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Power System Protection
IEEE Press
445 Hoes Lane
Piscataway, NJ 08854
John Ciufo
Ciufo and Cooperberg Consulting Inc. (CCCI)
Mississauga
Greater Toronto Area
Ontario
Canada
Aaron Cooperberg
Ciufo and Cooperberg Consulting Inc. (CCCI)
Mississauga
Greater Toronto Area
Ontario
Canada
Copyright © 2022 by The Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc. All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or otherwise, except as permitted under Section
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Requests to the Publisher for permission should be addressed to the Permissions Department, John Wiley & Sons,
Inc., 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030, (201) 748-6011, fax (201) 748-6008, or online at http://www.wiley.com/
go/permission.
Limit of Liability/Disclaimer of Warranty: While the publisher and authors have used their best efforts in preparing
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10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
v
Contents
3 AC Signal Sources 27
3.1 Introduction 27
3.2 Current Transformers 27
3.2.1 Current Transformer Secondary Burden 31
3.2.2 Current Transformer Types 32
3.2.2.1 Bar-Type CT 32
3.2.2.2 Bushing-Type CT 35
3.2.2.3 Window-Type CT 35
3.2.2.4 Wound-Type CT 35
3.2.3 Current Transformer Polarity 35
3.2.4 Current Transformer Ratios 36
3.2.5 Auxiliary Transformers 40
3.2.6 Current Transformer Accuracy Classifications 40
3.2.7 General Characteristics of CTs 43
3.2.8 Response of CTs Under Transient Power System Conditions 44
3.2.8.1 The Effect of CT Saturation on Protections 44
3.2.8.2 Causes of CT Saturation 44
3.2.8.3 Flux Remanence in the CT Core 46
3.2.8.4 Use of Air Gaps to Reduce Remanence 46
3.2.8.5 Methods to Ensure Correct CT Performance 47
3.2.9 General Requirements for CT Sizing 49
3.2.9.1 Maximum Expected Load Current 49
3.2.9.2 Maximum Symmetrical Fault Current 50
3.2.9.3 Maximum CT Burden 50
3.2.9.4 Calculate the Steady-state CT Secondary Voltage (V S ) 50
3.2.9.5 CT Application Example 51
3.3 Voltage Sources 53
3.3.1 Magnetic Voltage Transformers 54
Contents vii
Index 523
xix
System protection engineering carrying out many protection system designs during the period of
rapid expansion of Ontario’s 500 kV transmission system and the construction of large multi-unit
Nuclear, Thermal and Hydraulic generation sites.
His last 13 years with Ontario Hydro and then Hydro One was focused on the Asset Management
of the province’s Protection Systems. Here he developed industry-recognized Asset Management
design and business case strategies for the proactive replacement of end-of-life protection sys-
tems. He has also led the team responsible for developing the technical requirements to connect
multi-tapped generation to Hydro One’s Transmission and Distribution systems. He completed his
career with Hydro One as a Senior Manager – Protection & Control Planning. In 2011, he became
a principal owner of Ciufo & Cooperberg Consulting Inc. a consulting company that specializes in
power system protection.
Aaron possesses an in-depth knowledge of protection systems for transmission as well as gener-
ation having designed protection systems for nuclear and hydroelectric generation as well as trans-
mission for the former Ontario Hydro. He provided expert testimony to the U.S–Canada Committee
on the August 14th, 2003, blackout. He was on the NERC drafting team developing Protection and
Control Standard PRC-001 for Protection Coordination. He was a speaker at conferences on the
topics of protection systems as well as Asset Management and has presented at CEATI and Electric
Power Research Institute (EPRI). Aaron continues to be active in the industry providing engineer-
ing services to many North American electric utilities.
xxi
Preface
This book contains the accumulated experiences and practices used by the authors who have each,
practiced protection engineering for over forty years.
Protection engineering is a specialty within the study of power system engineering. It is generally,
not taught in engineering programs except for some specialized post-graduate programs. Consid-
ering that every power system big, and small, regardless of voltage level, requires the application
of protection systems; the authors felt that there was a gap in the industry, and there is a need for
more protection system information and guidance for new protection practitioners.
Protection is a highly complex discipline requiring several years of specialized engineering devel-
opment following graduation. Utilities typically resort to the recruitment of graduate power system
engineers into the field of protection engineering. Historically, these recruits would gain the nec-
essary experience and training while working along with seasoned engineers over many years as
they gain confidence. This mentoring approach is becoming more difficult to implement. Specifi-
cally, this mentoring approach relies on several years of overlap which is becoming more difficult
to attain as many experienced staff with lifelong knowledge have, or are retiring, leaving fewer, and
fewer experienced mentors.
New protection practitioners to this field require resources, and the means to gain the necessary
know-how. It is for this reason that we felt compelled to write this book, to provide new protec-
tion practitioners with a book they can relate with for Power System Protection Fundamentals and
Applications. It is the intent of the authors, that this book facilitates knowledge transfer via the use
of a structured set of fundamental protection principles, explanatory illustrations, and applications
of these principles.
The authors appreciate the challenges for new protection practitioners. It is a complex field
requiring knowledge of electrical engineering, power systems, power equipment, protection engi-
neering, telecommunications, power system analysis, control, and more recently, computer pro-
gramming, and networks as the industry transforms into a digital world. Protection practitioners
are tasked with designing, maintaining, operating, compliance, managing, and diagnosing protec-
tion system applications. As such, they are accountable to make these systems work and function
per design; they represent the process metaphorically, where “the rubber meets the road.”
This book is written with the approach that in this new and dynamic digital transformation,
the understanding of the underlying protection principles is key to the successful development of
a protection practitioner. Fundamentally, protection practitioners are held accountable to design,
operate, maintain, and implement workable solutions to support the reliable operation of the power
system. It is for this purpose; we wrote this book to be a balance between theory and practical
applications for the intent of being relatable.
xxiii
Acknowledgements
John Ciufo
An undertaking of this nature requires a passion for the practice of protection engineering. It also
requires dedicating personal time to its development, and as such, I would like to thank my family
for their cooperation and understanding.
This book was made possible with the encouragement and support of my dear wife Maria. I
would like to also thank my children, Vanessa Lynn and Mark Joseph, for their inspiration during
the writing of this book.
Additionally, I would like to thank my colleague and friend, Aaron Cooperberg, for his shared
interest and dedication to this subject and for co-authoring this book.
Aaron Cooperberg
During my career at Ontario Hydro/Hydro One, I was always passionate about sharing my engi-
neering knowledge with co-workers and particularly with junior protection engineering staff. This
passion for sharing knowledge has lead me to co-author this book.
I would like to acknowledge the encouragement, support, and patience of my wife Rina without
whom this book would not be possible.
Additionally, I would like to thank my colleague and friend, John Ciufo for whom I have the
utmost respect. John’s commitment and determination were instrumental while co-authoring
this book.
Our modern human civilization is dependent on the electric power system to enable all of its critical
functions: food, health, sanitation, security, commerce, and progress. The electric power system is
dependent on protections. By electric power system, we are referring to power generation and a
network of wires that connect generation to the load locations where it is utilized to power the
functions above. Protections consist of an assembly of electric components, and consequently, are
better referred to as protection systems. Protection systems continuously monitor the equipment
that the power system itself is comprised of for abnormal operating conditions. Protections are
automatic systems that once an abnormal condition is detected, quickly as possible isolates the
abnormal condition by the tripping of circuit breakers or the operation of fuses.
Power system protection systems are referred to as secondary equipment, as the primary equip-
ment is transformers, lines, buses, generators, capacitors, breakers, disconnectors, etc. Primary
equipment is directly involved with electric energy supply and delivery. Protection systems are
designed and installed to oversee and “protect” primary equipment and the integrity of the power
system.
In essence, power system protections “protect” power system primary equipment and, thereby,
maintain system integrity and safety.
Protection systems are to a power system as a panel circuit breaker/fuse is to a household elec-
trical circuit panel.
In addition to protecting power system primary equipment, power systems also employ reme-
dial action schemes (RASs), previously known as special protection systems (SPSs), to protect the
integrity of the power system. RAS/SPSs can monitor frequency, voltage, and operating contingen-
cies that require immediate system correct actions, among others.
Power system protections are classified as “mission-critical” assets, as failure to operate or, if
they do not operate as intended, have grave consequences to the continued operation of the power
system.
A protection system itself is comprised of Individual devices, sub-systems, and numerous pieces
of equipment as follows:
● Protection relays that monitor the power system for abnormal conditions.
● Communication systems that are used as part of the overall protection system functionality.
● Voltage and current sensing equipment that steps down high-power system values to much lower
values capable of being input into the protection relays.
Power System Protection: Fundamentals and Applications, First Edition. John Ciufo and Aaron Cooperberg.
© 2022 The Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc. Published 2022 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
2 1 What Is Power System Protection, Why Is It Required and Some Basics?
● Direct current (DC) auxiliary supply including batteries and their chargers used to power
protection relays, auxiliary devices, communication systems and trip circuit breakers.
● Control circuitry working with protections to trip circuit breakers or other interrupting devices
such as circuit switchers.
Most reliability organizations that oversee the adequacy of protections include the above-listed
components as part of an overall protection system. Batteries are not included just the battery
circuits. Also, circuit breakers are not included just the breaker trip coils are. However, batteries
and breakers are key components of protection systems but fall under the jurisdiction of station
engineering. The consequence of such definitions only impacts compliance and organizational
accountability.
A typical protection system consisting of these components is illustrated in Figure 1.1 showing
that a protection system consists of many components, or sub-systems: CTs, PTs, protective relays,
auxiliary relays, control wiring, equipment mounting panels, DC power supplies, telecommuni-
cations, and breaker trip coils. A protection system, in the general case, is not just one device, or
subsystem, it consists of several sub-systems, each containing several devices that represent the
whole. To function correctly, each of the components or sub-systems must themselves operate
correctly … it is a serial operation. Each of these sub-systems and their functions will be discussed
in more detail in Chapter 2, Section 2.1
It is not possible to design an electric power system that is immune to equipment failures and
abnormal operating conditions. Therefore, all power systems must deploy highly reliable protec-
tion systems that can quickly detect abnormal conditions and take appropriate actions to mitigate
abnormalities.
In the normal state of a power system, there is a balance of electric energy sufficient to meet
the needs of the connected load, in real-time, and the power system operating quantities such as
voltages, currents, and frequency, are all within the design ratings of the primary equipment.
Abnormal conditions result when system faults occur that cause these operating quantities to
deviate beyond equipment ratings. Protection systems are designed to monitor power system quan-
tiles for such abnormalities and operate to isolate these fault events that cause abnormal quantities.
One prominent operating quantity that is drastically impacted by such events is current. System
faults also referred to as disturbances, can cause normal load current to increase from several
hundred amps to 70,000 A which can cause major damage if not cleared in fractions of a second.
Currents of such high quantities can cause thermal damage, mechanical damage, forces are so high
that metal bus bars can bend, equipment failures, fires, safety issues, and a collapse of the power
system if not cleared within the short-time ratings of primary equipment.
Some examples of system events that cause abnormal conditions are as follows: lightning strikes
(Figure 1.2), wind, ice storms, animal contact, equipment failures (Figure 1.3), car accidents knock-
ing down electrical poles/equipment, etc., that cause short circuits or broken connections. Such
events are also referred in the industry, as faults. Faults and their types, causes, and how to calculate
fault values will be further discussed in Chapter 6.
Power systems are designed, planned, and constructed to limit failure modes and equipment dam-
age and thereby enhance overall system reliability.
Switchyard Switchyard
CT CT
CB CB
DS HV transmission line DS
M M
CB PT PT CB
CT To breaker To breaker
trip coil trip coil CT
Station A Station B
Legend
CB circuit breaker
CT current transformer
Only one protection group shown per station
PT potential transformer
DS disconnect switch
Figure 1.2 Environmental risk lightning strike – Dallas Tx. Source: NOAA Photo Library / Flickr / CC BY 2.0.
The power system is designed to balance performance and minimize the cost of energy delivery.
The planning, design, and implementation of a power system is a balance of initial capital costs
and ongoing maintenance costs with the potential cost impact of power system equipment failure.
Power systems are exposed and subjected to environmental elements such as rain, snow, ice,
lightning (Figure 1.2), storms, and other such environmental risks. These risks cause, power
system’s primary equipment components to make unwanted contact with other components,
referred to as faults which result in fault currents in the order of 10–100 times normal load currents.
Transmission lines have the highest risk of environmental elements due to their increased natural
exposure to the environment.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of From the
Trenches: Louvain to the Aisne, the First
Record of an Eye-Witness
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Title: From the Trenches: Louvain to the Aisne, the First Record of
an Eye-Witness
Language: English
BY
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. THE OUTBREAK. IN AND OUT OF PARIS 7
II. THE FIRST DAYS IN BRUSSELS 23
THE BELGIAN ENGAGEMENTS. EGHEZEE,
III. 34
HAELEN
IV. NAMUR AND THE FRENCH LINES 59
V. LOUVAIN AND WATERLOO 83
THE LAST OF BRUSSELS. THE FLIGHT AND
VI. 95
THE FLOOD
VII. ANTWERP AND MALINES 132
VIII. PARIS AND THE TRENCHES 151
IX. THE MOVEMENTS IN THE NORTH 174
X. THE BATTLES ON THE MARNE 193
XI. ON THE OISE AND THE SOMME 226
XII. ON THE AISNE 255
XIII. THE SHADOW OF THE WAR 293
XIV. ARMS AND THE MAN 302
CHAPTER I
The Outbreak. In and Out of Paris.
On Tuesday, 28th of July, I returned from the Alps; the weather
conditions had been arctic and the climbing more than usually
exciting. During a bathe in the Lake of Geneva, which has become
the customary end of the climbing season, I remember saying to my
companion, "Well, this is the end of all sensation for the year. Now
for the usual dull winter's work."
On Thursday I volunteered to go with the Servian Army as War
Correspondent for the Daily News, but the European conflagration
was already too imminent. On Sunday, it was arranged that I should
go to Paris to join the French Army.
The journey started normally. But at Newhaven it was startling to
see three English travellers turn and rush off the boat at the last
minute. It was the first and unforgettable sign of the break-up in our
order of life. To take a ticket and start a journey no longer meant the
inevitable procession to its end. We were beginning the life of the
unexpected; when event and interruption was to take the place of
the decent ordering of hours by convention and system.
On the boat were only men; older men called up to the colours.
Most of them were fathers of families. One man sat in tears over a
photograph of his five children spread out before him. Some had
lived all their lives in England. "Well, you're an Englishman, at any
rate," said the steward to an obvious cockney. But he was French,
though he could scarcely speak it. A very old priest was returning,
after twenty years, to "die among his soldier children" in a French
frontier village—"or perhaps my grand-children," he corrected, with
a faint smile.
As we neared Calais the cloud began to pass. The men clustered and
spoke together: a few started singing. When I had crossed a few
days before, the quay had been lined with the usual cheering
children, and a few condescending tourists had waved back. Now
there was a line of soldiers in the same place. Our passengers
rushed to the side and cheered them. A number of French cruisers
guarded the entrance. It was the first real proof that we were
passing into the facts of war. The odd nightmare feeling of those few
first days, that witnessed the collapse of the structure of civilisation
upon which our lives had hitherto rested, intensified. The war was
true after all; not merely a terrible darkness of sensation into which
we kept waking up, with a shrinking discomfort, whenever our
attention came back from reading some book or following some
ordinary chain of thought.
At Calais there had been no regular train traffic for three days. A
number of travellers who had got as far as Calais on previous days
decided to return by our boat to England. The porters stood round
vaguely, with the distracted strained look that we learned to
associate later with the presence of the war atmosphere. I
discovered to my surprise a train waiting in the station with steam
up:—it was "Lord Kitchener's Special," prepared to carry him on his
way to Egypt. But Lord Kitchener at the last moment had not come,
for reasons that have since proved amply sufficient. By various
persuasive arguments we at last convinced the undecided station-
master that as the line had been cleared the express might run
through; and we reached Paris in four hours; the "last" unofficial
express during the war.
The Gare du Nord was empty of porters; but the long lines of
platform were piled ten feet high down the centre with enormous
trunks—the abandoned luggage of escaping tourists.
Outside the station the approaches were barred by barriers, where
dragoons demanded passes from every foot passenger. Troops
poured past, starting for their different centres of concentration. The
suburban traffic had ceased. The streets were full of people kept in
the town against their will by the demands of the mobilisation.
Paris had not yet settled down. It was seething in those first three
days of panic that seemed throughout Europe to follow the
declaration of war. More an atmospheric feeling than a state with
definite symptoms. People, for these days, seemed to be moving
and speaking semi-consciously, with the nervous suggestion in their
faces that they expected something novel and shocking to happen at
any second. The supposed German shops and houses were being
wrecked and looted. Every now and then there was a hurried rush of
feet through the street, as some suspect was hunted or maltreated.
The spy-hunting mania seems to have been a universal infection
during this time. The disorderly elements in the big towns got the
upper hand for the moment and the cold-blooded brutality of these
silent man-hunts was to me infinitely more shocking than the sight
and sound of the more terrible destruction on the battlefields. It was
the first growl of the beast that we had let loose, the savage animal
in man waking for our purposes of war. Under my window was a
great courtyard, in which hundreds of German and Austrian men,
women and children were confined for their protection. They had to
sleep on the stones in the open air; and it was a pitiable thing, while
the crowds outside the gate were execrating and hustling those who
were thrust in to join them, to hear them singing French songs and
cheering for France. Most of them were French by education and
sympathy, and only German by extraction.
The apache element, which had been encouraged by the thinning
out of the Gendarmerie for military service to make patriotism the
cover for convenient looting and brutality, was soon brought into
order. Cavalry pickets patrolled the streets in the evening; a curious
sight, their horses trampling on the pavement of the Rue de la Paix.
The worst haunts were raided; many hundreds were arrested, and
the police in large motor wagons ran through deserted quarters,
stopping and pouncing in batches upon suspected passers-by. The
civil hand had released its hold, and it was a day or two before the
new military administration could get a firm grip. Government offices
were in a not unnatural state of confusion—they had been weakened
by the withdrawal of a large proportion of their effective staff, at the
same moment that they became responsible for an enormous mass
of novel duty. The civilian, under military government, found himself
of a sudden unable to move or exist without official permits. The
whole social structure had to be reorganised, and the offices were
crowded with jostling individuals asking for permissions and
explanations which the over-worked officials were unable to supply.
One of the most painful memories of the war was the sight of
refined-looking Austrians and Germans, men and women, artists and
writers, with the puzzled hunted expression of people in a
nightmare, forced to appeal in public to hurrying footmen and office
boys for some indulgence that might allow them to continue to earn
their living.
The guiding principle of most public offices at this time, not only in
Paris, seemed to be that of sending people backward and forward
until their endurance should wear out. With what should happen to
them in case they did not comply with all the new regulations the
military outlook was not concerned. Every effort was to be
concentrated on the preparation for war. The civilian in such an
atmosphere has no further rights. If we permit, as nations, the
whole civilised order of existence to be pitched into a whirlpool of
primitive passions, we must expect to have to scuffle personally for
our life-belts.
On the third day of my stay in Paris the situation was indescribably
relieved by the declaration of war between England and Germany.
The rush on the banks stopped. Prices fell. Money became easier,
and the crowd of British and other tourists, sitting on their boxes in
nervous lines before the Consulates, diminished. The growing
hostility of the Parisians to ourselves disappeared. The organization
in the responsible offices, in so far as the public was concerned,
began to assume some order.
Night and day the regiments passed through and round the city. The
mobilisation was rapid and extremely orderly. There was no apparent
hitch. We became confident that the prophecies that France would
be found unprepared would be proved totally wrong. Gradually the
requisitioned cabs and trams began to reappear in the streets. The
women quietly stepped into the men's places as ticket-collectors,
etc. With reduced numbers and closed shops, a graver population
took up its ordinary life.
It was very soon apparent that no official correspondents were to be
allowed with the French or British forces. A large proportion of the
remaining officials, not to say ourselves, could have been saved
infinite bother if the intention had been declared from the first. After
a week spent without profit in ante-chambers and bureaus, I
decided to get through to Belgium, where there seemed to be better
possibility of approaching actual events. Chance helped me to secure
a more picturesque fashion of return than I could have hoped for.
Saturday, August 10th.
I am just back from the first, and "probably the last," visit that a
civilian will be able to pay to the French frontier until the situation
has considerably developed.
To have to wait a day in a queue to obtain a permit to leave, another
to secure a ticket, and even a third to confirm it by getting a definite
seat on a numbered train, can discourage the most patient. The
miracle of deliverance, however, took place; and it was brought
about by the agency of a chance meeting with a genial chauffeur.
There followed an introduction to his employers, a party of Belgian
officers returning to their own army, and an amiable invitation to
evade some of the weariness of the irregular train journey by taking
a lift.
That this was extended beyond all limits contemplated by military
regulations must be attributed to a reluctance to turn out on a dark,
wet night, in unknown districts, one of a nation whose intervention,
as I was assured, has contributed much to the magnificent spirit
with which the Belgian troops have supported the first rush of the
"invincible machine."
We left Paris with the Boulevards almost as crowded as ever, but
with half the colour and light gone, and a note of unusual gravity in
the aspect and talk of the moving stream.
Out through the long, dark suburbs, with the last signal, the flare of
the searchlight from the Eiffel Tower, blinking its messages across
the clouds high above our heads in front. In the first two miles we
were stopped half-a-dozen times; business-like question and answer
in quick, suppressed voices. Then the checks decreased as we ran
out into the dark fields, though the flash of light upon arms, the
challenge and halt came still at bridge and corner. The 'word of the
day' passed us at only reduced pace through the larger pickets, but
the less well-informed solitary sentry had to be more fully satisfied;
and the more, the further from Paris.
Then longer and longer intervals of tremendous racing, unchecked;
for the car drove at full speed, and there is no peace traffic! The
light of the Eiffel Tower disappeared behind, but there was still the
consciousness, in the most remote darkness, that above us darted
ceaselessly the continuous stream of wireless messages linking the
brain of the army in the little room in unseen Paris with every
movement of the vast protecting arms that already lie outstretched
to guard France. Through Senlis, Compiègne, St. Quentin, and, at
last, Cambrai. It was only possible to calculate the probable towns
by the intervals of time, for in each case we were turned off on to
side circuits.
When I had passed south to Paris a few days before, on a more
westerly line, the country had still seemed inhabited, though by a
mixed race: crowds of little red and blue soldiers resting, marching,
crammed in troop trains, and knots of men and women at the village
corners, or staring at the gates of the huge deserted factories.
Now it seemed an empty land. All the life had passed east into the
great war cloud. Only now and again the flash of the lamp on a
cluster of boys and older men, sitting or lying by the road; the non-
combatants of the villages from the war region tramping west, with
blue check bundles tied on the handles of their reaping hooks, to
earn what they could, for the later repair of their losses, by helping
to harvest. Need for it, too, as the sight of the immense fields of
grain, unreaped or half reaped, yellowing the lonely fields of the
uninhabited country, suggest ruin to the traveller passing in the
train.
Before Cambrai we passed under a thicker darkness of cloud, and
met a torrent of rain that for the rest of the night and morning hid
everything but the glint of the lamps on falling drops or the more
vivid gleam of fixed bayonets.
As we neared the frontier the country seemed to become populous
again. The cottages had lights; lights in the fields and through the
trees. Only, as we passed, the strangeness increased, for the
population had come from a different planet. Quiet cottages, with
the glow of uniforms through the wet panes, fields with a few
tireless peasant women, helped by good-humoured soldiers, using
even the darkness for a desperate effort to get in the forsaken
crops. The sight of arms and wagons seemed all the less fitting in
the quiet villages because there was no suggestion of war.
One picture stands out vividly; the glare of the lights through the
rain on a sentry motionless on guard, while a dozen peasant women,
tired doubtless from the day's reaping, slept in his charge, lying
under the ridge of the field where they had been working.
Beyond Cambrai I was not at liberty to note our direction or record
any details—a natural condition.
In fact, there would be little to record; for the night was a
continuance of sounds, of lights, of moving unseen men and horses;
and of sudden challenges, coming out of the darkness through the
rush of rain. Only I may add that in one village our welcome was
marked by a different French intonation as the men gathered round
us, and a Belgian advance patrol exchanged jokes with my
companions.
Our route from Cambrai, as a matter of fact, took us to
Valenciennes, where the Belgian officers left me, hurrying to
Maubeuge, while I returned by car to Douai.
In the grey of the morning I emerged, passing north of Douai, and
now without my companions. As we raced west, still through rain,
we passed again into deserted countries. The great machine had
done its work. The mobilisation was complete. The dotted sentries,
gradually changing from the smart field soldier to the paternal
reservist squeezed into a uniform—or partial uniform, seemed the
only jetsam of the coloured turmoil of the early week.
The crawling railway, the American ladies complaining of the slow
trains and closed buffets, brought us back to ordinary life. Officials,
struggling to make us take their passports and their war-regulations
seriously, failed to revive any reality of impression.
The war frontier, in rain and darkness, was drifting back into the
vague excitement of newspaper reports.
The separation by nationalities was in full progress. France was
being cleared of all strangers. The consuls, for reasons not clear,
were advising all British residents to return to England at once. The
chief sufferers were the children, boys at school in France, children
left for visits or cures with French families or in boarding houses.
Before I reached Folkestone there must have been at least fifteen
such small strays who had had to be adopted and looked after
during the succeeding stages of the journey.
CHAPTER II
The First Days in Brussels
Restarting almost immediately, I crossed to Ostend. On the way
there were the usual reassuring but unrecordable sights of the
sentinel cruisers and busy submarines that made these frequent
passages seem, after later weeks in the war countries, like an
escape into a comfortable atmosphere of home.
At Ostend a party of efficient St. John Ambulance nurses with whom
I had travelled were received with delightful enthusiasm, and free
lemonade, by the Belgian soldiers.
Brussels proved a contrast after Paris. The panic days, which took a
milder form here in spite of, or because of, the greater proximity of
danger, had passed. The townsfolk were absolutely calm, the shops
open, the life, except for the absence of means of traffic,
undisturbed.
Only at intervals, as the chance of the German occupation increased,
and the news diminished, there would come over the city for a few
hours, one of those electric restless waves which we got to know as
signs of approaching danger. They arose from no definite news. The
crowds repeated no rumours. It was merely an uneasy feeling in the
air. Something had happened far off, and like the unseen fall of a
heavy stone in water the ripple reached and spread over the city,
that yet had no definite information to disturb it.
Brussels, Monday.
In addition to the well-deserved enthusiasm with which Belgian
heroism in arms has been greeted throughout civilised Europe,
something must be said of the success with which the extraordinary
demands have been met by the departments of the civil
administration of Belgium.
During the last few days I have been in contact with a variety of
administrative offices in the capitals of three of the belligerent
Powers. In one country it seems as yet unrecognised that
exceptional conditions demand exceptional organisation. In another
there is frank confusion, due to the withdrawal of the majority of the
efficient administrative staff to the war and the concentration of the
remainder solely on military requirements. Only in Brussels has it
been recognised in time that the civil life of a country, properly
controlled, is as important to success as any section of the work of
mobilisation, and that it is not sufficient to proclaim a state of war
and leave everything to an already over-worked military
organisation.
Some genius (we know now it was Burgomaster Max) must have
been behind the details of city administration here, for in their way
they have been as successful in maintaining public confidence as the
personality of the mountaineer King has been in inspiring
magnificent enthusiasm in his army. The streets are kept orderly,
retail trade is almost normal, railway traffic has been rarely
interfered with by the immense task of mobilisation; the
complications of travellers and passports are simplified and dealt
with efficiently and considerately; the Press control is effective but
courteous; the hospitals are admirably organised; and the crowds
are kept from the stations, on the arrival of wounded or prisoners.
All civil organisations are made use of, and even the Boy Scouts are
doing excellent work for all branches, without the error—increasing
across the border—of considering themselves semi-combatants. The
result is that though the crisis, after the first few days, is being met
in all the capitals with gravity and quiet resolution, Brussels—the
most immediately threatened—remains a model of civic life under
strict but considerate administration.
The moral, if any, is that even in actual war nations are only the
weaker for having to send the whole of their manhood to the front.
To convert the whole community, with its varied forces of activity,
into a single military machine, is to make the machine itself less
effective.
Brussels, Tuesday.
I have been given to-day every facility to inspect the excellent
organisation for the care of the wounded. A noticeable feature at the
central office is the extent to which amateur help is made use of in
organising, and the efficiency and open mind with which unexpected
contingencies are met and suggestions considered.
(Later a growing amount of the unqualified "Red Cross" help was
found to be open to the same objections that were made to it as the
result of our own experience in the Boer War.)
If experience in Paris and Brussels can be turned to account, the
British authorities should pay attention to the organisation of private
motor-cars lent to the force, to make them of real service. A large
proportion are apt to race about without purpose or serviceable
return—the usual difficulty with a crowd of enthusiastic would-be
helpers.
The prisoners at Bruges confirm the impression that the
commissariat arrangements of the advance guard of the invading
German columns was very defective, owing to the unexpected
resistance. The nature of the wounds bears out the reports of
inexpert German shooting. A great number of the Belgian soldiers
brought back from the front are wounded below the knee, and a
smaller proportion in the scalp.
The Bruges authorities are most considerate in allowing books and
games to be sent to the prisoners of war, and letters to be sent and
received. (We were permitted to send down dozens of packs of
cards etc., as a distraction for the prisoners.)
The population remains completely calm, even at a time when the
next few days may decide their fate. The passage of a German
aeroplane yesterday aroused only momentary curiosity. (Every day
at about five o'clock the aeroplanes circled over the town. We got to
look for them. Almost every night also a bright planet, the "Brussels
star" was watched by interested crowds, who took it for a
"Zeppelin.")
I witnessed to-day the feeding of some 10,000 children of men at
the front. The distribution was excellently organised. Later I saw the
distribution of vegetables to the necessitous.
These days of anxious waiting are taken with quiet resolution and
much good humour.
Brussels, Wednesday.
The gallantry of the Belgian resistance has astonished the world. It
has surprised the Belgians themselves. It would be a mistake to look
for its source only in the reconstitution of the Army, a matter of the
last few years; or to find in it a justification of war, or a plea for
national military service as the regenerator of racial vigour.
The war is only the opportunity for the expression of a new Belgian
democratic spirit. The new service conditions have been merely one
of the agencies by which the idea of the individual right to a greater
share in self-government, and the idea of the necessary condition for
such government, national independence, have been disseminated.
If the Belgians are fighting heroically, it is because they are fighting
for an independence which means not simply a national flag and a
coloured space on the map, but individual liberty. They are
defending, each man for himself and his neighbour, a responsible
share in an increasingly popular Government. The inspiration of the
national resistance has been the consciousness in each man of his
share of liberty already gained. This democratic spirit has given life
and vivid purpose to the military machine.
For the time all difference of party is sunk in securing the primary
condition of liberty, racial independence, and the deliverance from
the threat of that greatest enemy of freedom and individual
enterprise, the military autocracy of Prussia. For the time, that can
be the only conscious idea. But the liberal and more intellectual
elements must be rejoicing in the realisation that the splendid effect
of the new spirit is already justifying the democratic movement by
which a share of popular responsibility has been gained in the past.
They may well be looking forward to a time when the people will be
considered to have earned by their heroism in arms a yet greater
part in their own government.
The association of M. Vandervelde with the ministry has done much
to identify the new spirit of democracy with the central idea of
national existence. It is symbolical of the fact that the cause of
Belgium is the cause of her people. An ardent advocate of peace and
international friendship, he is known to have been one of the most
resolutely convinced that, in this crisis of her fate, Belgium could be
content with no formal protest, that she must fight for her
independence to the last man. (It remains for history to emphasise
the measure of political wisdom that the King showed at this crisis,
in strengthening the influence of his own resolution, never to allow a
free passage to the Germans, by the inclusion in the councils of the
nation, of a personality politically antagonistic, but inspired by a
patriotism and intellectual power second to none.)
In a country hitherto supposed to have been exceptionally under the
influence of clerical domination it is significant to note the very small
part that the Church has taken in the time of great emotional strain.
In few of the organisations, civil and military, preparatory and
corrective, established to meet the crisis, has the Church taken the
lead.
Even the Boy Scouts, as a small instance, who loom large in the
administrative life of Brussels for the time being, and who have
hitherto been divided into hostile camps by Church and lay divisions,
have sunk their differences, and are absorbed into the non-sectarian
and civil machinery. It will be interesting to see what effect the loss
of grip of the Church at this crucial moment may have upon her
position when the new Belgian national spirit, confirmed by trial, can
turn its energies again to problems of government and personal
liberty.
The renaissance, or rather reassertion, is not confined to men.
Women are taking a prominent part, and that not only in replacing
men in subordinate work. It has not been elsewhere stated, but I
have been assured by several of the wounded that much of the
power of resistance in the Liége forts is due to the women of the
town of Liége, who twice a day risk their lives in visiting the forts,
bringing provisions and new heart.
With such wives and mothers there is little reason to fear that the
new spirit will be limited to one generation, or can be accounted for
as merely the reaction from a war fever. The war will but harden it
into manhood.
CHAPTER III
The Belgian Engagements: Eghezee, Haelen
In a country, or town, under war conditions, all the usual facilities of
civilisation are suspended. Post, telegraph and train cease, so far as
civilians are concerned. Trams, carriages and automobiles are
required for military purposes. Movement out of, or even within, a
town is practically stopped. Not only are the countries sorted out by
nationalities, but even each town and village. A strange face is an
object of suspicious inquiry. A stranger finds it difficult to stay at
places where he is; it is all but impossible for him to leave them.
Permits of a particular kind are needed for any journey; and these
are constantly changing. The precautions are, of course, necessary,
especially to counteract an elaborate spy-system, such as that of the
Germans. They place, however, immense difficulties in the way of
war correspondence. To get the necessary permits for motor travel,
the only method of safe passage for a correspondent, is a matter of
much time and difficulty. When they are obtained, there remains to
find a car still unrequisitioned, and the services of a driver free from
military service and of absolutely sound nerves. In this I was
exceptionally fortunate. To "Lèon the chauffeur" is due the success
which attended my first efforts to get near the battle line, our
pleasant reception in almost all cases there, and our not infrequent
escapes from awkward situations. I was able to make some small
return in the rescue of his jolly family of babies from Brussels on the
morning of the German entry.
Our first excursion towards the actual fighting was a race down the
Belgian lines as far as Namur, to visit the French troops. They had
then just reached the Meuse, and were lined, holding the bank
towards Dinant.
Liége had fallen. A few forts were said to be holding out; but
communications were cut off.
Brussels, Friday.
A dash down the fighting lines to the south to-day showed us at
points along the route signs of the fierce little fights which have
taken place. The Belgians have held their positions magnificently.
Our car was stopped every few miles to convey wounded. In these
hot days the troops, lying waiting along the trenches, have been
greatly suffering from the sun. The Belgian army cap is highly
unpractical. We carried a load of some five thousand handkerchiefs,
which were distributed, as well as the usual journals and cigarettes.
There were intervals of sunlit fields—then masses of dark uniformed
troops. Occasionally chains and wire entanglements appeared
suddenly through the trees by the wayside.
French troops—jolly fellows, fit and in great spirits—were in Namur.
The sight of cyclists returning from the little victory at Eghezee,
garlanded with flowers, was tremendously acclaimed.
As we returned in the exquisite summer night we kept passing the
shadows of moving troops in the thin darkness. Three times we
heard the sound of sabots and singing, where the peasants and
children were gathered round the priests, under the trees, in
supplicatory services to the Virgin. As a contrast, twice again during
the rush home through the night there was a flash and report from a
nervous sentry, and one bullet struck our car.
The Belgian army lay along the line Diest, Tirlemont, Jodoigne,
stretching towards Namur. The Headquarters were at Louvain. It
covered Brussels, and at the same time anticipated a flanking
movement on the north, by Hasselt. The main body occupied field
trenches and forts protected by wire entanglements. It was
continually harried by the countless bodies of roving Uhlans, and
suffered considerably from the heat, as it lay unoccupied in the
trenches. It had done magnificently in the forts; how would it do in
the field? It was a time of waiting, of small distracting engagements.
None of us knew where the real stroke would fall.
I spent the next few days at Louvain and in various villages on the
lines, visiting the wounded in the cottages and shelters.
Thursday.
Barricades and guards on every road. The country absolutely at
peace. The peasants working at the crops. But "the Prussians"—for
we do not speak of "Germans"—are pressing us on the north; they
are threatening and breaking in on the south. The first menaces, but
the second may compel our retreat on Antwerp.
As we run out of Brussels down the shady avenues we are blocked
by little mazes of tram-cars, dragged across the road. Further on, at
every corner, crossing and hamlet, there are barriers of waggons, of
driven logs or piled trees. From these the Civil Guard threaten with
levelled guns. Dangerous citizens, in mediæval hats; they loose off
on suspicion, and are as zealous as most amateurs. They will run on
to a roof to shoot at an aeroplane 2,000 feet above them, regardless
of damage that may be done by their falling bullets.
Further from the town the uniforms get more patchy; a bowler hat
with the colours of Belgium round it is one of the smartest insignia.
In the hamlets we have the peasants in blouses; but with business-
like rifles, readily handled. Good fellows; stern on their job; but,
once satisfied, ready to laugh back and exchange news. And
everywhere ubiquitous jolly children, scrambling about, even on the
barriers behind the bayonets. A little blue monster, with a large
bottle, hopped and chuckled with glee as a surly guard all but fired
on us from mere boredom.
We are racing down the line to Namur. Small engagements with
Uhlans are of hourly occurrence to-day in the domestic-looking
fields. The châteaux are deserted. Everyone has an anxious eye on
the horizon.
My red ensign is saluted cheerily by the soldiers, but it has to be
explained to the sturdy peasant guards. An officer stops me to tell
me that I am an Englishman, and to explain that he is riding on a
horse this morning captured from the Germans. The German horses
are good; but the Belgians ride better.
We are practically among the Namur defences. The challenges come
every two minutes, or less. The fields are scarred with modern
"forts"; great wire entanglements, twisted boughs, and red and
yellow trenches, sometimes roofed with the new-cut crops. Little
bodies of soldiers, small, wiry, intelligent men and boys, with
pleasant faces already rough with exposure, crowd round to chat
and to welcome the cigarettes and newspapers.
"There has been a skirmish here," they tell us; "Two prisoners are in
that cottage"; "Three wounded in the church"; and again and again
they ask, "Where are the English?" and "How many are the French?"
Ah, if we knew! For the Belgian army has played the hero in fort and
open field; but many know they are hard-pressed. Our talk is of the
demoralisation of the Germans, and of their hunger when captured.
In the middle of a little green wood, sheltered from aeroplanes,
suddenly we are in a fort. Vicious guns are trained on to a cottage-
hedge in full flower, that has been left standing to screen them for
the time. Close beside them, some twenty boys are bathing in a
shady pool. But they are curiously quiet. The chances of fight and
death are too near. And, as in all wars, there are terrible stories
growing of the savagery of the enemy.
Dark, waspish little soldiers lie seemingly at haphazard through the
fields, and they fill the streets of Namur. The town is oddly still. Even
the huge masonry of the fortress, hanging above the beautiful
wooded gorge of the Meuse, seems to share in a suppressed,
shifting quiet of expectancy.
We wheel out of the town, this time not to see again our French
friends, but away to where the pressure is closest. Only last night an
audacious German detachment of some 300 pressed within a few
miles of the town, at Eghezee, and paid for its folly. Taking
possession of the Chateau of Boneff, they looted the house, and sat
down to cook rice on the stubble slope by the road. An airman
marked them down. A small body of Belgians crept along the road,
from Namur, "on all fours," occupied the trenches already prepared
in the potato slope opposite—finding no sentries or outposts—and
swept the detachment at close range. Prisoners, dead, and
wounded, few were able to retreat; but the remainder had some
revenge a few hours later on a rash cyclist contingent of Belgians
which followed them too far.
While I walked the field the horses were still being charred and
buried, the saddlery and cooking pots collected.
Cavalry patrols of dark, hard-bitten little soldiers speckled the
country round. A careworn young lieutenant arrested me the first
time. He hardly attended to the papers, rolling a cigarette and
murmuring courteously and constantly: "There are so many spies
about."
As we pushed on and out on field tracks for a further view, the car
appeared to materialise a succession of cantering patrols out of the
empty sunlit spaces of fields. Some were courteous: some not. But
all, fortunately, had more serious business to attend to in the end.
At last we spied a more stealthy line of jogging helmets circuiting
behind trees far ahead. This time we decided that arrest, even after
a race, would be the lesser risk to take. We turned and spurted
back, our doubts confirmed by seeing two or three unexpected lines
of dots concentrating upon us or our pursuers. We spun through
them and back on to the larger road. A few shots heard later, a long
way behind, gave us the feeling of having acted as a convenient
decoy for at least one party of the dreaded Uhlans.
Our next arrest, shortly afterwards, was by a fierce-looking
commandant, on an exceptionally fine horse. He was softened by
the red ensign and the success of his own attempts to talk English.
We agreed that it was difficult to make certain when we were or
were not well within the front, since the two forces were "all in and
out along here." He, too, wished to know "Where are the English?"
He had captured two dragoons that day with his own hand. Some of
his troops had the metal German lances slung on their shoulders.
On our straight run back to Namur, by entanglements and trenches
and constant challenges, we watched with pleasure an aeroplane
circling above the tremendous hill fortress; certainly, we thought, a
Belgian, because of its low flight.
Half-an-hour later, as I was getting food in the lively centre of the
town, there came the now familiar rush of the highly-strung crowd.
In a small cart, supported by four workmen, an old, respectably-
dressed shop-keeper was being drawn to the hospital with shattered
legs and terribly wounded head. He had been struck down in the
street by the explosion of a dynamite hand-grenade, flung from the
aeroplane which we had watched circling against the sunset. The
senseless, wanton savagery of war.
Our return in the dark seemed likely to be sensational, for rumour
had it that the Prussians were pressing in again on the north near
Wavre. Up to Wavre we merely had the not infrequent incident of a
guard, who had forgotten to light his lamp to stop us, trying to
repair his omission by firing after our tail-lamp.
At Wavre, in the half-lit street, we met stretchers passing through
the mute groups of men and children, a grim sign of near conflict.
Here a genial commandant stopped me for a talk. He had been at
Eghezee, and was now on his way to "receive" a small German
column that was pushing in on the east under cover of night. A
surprise had been arranged by the Belgians.
He brought me up the road north-east from Wavre. We left the car
under dark trees; and he directed me to a hillock on the right. After
an age of waiting, little dispersed flashes and reports came from the
hollow in the dark in front. The Germans were getting into touch. It
was the first time I had heard the mitrailleuse, like the ripping of
rough canvas.
Answering flash and snarl came from a rough semicircle of shadow
in front and on the south side of them. Larger guns came into action
on the north, muffled behind slopes. There is little to see by day in a
modern battle unless one takes part. Nothing to see at night. I was
due back. When I left the commandant, to return through Wavre,
the stretchers were passing through empty streets.
It was not yet apparent what line the German northern armies were
about to adopt for their main advance. The Uhlan screen prevented
exact reconnoitring. We were aware that the French troops were
coming up; and there seemed to be signs that they intended either
to throw across a number of regiments to assist the Belgians east
and south of Brussels, or to form a continuous line with the Belgian
army on a curve from Diest to Namur. The latter plan would have
forced a great battle in the neighbourhood of Genappe, south of
Waterloo. At the same time I was aware that the Government were
anxious both on account of the small numbers of French crossing
the frontier and at the apparent slowness of their advance. We did
not know of the strategy that had concentrated the French armies
upon Alsace-Lorraine, or, consequently, of the time necessary for the
alteration of the balance of troops towards the north. It was
rumoured, as it appears now among the Germans also, that the
British force would either advance by Brussels, and hold a position in
the centre of the defensive loop from the north of Hasselt to the
French positions upon the Meuse and Sambre, or cover Antwerp and
the Belgian left wing, thus preventing a turning movement of the
Germans along the frontier of Dutch Limburg.
The position became clearer when the news arrived of the advance
of German army corps across the Meuse; and of the great
concentration that was proceeding in the neighbourhood of Hasselt.
It was still supposed, however, to be largely a movement of cavalry.
Heavy fighting was reported on Thursday and Friday at Haelen.
Friday was a brilliant sunny day. It was full of surprises. We forced
our way along rough lanes, to run suddenly into small reserves or
batteries hidden from the aviators under trees. At times we had to
move hazardously with one wheel in a ditch, as we passed lines of
munition waggons, or crowded along jogging lines of cavalry. We
skirted behind the trenches from Louvain to Diest, and thence to
Haelen.
Haelen, Friday.
Fine fellows these little Belgians; intelligent and quick to respond.
Rather weary now and strained, for many of them have been already
long in the field. Day and night they have been fighting at odds of
ten to one. They are men who think, and they fight the better for it.
A desperately exhausting fight it is. Dispersed in parties over their
immense front, they have to rush and concentrate the moment that
one of the small squadrons of German cavalry, infinitely scattered, is
signalled. Some, thus, have been in three separate engagements on
one day, in different places. But they are as stout-hearted as ever.
Tell them what the world thinks of their heroism, and they smile with
half humorous pleasure. Tell them what we guess of the nearness of
their allies, and they crowd round with an unselfconscious delight
that is not for themselves but for their nation and their cause.
As we pass among them, in their "rest" moments, it is easy to make
them cluster, laughing like a crowd of alert boys; but in the fighting
line they are tense as wires, with a concentrated sternness that the
Germans are learning to respect.
"I have sabred two this morning," a powerful, brown-faced lad, a
cavalryman, who had just finished bandaging a German dragoon
with a broken back, said to me drowsily to-day. This was in a cottage
at Haelen.
Haelen, the wrecked village, where the Belgians have proved their
heroism in the field, has to-day been the scene of renewed attacks
and unshaken resistance. The Germans, who lost 2,000 out of 5,000
in the two days' fighting, had to fall back upon the base of their
army corps at Kermpt; but they have been pressing, pressing
forward again in overwhelming numbers.
The fields outside the village are a terrible sight: littered with dead
men and horses, broken guns, twisted lances. In one trench alone
twelve hundred Germans were being buried, and the harrow was
passed over the brown scar as soon as it was filled in. Cottages
burned and black with shell fire, with dead cattle in the sheds. There
were furrows where the shell had ploughed; and trampled heaps in
the crops and among the bloodstained roots, where the charging
horses had been mown down in masses.
Among the fragments of leather and helmets were a number of
scraps of letters and postcards, carried by the soldiers in case of
death, and a German collection of sacred songs for the campaign.
These things are better left as they lie, and it is unwise, in running
between rival armies, to risk carrying "mementoes" of battle. One
very touching letter, however, that I found here, was carried home
by a friend, and as my translation has already appeared, it may be
reproduced:
"Sweetheart,
Fate in this present war has treated us more cruelly than many
others. If I have not lived to create for you the happiness of
which both our hearts dreamed, remember that my sole wish is
now that you should be comforted. Forget me. Create for
yourself some contented home that may restore to you some of
the greater pleasures of life.
For myself, I shall have died happy in the thought of your love.
My last thought has been for you and for those I leave at home.
Accept this, the last kiss, from him who loved you."