of the entire population construct. (5)
that is estimated from a sample. (6) Preexperimental designs Experimental designs that
Paraphrasing When a writer restates or rewords the lack random assignment or use shortcuts and are
ideas of another person, giving proper credit to the much weaker than the classical experimental design.
original source. (14) They may be substituted in situations where an
Partially open question A type of survey research ques- experimenter cannot use all the features of a clas-
tion in which respondents are given a fixed set of sical experimental design, but have weaker internal
answers to choose from, but in addition, an “other” validity. (8)
category is offered so that they can specify a differ- Premature closure An error that is often made when
ent answer. (7) using personal experience as an alternative to sci-
Partials In contingency tables for three variables, tables ence for acquiring knowledge. It occurs when a
that show the association between the independent person feels he or she has the answers and does not

10
 GLOSSARY

need to listen, seek information, or raise questions to locate all possible cases of a highly specific and
any longer. (1) difficult-to-reach population. (6)
Prestige bias A problem in survey research question Qualitative data Information in the form of words,
writing that occurs when a highly respected group pictures, sounds, visual images, or objects. (1)
or individual is linked to one of the answers. (7) Quantitative data Information in the form of
Pretest The measurement of the dependent variable of numbers. (1)
an experiment prior to the treatment. (8) Quasi-experimental designs Experimental designs
Prewriting A very early step in the writing process, that are stronger than preexperimental designs.
when one writes without worrying about word They are variations on the classical experimental
choice, spelling, or grammar, but tries to let “ideas design that an experimenter uses in special situa-
flow” as quickly as possible to connect thinking tions or when an experimenter has limited control
processes with writing. (14) over the independent variable. (8)
Primary sources Qualitative data or quantitative data Quasi-filter question A type of survey research ques-
used in historical research. It is evidence about tion including the answer choice “no opinion” or
past social life or events that was created and used “don’t know.” (7)
by the persons who actually lived in the historical Quota sampling A type of nonrandom sample in which
period. (12) the researcher first identifies general categories into
Principal investigator (PI) The person who is primar- which cases or people will be selected, then he or
ily in charge of research on a project that is spon- she selects a predetermined number of cases in
sored or funded by an organization. (14) each category. (6)
Principle of voluntary consent An ethical principle of Random assignment Dividing research participants
social research that people should never participate in into groups at the beginning of experimental research
research unless they first explicitly agree to do so. (3) using a random process, so the experimenter can
Probability proportionate to size (PPS) An adjust- treat the groups as equivalent. (8)
ment made in cluster sampling when each Random-digit dialing (RDD) A method of randomly
cluster does not have the same number of selecting cases for telephone interviews that uses all
sampling elements. (6) possible telephone numbers as a sampling frame. (6)
Probe A follow-up question or action in survey research Random-number table A list of numbers that has no
used by an interviewer to have a respondent clarify pattern in them and that is used to create a random
or elaborate on an incomplete or inappropriate process for selecting cases and other randomization
answer. (7) purposes. (6)
Proposition A basic statement in social theory that Random sample A type of sample in which the
two ideas or variables are related to one another. researcher uses a random number table or similar
It can be true or false (e.g., most sex offenders mathematical random process so that each sam-
were themselves sexually abused when growing pling element in the population will have an equal
up), conditional (e.g., if a foreign enemy threatens, probability of being selected. (6)
then the people of a nation will feel much stronger
social solidarity), and/or causal (e.g., poverty causes Range A measure of dispersion for one variable indi-
crime). (2) cating the highest and lowest scores. (10)
Public sociology Social science that seeks to enrich Ratio-level measurement The highest, most precise
public debates over moral and political issues by level of measurement for which variable attributes can
infusing them with social theory and research and be rank-ordered, the distance between the attributes
tries to generate a conversation between research- precisely measured, and an absolute zero exists. (5)
ers and the public. Often uses action research and a Reactivity The general threat to external validity that
critical social science approach with its main audi- arises because research participants are aware that
ence being nonexperts and practitioners. (3) they are in an experiment and being studied. (8)
Purposive sampling A type of nonrandom sample in Recollections The words or writings of people about
which the researcher uses a wide range of methods their life experiences after some time has passed.

11
 GLOSSARY

The writings are based on a memory of the past, Sampling distribution A distribution created by
but may be stimulated by a review of past objects, drawing many random samples from the same
photos, personal notes, or belongings. (12) population. (6)
Recording sheet Pages on which a researcher writes Sampling element The name for a case or single unit
down what is coded in content analysis. (9) to be selected. (6)
Reductionism Something that appears to be a causal Sampling error How much a sample deviates from
explanation, but is not, because of a confusion being representative of the population. (6)
about units of analysis. A researcher has empirical Sampling frame A list of cases in a population, or the
evidence for an association at the level of individual best approximation of it. (6)
behavior or very small-scale units, but overgener- Sampling interval The inverse of the sampling ratio,
alizes to make theoretical statements about very which is used in systematic sampling to select
large-scale units. (4) cases. (6)
Reliability The dependability or consistency of the Sampling ratio The number of cases in the sample
measure of a variable. (5) divided by the number of cases in the population
Replication The principle that researchers must be or the sampling frame, or the proportion of the
able to repeat scientific findings in multiple studies population in the sample. (6)
to have a high level of confidence that the findings Scale A type of quantitative data measure often used
are true. (2) in survey research that captures the intensity, direc-
Replication pattern A pattern in the elaboration tion, level, or potency of a variable construct along
paradigm in which the partials show the same rela- a continuum. Most are at the ordinal level of mea-
tionship as in a bivariate contingency table of the surement. (5)
independent and dependent variable alone. (10) Scattergram A diagram to display the statistical rela-
Request for proposal’s (RFP’s) An announcement tionship between two variables based on plotting
by a funding organization that it is willing to each case’s values for both of the variables. (10)
fund research and it is soliciting written plans of Scientific community A collection of people who
research projects. (14) share a system of rules and attitudes that sustain
Research fraud A type of unethical behavior in which the process of producing scientific knowledge. (1)
a researcher fakes or invents data that he or she Scientific method The process of creating new knowl-
did not really collect, or fails to honestly and fully edge using the ideas, techniques, and rules of the
report how he or she conducted a study. (3) scientific community. (1)
Response set An effect in survey research when respon- Scientific misconduct When someone engages in
dents tend to agree with every question in a series research fraud, plagiarism, or other unethical con-
rather than thinking through their answer to each duct that significantly deviates from the accepted
question. (7) practice for conducting and reporting research
Revising A step in the writing process that is part of within the scientific community. (3)
rewriting in which a writer adds ideas or evidence, Secondary data analysis A type of existing statistics
and deletes, rearranges, or changes ideas to improve research using data from a past study (1)
clarity and better communicate meaning. (14) Secondary sources Qualitative data and quantita-
Rewriting A step in the writing process in which the tive data used in historical research. Informa-
writer goes over a previous draft to improve com- tion about events or settings are documented or
munication of ideas and clarity of expression. (14) written later by historians or others who did not
Running records A special type of existing statistics directly participate in the events or setting. (12)
research used in historical research because the files, Second-order interpretation In qualitative research,
records, or documents are maintained in a rela- what a researcher believes the people being studied
tively consistent manner over a period of time. (12) feel and think. (4)
Sample A smaller set of cases a researcher selects Selection bias A threat to internal validity when
from a larger pool and generalizes to the popu- groups in an experiment are not equivalent at the
lation. (6) beginning of the experiment. (8)

12
 GLOSSARY

Selective coding A last pass at coding qualitative data Sociogram A diagram or “map” that shows the net-
in which a researcher examines previous codes to work of social relationships, influence patterns, or
identify and select illustrative data that will sup- communication paths among a group of people
port the conceptual coding categories that he or or units. (6)
she developed. (13) Solomon four-group design An experimental design in
Selective observation The tendency to take notice of which research participants are randomly assigned to
certain people or events based on past experience two control groups and two experimental groups. Only
or attitudes. (1) one experimental group and one control group receive
Semantic differential A scale in which people are pre- a pretest. All four groups receive a posttest. (8)
sented with a topic or object and a list of many Special populations People who lack the necessary
polar opposite adjectives or adverbs. They are to cognitive competency to give real informed consent
indicate their feelings by marking one of several or people in a weak position who might comprise
spaces between two adjectives or adverbs. (5) their freedom to refuse to participate in a study. (3)
Semantic relationship In domain analysis, a Specification pattern A pattern in the elaboration
logical connection that links included terms in a paradigm in which the bivariate contingency table
domain to one another. (13) shows a relationship. One of the partial tables
Sequential sampling A type of nonrandom sample shows the relationship, but other tables do not. (10)
in which a researcher tries to find as many rel- Spuriousness A statement that appears to be a
evant cases as possible, until time, financial causal explanation, but is not because of a hid-
resources, or his or her energy are exhausted, or den, unmeasured, or initially unseen variable.
until there is no new information or diversity The unseen variable comes earlier in the tempo-
from the cases. (6) ral order, and it has a causal impact on what was
Simple random sampling A type of random sample initially posited to be the independent variable
in which a researcher creates a sampling frame and as well as the dependent variable. (4)
uses a pure random process to select cases. Each Standard deviation A measure of dispersion for one
sampling element in the population will have an variable that indicates an average distance between
equal probability of being selected. (6) the scores and the mean. (10)
Skewed distribution A distribution of cases among the
Standard-format question A type of survey research
categories of a variable that is not normal (i.e., not a
question in which the answer categories fail to
“bell shape”). Instead of an equal number of cases
include “no opinion” or “don’t know.” (7)
on both ends, more are at one of the extremes. (10)
Standardization The procedure to statistically adjust
Snowball sampling A type of nonrandom sample in
measures to permit making an honest comparison
which the researcher begins with one case, then,
by giving a common basis to measures of different
based on information about interrelationships
units. (5)
from that case, identifies other cases, and then
repeats the process again and again. (6) Static group comparison design An experimental
Social desirability bias A bias in survey research in design with two groups, no random assignment, and
which respondents give a “normative” response only a posttest. (8)
or a socially acceptable answer rather than give a Statistic A numerical estimate of a population param-
truthful answer. (7) eter computed from a sample. (6)
Social impact assessment study A type of applied Statistical Abstract of the United States A U.S. gov-
social research in which a researcher estimates ernment publication that appears annually and
the likely consequences or outcome of a planned contains an extensive compilation of statistical
intervention or intentional change to occur in the tables and information. (9)
future. (1) Statistical significance A way to discuss the likeli-
Social research A process in which a researcher com- hood that a finding or statistical relationship
bines a set of principles, outlooks, and ideas with in a sample is due to the random factors rather
a collection of specific practices, techniques, and than due to the existence of an actual relationship
strategies to produce knowledge. (1) in the entire population. (10)

13
 GLOSSARY

Stratified sampling A type of random sample in Treatment What the independent variable in experi-
which the researcher first identifies a set of mutu- mental research is called. (8)
ally exclusive and exhaustive categories, then uses a Type I error The logical error of falsely rejecting the
random selection method to select cases for each null hypothesis. (10)
category. (6) Type II error The logical error of falsely accepting the
Structured observation A method of watching what null hypothesis. (10)
is happening in a social setting that is highly orga- Unidimensionality The principle that when using
nized and that follows systematic rules for observa- multiple indicators to measure a construct, all the
tion and documentation. (9) indicators should consistently fit together and indi-
Subjects A name for the participants sometimes used cate a single construct. (5)
in experimental research. (8) Unit of analysis The kind of empirical case or unit
Successive approximation A method of qualitative that a researcher observes, measures, and analyzes
data analysis in which the researcher repeatedly in a study. (4)
moves back and forth between the empirical data Univariate statistics Statistical measures that deal with
and the abstract concepts, theories, or models. (13) one variable only. (10)
Suppressor variable pattern A pattern in the elabora- Universe The broad class of units that are covered in a
tion paradigm in which no relationship appears in hypothesis. All the units to which the findings of a
a bivariate contingency table, but the partials show specific study might be generalized. (4)
a relationship between the variables. (10) Unobtrusive measures Another name for nonreactive
Survey research Quantitative social research in measures. It emphasizes that the people being stud-
which one systematically asks many people the ied are not aware of it because the measures do not
same questions, then records and analyzes their intrude. (9)
answers. (1) Validity A term meaning truth that can be applied
Systematic sampling A type of random sample in to the logical tightness of experimental design, the
which a researcher selects every kth (e.g., 12th) case ability to generalize findings outside a study, the
in the sampling frame using a sampling interval. (6) quality of measurement, and the proper use of pro-
Target population The name for the large general cedures. (5)
group of many cases from which a sample is drawn Variable A concept or its empirical measure that can
and which is specified in very concrete terms. (6) take on multiple values. (4)
Testing effect A threat to internal validity that occurs Verstehen A German word that translates as under-
when the very process of measuring in the pretest standing; specifically, it means an empathic under-
can have an impact on the dependent variable. (8) standing of another’s worldview. (2)
Text A general name for symbolic meaning within Whistle-blowing A person who sees ethical wrongdo-
a communication medium measured in content ing, tries to correct it internally but then informs an
analysis. (9) external audience, agency, or the media. (3)
Third-order interpretation In qualitative research, Wording effects An effect that occurs when a specific
what a researcher tells the reader of a research term or word used in a survey research question
report that the people he or she studied felt and affects how respondents answer the question. (7)
thought. (4) Zoom lens An organizational form often used by field
Threatening questions A type of survey research ques- researchers when writing reports that begin broadly
tion in which respondents are likely to cover up or then become narrow, focused, and specific. (14)
lie about their true behavior or beliefs because they Z-score A way to locate a score in a distribution of
fear a loss of self-image or that they may appear to scores by determining the number of standard
be undesirable or deviant. (7) deviations it is above or below the mean or arith-
Time-series study Any research that takes place over metic average. (10)
time, in which different people or cases may be
looked at in each time point. (1)

14
 Doing Social Research

Introduction
Alternatives to Social Research
Authority
Tradition
Common Sense
Media Distortion
Personal Experience
How Science Works
Science
The Scientific Community
The Scientific Method and Attitude
Journal Articles in Science
Steps in the Research Process
Dimensions of Research
Use of Research
Purpose of a Study
Time Dimension in Research
Data Collection Techniques and Study Designs

From Chapter 1 of Basics of Social Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, Third Edition. W. Lawrence
Neuman. Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.

15
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

■ It is when someone hangs around a group

INTRODUCTION and observes.
Social research is all around us. Educators, gov- ■ It means conducting a controlled
ernment officials, business managers, human experiment.
service providers, and health care professionals ■ Social research is drawing a sample of
make frequent use of social research findings. people and giving them questionnaires to
Many people use social research to raise chil- complete.
dren, reduce crime, improve health, sell prod- ■ It is looking up lots of statistical tables
ucts, or just understand life. Daily broadcast and information from official government
news programs, magazines, newspapers, and reports.
websites disseminate research results. ■ To do it, one must use computers to create
Research findings can affect our lives and statistics, charts, and graphs.
public policies. For example, I recently read
about a study that looked at the “summer slide” The first two answers are wrong, and the
or decline in children’s reading and spelling others describe only part of what constitutes
skills over the summer. The decline is greatest social research. It is unwise to confuse one part
among low-income students who lose about with the whole.
two months of school learning each summer. At We do social research to learn something
a time when many schools are cutting summer new about the social world; or to carefully docu-
programs to save money, the study found that ment our guesses, hunches, theories, or beliefs
simply giving low-income children access to about it; or to better understand how the social
books at spring fairs and letting them pick books world works. In research we combine theories
that most interested them reduced the summer and ideas with facts in a careful, systematic way
reading gap. Low-income children given twelve and this requires creativity. To do a study, we
books and who read them over three summers must organize, plan carefully, and select appro-
far outpaced those who did not. They gained as priate techniques to address a specific question.
much as if they had attended summer school We want to treat the people in a study in ethical
each summer.1 and moral ways. Once we complete a study, it is
This text is about social research. In sim- time to communicate the results to others in a
ple terms, research is a way to find answers to complete and accurate way.
questions. Professors, professional researchers, In the process of social research we com-
practitioners, and students in many fields con- bine principles, outlooks, and ideas (i.e., meth-
duct research studies to answer questions and odology) with a collection of specific practices,
learn about social life. You probably already techniques, and strategies (i.e., a method of
have some notion of what social research entails. inquiry) to produce knowledge. It is an exciting
First, let me end some possible misconceptions. process of discovery, but it requires persistence,
When I asked students in my classes what they personal integrity, tolerance for ambiguity,
think social research entails, they gave the fol- interaction with others, and pride in doing qual-
lowing answers: ity work.
Reading this text will not transform you
■ It is based on facts alone; there is no theory into an expert researcher, but it can teach you
or personal judgment. to be a better consumer of research results, help
■ Only experts with a Ph.D. degree or college you to understand how the research enterprise
professors read it or do it. works, and prepare you to conduct your own
■ It means going to the library and finding a small-scale studies. After studying this text,
lot of magazine articles or books on a topic. you will be aware of what research can and

16
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

cannot do, and why conducting research prop- Nonetheless, relying on authority has limi
erly is important. tations. First, it is easy to overestimate the
expertise of others. History is full of past experts
who now look misinformed. For example, some
“experts” of the past measured intelligence by
ALTERNATIVES TO SOCIAL
counting bumps on the skull; other “experts”
RESEARCH
used bloodletting to try to cure diseases. Their
Unless you are very unusual, little of what you errors seem obvious now; however, can we be
know about the social life comes from hav- certain that today’s experts will not become
ing done social research. Most likely, your tomorrow’s fools? Second, authorities may not
knowledge comes from an alternative to social agree, and not all authorities are equally depend-
research. It comes from what your parents and able. Whom should you believe if authorities
others (e.g., friends, teachers) told you. It comes disagree? Third, authorities may speak on fields
from your personal experiences as well as from about which they know little about. An expert
books and magazines you have read. You also who is highly informed about one area may use
learned aspects of social life from the movies his or her authority in an unrelated area. Also,
and television you have watched. You may also using the halo effect (discussed later), legitimate
use plain old “common sense.” expertise in one area might spill into illegitimate
As you saw above, social research is more authority in a totally different area. Have you
than a set of techniques; it is a process. Com- ever seen television commercials where a movie
pared to most processes in daily life, it is much star uses his or her fame to convince you to buy
more structured, organized, and systematic. a car?
Your knowledge about social life from the An additional issue is the misuse of author-
alternatives to social research is often correct; ity. Sometimes organizations or individuals try
however, the knowledge from research stud- to give an appearance of authority so they can
ies is more likely to be true and to have fewer convince others to agree to something that they
errors. The research-based knowledge is not might not otherwise agree to. A related situa-
perfect, but compared to the alternatives it has tion occurs when a person with little training
fewer flaws and avoids common mistakes. Let us and expertise is named as a “senior fellow” or
review the alternatives before examining social “adjunct scholar” in a “think tank” with an
research. impressive name, such as the Center for the
Study of X or the Institute on Y Research. Some
think tanks are legitimate research centers, but
Authority
many are mere fronts that wealthy special-inter-
Parents, teachers, and experts as well as books, est groups create to engage in advocacy politics.
television, and other media have provided you Think tanks can make anyone a “scholar” to
with knowledge about social life. When you facilitate the mass media accepting him or her
accept something as true because someone in a as an authority on an issue. In reality, the per-
position of authority says it is true, or because son may not have any real expertise.2 Also, too
it appears in an authoritative outlet, you are much reliance on authorities can be dangerous
relying on authority as a basis for knowledge. to a democratic society. Experts may promote
Relying on the wisdom of authorities is a quick, strengthening their own power and position.
simple, and cheap way to learn something. When you accept the authority of experts, but
Many authorities spend time and effort to learn do not know how they arrived at their knowl-
something, and you benefit from their experi- edge, the ability to evaluate what the experts say
ence and work. is lost as is control of your destiny.

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 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Tradition as that poor youth are more likely to commit

deviant acts than those from the middle class
Many people rely on tradition for knowledge.
or that most Catholics do not use birth control,
Tradition is a special case of authority—the
are not true.
authority of the past. Tradition means you
Common sense, valuable in daily living,
accept something as being true because “it’s
nonetheless allows logical fallacies to slip into
the way things have always been.” For example,
thinking. For example, the so-called gambler’s
my father-in-law says that drinking a shot of
fallacy says: “If I have a long string of losses play-
whiskey cures a cold. When I asked about his
ing a lottery, the next time I play, my chances of
statement, he said that he had learned it from
winning will be better.” In terms of probability
his father when he was a child, and it had come
and the facts, this is false. Also, common sense
down from past generations. Tradition was the
contains contradictory ideas that often go unno-
basis of the knowledge for the cure. Here is an
ticed because people use the ideas at different
example from the social world: Many people
times, such as “opposites attract” and “birds of
believe that children who are raised at home by
a feather flock together.” Common sense can
their mothers grow up to be better adjusted and
originate in tradition. It is useful and sometimes
have fewer personal problems than those raised
correct, but it also contains errors, misinforma-
in other settings. People “know” this, but how
tion, contradiction, and prejudice.
did they learn it? Most accept it because they
believe (rightly or wrongly) that it was true in
the past or is the way things have always been Media Distortion
done. Some traditional social knowledge begins
Television shows, movies, and newspaper and
as simple prejudice. You might rely on tradition
magazine articles are important sources of
without being fully aware of it with a belief such
information. For example, most people have
as “People from that side of the tracks will never
little contact with criminals but learn about
amount to anything” or “You never can trust
crime by watching television shows and movies.
that type of person” or “That’s the way men (or
However, the television portrayals of crime, and
women) are.” Even if traditional knowledge was
of many other things, do not accurately reflect
once true, it may have grown distorted as it was
social reality. The writers who create or “adapt”
passed on and may no longer be true. People
images from life for television shows and movie
may cling to traditional knowledge without
scripts distort reality. This is due to ignorance,
understanding; they simply assume that because
or relying on authority, tradition, and common
something may have worked or been true in the
sense. Distortion also occurs because their pri-
past, it will continue to be true.
mary goal is to entertain, not to represent reality
accurately. Although many newspaper journal-
ists try to present a realistic picture of the world,
Common Sense
they must write stories quickly with limited
Everyday reasoning or common sense provides information and within editorial guidelines.
knowledge about the social world. This is relying Unfortunately, the mass media tend to per-
on what everyone knows and what “just makes petuate a culture’s misconceptions and myths.
sense.” For example, it “just makes sense” that For example, the media show that most people
murder rates are higher in areas that do not have who receive welfare are Black (actually, most are
the death penalty because it is common sense White), that most people who are mentally ill
that people are less likely to kill if they face are violent and dangerous (only a small percent-
execution for doing so. Unfortunately, this and age actually are), and that most people who are
other widely held commonsense beliefs, such elderly are senile and in nursing homes (a tiny

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 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

minority are). Also, mass media “hype” can cre- in the United States, even though this notion is
ate a belief that a serious problem exists when false. Another example is how media coverage
it may not (see Example Box 1). Visual images shaped public perceptions of the organization
mislead more easily than other forms of “lying”; Habitat for Humanity. Media coverage of the
this means that stories or stereotypes that organization grew and presented the Habitat as
appear on film and television can have a pow- “a solution to government failure” in housing.
erful effect on people. For example, television This coincided with a political era of intensified
repeatedly shows low-income, inner-city, Afri- ideological criticisms of the welfare state and
can American youth using illegal drugs. Eventu- growing neoliberal anti-government rhetoric
ally, most people “know” that urban Blacks use nearly twenty years after the Habitat organiza-
illegal drugs at a higher rate than other groups tion began. Most mass media presentations of
the Habitat organization were slanted and made
a part of political ideological debates and often
did not accurately present the organization’s
EXAMPLE BOX
1 Is Road Rage a Media Myth?
views or its work (see Hackworth, 2009).
Advocacy groups use the media to win pub-
Americans hear a lot about road rage. Newsweek lic support for their cause.3 They mount public
magazine, Time magazine, and newspapers in most relations campaigns to sway public thinking
major cities have carried headlines about it. Leading about issues and scientific findings. This makes
national political officials have held public hearings it difficult for the public to evaluate research
on it, and the federal government gives millions of findings. For example, nearly all scientific stud-
dollars in grants to law enforcement and transpor- ies confirm the global warming thesis (i.e.,
tation departments to reduce it. Today, even psy- pollutants from industrialization and massive
chologists specialize in this disorder. deforestation are raising the earth’s tempera-
The term road rage first appeared in 1988, and ture and will cause dramatic climate change).
by 1997, the print media were carrying over 4,000 The scientific evidence is growing and getting
articles per year on it. Despite media attention stronger each year. Yet, the media has given
about “aggressive driving” and “anger behind the equal attention to a few dissenters who ques-
wheel,” there is no scientific evidence for road rage. tion global warming. This creates a perception
The term is not precisely defined and can refer to that “no one really knows” or that scientists
anything from gunshots from cars, use of hand are undecided. Media sources fail to mention
gestures, running bicyclists off the road, tailgating, that the dissenters are less than 2 percent of all
and even anger over auto repair bills! All the data scientists, or that heavily polluting industries
on crashes and accidents show declines during the
have paid for almost all studies by the dissent-
period when road rage reached an epidemic.
ers, then spent millions of dollars to publicize
Perhaps media reports fueled perceptions of
the dissenter’s findings. Polluting industries had
road rage. After hearing or reading about road rage
and having a label for the behavior, people began to
financial and public relations objectives. They
notice rude driving behavior and engaged in selec- wanted to deflect criticism and delay environ-
tive observation. We will not know for sure until it is mental regulations, not to advance knowledge
properly studied, but the amount of such behavior and understanding.
may be unchanged. It may turn out that the national Media outlets regularly offer horoscopes
epidemic of road rage is a widely held myth stimu- and report on supernatural powers, ESP (extra-
lated by reports in the mass media. (For more infor- sensory perception), UFOs (unidentified flying
mation, see Michael Fumento, “Road Rage versus objects), and ghosts. Although scientific studies
Reality,” Atlantic Monthly [August 1998].) have long shown such phenomena to be bogus,
between 25 and 50 percent of the U.S. public

19
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

accepts them as true. In fact, the percentage of

EXPANSION BOX
people with such beliefs has been growing over 1
time as the entertainment media give the bogus Illusory Superiority
phenomenon great prominence.4
Numerous social psychological studies tell us that
we have a cognitive bias to overestimate the degree
Personal Experience to which we are informed and have desirable quali-
ties, and to underestimate our ignorance and nega-
If something happens to us, if we personally see tive qualities. This happens in many areas, including
it or experience it, we tend to accept it as true. rating our IQ or intelligence, how well we do on
Personal experience, or “seeing is believing,” is academic tests, and possessing desirable personal-
a powerful source of knowledge. Unfortunately, ity traits (e.g., being friendly and considerate). In a
personal experience can mislead. Something famous 1999 study Justin Kruger and David Dun-
similar to an optical illusion or mirage can ning found that less skilled people tend to make
occur. What appears true may be due to a dis- poor decisions and reach false conclusions. Also,
tortion in judgment. The power of immediacy the incompetence of such people denies them the
and direct personal contact can be intense. capacity to see the mistake. Often, low-skilled peo-
Even knowing that, we fall for illusions. Most ple have illusory superiority, which is a false belief
people will believe what they see or personally that the low-skilled person has abilities far higher
experience rather than what carefully designed than they actually are. By contrast, highly skilled
research has discovered. Unfortunately, the least people tend to underrate their abilities. In short,
informed people are more likely to believe they the least informed, less competent people are over-
do not need to examine research (see Expansion confident and rate their ability higher than well-
Box 1). informed and highly competent people! This creates
Four errors in personal experience reinforce a self-reinforcing cycle. Because people with more
each other and can occur in other areas, as well. knowledge and skill tend to underestimate their
They are a basis for misleading people through knowledge and abilities, they work extra hard to
improve. By contrast, the less informed, low-skilled
propaganda, cons or fraud, magic, stereotyp-
people tend to overestimate their knowledge and
ing, and some advertising—overgeneralization,
abilities, so they see little need to seek more infor-
selective observation, premature closure, and mation or try to improve. The illusory superior-
halo effect. ity effect appears stronger in highly individualistic
A frequent problem is overgeneralization; cultures (e.g., the United States) than collectivist
it happens when some evidence supports your cultures (e.g., East Asia). Illusory superiority also
belief, but you falsely assume that it applies to reinforces the tendency of less-informed people
most situations, too. Limited generalization to not use rigorous scientific methods for gaining
may be appropriate; under certain conditions, knowledge. They believe, falsely, that they already
a small amount of evidence can explain a larger know a lot, so they have little need to learn about
situation. The problem is that we generalize far doing research studies or their findings.5
beyond what is justified by the evidence. For
example, over the years, I have known five blind
people. All of them were very friendly. Can I
conclude that all blind people are friendly? Do confirms what we already believe and ignore
the five people with whom I happened to have contradictory information. We often focus on
personal experience represent all blind people? or observe particular cases or situations, espe-
The second error, selective observation, cially when they fit preconceived ideas. We are
occurs when we take special notice of some peo- sensitive to features that confirm our thinking
ple or events and tend to seek out evidence that but overlook features that contradict it. For

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 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

example, I believe tall people are excellent sing-

ers. This may be because of stereotypes, what TABLE 1 Alternatives to Social
my mother told me, or whatever. I observe tall Research
people and, without awareness, pay particular
attention to their singing. I look at a chorus or Alternative Example Issue: In the
top vocalist and notice those who are tall. With- Explanation division of household tasks by
out realizing it, I notice and remember people to Social gender, why do women tend
and situations that reinforce my preconceived Research to do the laundry?
ideas. Psychologists found that people tend to
Authority Experts say that as children,
“seek out” and distort their memories to make females are taught to make,
them more consistent with what they already select, mend, and clean clothing
think.6 as part of a female focus on
A third error is premature closure. It often physical appearance and on
operates with and reinforces the first two errors. caring for children or others
Premature closure occurs when we feel we have in a family. Women do the
the answer and do not need to listen, seek infor- laundry based on their
mation, or raise questions any longer. Unfortu- childhood preparation.
nately, most of us are a little lazy or get a little Tradition Women have done the
sloppy. We take a few pieces of evidence or look laundry for centuries, so it
at events for a short while and then think we is a continuation of what has
have it figured out. We look for evidence to con- happened for a long time.
firm or reject an idea, and after getting a small Common Sense Men just are not as concerned
amount of evidence we stop and “jump to con- about clothing as much as
clusions.” For example, I want to learn whether women, so it only makes sense
people in my town support Mary Smith or Jon that women do the laundry
Van Horn for mayor. I ask 20 people; 16 say more often.
they favor Mary, two are undecided, and only Media Myth Television commercials show
two favor Jon, so I stop there and believe Mary women often doing laundry and
will win. Perhaps if I had asked 200 scientifi- enjoying it, so they do laundry
cally selected people I would find that a majority because they think it’s fun.
actually favor Jon. Personal My mother and the mothers of
Another common error is the halo effect; it Experience all my friends did the laundry.
is when we overgeneralize from a highly positive My female friends did it for their
or prestigious source and let its strong reputa- boyfriends, but never the other
tion or prestige “rub off” onto other areas. For way around. It just feels natural
example, I pick up a report by a person from for the woman to do it.
a prestigious university, say Harvard or Cam-
bridge University. I assume that the author is
smart and talented and that the report will be
excellent. I do not make this assumption about
HOW SCIENCE WORKS
a report by someone from Unknown Univer-
sity. I form an opinion and prejudge the report Social research builds on some aspects of the
and may not approach it by considering its own alternative ways of knowing but it differs because
merits alone. How the various alternatives to social research relies on science. It embraces a
social research might address the issue of laun- scientific worldview and follows scientific pro-
dry is shown in Table 1. cesses to create and evaluate knowledge.

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 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Science science. The scientific community is a collec-

tion of people who practice science and a set of
If you hear the term science, you might think of
norms, behaviors, and attitudes that bind them
test tubes, computers, rocket ships, and people
together. It is a professional community—a
in white lab coats. These outward trappings
group of interacting people who share ethical
are a part of science, especially natural science
principles, beliefs and values, techniques and
(i.e., astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology,
training, and career paths. For the most part, the
and physics), that deals with the physical and
scientific community includes both the natural
material world (e.g., plants, chemicals, rocks,
and social sciences.8
stars, and electricity). The social sciences, such
Many people outside the core scientific
as anthropology, psychology, political science,
community use scientific research techniques.
and sociology, involve the study of people—
A wide range of practitioners and technicians
their beliefs, behavior, interactions, institutions,
apply the research principles and techniques
and so forth. People are slower to think of these
developed and refined in science. Many use tech-
fields when hearing the word science.
niques (e.g., a survey) without a deep knowledge
Science is a social institution and a way to
of social scientific research. Yet, anyone who
produce knowledge. Unfortunately, many peo-
uses the techniques or results of science can do
ple are ill informed about it. A National Science
so better if they also understand the principles
Foundation study found that between one-fifth
and processes of the scientific community.
and one-third adults could correctly explain the
The boundaries of the scientific commu-
basics of science in 2010, a proportion that has
nity and its membership are imprecise, with-
changed little over the past 20 years.7
out a membership card or master roster. Many
All scientists use specialized techniques to
people treat a Ph.D. degree in a scientific field as
gather data, and then use the data to support
an informal “entry ticket” to membership in the
or reject theories. Data are the empirical evi-
scientific community. The Ph.D., which stands
dence or information that one gathers carefully
for doctorate of philosophy, is an advanced
according to rules or procedures. Social science
graduate degree beyond the master’s that pre-
data can be quantitative (i.e., expressed as num-
pares one to conduct independent research.
bers) or qualitative (i.e., expressed as words,
Some researchers do not have Ph.D.s and not all
visual images, sounds, or objects).
those who receive Ph.D.s enter occupations in
Empirical evidence refers to observations
which they conduct research. They enter many
that we experience through the senses—touch,
occupations and may have other responsibilities
sight, hearing, smell, and taste. This may sound
(e.g., teaching, administration, consulting, clini-
confusing because researchers cannot directly
cal practice, advising, etc.). In fact, about one-
observe many aspects of the social world about
half of the people who receive scientific Ph.D.s
which they seek answers (e.g., intelligence,
do not follow careers as active researchers.
attitudes, opinions, feelings, emotions, power,
At the core of the scientific community are
authority, etc.). Social researchers have created
researchers who conduct studies on a full-time
many specialized techniques to indirectly mea-
or part-time basis, usually with the help of assis-
sure such aspects of the social world.
tants. Many research assistants are graduate stu-
dents, and some are undergraduates. Working
as a research assistant is the way that most sci-
The Scientific Community
entists gain a real grasp on the details of doing
Science comes to life through the operation research. Colleges and universities employ
of the scientific community, which sustains most members of the scientific community’s
the assumptions, attitudes, and techniques of core. Some scientists work for the government

22
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

or private industry in organizations such as that the scientific community uses. The method
the National Opinion Research Center and the arises from a loose consensus within the com-
Rand Corporation. Most, however, work at the munity of scientists. It includes a way of looking
approximately 200 research universities and at the world that places a high value on profes-
institutes located in a dozen advanced indus- sionalism, craftsmanship, ethical integrity, cre-
trialized countries. Thus, the scientific commu- ativity, rigorous standards, and diligence. It
nity is scattered geographically, but its members also includes strong professional norms such as
closely cooperate and communicate across long honesty and uprightness in doing research, great
distances. candor and openness about how one conducted
You may wonder, How big is the scientific a study, and a focus on the merits of the research
community? This is not an easy question to itself and not on any characteristics of individu-
answer. Using the broadest definition (includ- als who conducted the study.
ing all scientists and those in science-related
professions, such as engineers and medical doc-
tors), it is about 15 percent of the labor force in Journal Articles in Science
advanced industrialized countries. A better way Consider what happens once a researcher fin-
to look at the scientific community is to exam- ishes a study. He or she writes a detailed descrip-
ine the basic unit of the larger community: the tion of the study and the results as a research
discipline (e.g., sociology, biology, psychology, report or a paper using a special format. Often,
etc.). Scientists are most familiar with a particu- he or she also gives an oral presentation of the
lar discipline because knowledge is specialized. paper before other researchers at a conference
Compared to other fields with advanced train- or a meeting of a professional association,
ing, the numbers are very small. For example, seeking comments and suggestions. Next, the
each year, about 500 people receive Ph.D.s in researcher sends several copies to the editor
sociology, 16,000 receive medical degrees, and of a scholarly journal. Each editor, a respected
38,000 receive law degrees. researcher chosen by other scientists to over-
A discipline such as sociology may have see the journal, removes the title page, the only
about 8,000 active researchers worldwide. Most place the author’s name appears, and sends
researchers complete only three or four stud- the article to several reviewers. The reviewers
ies in their careers, whereas a small number of are respected scientists who have conducted
active researchers conduct many dozens of stud- studies in the same specialty area or topic. The
ies. In a specialty or topic area (e.g., study of the reviewers do not know who did the study, and
death penalty, social movements, divorce), only the author of the paper does not know who
about 100 researchers are very active and con- the reviewers are. This reinforces the scien-
duct over half of all research studies. Although tific principle of judging a study on its merits
research results represent what we know and it alone. Reviewers evaluate the research based
affects the lives of many millions of people, only on its clarity, originality, standards of good
a small number of people actually produce most research methods, and advancing knowledge.
new scientific knowledge. They return their evaluations to the editor, who
decides to reject the paper, ask the author to
The Scientific Method and Attitude revise and resubmit it, or accept it for publi-
cation. It is a very careful, cautious method to
You may be wondering how the scientific ensure quality control.
method fits into this discussion of science. The A majority of active researchers regularly
scientific method is not one single thing; it refers read the most highly respected scholarly jour-
to the ideas, rules, techniques, and approaches nals in a field. Such journals receive far more

23
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

reports of studies than they can publish. They the steps somewhat. Most studies follow the
accept only 10–15 percent of submitted manu- seven steps discussed here. First, select a topic—a
scripts. Even lower-ranked journals regularly general area of study or an issue, such as domes-
reject half of the submissions. After several tic abuse, homelessness, or powerful corporate
experienced researchers screened the article elites. A topic is too broad for conducting a study.
based on its merits alone, publication repre- The crucial next step is to narrow down the topic,
sents the study’s tentative acceptance by the or focus the topic into a specific research question
scientific community as a valid contribution to for a study (e.g., “Are people who marry younger
knowledge. Unlike the authors of articles for the more likely to engage in physical abuse of a
popular magazines found on newsstands, sci- spouse under conditions of high stress than those
entists are not paid for publishing in scholarly who marry older?”). After learning about a topic
journals. In fact, they may have to pay a small and narrowing the focus, review past research, or
fee to help defray costs to have their papers the literature, on a topic or question. It is at this
considered. Social scientists are happy to make stage that a possible answer to the research ques-
their research available to their peers (i.e., other tion, or hypothesis, and theory can be important.
scientists and researchers) because a scholarly After specifying a research question and
journal article communicates results of a study reviewing the literature, designing a detailed
to which a researcher might have devoted years plan of how to carry out the study comes next.
of his or her life. Publication is how researchers In this step, decisions are made about the many
gain respect and visibility among professional practical details of doing the study (e.g., whether
peers. Reviewers are not paid for reviewing to use a survey or qualitative observation in the
papers in the evaluation process. They consider field, how many research participants to use,
it an honor to be asked to conduct the reviews etc.). It is only after completing the design stage
and to carry out one of the responsibilities of that gathering the data or evidence occurs (e.g.,
being in the scientific community. The scientific ask people questions, record answers, etc.). Once
community imparts great respect to research- data have been collected, the next step is to
ers who publish many articles in the foremost examine or analyze the data looking for patterns,
scholarly journals. Such researchers are directly and giving meaning to or interpreting the data
contributing to the scientific community’s pri- (e.g., “People who marry young and grew up in
mary goal—advancing new knowledge. families with abuse have higher rates of physical
You may never publish an article in a schol- domestic abuse than those with different family
arly journal, but you will probably read many histories”). The last step is to inform others in
such articles. They are a vital part of the sys- a report that describes the study’s background,
tem of scientific research. Researchers actively how it was conducted, and what was discovered.
read what appears in the journals to learn about The seven-step process shown in Figure 1
new research findings and how researchers con- is oversimplified. In practice, you will rarely
ducted studies. Eventually, the new knowledge complete one step totally then leave it behind
will be disseminated in college textbooks, news to move to the next step. Rather, the process is
reports, or public talks. interactive and the steps blend into each other.
What you do in a later step may stimulate you to
reconsider and slightly adjust your thinking in a
previous one. The process is not strictly one-way
STEPS IN THE RESEARCH
and may flow back and forth before reaching an
PROCESS
end. The seven steps are for one research proj-
Social research proceeds in a sequence of steps, ect; it is one cycle of going through the steps in
although different approaches to research vary a single study on a specific topic.

24
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Before you begin a study, you must decide

FIGURE 1 Steps in the Research how you are going to conduct the research. To
Process make the decision, you need to understand
the advantages and disadvantages of a study’s
1. Select Topic dimensions. The various features of a study cor-
respond to each of four dimensions of research.
Phrasing the dimensions as questions, they are
7. Inform Others 2. Focus Question as follows:

■ How will you use study results?

THEORY ■ What is the primary purpose of your study?
6. Interpret Data 3. Design Study ■ How will you incorporate time into the
study?
■ Which specific data collection technique
and study design will you use?
5. Analyze Data 4. Collect Data

The four dimensions overlap and some

tend to go together (e.g., use of study results
and a data collection technique). Once you
The ongoing enterprise of science builds learn the dimensions, you will see how particu-
on prior research and adds to a larger, collec- lar research questions are more compatible with
tively created body of knowledge. One study is certain ways of designing a study and collecting
only a small part of the larger whole of science. data than with others. In addition, you will find
A single researcher might work on multiple it easier to read and understand the research
research projects at once, or several research- reports by others because you will be able to
ers may collaborate on one project. Likewise, a quickly place or map a study onto each of the
researcher may report one study in one schol- four dimensions.
arly article, or in several articles, or in a book.
Sometimes a single article reports on several
Use of Research
smaller studies.
There are two primary uses of study findings.
One use is to advance understanding of the
fundamental nature of social life and knowl-
DIMENSIONS OF RESEARCH
edge over the long term. Researchers who
Tim and Sharon graduated from college three emphasize this use usually adopt a detached,
years ago and met for lunch. Tim asked Sharon, pure science or academic orientation. A second
“So, how is your new job as a researcher for use is to apply study results to solve specific,
Social Data, Inc.? What are you doing?” Sharon immediate problems or issues. Researchers
answered, “Right now I’m working on an who concentrate on this use tend to be activ-
applied research project examining day care ists, managers, or practitioners. They are
quality in which we’re doing a cross-sectional pragmatic and interventionist oriented. The
survey to get descriptive data for an evaluation two uses are not rigidly separate. Across the
study.” Sharon’s reply touched on four dimen- two uses, researchers cooperate and maintain
sions of social research. Social research comes friendly relations. An individual researcher
in several shapes and sizes. The dimensions are might focus on one or the other use at differ-
a way to dissect the features of a study. ent career stages.

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 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Basic Research. Basic social research advances to a practical problem that an employer, club,
fundamental knowledge about the social world. agency, social movement, or organization iden-
It focuses on developing, testing, and support- tified. In applied social research, building or
ing theories that explain how the social world testing theory or connecting results to a larger
operates, why social relations operate as they do, theory is a secondary concern. Clear, practical
and how society changes. Basic research is the results that can be put to use are primary, so
source of most new scientific ideas and ways of there is limited interest in developing a long-
thinking about the world. Nonscientists often term general understanding. Most applied stud-
criticize basic research and ask, “What good is ies are small in scale and offer practical results we
it?” Because results lack an immediate, practical can use in the near term (i.e., next month or next
application, they consider basic research to be a year). For example, the student government of
waste of time and money; basic research none- University X wants to know whether the num-
theless provides a foundation for knowledge ber of University X students who are arrested
that advances understanding in many areas of for driving while intoxicated or involved in auto
study and across many issues over the long run. accidents will decline if it sponsors alcohol-free
Basic research is the source of most of the tools, parties next year. Applied research would be
methods, theories, and ideas we have about the most applicable for this situation.
underlying causes of how people act or think. It People employed in businesses, govern-
provides most of the significant breakthroughs ment offices, health care facilities, social service
that truly advance knowledge, agencies, political organizations, media organi-
Basic research requires the painstaking zations, recreational programs, and educational
study of broad questions that have a potential institutions often conduct applied research
to shift the way we think about a wide range and use results in decision making. Applied
of issues. It can influence thinking and stud- research helps with decisions such as the fol-
ies across the next 50 years or century. Practi- lowing: Should an agency start a new program
cal applications from basic research may be to reduce the wait time before a client receives
apparent years later, only after many accumu- benefits? Should a police force adopt a new type
lated advances in basic knowledge build over of response to reduce spousal abuse? Should a
time. Frequently, basic research has practical political candidate emphasize his or her stand
application in unrelated or unexpected areas. on the environment instead of the economy?
For example, in 1984, Alec Jeffreys, a geneticist Should a company market a skin care product
at the University of Leicester in England, was to mature adults instead of teenagers?
engaged in basic research studying the evolution The scientific community is the primary
of genes. As an indirect, accidental side effect of consumer of basic research, while practitioners
a new technique he developed, he discovered a such as teachers, counselors, and social workers,
way to produce what is now called human DNA or decision makers such as managers, agency
“fingerprints” or unique markings of the DNA administrators, and public officials are major
of individuals. This was not his intent. He even consumers of applied research.
said he would have never thought of the tech- In applied research someone other than the
nique if DNA fingerprints had been his goal. researcher who conducted the study often uses the
Within 10 years applied uses of the technique results. Applied research results are less likely to
were developed. Today, DNA analysis is a widely enter the public domain in publications and may
used technique in criminal investigations. be available to only a few decision makers or prac-
titioners. This means that applied research find-
Applied Research. Applied social research ings are not widely disseminated and not closely
addresses a specific concern or offers solutions evaluated by the larger scientific community.

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Some decision makers who use applied to the highest methodological standards. They
research findings may not use them wisely. try to conduct near-perfect research. Applied
Sometimes managers or politicians ignore seri- researchers typically make more trade offs
ous problems with a study’s methodology and between scientific rigor and quick, usable
cautions made by the researchers. The man- results. Tradeoffs are never an excuse for
ager or politician may only want to use study doing sloppy research. Applied researchers try
results to justify cutting a disliked program or to squeeze research into the constraints of an
advancing desired programs. Applied research applied setting and balance rigor against practi-
frequently has immediate implications and cal needs. Such balancing requires an in-depth
involves controversial issues. This can generate knowledge of research and an awareness of the
conflict. One famous researcher, William Whyte consequences of compromising standards.
(1984), encountered conflict over findings in his
applied research on a factory in Oklahoma and Types of Applied Research. There are many
on restaurants in Chicago. In the first case, the specific types of applied research. Here, we look
management was more interested in defeating at three major types: evaluation, action, and
a union than in learning about employment social impact assessment.
relations; in the other, restaurant owners really
sought to make the industry look good and did Evaluation Research Study. Evaluation research
not want findings on the specific details of its is applied research designed to find out whether
operations made public. a program, a new way of doing something, a
Applied and basic research orientations marketing campaign, a policy, and so forth,
toward research methodology differ (see is effective—in other words, “Does it work?”
Table 2). Basic researchers emphasize adhering Evaluation research is the most widely used type

TABLE 2 Basic and Applied Social Research Compared

Basic Applied
1. Research is intrinsically satisfying and 1. Research is part of a job and is judged by sponsors
judgments are by other sociologists. who are outside the discipline of sociology.
2. Research problems and research participants 2. Research problems are “narrowly constrained” to
are selected with a great deal of freedom. the demands of employers or sponsors.
3. Research is judged by absolute norms of 3. The rigor and standards of scholarship depend on
scientific rigor, and the highest standards the uses of results. Research can be “quick and
of scholarship are sought. dirty” or may match high scientific standards.
4. The primary concern is with the internal 4. The primary concern is with the ability to
logic and rigor of research design. generalize findings to areas of interest to sponsors.
5. The driving goal is to contribute to basic, 5. The driving goal is to have practical payoffs or uses
theoretical knowledge. for results.
6. Success comes when results appear in a 6. Success comes when results are used by sponsors
scholarly journal and have an impact on in decision making.
others in the scientific community.
Source: Based on Freeman and Rossi (1984:572–573).

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of applied research.9 Large bureaucratic orga- or learn from, and the focus is often very narrow
nizations (e.g., businesses, schools, hospitals, and fails to examine the full process by which a
government, large nonprofit agencies) often program affects people’s lives. In addition, deci-
sponsor evaluation research studies to demon- sion makers may selectively use to suit their pur-
strate the effectiveness of what they are doing. poses or ignore evaluation findings with which
If you conduct evaluation research, you do not they disagree.
use techniques different from those of other
social research. The difference lies in the fact Action Research Study. Action research is
that decision makers, who may not be research- applied research that treats knowledge as a form
ers themselves, define the scope and purpose of of power. In it the line between creating knowl-
the research, and their objective is to use results edge and using knowledge for social–political
in a practical situation.10 improvement is abolished. Among the several
Evaluation research questions might types of action research, most share the follow-
include: Does a Socratic teaching technique ing five characteristics:
improve learning over lecturing? Does a law-
enforcement program of mandatory arrest 1. You actively involve research participants
reduce spousal abuse? Does a flextime program in the research process (e. g., study design,
increase employee productivity? Evaluation data collection).
researchers measure the effectiveness of a pro- 2. You incorporate the everyday experiences
gram, policy, or way of doing something and and knowledge of ordinary people into the
often use several research techniques (e.g., sur- study.
vey and field). If you can use it, the experimen- 3. You examine issues of exploitation, oppres-
tal technique is usually preferred. Practitioners sion, power, or inequality in the study.
involved with running a policy or program may 4. You seek to raise consciousness and increase
conduct a evaluation research study for their awareness of issues with the study.
own information, or an outside decision maker 5. You directly link the study to a plan or pro-
may request a study. gram of social–political action.
Ethical and political conflicts frequently
arise in evaluation research because of oppos- Most often, a person involved in a social
ing interests in the findings. Research findings movement, political cause, or issue advocacy
can affect who gets or keeps a job, they can build engages in action research. People from a range
or reduce political popularity, or they may pro- of political positions can conduct it. Action
mote one or another program. People who are research can have an insurgent orientation with a
displeased because the findings do not sup- goal to empower the powerless, fight oppression
port their personal goals may look for fault in and injustice, and reduce inequality. Wealthy and
the researcher or research methods. Sometimes powerful groups or organizations also sponsor
outside decision makers may place limits on and conduct action research. They seek to defend
the research—restricting what you can study or their status, position, and privileges in society.
specifying that they are narrowly interested in Most action researchers are explicitly politi-
one specific outcome only. This can create an cal, not value neutral. Because the primary goal
ethical dilemma for a serious, critically thinking is to affect sociopolitical conditions, publish-
researcher. ing results in formal reports, articles, or books
Limitations of evaluation research include is a secondary concern. Most action research-
the following: research reports rarely go through ers also believe that knowledge develops from
a rigorous peer review process, data are infre- direct experience, particularly the experience of
quently publicly available for others to inspect engaging in social–political action.

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For example, most feminist research is and recreation facilities, shopping choices, via-
action research. It has a dual mission: to cre- ble cultural institutions, crime rates, interracial
ate social change by transforming gender rela- tensions, or social isolation. There is an interna-
tions and to contribute to the advancement of tional professional association for SIA research
knowledge. A feminist researcher who studies that advances SIA techniques and promotes
sexual harassment might recommend policy SIA by governments, corporations, and other
changes to reduce it. The researcher will also organizations.
inform potential victims so they can protect Social impact assessments are rarely
themselves and defend their rights. At times, required, but a few governments mandate
researchers will explain study results in a public them. For example, in New South Wales, Aus-
hearing to try to modify new policies or laws. tralia, a registered club or hotel cannot increase
For example, the authors of a study on domes- the number of poker machines unless the
tic violence (Cherlin et al., 2004) testified in the Liquor Administration Board in the Depart-
United States Senate. The study findings and the ment Gaming and Racing approves an SIA for
testimony helped to alter marriage promotion the club or hotel. The SIA enables the board to
provisions in a 2005 welfare reform law.11 assess the likely local community impact from
increasing the number of poker machines. The
Social Impact Assessment Research Study. In a format includes a matrix that allows the board
social impact assessment (SIA) study, you esti- to identify the social and economic impacts,
mate the likely consequences of a planned inter- positive and negative, financial or nonfinancial,
vention or intentional change to occur in the quantified or qualitative. In New Zealand, the
future. It may be part of a larger environmental Gambling Act of 2003 requires an SIA before
impact statement required by government agen- expanding gambling. In one 2004 study in New
cies and used for planning and making choices Zealand for the Auckland City Council, it noted
among alternative policies. In an SIA you fore- that 90 percent of New Zealand’s adults gamble,
cast how aspects of the social environment may 10 percent gamble regularly (once a week or
change and suggest ways to mitigate changes more often), and about 1 percent are problem
likely to be adverse from the point of view of gamblers, although this varies by age, income,
an affected population. The impacts in a social and ethnicity. The SIA recommended limiting
impact assessment are the difference between a the locations of new gambling venues, moni-
forecast of the future with the project and with- toring their usage, and tracing the amount of
out the project. For example, you could conduct gambling revenues that are returned to the com-
a SIA to estimate the ability of a local hospital to munity in various ways (e.g., clubs, trusts, etc.).
respond to an earthquake, determine how hous- It contained a matrix with social (e.g., arrests,
ing availability for the elderly will change if a divorce, domestic violence), economic (e.g.,
major new highway is built, or assess the impact unemployment, bankruptcy, tourism expan-
on college admissions if a new group of students sion), and cultural impacts (e.g., time away from
can receive interest-free loans. other leisure activities) listed by their effect on
Researchers who conduct SIAs often exam- all gamblers, problem gamblers, the local com-
ine a wide range of social outcomes and work in munity, and the region.12
an interdisciplinary research team. They mea-
sure outcomes including “quality of life” issues,
Purpose of a Study
such as access to health care, illegal drug and
alcohol use, employment opportunities, school- If you ask someone why he or she is conducting
ing quality, teen pregnancy rates, commuting a study, you might get a range of responses: “My
time and traffic congestion, availability of parks boss told me to,” “It was a class assignment,”

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“I was curious,” “My roommate thought it Exploratory research frequently addresses

would be a good idea.” There are almost as many the “what?” question—“What is this social activ-
reasons to do research as there are research- ity really about?”—and it rarely yields definitive
ers. Yet, the purposes of social research may answers. Compared to the other two purposes
be organized into three groups based on what of research, exploratory research tends to rely
the researcher is trying to accomplish—explore more on qualitative data and is less likely to use
a new topic, describe a social phenomenon, or a specific theory. If you conduct an exploratory
explain why something occurs. Studies may have study, you may get frustrated because there are
multiple purposes (e.g., both to explore and to few guidelines to follow and everything is poten-
describe), but one of three major purposes is tially important. Exploratory research lacks
usually dominant (see Expansion Box 2). well-defined steps and the direction of inquiry
changes frequently. It is especially important to
To Explore. Perhaps you have explored a new be creative, open-minded, and flexible; adopt an
topic or issue in order to learn about it. If the investigative stance; and explore diverse sources
issue was new or no one has written about it of information.
yet, you began at the beginning. In exploratory Exploratory Study Example. The use of
research, a researcher examines a new area to the Internet for advertising illegal sexual ser-
formulate questions that he or she can address vices appeared a little over a decade ago and
more specifically in future research. A researcher has rapidly grown, but few studies examined
may need to conduct an exploratory study in prostitution solicitation over the Internet by
order to know enough to design and execute a male prostitutes. We know little about differ-
second, more systematic and extensive study ences in Internet advertising for sex, and even
and it may be the first stage in a sequence of less by males seeking female customers. Lee-
studies. Gonyea, Castle, and Gonyea (2009) conducted

EXPANSION BOX
2 Purpose of Research

Exploratory Descriptive Explanatory

■ Become familiar with the basic ■ Provide a detailed, highly ■ Test a theory’s predictions or
facts, setting, and concerns. accurate picture. principle.
■ Create a general mental ■ Locate new data that ■ Elaborate and enrich a
picture of conditions. contradict past data. theory’s explanation.
■ Formulate and focus ■ Create a set of categories or ■ Extend a theory to new issues
questions for future research. classify types. or topics.
■ Generate new ideas, ■ Clarify a sequence of steps or ■ Support or refute an
conjectures, or hypotheses. stages. explanation or prediction.
■ Determine the feasibility of ■ Document a causal process ■ Link issues or topics with a
conducting research. or mechanism. general principle.
■ Develop techniques for ■ Report on the background or ■ Determine which of several
measuring and locating future context of a situation. explanations is best.
data.

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an exploratory study of online prostitution by The results may indicate the percentage of peo-
examining 83 websites that advertised male ple who hold a particular view or engage in spe-
escorts. They examined the websites to learn cific behaviors.
the type of male escort being advertised (inde- Descriptive Study Example. Responses to
pendent or agency), the clientele of the escort religious diversity fall into two categories: plu-
services, the location of the escort, information ralism and exclusivism. Pluralists believe that
about the escorts (e.g., physical descriptions, all (or at least many) religions are legitimate
personal interests), information on how to whereas exclusivists regard one theistic system
communicate with the escort, costs of services, as true and see others as false. Trinitapoli (2007)
and type of payment accepted. The researchers conducted secondary data analysis (explained
learned that over half of escorts were indepen- later in this chapter) by examining survey
dent. About 17% sought only female clients, data and qualitative interviews to answer three
29% only male clients, and 37% males or descriptive research questions: How prevalent
females. The remaining websites (about 15%) are exclusivist religious beliefs among American
listed couples or a mix of males and females. adolescents? What denominational and social
Most listed sexual services and most (85%) factors are associated with religious exclusiv-
included a photograph of the escort. A little ism? and How do adolescents reconcile exclu-
over one-half listed prices for services, but only sivist religious beliefs with today’s pluralistic
about 20 percent included payment method culture? She found that about 20 percent of all
(e.g., cash, credit card, PayPal). Sites for female adolescents are exclusivists. Committed exclu-
customers tended to be less graphic and explicit sivist beliefs are most common among Mor-
in nature than those for males, presenting male mon (53 percent) and evangelical respondents
escorts in subtle ways to suggest women were (33 percent). Adolescents that believed in exclu-
simply arranging a date. sive truth softened claims to truth with respect
to other religions while maintaining a belief in
To Describe. Descriptive research is appro- the authenticity of their own religion. With the
priate when you have basic information about exception of some statements of unease about
social phenomenon and are ready to describe Muslims, data failed to reveal obvious bigotry
it in greater depth. You want to present a sys- or intolerance. Trinitapoli suggests that the
tematic picture with specific details of a situ- adolescents did not express exclusivist religious
ation, activity, social setting, or relationship. beliefs freely in public but still held such beliefs.
Descriptive research focuses on “how?” and The exclusivists articulate their beliefs carefully
“who?” questions: “How did it happen?” “Who so others do not view them intolerant or preju-
is involved?” A great deal of social research is diced in a larger culture that is pluralistic and
descriptive. Descriptive researchers use most tolerant.
data-gathering techniques—surveys, field
research, content analysis, and historical-com- To Explain. When you encounter an issue
parative research. Only experimental research that is well recognized and have a description
is less often used. Much of the social research of it, you might wonder why things are the
found in scholarly journals or used for making way they are. Explanatory research identifies
policy decisions is descriptive. the sources of social behaviors, beliefs, condi-
Descriptive and exploratory research often tions, and events; it documents causes, tests
blur together in practice. In descriptive research, theories, and provides reasons. It builds on
you start with a well-defined issue or question exploratory and descriptive research and often
then design a study to describe it accurately. asks the “why?” question (e.g., “Why does this
Your study offers a detailed picture of the issue. occur in this way?”). Explanatory studies often

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test theories or examine whether a theory can (i.e., cross-sectional studies), whereas others
explain new situations or activities. provide a “moving picture” that lets you follow
Explanatory Study Example. Many past events, people, or social relations across time
studies have shown people living in urban areas (i.e., longitudinal studies). Both quantitative
tend to be more tolerant of diverse lifestyles, and qualitative approaches use cross-sectional
racial-ethnic groups, and opinions than peo- or longitudinal studies. In this section, we look
ple living in rural areas or small towns. More at five ways researchers incorporate time into a
recently, Richard Florida (2002, 2005) argued study (see Figure 2).
that a “creative class” of young, highly educated
professionals are attracted to cosmopolitan, Cross-Sectional Research. Most social
open urban environments. Sharp and Joslyn research studies are cross-sectional; they exam-
(2008) conducted an explanatory study on tol- ine a single point in time. Advantages of cross-
erance in U.S. cities. They asked whether some sectional research are that it is the simplest and
cities have a subculture that supports “new” or least costly alternative. Its disadvantage is that
nonconventional politics. One key feature to it cannot capture social processes or change.
sustain such a subculture is a concentration of Exploratory, descriptive, and explanatory stud-
the “creative class.” The theory suggests we can ies use cross-cultural research. The example
explain differences in racial tolerance among studies you read about earlier for these three
U.S. cities by whether the city has a new political purposes of research were all cross-sectional.
culture. Creative class theory suggested, holding
other factors constant, high concentrations of Longitudinal Research. Researchers using
creative class members could build and sustain longitudinal research examine features of peo-
a tolerant “new political culture” in a city com- ple or other units at more than one time. It is
pared to the political culture of cities with few usually more complex and costly than cross-
creative class members. The researchers exam- sectional research, but it is also more powerful
ined survey data for 27 cities that measured con- and informative. Let us now look at the three
centration of creative class members and several main types of longitudinal research: time series,
social and racial attitudes. Based on the survey panel, and cohort.
responses of Whites, they found “dramatic
evidence that creative class and new politi- Time-Series Study. A time-series study is lon-
cal culture cities constitute distinctive cultural gitudinal research in which a researcher gath-
contexts. . . . Whites living in such contexts can ers the same type of information across two or
presumably experience a higher level of minor- more time periods. This allows the researcher
ity-group presence without the racial threat to observe stability or change in the features
dynamic taking hold than can Whites living of the units and to track conditions over time.
in cities with traditional subcultures” (p. 589). The specific individuals may change but the
In short, a high concentration of creative class overall pattern is clear. For example, there has
members supports a new political culture and been a nationwide survey of a large sample of
this explains why White racial attitudes differ incoming freshman students since 1966. Since
across U.S. cities. it began, over 11 million students at more
than 1,800 colleges participated. The fall 2003
survey of 276,449 students found many facts
Time Dimension in Research
and trends, such as only 34 percent of entering
Different research questions and studies incor- freshmen studied six or more hours per week.
porate time in several ways. Some studies are This was the lowest level since the question
like a “snapshot” of a single, fixed time point was asked in 1987 (when it was 47 percent).

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FIGURE 2 The Time Dimension in Social Research

CROSS-SECTIONAL: Observe a collection of people at one time.

February 2011

TIME SERIES: Observe different people at multiple times.

1950 1970 1990 2010

PANEL: Observe the exact same people at two or more times.

1985 1995 2005

COHORT: Observe people who shared an experience at two or more times.

Married in 1962 1982 2002

CASE STUDY: Observe a small set intensely across time.

2006 2011

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Yet, alcohol consumption was down. In 2003, Panel Study Example. Oesterle, Johnson,
44.8 percent reported drinking beer, which and Mortimer (2004) examined panel data
represented a steady decline from 73.7 per- from a longitudinal study that began in 1988
cent in 1982. In 2003, freshmen were more with 1,000 ninth-grade students enrolled in the
interested in keeping up with politics. The St. Paul, Minnesota, public school district and
33.9 percent who said it was very important to looked at volunteering activities during late
stay politically informed was up from a low of adolescence and young adulthood, covering
28.1 percent in 2000, and 22.5 percent said they nine years from age 18–19 (1992) to age 26–27
discussed politics regularly, up from 19.4 per- (2000). They found that volunteering at an ear-
cent in 2002 (which had been the highest since lier stage strongly affected whether one volun-
a low point in 1993). These figures are still far teered at a later stage. Also, people who devoted
lower than the 60.3 percent who expressed an full time to working or parenting at an earlier
interest in politics in 1966, or the one-third stage (18–19 years old) were less likely to volun-
who discussed politics regularly in 1968. The teer at a later stage (26–27 years old) than those
importance of family has steadily increased whose major activity was attending school.
over the years, with 74.8 percent of students
calling it essential or very important. This is Cohort Study. A cohort study is similar to a
up from the low point of 58.8 percent in 1977 panel study, but rather than observing the exact
when the question was first asked. However, same people, the study focuses on a category of
religious involvement declined. The percent- people who share a similar life experience in a
age of students who attended religious services specified time period. Researchers examine the
regularly was at its lowest level in 35 years. category as a whole for important features and
In addition, the percent claiming “none” as focus on the cohort, or category, not on specific
a religious preference reached a record high individuals. Commonly used cohorts include
of 17.6 percent, compared to a record low of all people born in the same year (called birth
6.6 percent in 1966. Another trend over the cohorts), all people hired at the same time, and
past two decades has been a steady growth in all people who graduate in a given year. Unlike
opposition to the death penalty. Nearly one in panel studies, researchers do not have to find
three incoming students advocated ending cap- the exact same people for cohort studies; rather,
ital punishment. This is the highest score since they need only to identify those who experi-
1980 (when it was 33.2 percent), although the enced a common life event.
percent withholding an opinion was far higher Cohort Study Example. Bratter and King
earlier in time; it exceeded 60 percent in the (2008) studied U.S. marriage cohorts (i.e.,
1970s.13 all people married in a certain year or set of
adjoining years), to compare marriage stabil-
Panel Study. The panel study is a power- ity among interracial and same-racial group
ful type of longitudinal research in which the marriage partners. They used data from a
researcher observes exactly the same people, 2002 national sample of people ages 15–44,
group, or organization across multiple time looking at people who were ever married and
points. Panel research is formidable to con- who had valid information on the race of their
duct and very costly. Tracking people over time first spouse (1,606 males and 4,070 females).
is often difficult because some people die or The authors looked at whether the marriage
cannot be located. Nevertheless, the results of was intact or ended at a later time point.
a well-designed panel study are very valuable. They examined six cohorts (earlier than 1980,
Even short-term panel studies can clearly show 1980–84, 1985–89, 1990–94, 1995–99, after
the impact of a particular life event. 2000). Comparisons across cohorts showed

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that interracial couples had higher divorce large amount of diverse qualitative data. As he
rates. However, this was not the case for all reported (p. 1855):
interracial couples or equal over time. Inter-
racial couples marrying before the 1980s did The case study relies on data collected from
not have higher divorce rates. They found that approximately 100 interviews. . . . I also col-
compared to White/White couples, White lected hundreds of news stories . . . as well
female/Black male, and White female/Asian as reports from other major and local news,
male marriages had higher divorce rates, but business, and professional media. Other
marriages involving nonWhite females and archival sources include the trial transcript,
White males and Hispanics and non-Hispanic exhibits, and decisions in the principal
persons had similar or lower risks of divorce. unfair labor practice complaints issued by
the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB),
Case Studies. Most cross-sectional and lon- along with legal records arising from other
gitudinal studies examine the features of many litigation. Finally, I obtained copies of docu-
people or units, or an entire population. Typi- ments from organizational and individuals’
cally, we measure several significant features of personal files, such as collective bargaining
numerous units or cases, and then analyze the agreements, internal communications, flyers,
features across the many cases or units. Such public information, and videotape recorded
studies are called cross-case analysis or popu- by security forces and local television media.
lation-oriented research. In contrast, case-study
research examines one or a handful of cases over The primary contributions of Rhomberg’s case
a duration of time with detailed, varied, and study were to describe the case of one strike,
extensive data, usually qualitative data. Such to provide new insights into how labor rela-
studies are called with-case analysis or case- tions changed over the past thirty years, and to
oriented research. Instead of looking at several introduce new theoretical concepts for studying
features across numerous cases, in case study we issues like a new type of labor strike.
examine numerous diverse features of the case
or few cases in great depth. Rather than trying Data Collection Techniques and
to gather all cases, or a sample of cases from
Study Designs
an entire population, we carefully select one
or a few cases that permit examining an issue Social researchers use one or more specific
in great depth. Unlike a longitudinal study in techniques to collect qualitative and quantita-
which we gather data on many units or cases tive data. This section is a brief overview of the
then look for general patterns across them, in major techniques and designs. You will read
the case study we closely follow the unfolding or about them in greater depth in later chapters.
development of many complex features of one Some data collection techniques and study
or a few cases across time, and situate the case or designs are more effective at addressing specific
few cases within a specific historical and cultural kinds of questions or topics. It takes skill, prac-
context.14 tice, and creativity to match a research question
Case Study Example. Rhomberg (2010) to an appropriate data collection technique and
conducted a case study of one labor strike. design. The techniques and designs fall into two
His study of a strike of newspaper workers in categories based on whether the data are quan-
Detroit opened up new theoretical insights. To titative or qualitative. Most quantitative studies
study the strike, he provides extensive historical look at a large number of cases, people, or units,
and other background. As is common in case and measure features about them in the form
study research, Rhomberg examined a very of numbers. By contrast, qualitative studies

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usually involve qualitative data and examine people (e.g., 150 students), but generalize results
many diverse features of a small number of to a larger group (e.g., 5,000 students) from
cases across time. Ideally, we mix qualitative which the smaller group was selected. Survey
and quantitative approaches in the same study, research is very widely used in many fields of
building on the strengths of each; however, this study and in applied research.
is often difficult to accomplish in practice.
Content Analyses. A content analysis is a tech-
Quantitative Data Collection Techniques and nique for examining information, or content,
Designs. Techniques for quantitative data col- in written or symbolic material (e.g., pictures,
lection include experiments, surveys, content movies, song lyrics, etc.). In content analysis,
analyses, and existing statistics. we first identify a body of material to analyze
(e.g., books, newspapers, films, etc.) and then
Experiments. Experimental research closely create a system for recording specific aspects
follows the logic and principles found in natu- of it. The system might include counting how
ral science research; researchers create situa- often certain words or themes occur. Finally, we
tions and examine their effects on participants. record what was found in the material. We often
A researcher conducts experiments in laborato- measure information in the content as numbers
ries or in real life with a relatively small number and present it as tables or graphs. This tech-
of people and a well-focused research question. nique lets us discover features in the content of
Experiments are most effective for explana- large amounts of material that might otherwise
tory research. In the typical experiment, the go unnoticed. We can use content analysis for
researcher divides the research participants exploratory and explanatory research, but we
into two or more groups. He or she then treats primarily use it in descriptive research.
both groups identically, except that one group
but not the other is given a condition he or she Existing Statistics. In existing statistics
is interested in: the “treatment.” The researcher research, we locate previously collected infor-
measures the reactions of both groups pre- mation, often in the form of government
cisely. By controlling the setting for both groups reports or previously conducted surveys, then
and giving only one group the treatment, the reorganize or combine the information in new
researcher can conclude that any differences ways to address a research question. Locating
occurring in the reactions of the groups are due sources can be time consuming, so we need to
to the treatment alone. consider carefully the meaning of what we find.
Frequently, we do not know whether the infor-
Surveys. In survey research we ask people mation of interest is available when we begin
questions in a written questionnaire (mailed or a study. Sometimes, the existing quantitative
handed to people) or during an interview and information consists of stored surveys or other
then record answers. We do not manipulate a data that we reexamine using various statisti-
situation or condition; we simply ask many peo- cal procedures. We can use existing statistics
ple numerous questions in a short time period. research for exploratory, descriptive, or explana-
Typically, we summarize answers to questions tory purposes, but it is most frequently used for
in percentages, tables, or graphs. We can use descriptive research. Secondary data analysis
survey techniques in descriptive or explanatory is a type of existing statistics study using data
research. Surveys give us a picture of what many from a past study. Many large, complex stud-
people think or report doing. Survey researchers ies, usually surveys, generate a great quantity of
often use a sample or a smaller group of selected data. The data are available to researchers other

36
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

than those who designed and collected it in the

CONCLUSION
initial study. The other researchers use various
statistical techniques to analyze the data dur- This chapter gave you an overview of social
ing which they can discover new patterns or test research. You saw how social research differs
other theories. from the ordinary ways of learning–knowing
about the social world, how doing research is
Qualitative Data Collection Techniques and based on science and the scientific community,
Designs. Techniques for qualitative data col- and about several types of social research based
lection include field research and historical- on its dimensions (e.g., its purpose, the tech-
comparative research. nique used to gather data, etc.). The dimensions
of research loosely overlap with each other.
Field Research. Most field research studies are The dimensions of social research are a kind of
case studies examining a small group of peo- “road map” to help you make your way through
ple over a length of time (e.g., weeks, months, the terrain of social research.
years). In a field research study, we begin with
a loosely formulated idea or topic, select a social
group or natural setting for study, gain access Key Terms
and adopt a social role in the setting, and observe
in detail. We get to know personally the people action research
being studied. Often, we conduct open-ended applied social research
and informal interviews, and take detailed notes basic social research
on a daily basis. After leaving the field site, we case study
carefully reread the notes and prepare written cohort study
reports. We can use field research for explor- content analysis
atory and descriptive studies; it is rarely used for cross-sectional research
explanatory research. data
descriptive research
Historical-Comparative Research. In historical- empirical evidence
comparative research we examine aspects of evaluation research
social life in a past historical era or across differ- existing statistics research
ent cultures. With this technique we may focus experimental research
on one historical period or several, compare explanatory research
one or more cultures, or mix historical periods exploratory research
and cultures. Like field research, we combine field research
theory building/testing with data collection halo effect
and begin with a loosely formulated question historical-comparative research
that is refined during the research process. We longitudinal research
often gather a wide array of evidence, includ- overgeneralization
ing existing statistics and documents (e.g., nov- panel study
els, official reports, books, newspapers, diaries, premature closure
photographs, and maps) for study. In addition, qualitative data
we may make direct observations and conduct
interviews. Historical-comparative research can
be exploratory, descriptive, or explanatory and
can blend types.

37
 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

quantitative data 6. Schacter (2001) provides a summary of memory

scientific community issues.
scientific method 7. National Science Board (2002:739); National
secondary data analysis Science Board (2010, Appendix Table 7.13)
selective observation 8. Discussions of the scientific community can be
social impact assessment study found in Cole and Gordon (1995), Crane (1972),
social research Hagstrom (1965), Merton (1973), Mulkay
survey research (1991), and Ziman (1999).
time-series study 9. See Patton (2001) and Weiss (1997) for a
more detailed discussion of recent advances in
evaluation research.
Endnotes 10. Beck (1995) provides a useful overview.
11. See Herring and Ebner (2005) on the use of
1. See Parker-Pope, Tara. “Summer Must-Read domestic violence study findings.
for Kids? Any Book,” New York Times, August 2, 12. See Adams (2004) for more information on the
2010. Auckland City study.
2. See Rampton and Stauber (2001:247–277 and 13. See the website at www.gseis.ucla.edu/heri/heri
305–306). .html.
3. See Best (2001:15) on advocates and media. 14. Bennett and Elman (2006) call studies cross-case
4. See National Science Board (2002:735–739). or within-case analysis, and Mahoney (2008),
5. See Kruger and Dunning (1999). Also see Brown population-oriented or case-oriented research.
(2007), DeAngelis (2003), Dunning, Johnson, Also see George and Bennett (2005) on the case-
Ehrlinger, and Kruger (2003), and Hoorens (1993). study method generally.

38
 Theory and Social
Research

What Is Social Theory?

Blame Analysis is Not Theory
The Parts of Theory
Concepts
Assumptions
Relationships
The Aspects of Theory
Direction of Theorizing
Range of Theory
Levels of Theory
Forms of Explanation
The Three Major Approaches to Social Science
Positivist Approach
Interpretive Approach
Critical Approach
The Dynamic Duo

From Chapter 2 of Basics of Social Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, Third Edition. W. Lawrence
Neuman. Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.

39
 THEORY AND SOCIAL RESEARCH

When they begin college, many students move the social world operates—with data—carefully
and live away from home for the first time. Even observed aspects of the social world that are rel-
if they attended multiracial high schools, most of evant to the theory.
the students had lived in same-race close living
situations prior to attending college. Depending
on the colleges, they could be assigned a room-
WHAT IS SOCIAL THEORY?
mate in a college residence hall or dormitory.
The students who get same-race roommates The purpose of social theory is to explain or
probably do not change their views on race, but answer why the social world has certain pat-
you may wonder whether students assigned to a terns, operations, or events. There are several
roommate from a different racial group change ways to explain (see later in this chapter). We
their views. Social scientists approach this type explain in daily life, as in why people’s atti-
of question by looking to theories to explain tudes about people of a different race change.
how, why, or under what conditions a person’s Theory is not exotic; we constantly use theory
views on race change. A widely tested social when we think about how the world works, or
psychological theory, the “contact hypothesis,” what makes something happen (e.g., why U.S.
says when someone has regular, close interper- divorce rates dropped in recent years, why stu-
sonal contact with someone of a different “out- dents from certain neighborhoods tend to do
group” (i.e., a different racial group from their better in school than those from other neigh-
own in the United States), the person is likely to borhoods). Our everyday theories are simply
modify views about out-group members. Nega- incomplete, limited, and fragmented versions of
tive stereotypes fade and positive feelings grow full social theories. Some social theories explain
toward the out-group compared to the situation in a form that is similar to everyday life expla-
prior to close contact. How much this happens nations whereas others explain in a form that
depends on certain conditions about the con- is different. What distinguishes a theoretical
tact, such as whether the people involved are explanation is less its form than that theory uses
equals and whether the contact is cooperative a collection of carefully considered concepts, has
versus competitive. The contact hypothesis is logical consistency, and is embedded within a
a small-scale social theory (also called middle- larger arrangement of similar explanations.
range, discussed later in this chapter), a type of Social theory is defined as a system of inter-
theory often used in a research study. connected abstractions or ideas. The system
What comes to mind when you hear the condenses and organizes knowledge. In this
word theory? Theory is one of the least under- way, social theory is a compact way to expand
stood terms for students learning social science. understanding of the social world. Theories
My students’ eyelids droop if I begin a class by move understanding from one specific situation
saying, “Today we are going to examine the (e.g., students from neighborhood X in Nash-
theory of . . .”. Many students feel that theory ville, Tennessee, get better grades in 10th grade
is irrelevant to “real life.” It floats high among than students from neighborhood Y) toward
the clouds. Some of my students have called it general understanding and knowledge (e.g.,
“a tangled maze of jargon.” students living in neighborhoods with condi-
Contrary to these views, theory is essential tions A, B, and C tend to do better in school
to expand understanding and it has a vital role than those growing up in neighborhoods that
in research. Its use varies by type of research, but lack A, B, and C).
most social science studies use theory in some Sometimes classes on social theory focus
way. In simple terms, a research study joins on the history of social thought, which mixes
theory—which is like a story that explains how the history of famous past thinkers with social

40
 THEORY AND SOCIAL RESEARCH

theory. Great classical social theorists (e.g., world into parts, pointing to what types of evi-
Durkheim, Freud, Marx, Tönnies, Weber) gen- dence or data (i.e., facts) are important for it.
erated many innovative ideas that expanded our Facts and theories are less opposites than the
understanding of the social world. They created complementary parts of an overall explanation.
original theories that laid the foundation for Because most research involves some form
subsequent generations of thinkers. We still of theory, the question is less whether you use
study the classical theorists because they pro- theory than how you use it in a study. Being clear
vided numerous creative and interrelated ideas. and explicit about theory will make it easier to
Their ideas significantly shifted how we under- read research reports and to conduct a study.
stand the social world. We continue to discuss It is very difficult to conduct a solid, logically
them because geniuses who generate many orig- tight study if you are vague and unclear about
inal, insightful ideas that fundamentally advance the theory within it. Once you are aware of how
understanding are rare. The ideas of past think- theory fits into the research process, you will
ers contain many theories on specific issues and find the studies of others easier to understand
are sources of current theories. and can design better studies.
Many laypeople confuse theory with a Many people use everyday theories without
wild hunch or speculative guess. They may labeling them as such. For example, newspaper
say, “It’s only a theory” or ask, “What’s your articles or television reports on social issues usu-
theory about it?” This everyday use of the term ally contain unstated social theories embedded
theory often creates confusion. Everyday guess- within them. A news report on the difficulty of
ing differs from serious social theory in several implementing a school desegregation plan con-
ways. Unlike a carefree guess we might toss out tains an implicit theory about race relations.
without much thought, dozens of serious pro- Likewise, political leaders frequently express
fessionals have built and debated social theory social theories when they discuss public issues.
over many years. They securitize the theory for A politician who claims that inadequate educa-
logical consistency and continue to evaluate tion causes people to be poor or who says that a
and seek evidence for its key parts. They exam- decline in traditional moral values is the cause
ine whether the theory applies to specific situa- of crime is expressing a type of simple theory.
tions. Over time, they advance the parts of the Compared to the theories of social scientists,
theory on which there is much agreement and such laypersons’ theories are usually less sys-
evidence. They refine and build on these parts. tematic, clearly formulated, or logically tight.
At the same time, they trim off or drop parts Many everyday theories are more difficult than
of theory that no longer fit well into its overall scientific theory to test and evaluate with empir-
picture of the world, or parts for which the evi- ical evidence. A common substitute for theory
dence is weak or contradictory. is blame analysis. Do not confuse social theory
You have probably heard the distinction with blame analysis, a topic we look at next.
between theory and fact. Life is rarely so simple
and clear. What many people consider to be a
Blame Analysis is Not Theory
“fact” (e.g., light a match in a gasoline-filled
room and it will explode) is what many scientists Blame analysis is a counterfeit argument that
call a theory (e.g., a theory of how combining some people present as if it were a theoretical
certain quantities of particular chemicals with explanation. In it, people substitute attributing
oxygen and a certain level of intense heat greatly blame for a causal explanation. Blame belongs
increases the odds of an explosive force). Facts to the realm of making a moral, legal, or ideo-
and theories can blur together because a theory logical claim. Blame implies an intention, negli-
contains concepts that divide up the empirical gence, or responsibility for an event or situation

41
 THEORY AND SOCIAL RESEARCH

(usually unfavorable). Blame analysis focuses or more words. In natural science concepts
on the question of who is responsible instead are expressed as symbols, such as Greek letters
of the social theory question of why did it occur (e.g., a). or formulas (e.g., s = d/t; s = speed,
or what makes events happen as they do. Blame d = distance, t = time). In social science, con-
analysis assumes there is a culprit or source on cepts are expressed as words. Some people are
which we can fix responsibility. The goal of intimidated or nervous about the exotic sym-
blame analysis is to identify a responsible party, bols or formulas of natural science; however,
not to expand understanding. In practice, blame the ordinary words used in specialized ways in
analysis often exempts or shields certain people social science can create confusion. The distinc-
or ideas, such as the injured party, members of tion between concepts expressed as symbols or
a sympathetic audience, or a sacred value or as words is not a big one. After all, words are
principle. Limits in blame analysis make even its symbols too. Words are symbols we learn as
search for a responsible party restricted. Blame language.
analysis is rarely broad or inclusive; it fails to Let us take a concept with which you are
provide a complete picture. A focus on finding already familiar: height. I can say the word height
a responsible party and limits on the picture it or write it down; the spoken sounds and writ-
provides means that blame analysis often ham- ten words are part of the English language. The
pers the development of a full explanation. combination of letters in the word symbolizes,
The mass media, politicians, and many pub- or stands for, the idea in our heads of a height.
lic commentators frequently use blame analysis Chinese or Arabic characters, the French word
in place of theoretical analysis. Blame analysis hauteur, the German word höhe, the Spanish
spreads misunderstanding because it confuses word altura—all symbolize the same idea. In a
blame with cause. It offers a particular account sense, a language is merely an agreement among
(or story of what occurred) instead of a full, people to use sounds or written characters to
logical explanation. Usually blame analysis first represent ideas in their heads. We learned the
presents an unfavorable event or situation— connection between ideas and sounds or writing
such as a bank robbery, a group being paid less at some point in our lives. In this way, you can
than other equally qualified people, or terrible think of learning concepts and theory as being
traffic congestion in an area. Next, it identifies like learning a language.3
one or more “likely suspects” or responsible Concepts are everywhere, and you use them
parties. It then provides selective evidence that all the time. Height is a simple concept from
focuses on one of the responsible parties, often your daily experience. Think about it, what does
shielding other parties or contributing sources. height mean? You may find it easy to use the
Unlike a theoretical explanation, it does not concept of height, but you may find describing
explore all potential causes or examine system- the concept itself more difficult. Height repre-
atically collected empirical evidence, both for sents an abstract idea about a physical relation-
and against many competing causes.1 ship. It is a characteristic of a physical object,
the distance from top to bottom. All people,
buildings, trees, mountains, books, and so forth
have a height. We can measure height or com-
THE PARTS OF THEORY pare it. A height of zero is possible, and height
can increase or decrease over time. As with many
Concepts
words, we use the word in several ways. Height
All theories contain many concepts, and con- is used in the expressions the height of the bat-
cepts are the building blocks of theory.2 A con- tle, the height of the summer, and the height of
cept is an idea expressed as a symbol or as one fashion.

42
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
Logis und meine Butterbrote dadurch aufs Spiel setzen, daß ich
meine Nase in die Angelegenheiten der Familie steckte? Keine
Dummheiten wegen eines halbtoten Greises! Und ich stand da und
fühlte mich so herrlich hart wie ein Stein.
Die kleinen Dirnen hörten mit ihren Plagereien nicht auf. Es
ärgerte sie, daß der Greis den Kopf nicht stillhalten wollte und sie
stachen nun auch nach seinen Augen und Nasenlöchern. Mit
haßerfülltem Blick starrte er sie an, er sagte nichts und konnte die
Arme nicht rühren. Plötzlich hob er seinen Oberkörper auf und
spuckte dem einen der kleinen Mädchen ins Gesicht; er hob sich
noch einmal empor und spuckte auch nach dem anderen, traf es
aber nicht. Ich sah, wie der Wirt die Karten hinwarf und zum Bett
sprang. Er war rot im Gesicht und rief:
Was, du spuckst den Kindern in die Augen, du altes Schwein!
Aber Herrgott, sie ließen ihm ja keinen Frieden! rief ich außer mir.
Aber ich hatte dabei die ganze Zeit Angst, hinausgeworfen zu
werden und rief durchaus nicht besonders laut, ich bebte nur vor
Erregung am ganzen Leibe.
Der Wirt wandte sich nach mir um.
Nein, hört den an! Was, zum Teufel, kümmert Sie das? Halten Sie
nur die Schnauze, ja, Sie, und tun Sie, was ich sage; das wird für Sie
das beste sein.
Aber nun ertönt auch die Stimme von Madam und das ganze Haus
war von Scheltworten erfüllt.
Ich denke, Gott helfe mir, ihr seid alle miteinander verrückt und
besessen! schrie sie. Wenn ihr hier drinnen bleiben wollt, dann müßt
ihr alle beide ruhig sein, sage ich euch! He, nicht genug damit, daß
man dem Gesindel Kost und Logis gibt, nein, auch noch Radau und
Teufelszeug und Jüngsten Tag muß man hier im Zimmer haben. Aber
das soll jetzt aufhören, denke ich! Scht! Haltet eure Mäuler, Kinder,
und putzt euch die Nasen, sonst besorg ich's! Solche Leute habe ich
doch auch noch nicht gesehen! Kommen von der Straße herein,
ohne einen Ör für Lausesalbe und fangen an, mitten in der Nacht
Lärm zu schlagen und den Leuten des Hauses Krach zu machen.
Davon will ich nichts wissen, versteht Ihr mich, und Ihr könnt euch
alle miteinander packen, die Ihr nicht hergehört. In meiner eigenen
Wohnung will ich Frieden haben, daß Ihr's wißt!
Ich sagte nichts, machte den Mund gar nicht auf, sondern setzte
mich wieder an die Türe und hörte dem Lärm zu. Alle schrien mit,
sogar die Kinder und das Dienstmädchen wollten erklären, wie der
ganze Streit angefangen hatte. Wenn ich mich nur stumm verhielte,
so würde es wohl noch einmal vorübergehen; es würde ganz gewiß
nicht zum Äußersten kommen, wenn ich nur kein Wort sagte. Und
was könnte ich auch zu sagen haben? War es vielleicht nicht Winter
draußen und ging es nicht noch außerdem auf die Nacht zu? War
das die Zeit, auf den Tisch zu schlagen und aufzubegehren? Nur
keine Narrenstreiche! Und ich saß still und verließ das Haus nicht,
obwohl ich beinahe hinausgewiesen worden war. Verstockt starrte
ich an die Wand, an der Christus in Öldruck hing, und schwieg
hartnäckig auf alle Ausfälle der Wirtin.
Ja, wenn Sie mich loswerden wollen, Madam, dann soll, was mich
betrifft, nichts im Wege sein, sagte der eine der Kartenspieler.
Er erhob sich. Auch der andere Kartenspieler stand auf.
Nein, dich meinte ich nicht. Und auch dich nicht, antwortete die
Wirtin den beiden. Ich werde schon sagen, wen ich meine, wenn es
darauf ankommt. Wenn es darauf ankommt. Denke ich! Es wird sich
zeigen, wer es ist....
Sie sprach abgerissen, versetzte mir diese Hiebe mit kleinen
Zwischenräumen und zog sie richtig in die Länge, um es mir
deutlicher zu machen, daß sie mich meinte. Ruhe! sagte ich zu mir
selbst. Nur Ruhe! Sie hat mich noch nicht aufgefordert zu gehen,
nicht ausdrücklich, nicht mit offenen Worten. Nur keinen Hochmut
auf meiner Seite, keinen Stolz zur Unzeit! Die Ohren steif!.... Es war
doch ein eigentümlich grünes Haar, das der Christus auf dem
Öldruck da hatte. Es war grünem Gras gar nicht so unähnlich, oder
mit ausgesuchter Genauigkeit ausgedrückt: dickem Wiesengras. He,
eine durchaus richtige Bemerkung meinerseits, ganz dickem
Wiesengras.... Eine Reihe flüchtiger Ideenverbindungen lief mir in
diesem Augenblick durch den Kopf: Von dem grünen Gras bis zu der
Stelle in der Schrift: daß jedes Leben wie Gras sei, das angezündet
würde, — von dort zum Jüngsten Tag, da alles verbrennen werde,
dann mit einem kleinen Abstecher zum Erdbeben in Lissabon, worauf
mir irgend etwas wie ein spanischer Spucknapf aus Messing und ein
Federhalter aus Ebenholz vorschwebte, den ich bei Ylajali gesehen
hatte. Ach ja, alles war vergänglich! Ganz wie Gras, das angezündet
wurde! Es lief auf vier Bretter hinaus und auf Leichenwäsche — bei
Jungfer Andersen, rechts im Torweg....
Und dies alles wurde in meinem Kopf umhergeworfen, in diesem
verzweifelten Augenblick, als meine Wirtin im Begriff war, mich vor
die Tür zu jagen.
Er hört nicht! rief sie. Ich sage, Sie sollen das Haus verlassen, nun
wissen Sie es! Ich glaube, Gott verdamm mich, der Mann ist
verrückt! Nun machen Sie aber, daß Sie fortkommen, und zwar auf
der Stelle!
Ich sah zur Türe, nicht um zu gehen, durchaus nicht um zu
gehen; ein frecher Gedanke fiel mir ein: Wäre ein Schlüssel in der
Türe gewesen, dann hätte ich ihn umgedreht, hätte mich mit den
anderen zusammen eingesperrt, um nicht gehen zu müssen. Ich
hatte ein ganz hysterisches Grauen davor, wieder auf der Straße zu
stehen. Aber es war kein Schlüssel in der Türe, und ich stand auf; es
gab keine Hoffnung mehr.
Da mischt sich plötzlich die Stimme meines Wirtes in die der Frau.
Erstaunt bleibe ich stehen. Der gleiche Mann, der mich eben noch
bedroht hatte, nimmt, merkwürdig genug, meine Partei. Er sagt:
Du darfst die Leute doch nicht in die Nacht hinausjagen, das weißt
du. Darauf steht Strafe.
Ich war nicht sicher, ob Strafe darauf stand, ich glaubte es nicht,
aber vielleicht war es so; die Frau besann sich bald, wurde ruhig und
sprach mich nicht mehr an. Sie legte mir sogar zum Abendessen
zwei Butterbrote hin, aber ich nahm sie nicht an, aus reiner
Dankbarkeit gegen den Mann nahm ich sie nicht an, indem ich
vorgab, in der Stadt gegessen zu haben.
Als ich mich endlich in das Vorzimmer begab, und zu Bett gehen
wollte, kam mir die Madam nach, blieb auf der Schwelle stehen und
sagte laut, während ihr großer, schwangerer Bauch mir
entgegenstrotzte:
Dies aber ist die letzte Nacht, die Sie hier schlafen, daß Sie es
wissen.
Ja, ja! antwortete ich.
Morgen würde sich schon Rat für ein Obdach finden, wenn ich
mich richtig danach umtat. Irgendein Unterschlupf mußte sich doch
finden. Vorläufig freute ich mich darüber, daß ich nicht heute nacht
fortzugehen brauchte.

Ich schlief bis gegen fünf, sechs Uhr morgens. Als ich erwachte,
war es noch nicht hell, ich stand aber trotzdem sofort auf; — ich
hatte wegen der Kälte in allen Kleidern geschlafen und brauchte
nichts weiter anzuziehen. Nachdem ich ein wenig Wasser getrunken
und in aller Stille die Türe geöffnet hatte, ging ich schnell hinaus, da
ich fürchtete, meine Wirtin noch einmal zu treffen.
Der einzige lebende Mensch, den ich in den Straßen sah, war
irgendein Schutzmann, der in der Nacht Dienst gehabt hatte; bald
darauf begannen auch ein paar Männer die Gaslaternen
auszulöschen. Ich trieb mich ohne Ziel herum, kam in die Kirchstraße
und nahm den Weg zur Festung hinunter. Kalt und noch schläfrig, in
den Knien und im Rücken müde von dem langen Weg, und sehr
hungrig, setzte ich mich auf eine Bank und duselte lange Zeit. Drei
Wochen lang hatte ich ausschließlich von den Butterbroten gelebt,
die mir meine Wirtin morgens und abends gegeben hatte; und nun
waren genau vierundzwanzig Stunden seit meiner letzten Mahlzeit
vergangen, es fing wieder schlimm in mir zu nagen an, und ich
mußte möglichst bald einen Ausweg finden. Mit diesen Gedanken
schlief ich auf der Bank wieder ein....
In meiner Nähe wurde gesprochen und ich erwachte dadurch. Als
ich mich ein wenig aufgerappelt hatte, sah ich, daß es heller Tag und
alles schon auf den Beinen war. Ich erhob mich und ging fort. Die
Sonne brach über den Höhen hervor, der Himmel war weiß und fein,
und in meiner Freude über den schönen Morgen nach den vielen
dunklen Wochen vergaß ich alle Sorgen und fand, daß es mir schon
manches Mal noch schlimmer ergangen sei. Ich klopfte mir auf die
Brust und sang eine kleine Melodie vor mich hin. Meine Stimme
klang so schlecht, klang so mitgenommen, ich wurde durch sie zu
Tränen gerührt. Auch dieser prachtvolle Tag, der weiße,
lichttrunkene Himmel wirkten stark auf mich ein und ich war nahe
daran, laut zu weinen.
Was fehlt Ihnen? fragte ein Mann.
Ich antwortete nicht, eilte nur fort, mein Gesicht vor allen
Menschen verbergend.
Ich kam zu den Hafenspeichern hinunter. Eine große Barke mit
russischer Flagge lag da und löschte Kohlen; auf der Seite las ich
ihren Namen, „Copégoro”. Eine Zeitlang zerstreute es mich, zu
beobachten, was an Bord dieses fremden Schiffes vorging. Es mußte
beinahe fertig gelöscht haben, die Wasserlinie ragte schon neun Fuß
hoch heraus, trotz des Ballastes, den es wohl führte, und wenn die
Kohlenträger mit ihren schweren Stiefeln über das Deck
hinstampften, dröhnte es hohl im ganzen Schiff.
Die Sonne, das Licht, der salzige Hauch vom Meer, das ganze
geschäftige und lustige Treiben richteten mich auf und ließen mein
Blut wieder lebhafter klopfen. Plötzlich fiel mir ein, daß ich vielleicht
ein paar Szenen meines Dramas fertigstellen könnte, während ich
hier saß. Und ich zog die Blätter aus der Tasche.
Ich versuchte die Replik eines Mönches zu formen, eine Replik, die
von Kraft und Intoleranz strotzen sollte; aber es glückte mir nicht.
Ich übersprang den Mönch und wollte eine Rede ausarbeiten, die
Rede des Richters an die Tempelschänderin, und ich schrieb eine
halbe Seite dieser Rede, dann hielt ich an. Es wollte nicht der
richtige Geist über meine Worte kommen. Die Geschäftigkeit um
mich her, die Aufgesänge, der Lärm der Gangspille und das
ununterbrochene Rasseln der Eisenketten paßten so gar nicht in die
Luft des dumpfen, moderigen Mittelalters, die wie ein Nebel über
meinem Drama liegen sollte. Ich packte die Papiere zusammen und
stand auf.
Aber trotzdem war ich herrlich ins Gleiten gekommen und fühlte
klar, daß ich etwas ausrichten würde, wenn jetzt alles gut ginge.
Wenn ich nur einen Platz wüßte, an dem ich mich aufhalten könnte!
Ich dachte nach, blieb mitten auf der Straße stehen und dachte
nach, wußte aber keinen einzigen stillen Ort in der ganzen Stadt,
wohin ich mich für eine Weile hätte zurückziehen können. Es blieb
kein anderer Ausweg, ich mußte in das Logishaus „Vaterland” zurück.
Ich krümmte mich bei diesem Gedanken und sagte mir die ganze
Zeit, daß das nicht anginge, aber ich glitt doch vorwärts und näherte
mich beständig dem verbotenen Ort. Gewiß war es jämmerlich, das
gab ich mir selbst zu, ja es war schmählich, richtig schmählich; aber
da half nichts. Ich war nicht im geringsten hochmütig, ich durfte
ruhig sagen, daß ich einer der am wenigsten hochmütigen Menschen
war, die es heutzutage gab. Und ich ging.
An der Türe blieb ich stehen und überlegte noch einmal. Doch,
gehe es wie es wolle, ich mußte es wagen! Um welche Bagatelle
drehte es sich doch eigentlich? Erstens sollte es ja nur einige
Stunden dauern, zweitens mochte Gott verhüten, daß ich später
jemals wieder meine Zuflucht zu diesem Hause nahm. Ich ging in
den Hof. Noch während ich über diese holperigen Steine im Hofplatz
schritt, war ich wieder unentschlossen und hätte beinahe an der
Türe kehrt gemacht. Ich biß die Zähne zusammen. Nein, nur keinen
falschen Stolz! Schlimmstenfalls konnte ich mich damit
entschuldigen, daß ich gekommen war, um Lebewohl zu sagen, um
ordentlich Abschied zu nehmen und eine Verabredung wegen meiner
kleinen Schuld zu treffen. Ich öffnete die Türe zum Vorzimmer.
 Drinnen blieb ich wie angenagelt stehen. Gleich vor mir, nur im
Abstand von zwei Schritten, war der Wirt selbst, ohne Hut und ohne
Rock, und schaute durch das Schlüsselloch in das Zimmer der
Familie. Er bedeutete mir mit einer stummen Bewegung der Hand,
mich still zu verhalten, und schaute wieder durch das Schlüsselloch.
Er stand da und lachte.
Kommen Sie her! sagte er flüsternd.
Ich näherte mich auf den Zehen.
Sehen Sie nur! sagte er und lachte mit einem leisen und heftigen
Lachen. Schauen Sie hinein! Hihi! da liegen sie! Sehen Sie den Alten
an! Können Sie den Alten sehen?
Im Bett, gerade unter dem Christus in Öldruck, und mir
gegenüber, sah ich zwei Gestalten, die Wirtin und den fremden
Steuermann; ihre Beine schimmerten weiß gegen das dunkle
Federbett. Und im Bette an der anderen Wand saß ihr Vater, der
lahme Greis, und sah über seine Hände gebeugt zu, wie gewöhnlich
zusammengekrochen, ohne sich rühren zu können....
Ich drehte mich zu meinem Wirt um. Es kostete ihn die größte
Mühe, nicht laut loszulachen. Er hielt sich die Nase zu.
Sahen Sie den Alten? flüsterte er. Mein Gott, sahen Sie den Alten?
Da sitzt er und sieht zu! Und wieder neigte er sich zum Schlüsselloch
herunter.
Ich ging ans Fenster und setzte mich nieder. Dieser Anblick hatte
unbarmherzig alle meine Gedanken in Unordnung gebracht und
meine reiche Stimmung ganz verschüttet. Nun, was ging es mich an?
Wenn sich der Mann selbst darein fand, ja sogar sein großes
Vergnügen daran hatte, so war für mich kein Grund vorhanden, es
mir nahe gehen zu lassen. Und was den Greis betraf, so war der
Greis eben ein Greis. Er sah es vielleicht nicht einmal; vielleicht saß
er da und schlief. Gott weiß, ob er nicht sogar tot war. Es würde
mich nicht wundern, wenn er dasäße und tot wäre, und ich machte
mir kein Gewissen daraus.
 Wieder nahm ich meine Papiere hervor und wollte alle nicht
hierher gehörenden Gedanken zurückdrängen. Ich war mitten in
einem Satz der Rede des Richters stehengeblieben: So befiehlt mir
denn Gott und das Gesetz, so befiehlt mir denn der Rat der weisen
Männer, befiehlt mir mein eigenes Gewissen.... Ich sah zum Fenster
hinaus, um nachzudenken, was ihm sein eigenes Gewissen befehlen
sollte. Aus dem Zimmer drang schwacher Lärm. Nun, das ging mich
nichts an, gar nichts. Der Greis war außerdem tot, starb morgen
vielleicht gegen vier Uhr. Es war mir also herzlich gleichgültig, was
der Lärm bedeutete; warum zum Teufel saß ich da und machte mir
darüber Gedanken? Ruhig jetzt!
So befiehlt mir denn mein eigenes Gewissen....
Aber alles hatte sich gegen mich verschworen. Der Mann stand
durchaus nicht ganz ruhig an seinem Schlüsselloch, hie und da hörte
ich sein unterdrücktes Lachen und sah, wie er sich schüttelte; auch
auf der Straße ging manches vor, das mich zerstreute. Ein kleiner
Junge saß auf dem anderen Gehsteig in der Sonne und bastelte für
sich allein; er war ganz ahnungslos, knüpfte nur einige Papierstreifen
zusammen und machte niemand Verdruß. Plötzlich springt er auf
und flucht. Er geht nach rückwärts auf die Straße hinaus und erblickt
einen Mann, einen erwachsenen Mann mit rotem Bart, der sich aus
einem offenen Fenster im ersten Stock herauslehnt — und ihm auf
den Kopf gespuckt hatte. Der Kleine heulte vor Zorn und fluchte
ohnmächtig zum Fenster hinauf, und der Mann lachte ihm ins
Gesicht; so vergingen vielleicht fünf Minuten. Ich wandte mich ab,
um das Weinen des Knaben nicht zu sehen.
So befiehlt mir denn mein eigenes Gewissen, daß....
Es war mir unmöglich, weiter zu kommen. Zuletzt begann es vor
mir zu flimmern; ich fand, daß alles, was ich bereits geschrieben
hatte, unbrauchbar, ja daß das Ganze ein fürchterlicher Unsinn war.
Man konnte gar nicht vom Gewissen im Mittelalter sprechen, das
Gewissen wurde erst von dem Tanzlehrer Shakespeare erfunden,
folglich war meine ganze Rede unrichtig. Stand dann also gar nichts
Gutes in diesen Blättern? Ich durchlief sie rasch von neuem und
löste sofort meine Zweifel; ich fand großartige Stellen, ganz lange
Stücke von großer Merkwürdigkeit. Und nochmals jagte der
berauschende Drang durch meine Brust, wieder anzupacken und das
Drama zu Ende zu bringen.
Ich erhob mich und ging zur Türe ohne auf die wütenden Zeichen
des Wirtes zu achten. Bestimmt und festen Sinnes ging ich aus dem
Vorraum, stieg die Treppe zum ersten Stock hinauf und trat in mein
altes Zimmer. Der Steuermann war ja nicht da, und was also
hinderte mich, einen Augenblick hier zu sitzen? Ich würde nichts von
seinen Sachen berühren, ich würde nicht einmal seinen Tisch
benutzen, sondern mich auf einem Stuhl an der Türe niederlassen
und damit zufrieden sein. Heftig falte ich die Papiere auf meinen
Knien auseinander.
Jetzt ging es einige Minuten lang ganz ausgezeichnet. Replik auf
Replik entstand vollkommen fertig in meinem Kopf, und ich schrieb
ununterbrochen. Eine Seite nach der anderen füllt sich. Ich setze
über Stock und Stein, winsle leise vor Entzücken über meine gute
Stimmung und weiß beinahe nichts von mir selbst. Der einzige Laut,
den ich in diesen Minuten höre, ist mein eigenes frohes Gewinsel.
Auch eine besonders glückliche Idee mit einer Kirchenglocke, die an
einem bestimmten Punkt im Drama mit ihrem Geläut einfallen sollte,
kam mir in den Kopf. Alles ging überwältigend.
Da höre ich Schritte auf der Treppe. Ich bebe und bin beinahe
außer mir, sitze sozusagen auf dem Sprung, scheu, wachsam, voller
Angst vor allem und vom Hunger erregt; ich lausche nervös, halte
den Bleistift still in der Hand und lausche, ich kann kein Wort mehr
schreiben. Die Türe geht auf; das Paar aus der Stube unten tritt ein.
Noch bevor ich Zeit finde, um Entschuldigung zu bitten, ruft die
Wirtin wie aus allen Wolken gefallen: Nein, Gott tröste und helfe
uns, nun sitzt er doch wieder hier!
Entschuldigen Sie! sagte ich und wollte mehr sagen, kam aber
nicht weiter.
Die Wirtin öffnete die Türe weit und schrie:
 Wenn Sie sich jetzt nicht fortscheren, dann hole ich, Gott
verdamm mich, die Polizei.
Ich erhob mich.
Ich wollte Ihnen nur Lebewohl sagen, murmelte ich, und deshalb
mußte ich auf Sie warten. Ich habe nichts berührt, ich saß hier auf
dem Stuhl....
Ja, das macht ja nichts, sagte der Steuermann. Was zum Teufel
schadet das? Lassen Sie doch den Mann!
Als ich die Treppe hinuntergekommen war, wurde ich mit einem
Mal rasend gegen dieses dicke aufgeschwollene Weib, das mir auf
den Fersen folgte, um mich so rasch wie möglich fortzubringen, und
ich stand einen Augenblick still, den Mund voll der wüstesten
Schimpfnamen, bereit, sie ihr entgegenzuschleudern. Aber ich
bedachte mich zur rechten Zeit und schwieg, schwieg aus
Dankbarkeit gegen den fremden Mann, der hinter ihr ging und es
hören konnte. Die Wirtin folgte mir beständig und schalt
unaufhörlich, während mein Zorn gleichzeitig mit jedem Schritt, den
ich machte, zunahm.
Wir kamen in den Hof hinunter, ich ging ganz langsam, noch
überlegend, ob ich mich mit der Wirtin abgeben sollte. In diesem
Augenblick war ich von Wut ganz verstört, und ich dachte an das
schlimmste Blutvergießen, an einen Stoß, der sie auf der Stelle tot
hinwerfen würde, einen Tritt vor den Bauch. Ein Dienstmann geht an
mir vorbei ins Tor, er grüßt, und ich antworte nicht. Er wendet sich
an die Madam hinter mir und ich höre, daß er nach mir fragt; aber
ich drehe mich nicht um.
Ein paar Schritte außerhalb des Tores holt mich der Dienstmann
ein, grüßt wieder und hält mich an. Er gibt mir einen Brief. Heftig
und unwillig reiße ich ihn auf, aus dem Umschlag fällt ein
Zehnkronenschein, aber kein Brief, nicht ein Wort.
Ich sehe den Mann an und frage:
Was sind das für Narrenstreiche? Von wem ist der Brief?
 Ja, das weiß ich nicht, antwortet er, eine Dame hat ihn mir
gegeben.
Ich stand still. Der Dienstmann ging. Da stecke ich den Schein
wieder in den Umschlag, knülle das Ganze fest zusammen, kehre um
und gehe zur Wirtin, die mir vom Tor aus immer noch nachschaut,
und werfe ihr den Schein ins Gesicht. Ich sagte nichts, äußerte keine
Silbe, ich beobachtete nur, ehe ich ging, daß sie das verknüllte
Papier untersuchte....
He, das konnte man ein Auftreten nennen! Nichts sagen, das Pack
nicht anreden, sondern einen großen Geldschein ganz ruhig
zusammenknüllen und ihn seinen Verfolgern vor die Füße werfen.
Das konnte man ein würdiges Auftreten nennen! So mußte man sie
behandeln, diese Tiere!....
An die Ecke der Tomtestraße und des Bahnhofsplatzes gekommen,
begann die Straße plötzlich sich vor meinen Augen rund herum zu
drehen, es sauste leer in meinem Kopf, und ich fiel an eine
Hauswand. Ich konnte einfach nicht mehr weitergehen, konnte mich
nicht einmal aus meiner schiefen Stellung aufrichten; ich blieb so
stehen, wie ich an die Wand gefallen war und fühlte, daß ich die
Besinnung verlor. Mein wahnsinniger Zorn wurde durch diesen Anfall
der Erschöpfung nur vermehrt, und ich hob den Fuß und stampfte
auf das Pflaster. Ich versuchte noch alles mögliche, um zu Kräften zu
kommen, biß die Zähne zusammen, runzelte die Stirn, rollte
verzweifelt die Augen, und schließlich begann es zu helfen. Meine
Gedanken wurden klar, ich verstand, daß ich im Begriff war, mich
aufzulösen. Ich hielt die Hände vor und stieß mich von der Mauer
ab; die Straße tanzte immer noch um mich. Vor Wut begann ich zu
schluchzen, und ich stritt aus innerster Seele mit meiner Schwäche,
hielt tapfer stand, um nicht umzufallen; ich wollte nicht
zusammensinken, ich wollte stehend sterben. Ein Lastkarren rollte
langsam vorbei, und ich sehe, daß Kartoffeln auf dem Karren liegen,
aber aus Wut, aus Halsstarrigkeit, behaupte ich, daß es durchaus
nicht Kartoffeln seien, sondern Kohlköpfe, und ich schwor grausam
darauf, daß es Kohlköpfe wären. Ich hörte gut, was ich sagte, und
bewußt beschwor ich immer wieder diese Lüge, nur um die
angenehme Befriedigung zu haben, daß ich einen groben Meineid
begehe. Ich berauschte mich an dieser beispiellosen Sünde, ich
streckte meine drei Finger in die Luft und schwor mit zitternden
Lippen im Namen des Vaters, des Sohnes und des heiligen Geistes,
daß es Kohlköpfe seien.
Die Zeit verging. Ich ließ mich auf eine Stufe niederfallen und
trocknete mir den Schweiß von Hals und Stirn, sog die Luft ein und
zwang mich, ruhig zu sein. Die Sonne glitt nieder, es ging auf den
Abend zu. Wieder begann ich über meine Lage nachzugrübeln; der
Hunger wurde schamlos, und in einigen Stunden würde es wiederum
Nacht sein. Es galt Rat zu schaffen, solange noch Zeit war. Meine
Gedanken fingen wieder an, um das Logishaus zu kreisen, aus dem
ich vertrieben worden war; ich wollte durchaus nicht dahin
zurückkehren, konnte aber trotzdem nicht unterlassen, immer wieder
daran zu denken. Eigentlich war die Frau in ihrem guten Recht
gewesen, als sie mich hinauswarf. Wie konnte ich erwarten, bei
jemand wohnen zu dürfen, wenn ich nicht dafür bezahlte? Sie hatte
mir obendrein hie und da Essen gegeben; sogar gestern, als ich sie
gereizt hatte, hatte sie mir zwei Butterbrote angeboten, sie mir aus
Gutmütigkeit angeboten, denn sie wußte, daß ich sie brauchte. Ich
hatte mich also über nichts zu beklagen, und während ich auf der
Treppe saß, begann ich sie im stillen wegen meines Betragens um
Vergebung zu bitten und zu betteln. Bitterlich bereute ich besonders,
daß ich mich ihr zuletzt undankbar gezeigt und ihr den Geldschein
ins Gesicht geworfen hatte....
Zehn Kronen! Ich stieß einen Pfiff aus. Woher kam der Brief, den
der Bote gebracht hatte? Erst in diesem Augenblick dachte ich klar
darüber nach und ahnte sofort, wie das Ganze zusammenhing.
Krank vor Schmerz und Scham, flüsterte ich mehrere Male Ylajali mit
heiserer Stimme und schüttelte den Kopf. Hatte ich mich nicht erst
noch gestern entschlossen, stolz an ihr vorbeizugehen, wenn ich sie
träfe, und ihr die größte Gleichgültigkeit zu zeigen? Und statt dessen
hatte ich nur ihr Mitleid erregt und ihr einen Barmherzigkeitsschilling
entlockt. Nein, nein, nein, meine Erniedrigung nahm kein Ende!
Nicht einmal ihr gegenüber hatte ich eine anständige Stellung
behaupten können; ich sank, sank nach allen Seiten, wohin ich mich
wandte, sank in die Knie, sank unter, tauchte unter in Unehre und
kam niemals wieder empor, niemals! Tiefer ging es nicht mehr! Zehn
Kronen als Almosen anzunehmen ohne sie dem heimlichen Geber
zurückschleudern zu können, mit beiden Händen die Schillinge, wo
sie sich mir boten, aufzuraffen und sie zu behalten, sie als Bezahlung
für die Unterkunft zu verwenden, trotz eigenen innersten
Widerwillens ....
Konnte ich diese zehn Kronen nicht auf irgendeine Weise wieder
herbeischaffen? Zur Wirtin zurückzugehen, um den Schein von ihr
wieder ausgehändigt zu bekommen, nützte wohl kaum. Wenn ich
nachdachte, mußte es wohl auch noch eine andere Lösung geben,
wenn ich mich nur richtig anstrengte und nachdachte. Hier war, bei
Gott, nicht genug damit getan, auf gewöhnliche Art zu denken, ich
mußte denken, daß es mir durch den ganzen Körper ging, und einen
Ausweg wegen dieser zehn Kronen finden. Und ich begann aus
Leibeskräften nachzudenken.
Es war wohl ungefähr vier Uhr, in ein paar Stunden hätte ich
vielleicht den Theaterchef aufsuchen können, wenn ich nur mein
Drama fertiggehabt hätte. Ich hole mein Manuskript hervor und will
mit aller Gewalt die letzten drei, vier Szenen beenden; ich denke und
schwitze und lese alles vom Anfang an durch, komme aber nicht
vorwärts. Keinen Blödsinn, sage ich, keine Halsstarrigkeit! Und ich
schreibe darauf los, schreibe alles nieder, was mir einfällt, nur um
schnell fertig zu werden und vorwärtszukommen. Ich wollte mir
einbilden, daß ich einen neuen großen Augenblick hatte, ich log mich
an, betrog mich offensichtlich und schrieb in einem Zug, als wenn
ich nicht nach den Worten zu suchen brauchte. Das ist gut! das ist
wirklich ein Fund! flüsterte ich dazwischen; schreib es nur nieder!
Schließlich aber erschienen mir meine letzten Repliken bedenklich;
sie stachen so stark gegen die Repliken in den ersten Szenen ab.
Außerdem war durchaus kein Mittelalter in den Worten des Mönches.
Ich zerbeiße den Bleistift zwischen meinen Zähnen, springe auf,
zerreiße das Manuskript, reiße jedes Blatt entzwei, werfe meinen Hut
auf die Straße und trample darauf. Ich bin verloren! flüstere ich vor
mich hin; meine Damen und Herren, ich bin verloren! Und ich sage
nichts als diese Worte, während ich auf meinem Hut herumtrample.
Ein paar Schritte von mir entfernt steht ein Schutzmann und
beobachtet mich; er steht mitten auf der Straße und sieht nichts
anderes als nur mich. Als ich den Kopf zurückwerfe, treffen sich
unsere Augen, er hatte vielleicht schon längere Zeit dort gestanden
und nur mich angesehen. Ich nehme meinen Hut, setze ihn auf und
gehe zu dem Manne hin.
Wissen Sie, wieviel Uhr es ist? frage ich.
Er wartet eine Weile, ehe er seine Uhr hervorzieht, und wendet
seine Augen unterdessen nicht von mir ab.
Gleich vier Uhr, antwortet er.
Ganz richtig! sage ich; gleich vier Uhr, vollkommen richtig! Sie
können Ihre Sache, wie ich höre, und ich werde an Sie denken.
Damit verließ ich ihn. Er war aufs Äußerste über mich erstaunt,
stand da, sah mir mit offenem Mund nach und hielt noch die Uhr in
der Hand. Als ich vor das Royal gekommen war, drehte ich mich um
und sah zurück: er stand noch in der gleichen Stellung da und folgte
mir mit den Augen.
Hehe, so mußte man die Tiere behandeln! Mit der
ausgesuchtesten Unverschämtheit! Das imponierte den Tieren,
versetzte die Tiere in Schrecken.... Ich war mit mir überaus
zufrieden und begann wieder ein Bruchstück zu singen. Von
Erregung angespannt, ohne noch einen Schmerz zu fühlen, sogar
ohne irgendwelches Unbehagen, ging ich, leicht wie eine Feder, über
den ganzen Markt, kehrte bei den Basaren um und ließ mich auf
einer Bank vor der Erlöserkirche nieder.
War es denn nicht auch ziemlich gleichgültig, ob ich die zehn
Kronen zurücksandte oder nicht! Hatte ich sie erhalten, so waren sie
mein, und dort, woher sie kamen, war gewiß keine Not. Ich mußte
sie doch annehmen, wenn sie mir ausdrücklich gesandt wurden; ich
konnte sie doch nicht dem Dienstmann lassen. Ebensowenig ging es
an, einen ganz anderen Zehnkronenschein als den, den ich
bekommen hatte, zurückzusenden. Daran war also nichts mehr zu
ändern.
Ich versuchte, das Getriebe rings auf dem Markt vor mir zu
beobachten und meine Gedanken mit gleichgültigen Dingen zu
beschäftigen; aber es glückte mir nicht, ich befaßte mich beständig
mit den zehn Kronen. Zuletzt ballte ich die Hände und wurde zornig.
Es müßte sie verletzen, sagte ich, wenn ich das Geld zurücksenden
würde; warum sollte ich es dann tun? Ich wollte mich stets für zu
gut zu allem möglichen halten, hochmütig den Kopf schütteln und
‚nein, danke’ sagen. Nun sah ich selbst, wohin das führte; jetzt stand
ich wieder auf der Straße. Selbst wenn ich die beste Gelegenheit
dazu hatte, behielt ich nicht mein gutes warmes Logis, ich wurde
stolz, sprang beim ersten Wort auf und warf den Kopf in den
Nacken, bezahlte zehn Kronen nach rechts und nach links und lief
auf und davon.... Ich ging scharf ins Gericht mit mir, weil ich mein
Obdach verlassen und mich wieder in Verlegenheit gebracht hatte.
Im übrigen spuckte ich auf das Ganze! Ich hatte nicht um die zehn
Kronen gebeten, und ich hatte sie kaum zwischen den Händen
gehalten, sondern sie sofort weggegeben, sie an wildfremde
Menschen, die ich nie wiedersehen würde, ausbezahlt. So war ich,
bezahlte bis auf den letzten Heller, wenn es galt. Kannte ich Ylajali
richtig, dann bereute sie nicht, daß sie mir das Geld gesandt hatte,
was saß ich dann da und zankte mit mir herum? Es war geradezu
das mindeste, was sie tun konnte, mir ab und zu zehn Kronen zu
senden. Das arme Mädchen war doch in mich verliebt, he, vielleicht
sogar sterblich in mich verliebt.... Und bei diesem Gedanken blähte
ich mich richtig auf. Kein Zweifel, sie war in mich verliebt, das arme
Mädchen!....
Es wurde fünf Uhr. Ich fiel nach meiner langen und nervösen
Erregung wieder zusammen und begann von neuem das leere
Sausen in meinem Kopf zu fühlen. Ich blickte geradeaus, starrte in
die Luft und sah zur Elefantenapotheke hinüber. Der Hunger wütete
in mir, und ich litt sehr. Während ich so dasitze und in die Luft sehe,
wird vor meinem starren Blick nach und nach eine Gestalt deutlich,
die ich zum Schluß ganz klar sehe und wiedererkenne: die
Kuchenfrau bei der Elefantenapotheke.
Ich zucke zusammen, richte mich auf der Bank auf und fange an
nachzudenken. Ja, es hatte seine Richtigkeit, es war die gleiche Frau
vor dem gleichen Tisch, am gleichen Fleck! Ich pfeife ein paarmal
vor mich hin und knipse mit den Fingern, erhebe mich und gehe auf
die Apotheke zu. Keinen Nonsens! Ich scherte mich den Teufel
darum, ob es das Geld des Burschen war oder gute norwegische
Krämerpfennige aus Silber von Kongsberg! Ich wollte nicht lächerlich
sein, man konnte über allzuvielem Hochmut sterben....
Ich gehe zu der Ecke, fasse die Frau ins Auge und stelle mich vor
ihr auf. Ich lächle, nicke wie ein Bekannter und richte meine Worte
so ein, als sei es selbstverständlich, daß ich noch einmal
zurückkomme.
Guten Tag! sage ich. Sie kennen mich vielleicht nicht wieder?
Nein, antwortet sie langsam und sieht mich an.
Ich lächle noch mehr, als sei es nur ein köstlicher Scherz von ihr,
daß sie mich nicht kenne und fahre fort:
Erinnern Sie sich nicht, daß ich Ihnen einmal einige Kronen gab?
Ich sagte damals nichts, soweit ich mich entsinne, das tat ich nicht,
das ist nicht meine Art. Wenn man es mit ehrlichen Leuten zu tun
hat, ist es unnötig, etwas zu verabreden und sozusagen wegen jeder
Kleinigkeit einen Kontrakt abzuschließen. Hehe. Ja, ich war es, der
Ihnen seinerzeit das Geld gab.
Nein, wirklich, waren Sie es! Ja, nun kenne ich Sie auch ganz gut
wieder, und wenn ich nachdenke....
Ich wollte verhindern, daß sie sich für das Geld bedankte und
sagte deshalb schnell, während ich bereits mit den Augen auf dem
Tisch nach Eßwaren suchte:
 Ja, jetzt komme ich, die Kuchen zu holen.
Dies versteht sie nicht.
Die Kuchen, wiederhole ich, jetzt komme ich, sie zu holen. Auf
jeden Fall einen Teil davon, die erste Rate. Ich brauche heute nicht
alles.
Kommen Sie, um sie zu holen? fragt sie.
Ja, freilich komme ich, sie zu holen, ja! antworte ich und lache
laut, als müsse es ihr sofort einleuchten, daß ich kam, um sie zu
holen. Ich nehme auch einen Kuchen vom Tisch, eine Art Franzbrot,
und beginne zu essen.
Als die Frau dies sieht, erhebt sie sich in ihrem Kellerloch, macht
unwillkürlich eine Bewegung, wie um ihre Waren zu schützen und
läßt mich verstehen, sie habe nicht erwartet, daß ich zurückkommen
würde, um sie zu berauben.
Nicht? sage ich. Nein, wirklich nicht? Sie war doch eine köstliche
Frau! Hatte sie jemals erlebt, daß ihr jemand eine Menge Kronen in
Verwahrung gegeben, ohne daß der Betreffende sie zurückverlangt
habe? Na, sehen Sie! Glaubte sie vielleicht, daß es gestohlenes Geld
gewesen sei, weil ich es ihr so hingeschleudert hatte? Nun, das
glaubte sie doch wohl nicht! das war auch gut so, wirklich gut! Es
war, wenn ich so sagen durfte, freundlich von ihr, daß sie mich doch
für einen ehrlichen Mann hielt. Haha! Ja, sie sei wirklich köstlich!
Aber weshalb ich ihr denn das Geld gegeben habe? Die Frau
wurde erbittert und schrie laut.
Ich erklärte ihr, warum ich ihr das Geld gegeben hatte, erklärte es
gedämpft und nachdrücklich: Es sei meine Gewohnheit, so zu
handeln, denn ich halte alle Menschen für so gut. Jedes Mal, wenn
mir jemand einen Kontrakt anbot, einen Schein, schüttelte ich den
Kopf und sagte ‚Nein, danke’. Gott sei mein Zeuge, das tat ich.
Aber die Frau verstand es noch immer nicht.
 Ich griff zu anderen Mitteln, sprach scharf und verbat mir jeglichen
Unsinn. War es ihr denn noch niemals vorgekommen, daß ein
anderer auf diese Weise im Vorschuß bezahlt hatte? fragte ich. Ich
meinte natürlich Leute, die das Geld dazu hatten, zum Beispiel einer
der Konsuln? Niemals? Ja, ich könnte aber doch nicht dafür büßen,
daß ihr dies eine fremde Umgangsart sei. Es wäre im Ausland so der
Brauch. Sie sei vielleicht niemals außerhalb der Grenzen des Landes
gewesen? Nein. Sehen Sie! Dann könnte sie in dieser Sache gar
nicht mitreden.... Und ich griff nach mehreren Kuchen auf dem
Tisch.
Sie knurrte zornig, weigerte sich hartnäckig, etwas auszuliefern,
wand mir sogar ein Stück Kuchen aus der Hand und legte es auf
seinen Platz zurück. Ich wurde wütend, schlug auf den Tisch und
drohte mit der Polizei. Ich wolle gnädig gegen sie sein, sagte ich;
wenn ich alles nähme, was mein sei, so würde ich ihr ganzes
Geschäft ruinieren, denn es sei eine furchtbare Menge Geldes
gewesen, die ich ihr seinerzeit gegeben hätte. Soviel würde ich aber
nicht nehmen, ich wolle in Wirklichkeit nur die halbe Valuta haben.
Und ich würde obendrein nicht mehr wiederkommen. Davor möge
Gott mich bewahren, da sie eine solche Person sei.
Endlich legte sie einige Kuchen für einen unverschämten Preis hin,
vier, fünf Stücke, die sie so hoch einschätzte, wie es ihr überhaupt
möglich war, und hieß mich, sie zu nehmen und meines Weges zu
gehen. Ich stritt mich immer noch mit ihr herum, behauptete, daß
sie mich um mindestens eine Krone prelle und mich außerdem mit
ihren blutigen Preisen aussauge. Wissen Sie, daß auf solche
Spitzbubenstreiche Strafe steht? sagte ich. Gott bewahre Sie, Sie
könnten auf Lebenszeit ins Zuchthaus kommen, Sie altes Wrack! —
Sie warf mir noch einen Kuchen hin und bat mich beinahe
zähneknirschend, zu gehen.
Und ich verließ sie.
He, ein unzuverlässigeres Kuchenweib hatte ich noch nie gesehen!
Während ich über den Markt ging und meine Kuchen verschlang,
sprach ich die ganze Zeit laut über diese Frau und ihre
Unverschämtheit, wiederholte mir selbst, was wir beide einander
gesagt hatten und fand, daß ich ihr weit überlegen gewesen war. Vor
aller Augen verschlang ich meine Kuchen und sprach dabei vor mich
hin.
Und die Kuchen verschwanden einer nach dem anderen; es
verschlug nichts, wieviel ich auch zu mir nahm, ich war hungrig bis
auf den Grund. Herrgott auch, daß es nichts verschlagen wollte! Ich
war so gierig, daß ich mich sogar beinahe an dem letzten Kuchen
vergriffen hätte, den ich von Anfang an für den Kleinen unten in der
Vognmandsstraße aufzusparen gedacht hatte, für den Knaben, dem
der rotbärtige Mann auf den Kopf gespuckt hatte. Ich mußte
beständig an ihn denken, konnte seine Miene nicht vergessen, da er
aufsprang und weinte und fluchte. Er hatte sich gegen mein Fenster
gewendet, als der Mann auf ihn herunterspuckte, und er hatte
gleichsam sehen wollen, ob auch ich darüber lachen würde. Gott
weiß, ob ich ihn jetzt traf, wenn ich da hinunterkam! Ich strengte
mich sehr an, um rasch in die Vognmandsstraße zu gelangen, kam
an der Stelle vorbei, an der ich mein Drama zerrissen hatte, und wo
noch einige Papierfetzen lagen, umging den Schutzmann, den ich
vor kurzem durch mein Betragen in Erstaunen gesetzt hatte, und
stand zuletzt an der Treppe, auf der der Junge gesessen hatte.
Er war nicht da. Die Straße war beinahe leer. Die Dunkelheit nahm
zu, und ich konnte den Knaben nicht gewahren; er war wohl schon
ins Haus gegangen. Vorsichtig legte ich den Kuchen hin, lehnte ihn
gegen die Türe, klopfte hart an und lief sofort weiter. Er findet ihn
schon! sagte ich zu mir; findet ihn gleich, wenn er herauskommt!
Und meine Augen wurden naß vor blöder Freude darüber, daß der
Kleine den Kuchen finden würde.
Ich kam wieder zum Eisenbahnkai.
Jetzt hungerte mich nicht mehr, aber die Süßigkeiten, die ich
genossen hatte, verursachten mir Übelkeit. Von neuem tobten die
wildesten Gedanken in meinem Kopf: Wie, wenn ich heimlich die
Trosse eines dieser Schiffe zerschnitte? Wenn ich plötzlich anfinge,
Feuer zu rufen? Ich gehe weiter auf den Kai hinaus, setze mich auf
eine Kiste, falte die Hände und fühle, daß mein Kopf immer
verwirrter wird. Und ich rühre mich nicht und tue gar nichts mehr,
um mich aufrecht zu erhalten.
Ich sitze da und starre auf den „Copégoro”, die Barke mit der
russischen Flagge. Ich sehe einen Mann an der Reling; die roten
Laternen auf Backbord beleuchten seinen Kopf, und ich stehe auf
und spreche zu ihm hinüber. Ich verfolgte keine Absicht mit dem,
was ich sagte, erwartete auch keine Antwort. Ich fragte:
Segeln Sie heute abend ab, Kapitän?
Ja, bald, antwortet der Mann. Er sprach schwedisch. Dann ist er
wohl Finnländer, denke ich.
Hm. Könnten Sie nicht einen Mann brauchen? Es war mir in
diesem Augenblick gleichgültig, ob ich eine Absage bekam oder
nicht. Es war mir ganz gleich, welche Antwort er mir geben würde.
Ich wartete und sah ihn an.
Nein, erwiderte er. Es müßte denn ein Jungmann sein.
Ein Jungmann! Ich gab mir einen Ruck, stahl mir die Brille
herunter und steckte sie in die Tasche, trat auf den Landungssteg
und ging an Bord.
Ich bin nicht befahren, sagte ich, aber ich kann alles tun, wozu Sie
mich anstellen wollen. Wohin geht die Fahrt?
Wir gehen mit Ballast nach Leeds, um Kohlen für Cadix
einzunehmen.
Gut! sagte ich und drängte mich dem Mann auf. Mir ist es gleich,
wohin es geht. Ich werde meine Arbeit tun.
Er stand eine Weile da, sah mich an und überlegte.
Du hast noch nicht gefahren? fragte er.
Nein. Aber wie ich Ihnen sage, stellen Sie mich vor eine Arbeit,
und ich werde sie tun. Ich bin an alles gewöhnt.
 Er überlegte noch einmal. Ich hatte mir bereits fest in den Kopf
gesetzt, mitzugehen, und ich fürchtete, ich könnte wieder an Land
gejagt werden.
Was meinen Sie also, Kapitän? fragte ich endlich. Ich kann wirklich
alles tun, was es auch sei. Was sage ich! Ich müßte ein schlechter
Mensch sein, wenn ich nicht mehr täte, als das, wozu ich bestimmt
werde. Wenn es gilt, kann ich zwei Wachen hintereinander
übernehmen. Das tut mir nur gut, und ich kann es schon aushalten.
Ja, ja, wir wollen es versuchen, sagte er und lächelte ein wenig
über meine letzten Worte. Wenn es nicht geht, können wir uns ja in
England wieder trennen.
Natürlich! antwortete ich in meiner Freude. Und ich wiederholte,
daß wir uns in England trennen könnten, wenn es nicht gehe.
Dann wies er mir Arbeit an....
Im Fjord draußen richtete ich mich einmal auf, feucht von Fieber
und Mattigkeit, sah zum Lande hinüber und sagte für dieses Mal der
Stadt Lebewohl, der Stadt Kristiania, wo die Fenster so hell in allen
Häusern leuchteten.
 Knut Hamsun
Mysterien
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Gulbransson
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Frankfurter General-Anzeiger

Die Liebe ist hart

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ersterbende Lied von Irrtum, Zweifel und Sehnsucht der
menschlichen Herzen. Niemand hat tiefer in ihre Abgründe
hinabgelauscht, niemand klarer ihre Stimmen vernommen und
niemand menschlicher ihr Leben in Hoffnung und Enttäuschung vor
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 Der Ring schließt sich
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unaufdringlich und in fröhlicher, meist gutmütiger Ironie
Lebensweisheit von klarster Erhabenheit.”
Völkischer Beobachter

ALBERT LANGEN / GEORG MÜLLER / MÜNCHEN

Knut Hamsun
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als ein leises metaphysisches Fragezeichen, das der Dichter hinter
die Entwicklung der Welt setzt.”
Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung

Der Wanderer
Die große Romantrilogie
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Die letzte Freude
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des Blutes hineingelauscht, wie dieser Dichter. Ein Vagabund auf den
Landstraßen des Lebens, ein alternder Mann, der seiner Jugend
nachwandert, die ihm aus den Händen geglitten ist: So geht er,
Tiefstes und Höchstes erlebend, seinen Weg, der ihn zur Einsamkeit
der Seele führt. Ein nordischer Dichter spricht zu uns, der uns
schönste Stunden verinnerlichten Lebens schenkt.”
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Segen der Erde

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Kindheitstagen der Mutter Erde erzählt; so still, ernst und groß ist
das alles... Darum ist ‚Segen der Erde’ ein unvergängliches Buch,
weil es auf die Elemente alles menschlichen Geschehens und
Schicksals zurückgeht und uns lehrt, daß die Erde, der Boden, den
wir bauen, alles hergeben kann, was den Menschen erhebt und
beglückt, klein und demütig, dankbar und ehrfürchtig macht.”
Westermanns Monatshefte

ALBERT LANGEN / GEORG MÜLLER / MÜNCHEN

Knut Hamsun
Pan
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vergangen und verstaubt sein wird, dann wird „Victoria” leben und
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und heute.”
Berliner Börsen-Zeitung
 August Weltumsegler
Roman
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wunderbar gekrönt. Nachdem er uns ein Leben lang die furchtbare
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manchmal mit Humor und öfter mit Bitterkeit und Verzweiflung, hat
er hier die Erlösung für uns gefunden, das befreiende Aufatmen,
eine letzte fröhliche Sicherheit und Weisheit....”
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sein Lächeln über menschliche Tragikomik und immer größer wird
seine Liebe zum Leben und immer erhabener wird sein Frommsein,
das die Einheit von Natur und Seele ist.”
Fränkischer Kurier

ALBERT LANGEN / GEORG MÜLLER / MÜNCHEN

Knut Hamsun
Weitere Romane
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 Deutsche Originalausgabe in 17 Bänden
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ALBERT LANGEN / GEORG MÜLLER / MÜNCHEN

Druck von Hesse & Becker, Leipzig

 Anmerkungen zur Transkription
Inkonsistenzen wurden beibehalten, wenn beide Schreibweisen gebräuchlich waren, wie:

anderen — andern
Grönlandsler — Grönlandsleret
gute Nacht — Gute Nacht
Knieen — Knien
Nachmittages — Nachmittags
offenem — offnem
winsele — winsle

Interpunktion wurde ohne Erwähnung korrigiert. Im Text wurden folgende Änderungen

vorgenommen:

S. 48 „Kapitalssünde” in „Kapitalsünde” geändert.

S. 53 „blaffender” in „blassender” geändert.
S. 54 „Geradewohl” in „Geratewohl” geändert.
S. 117 „daß mich” in „das mich” geändert.
S. 121 „Storthingsplatz” in „Stortingsplatz” geändert.
S. 133 „zweiundsiebigtausend” in „zweiundsiebzigtausend” geändert.
S. 134 „Veblungsnaes” in „Veblungsnes” geändert.
S. 177 „Bahnhofplatzes” in „Bahnhofsplatzes” geändert.
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