Instant ebooks textbook Structural Analysis with the Finite Element Method Linear Statics Volume 1 Basis and Solids Lecture Notes on Numerical Methods in Engineering and Sciences v 1 1st Edition Eugenio Onate download all chapters
Instant ebooks textbook Structural Analysis with the Finite Element Method Linear Statics Volume 1 Basis and Solids Lecture Notes on Numerical Methods in Engineering and Sciences v 1 1st Edition Eugenio Onate download all chapters
Series Editor
Eugenio Oñate
International Center for Numerical Methods in Engineering (CIMNE)
School of Civil Engineering
Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC), Barcelona, Spain
Editorial Board
Francisco Chinesta, Ecole Nationale Supérieure d'Arts et Métiers, Paris, France
Charbel Farhat, Stanford University, Stanford, USA
Carlos Felippa, University of Colorado at Boulder, Colorado, USA
Antonio Huerta, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC), Barcelona, Spain
Thomas J.R. Hughes, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, USA
Sergio R. Idelsohn, CIMNE-ICREA, Barcelona, Spain
Pierre Ladeveze, ENS de Cachan-LMT-Cachan, France
Wing Kam Liu, Northwestern University, Evanston, USA
Xavier Oliver, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC), Barcelona, Spain
Manolis Papadrakakis, National Technical University of Athens, Greece
Jacques Périaux, CIMNE-UPC Barcelona, Spain & Univ. of Jyväskylä, Finland
Bernhard Schrefler, Università degli Studi di Padova, Padova, Italy
Genki Yagawa, Tokyo University, Tokyo, Japan
Mingwu Yuan, Peking University, China
Titles:
Eugenio Oñate
International Center for Numerical Methods in Engineering (CIMNE)
School of Civil Engineering
Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC)
Barcelona, Spain
ISBN: 978-1-4020-8732-5 (HB)
ISBN:978-1-4020-8733-2 (e-book)
A C.I.P. Catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress
No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise,
without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied
specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive
use by the purchaser of the work.
Tomyfamily
Preface
Eugenio Oñate
Barcelona, January 2009
Foreword
Robert L. Taylor
University of California, Berkeley, USA
December 2008
Contents
11.12.3Postprocessing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 406
11.13 EXAMPLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 408
D APPENDIX D . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431
D.1 THE GID PRE/POSTPROCESSING SYSTEM . . . . . . . . . 431
D.1.1 General features of GiD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433
D.1.2 More features of GiD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 436
D.1.3 The handling of geometrical data with GiD . . . . . . . . 437
XXIV Contents
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447
Fig. 1.1 Discretization of different solids and structures with finite elements
Structural modelling and FEM analysis 5
Fig. 1.2 The path from the real structure to the computational model
Fig. 1.5 (a) Actual geometry of an automotive panel. (b) CAD geometrical des-
cription by NURBS patches. (c) Finite element mesh of 3-noded shell triangles
discretizing the panel geometry. (d) FEM numerical results of the structural ana-
lysis showing the equivalent strain distribution. Images by courtesy of Quantech
ATZ S.A., www.quantech.es
Fig. 1.6 FEM analysis of the Agbar tower (Barcelona). Actual structure and dis-
cretization into shell and 3D beam elements. Deformed mesh (amplified) under
wind load. Images are courtesy of Compass Ingenierı́a y Sistemas SA,
www.compassis.com and Robert Brufau i Associats, S.A. www.robertbrufau.com
Fig. 1.7 Scheme of the verification and validation processes in the FEM. Flowchart
concept taken from [ASME,Sch] and reprinted by permission of the American
Society of Mechanical Engineering (ASME)
compared with the manufactured solution. If the code has no errors the
two solutions should agree [Sch].
As an illustration of a manufactured solution, let us consider the ordi-
nary differential equations for an Euler-Bernouilli beam of length L with
a constant cross section (Chapter 1 of Volume 2 [On] and [Ti])
d4 w
EI = f (x)
dx4
where w is the beam deflection, E and I are the Young modulus and the
inertia of the beam cross section, respectively and f (x) is a uniformly
Structural modelling and FEM analysis 13
Fig. 1.8 Some discrete systems. Elements and joint points (nodes)
Fig. 1.9 Deformation of a bar subjected to axial end forces. Number in brackets
at joints denotes global joint number
The matrix equations for a bar structure are obtained from the equa-
tions expressing the equilibrium of forces for each bar and for the structure
as a whole. Let us consider an isolated bar, e, of length l(e) subjected to
(e) (e)
axial forces Fx1 and Fx2 acting at the beam joints (Figure 1.9). The x
axis has the direction of the bar. Strength of Materials defines the strain
at any point in the bar by the relative elongation [Ti], i.e.
(e) (e)
∆l(e) u −u
ε= (e)
= 2 (e) 1 (1.1)
l l
(e) (e)
where u1 and u2 are the displacements of the joint points 1 and 2 in
the x direction, respectively. In Eq.(1.1) and the following the superindex
e denotes values associated to an individual bar. Generally indexes 1 and
2 are local joint numbers for the bar and correspond to the actual global
(e) (e)
numbers i, j of the joints in the structure. Hence u1 = ui and u2 = uj
(Figure 1.9 and Example 1.1).
The axial stress σ is related to the strain ε by Hooke law [Ti] as
(e) (e)
u −u
σ = Eε = E 2 (e) 1 (1.2)
l
where E is the Young modulus of the material. The axial force N at each
section is obtained by integrating the stress over the cross sectional area.
The axial force N is transmitted to the adjacent bars through the joints.
For homogeneous material we have (Figure 1.9)
(e) (e)
(e) u2 − u1 (e)
N2 = A(e) σ = (EA)(e) = N1 (1.3)
l(e)
The force equilibrium equation for the bar of Figure 1.9 is simply
Fx(e)
1
+ Fx(e)
2
=0 (1.4a)
16 Introduction to the finite element method for structural analysis
where · ¸
(e) (e) 1 −1
K =k (1.5b)
−1 1
is the stiffness matrix of the bar, which depends on the geometry of the
(e) (e)
bar (l(e) , A(e) ) and its mechanical properties (E (e) ) only; a(e) = [u1 , u2 ]T
(e) (e)
and q(e) = [Fx1 , Fx2 ]T are the joint displacement vector and the joint
equilibrating force vector for the bar, respectively.
(e)
A uniformly distributed external axial load of intensity tx can easily
be taken into account by adding one half of the total external load to
each axial force at the bar joints. The equilibrium equations now read
(Figure 1.10)
( ) · ¸ ( (e) ) ½ ¾
(e)
(e) Fx1 (e) 1 −1 u1 (ltx )(e) 1
q = (e) =k (e) − = K(e) a(e) − f (e)
Fx2 −1 1 u2 2 1
(1.6a)
where
fx(e) (lt )(e) ½ ¾
(e) 1 x 1
f = = (1.6b)
f (e) 2 1
x2
Discrete systems. Bar structures 17
(1) (2)
Px2 − Fx(1)
2
− Fx(2)
1
=0 , or Fx2 + Fx1 = Px2
(1) (2)
Fig. 1.11 Equilibrium of axial forces Fx2 and Fx1 and external force Px2 at joint 2
connecting bars 1 and 2. Number in brackets at joint denotes global joint number
is the vector of forces at the beam joints due to the distributed loading.
The equilibrium equations for the whole structure are obtained by im-
posing the equilibrium of axial and external forces at each of the N joints.
This condition can be written as [Li,Pr]
ne
X
Fx(e)
i
= Pxj , j = 1, N (1.7)
e=1
The sum on the left hand side (l.h.s.) of Eq.(1.7) extends over all bars
ne sharing the joint with global number j and Pxj represents the external
(e)
point load acting at that joint (Figure 1.11). The joint forces Fxi for each
bar are expressed in terms of the joint displacements using Eq.(1.6). This
process leads to the system of global equilibrium equations. In matrix form
K11 K12 · · · · · · K1N u1 f1
f2
K21 K22 · · · · · · K2N u2
.. .. = ..
. .
.
KN 1 KN 2 · · · · · · KN N uN fN
or
Ka = f (1.8a)
where K is the global stiffness matrix of the structure and a and f are
the global joint displacement vector and the global joint force vector,
respectively. The derivation of Eq.(1.8a) is termed the assembly process.
Solution of Eq.(1.8a) yields the displacements at all joint points from
which the value of the axial force in each bar can be computed as
(e) (e)
u2 − u1
N (e) = (EA)(e) (1.8b)
l(e)
The axial forces at the joints can be computed from Eqs.(1.4b) and
(1.6a) as ( )
(e)
−N1
q(e) = (e) = K(e) a(e) − f (e) (1.9)
N2
18 Introduction to the finite element method for structural analysis
(e) (e)
Note that N2 = −N1 = N (e) .
The components of q(e) can therefore be interpreted as the joint equi-
librating forces for each bar necessary for imposing global equilibrium of
forces at the joints (Eq.(1.6a)), or as the axial forces at the bar joints
(Eq.(1.9)) which are useful for design purposes. This coincidence will be
exploited later in the book for computing the resultant stresses at each
node for bar and beam finite elements by expressions similar to Eq.(1.9).
The assembled expression for vector q(e) yields the reactions at the
nodes with constrained displacements. The vector of nodal reactions can
be computed from the global stiffness equations as
r = q = Ka − f ext (1.10a)
where r contains the reactions at the constrained nodes and f ext contains
global joint forces due to external loads only. Clearly the sum of the re-
actions and the external joint forces gives the global joint force vector f,
i.e.
f = f ext + r (1.10b)
This equation is identical to Eq.(1.4) for the bar element if the current
intensities and the voltages are replaced by the joint forces and the joint
¡ ¢(e)
displacements, respectively, and 1/R(e) by EA l . Indeed, if uniformly
(e)
distributed external currents tx are supplied along the length of the ele-
ment, the force term f (e) of Eq.(1.6a) is found. The “assembly rule” is the
well known Kirchhoff law stating that the sum of all the current intensities
arriving at a joint must be equal to zero, i.e.
ne
X (e)
Ii = Ij , j = 1, N (1.11b)
e=1
Discrete systems. Bar structures 19
The global equilibrium equations are assembled similarly as for the bar
element yielding the system of Eqs.(1.8a). In the general problem matrix K
will be a function of the nodal hydraulic head via the k (e) parameter. Ite-
rative techniques for solving the resulting non-linear system of equations
are needed in this case.
20 Introduction to the finite element method for structural analysis
Example 1.1: Compute the displacements and axial forces in the three-bar
structure of Figure 1.13 subjected to an horizontal force P acting at its
right hand end.
- Solution
The equilibrium equations for each joint are (see Eq.(1.5a))
(
(1)
) · ¸ ( (1) )
Fx1 (1) 1 −1 u1
Bar 1 =k
(1)
Fx2 −1 1 (1)
u2
Discrete systems. Bar structures 21
( ) · ¸ ( (2) )
(2)
Fx1 (2) 1 −1 u1
Bar 2 =k
(2)
Fx2 −1 1 u
(2)
2
( ) · ¸ ( (3) )
(3)
Fx1 (3) 1 −1 u1
Bar 3 =k
(3)
Fx2 −1 1 (3)
u2
3
X 3
X
joint 1: Fx(1)
i
= −R1 , joint 2: Fx(1)
i
= −R2
e=1 e=1
3
X 3
X
joint 3: Fx(1)
i
=0 , joint 4: Fx(1)
i
=P
e=1 e=1
(e)
Substituting the values of Fxi from the bar equilibrium equations gives
(1) (1) (2) (2)
joint 1 : k (1) (u1 − u2 ) = −R1 , joint 2 : k (2) (u1 − u2 ) = −R2
(1) (1) (2) (2) (3) (3)
joint 3 : k (1) (−u1 + u2 ) + k (2) (−u1 + u2 ) + k (3) (u1 + u2 ) = 0
(3) (1)
joint 4 : k (3) (−u1 + u2 ) = P
Above equations can be written in matrix form using the displacement com-
patibility conditions as
1 2 3 4
(1)
(1)
1 k 0 −k 0 u −R1
1
2 0 k (2) −k (2) 0 u2 −R2
=
3 −k −k (k + k (2) + k (3) ) −k (3)
(1) (2) (1)
u3
0
4 0 0 −k (3) k (3) u4 P
Note that an external point load acting at node j can be placed directly in
the jth position of the global joint force vector f .
Substituting the values of k (e) for each bar and imposing the boundary con-
ditions u1 = u2 = 0, the previous system can be solved to give
Pl Pl P
u3 = ; u4 = ; R 1 = R2 =
2EA EA 2
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
CHAPTER IV
BORROW AND BOWRING
We now have Borrow a youth of twenty-two. His life has been full of
weird adventure, but to all appearances quite unprofitable in any
worldly sense. His future is nebulous. Dreams are dreamed; visions
are vanished. He seems to be farther from fame and fortune than
when he set off in the coach for London, with the green box in the
boot carrying his Danish ballads and his “Ab Gwilym.” His castles in
the clouds have come crashing to earth in irremediable ruin.
Borrow was indignant with a scurvy world which had treated him
harshly. The plain truth was that the world had no feeling about him
at all, one way or the other. He had nothing to sell that anybody
wanted to buy, and no means of making a living. He had a long
road to travel before he found himself. In 1825 he went home to
Norwich a failure, with the sense of defeat very strong upon him.
The mother who was at once his best adviser and sincerest
worshipper was not likely to chide his folly as the father had done.
She was ready to receive him with demonstrations of love, and to
share her little with him. This was part of the ignominy which he
hated—that he was obliged to impose himself upon the household in
Willow Lane. In a world out of joint, the cursed spite was that he
could do nothing to set it right.
Long time he struggled hard to lift himself out of this rut. He
continued to fail. When at last he did succeed, these years became
to him a horrible nightmare. He would not speak of them; he tried
not to think of them. He resolutely refused to permit the public a
glimpse into the sordid secrets they contained. From 1825 to 1832
he lived a life of which he wished nobody to know anything. Out of
some correspondence between him and Richard Ford arose the
phrase, “the Veiled Period.” Ford implored him to lift the veil a little
and allow his admirers to know what he was doing. There were
many reasons why he declined to do so. He endeavoured to puzzle
the public about it, and perhaps succeeded partly in mystifying
himself. He suggested a kind of vague romance of wanderings in
remote parts of Europe. Some of the suggestions were founded on
a slight basis of fact; that is all that can be said for them.
As to the facts: there is no doubt that he did buy a horse with
money lent to him by Ambrose Smith, and sell it at a profit. As in
the case of Isopel, it may not be unwise to allow some discount off
the published accounts of the transaction. Very possibly the horse
was not such a fine horse as that noble animal with whose
assistance Lavengro electrified the jockeys at Horncastle Fair;
perhaps the profit on the sale was not so great as it was made to
appear in “The Romany Rye.” But there was such a transaction.
Ambrose Smith reminded him of it, long years afterwards, when he
visited the great author at Oulton.
Soon after his return to Norwich, he was busy again about his
literary schemes. He tried to sell copies of his translation of Klinger,
which he took from the publisher in lieu of payment for the work.
While with Phillips in London, he had projected a volume of poetical
translations of Danish ballads. The plan then came to naught. Now
he printed the book in Norwich by subscription, after a
correspondence with Allan Cunningham about it. Cunningham was
full of admiration for the old songs drawn from the “Kjaempe Viser.”
“Swayne Vonved” was his favourite, and it remained Borrow’s own
pet throughout life. Five hundred copies of the “Romantic Ballads”
were printed, of which 200 were subscribed for. These, at ten and
sixpence a copy, paid all the expenses of the issue. There was an
arrangement under which the London publisher, John Taylor, took
the rest and placed his imprint on the title-page. Cunningham gave
the young poet a great deal of good advice about promoting the
interests of the book. He neglected it, with characteristic self-
sufficiency. He had published ballads, and if the great public did not
share Mopsa’s affection for ballads in print, the nineteenth-century
Autolycus could not help it, and would be content with what he
could get out of the local subscribers in Norwich.
In 1826 he was in London, and in correspondence with Benjamin
Haydon about sitting for a figure in one of his pictures—possibly the
“Mock Election.” In the course of the correspondence Borrow speaks
of proceeding presently to the South of France. This is the first hint
of those brief travels on the Continent which became magnified by
the pervading haze into world-wide wanderings. “Were you ever at
Kiachta?” Bowring asked him in a letter some years later. He was
never within some thousands of miles of Kiachta. In 1826 he
probably did go tramping through part of Europe, but he did not
reach the East, as some confused references in the books suggest.
The tale of Murtagh in “The Romany Rye” may incorporate some of
his adventures. At any rate, that alluring narrative was certainly not
given to Borrow in the year 1825 at Horncastle Fair. There is clear
evidence of that in the fact that a portion of it was picked up nearly
thirty years later in very different circumstances.
The real itinerary of the tour of 1826 is probably by way of Paris on
foot to Bayonne; across the Pyrenees into Spain; Pamplona, the
Riviera, Italy, Genoa, and thence home by ship. Slight traces can be
found of such a journey. There is the lightly-touched meeting with
Vidocq in Paris. That delectable rascal’s career always had a strong
fascination for Borrow, whose appetite for picturesque blackguards
was greedy. Vidocq at this time was fifty years of age. A quarter of
a century of adventure as a showman, a soldier, a galley-slave, and
a highwayman had terminated in 1812 with his appointment to the
head of a detective office in Paris, on the principle of setting a thief
to catch a thief. By the year 1825 the authorities were persuaded
that the principle was unworkable, and dismissal ended Vidocq’s
career of corruption and swindling. If Borrow met him in Paris the
next year, therefore, he found his hero a free lance. The Mémoires
of M. Vidocq, which appeared in 1828, and are probably at least as
trustworthy as Baron Munchausen, were among Borrow’s favourite
reading; his relish for literature, embloomed with the flowers of
crime and perfumed by the breath of criminals, had been cultivated
by the compilation of the “Celebrated Trials,” and it never left him.
Vidocq and Peyrecourt loom large in passages of his works; whether
they made so great a figure in his actual experiences in France is
another question. He appears to have met Baron Taylor at Bayonne,
and naturally found in the “picturesque and romantic” voyager a
congenial companion. From these lofty associations the descent on
the other side of the Pyrenees to Quesada [72] and his “Army of
Faith,” the gang of frontiersmen who were helping themselves freely
in the name of the Church, was sudden and severe. But Borrow
seems to have fallen even further, for there is a dim suggestion of
his imprisonment at Pamplona, of his emergence from gaol in a state
of beggary, and his succour at the hands of a party of gypsies whose
patteran he followed in the mountains. He tramped eastwards,
ultimately brought up at Genoa, penniless, and was assisted by
some person or persons unknown to get ship for England.
This is as far as Dr. Knapp has been able to trace the elusory course
of the Wandering Jew of Literature. The theory that he acted as the
travelling commissioner of a London newspaper finds no support. By
1827 he was back in Norwich, keeping his mother’s small household
accounts, visiting the Tombland Fair to inspect “Marshland Shales,”
the glorious chieftain of all the equine race, grubbing for booksellers,
writing articles for newspapers. It was a mean and anxious way of
life, abominable to Borrow, who hated poverty and was ashamed of
it. Therein may be sought the real reason why he “veiled” these
years of his life. His next appearance in the literary arena is in the
distinguished company of Dr. John Bowring.
The Bowring episode in Borrow’s life is one of its most remarkable
and least explicable features. Bowring seems to have been a good
friend to Borrow for many years, to have engaged with him in
literary collaboration, and to have exerted himself in various
directions on his behalf. His reward, so far as Borrow’s works go, is
a scurrilous sketch of himself in “Lavengro,” a long denunciation in
the Appendix to “The Romany Rye,” and the bitter hatred of a man
who knew how to hate as fiercely as he could love intensely. The
whole story of their severance is obscure, but there can be little
doubt that Borrow was entirely in the wrong, that the charges he
made against Bowring of treachery and falsehood were baseless,
and that of many people pilloried in Borrow’s books Bowring was
among the least deserving such scurvy treatment. We have
observed already the circumstances of the first meeting between
Borrow and Bowring at Taylor’s house in Norwich. We shall see that
Bowring came to his rescue when he was in the sorest straits, and
was, in fact, doing much to help him during part of the “veiled
period.”
It has been the writer’s fortune to secure [73] a series of letters from
Borrow to Bowring, which throw much light upon his schemes and
modes of life in the last three of those mysterious years between his
return from the Continent and his engagement by the Bible Society.
He did not remain long in Norwich. In 1829 he was in London,
residing at No. 17, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, and deeply
employed about certain translations of Scandinavian poetry which
were to form the basis of a new book on more elaborate lines than
those of the “Romantic Ballads.” Bowring and Borrow had a plan for
issuing in collaboration a collection of English versions, with
interpretations, of those Northern poets whom a purblind public, not
yet obsessed by the Scandinavian spirit in poetry and music,
resolutely disregarded and despised. This was the “literary project”
of which the world heard so much in the Appendix. The
arrangements went so far that a prospectus of the work was put
out. The title proposed was “The Songs of Scandinavia,” and the
collection was to be published in two volumes octavo. The project
remained a project, and the niche left by expectant librarians for the
two octavo volumes was never filled. But in connection with the
negotiations and arrangements between Borrow and Bowring a
correspondence occurred which is full of interest and contains one or
two characteristic bits of Borrovian humour. Incidentally, the letters,
if taken in sequence, and read together with another one of the year
1842, show that, up to a time not far ante-dating the publication of
“The Romany Rye,” with its gross attack on Bowring, the two men
were on the best possible terms. Indeed, in 1842 Borrow speaks of
his old collaborator as “my oldest, I may say my only, friend.” [75]
It were greatly to be wished that the sordid dispute with Bowring
might be numbered among the delenda of Borrow’s history, but
some mention of it will be necessary. Unhappily, no satisfactory
explanation can be given which is at all flattering to Borrow. For
these letters prove conclusively that he introduced into “Lavengro”
and its sequel opinions about Bowring which he certainly did not
hold at the time of which he was writing.
In 1829 their Scandinavian scheme was in the tideway. They had
written and they had met for the discussion of their plans; Borrow
had done a great deal of translation. He was exceedingly anxious
that at any rate the first volume should appear at once; for, as he
said in a letter written on the last day of the year, he was “terribly
afraid of being forestalled in the Kiampe Viser by some of those
Scotch blackguards, who affect to translate from all languages, of
which they are fully as ignorant as Lockhart is of Spanish.” The
italicised passage is underlined in Borrow’s letter; it is a curious
foretaste of some of the choicer invective which he afterwards
bestowed on Scott and the Scots, and of his disagreement with
Lockhart. The preparations were hurried on with a view to the
appearance of the first part of the book in February. The drafting of
the prospectus was left to Borrow, and on January 8th (1830) he
sent a copy to Bowring for his inspection, inviting “the correction of
your master-hand.” He had, he said, “endeavoured to frame a
Danish style,” but was not sure whether he had succeeded. “Alter, I
pray you,” he exclaimed, “whatever false logic has crept into it, find
a remedy for its incoherencies, and render it fit for its intended
purpose.” There follows a delightful touch of egotism. He has, he
explains, had a rising headache for two days, which has “almost”
prevented him from doing anything. But, he adds with fine
nonchalance, “I sat down this morning and translated a hundred
lines of the ‘May Day’”—as though a hundred lines of English verse
were a trifle which he threw off without effort, malgré his “rising
headache.”
Bowring examined the prospectus, made what revisions he thought
necessary, and sent it back.
“I approve of the prospectus in every respect,” wrote Borrow
(January 14th). “It is businesslike, and there is nothing flashy in it.
I do not wish to suggest one alteration.” He goes on to describe the
energy with which he is working, and speaks of having rendered
four hundred lines in one day! The last paragraph of this letter
displays Borrow in a different attitude towards reviews and reviewing
from that which he adopted in after years. “When you see the
foreign editor,” he tells Bowring,
Reform staved off the “rustic war,” and other things intervened to
prevent Borrow from carrying out his half-formed intention of
becoming a military man.
CHAPTER V
IN FOREIGN PARTS
“Romance brought up” the year 1832. It was a year full of events
with an important bearing on the course of Borrow’s life. In the first
place, he became acquainted with the Skeppers, of Oulton Hall, near
Lowestoft. The introduction to this family issued in a friendship with
Mr. Skepper’s sister, the widow of a young naval officer named
Clarke. In Mrs. Clarke, a woman somewhat older than himself—she
was thirty-six and he was twenty-nine—he met the woman who was
to bring into his life its fairest influence and its rarest happiness. But
the story of this romance must be postponed for a few pages in
order to the relation of a sequence of affairs without which it cannot
be understood. They resulted from sundry conversations about
Borrow—between the Skeppers and the Rev. Francis Cunningham,
Rector of Pakefield, and in turn between Cunningham and Joseph
Gurney, his brother-in-law, from whose meadows at Earlham George
had fished in boyhood.
Both Cunningham and Gurney were interested in the work of the
Bible Society, and between them the idea was hatched of employing
Borrow’s philological learning in its behalf. The Society happened at
the moment to be looking for a man to superintend the printing of
the New Testament in Manchu. There were many negotiations, and
ultimately the engagement was consummated which made Borrow’s
modest fortune.
To go to St. Petersburg on this business of the Bible Society’s was an
adventure after Borrow’s own heart. He had passed through some
exceedingly stormy waters, and in this employment he found a
secure and congenial harbour. He could well afford to regard lightly
the critical attitude of certain people in Norwich, who did not forget
to recall the episode of “godless Billy Taylor.” Their temper was
reflected in the letter of Harriet Martineau referring to Borrow as a
“polyglot gentleman,” and remarking that his appearance as “a
devout agent of the Bible Society” evoked “one shout of laughter
from all who remembered the old Norwich days.” Borrow did not
like their laughter, and he did not forgive their contempt. But for the
time he was too busy with the actualities of his new situation to
trouble about them, and too elated with his suddenly brightened
prospects to be cast down by the jeers of the scornful.
He was going a journey into a far country, and he was going on a
more or less philological errand. His task was to undertake the
production in the Russian capital of the Manchu version of the
Sacred Books made by Lipotsof. Invited to London to see the
officials of the Society, he set off in high spirits—and on foot. The
long road stretched for a hundred and twelve miles between
Norwich and London—that road which some ten years before he had
travelled by coach with the little green box of poetical translations.
He now tramped it in 27½ hours, and his expenses en route
amounted to fivepence halfpenny! This feat was one of his favourite
boasts. It was, in its way, a remarkable achievement. Few big,
healthy young men would care to undertake such long-sustained
exertion on a pint of ale, half a pint of milk, a roll of bread, and two
apples. But such is Borrow’s tale of his commissariat arrangements
on this expedition.
The Society desired him to learn the Manchu language before he set
out for Russia. They gave him six months for the purpose. Even for
a meteoric philologist like Borrow, who swallowed a language by
memorising its dictionary, six months meant short commons. He
could not possibly acquire more than a nodding acquaintance with
that most difficult of the tongues of Babel. However, he set about
his task with zeal.
There is one amusing passage in the correspondence between him
and the Secretary of the Bible Society. Observe the true Borrovian
spirit asserting itself in the letter where he expresses pleasure at the
prospect of “becoming useful to the Deity, to man, and to myself.”
Observe the solemn admonition of the good secretary, when he
perceived that a sense of human frailty was not one of Borrow’s
most striking characteristics: “Doubtless you mean the prospect of
glorifying God.” Thereafter, the Borrovian spirit was subdued (in
correspondence) to the proper standard of orthodoxy.
At the end of June, 1833, he set sail for St. Petersburg, by way of
Hamburg, and was highly delighted with the Russian capital. He
made his way into the acquaintanceship of a number of literary
people, in whose society he found congenial entertainment. Among
them he speedily established for himself quite a reputation. It was
here that he began his long friendship with Hasfeldt, which produced
a prolific correspondence. Hasfeldt was a Dane attached to the
Russian Government, and a linguist of attainments, who added to his
income by the teaching of European languages. He conceived a
remarkable fondness for “tall George,” as he called him; the affection
was returned as fully as Borrow could return a friendship, and that
was in much higher measure than many estimates of him suggest.
He met Russian scholars, and found many opportunities for
extending his philological studies in the direction of the Oriental
languages.
His work on the Chinese version was hard and long. He had to use
German printers, who did not always feel for the task the
enthusiasm which Borrow expected everybody to throw into
anything in which he himself was concerned. They had to be bribed
with vodka, and other things, in order that progress might be
secured. The Bible Society presumably swallowed the vodka in their
delight at the energy Borrow displayed, and they passed a resolution
to pay him any expenses to which he might be put in the execution
of the commission. He had to furbish up an old fount of type in the
Chinese character, that had been lying rusting in a cellar for many
years, and to get everything in order himself, because, of course, it
was impossible to obtain compositors who knew anything of the
Manchu. He even turned printer. So keen was the zest with which
he entered into the work that he submitted a proposal to the Society
to undertake the distribution of the books when they were printed,
going overland to China, and looking in upon the Tartars on the
way! Without doubt he would have done it but for the fact that the
Russian Government refused to grant him a passport for the
purpose. It is characteristic of Borrow that years afterwards he said,
and doubtless thought, that he had been overland to China.
The work of printing done, he paid a hurried visit to Moscow,
gathering impressions for the description of the Kremlin to be found
in “The Bible in Spain,” and on September 9th, 1835, he left St.
Petersburg for England, having spent the previous night in a solemn
leave-taking of Hasfeldt. While in St. Petersburg hard at work, and
feeling run down, he had “the Horrors” several times, but affected to
have found a cure for it in the shape of strong port wine. It was
during his stay in Russia that the news arrived of the death of his
brother John in Mexico. He had discovered other activities to occupy
him besides the translation of the Testament into Chinese. He
turned homilies of the Church of England into Russian and Manchu,
and did translations of some of the sacred Buddhist books from
Manchu into English. He conceived at the moment no high opinion
of the Buddhist philosophy. “You will be surprised,” he writes to the
Rev. F. Cunningham, “that Satan by such inconsistent trash should
have been able to ensnare the souls of millions!” If that had been
read in the Martineau household there might have been another
“burst of laughter.” It was while he was in St. Petersburg, too, that
he published his “Targum,” a collection of poetic translations from
thirty different languages and dialects. When Pushkin, the poet,
after Borrow’s departure, received a presentation copy of this book,
he expressed his great regret that he had not met the author.
Borrow reached London on the 18th September, and went down to
Norfolk, feeling anxious again about his future, and hoping that the
Bible Society would be able to find some further employment for
him. He was not disappointed. The Society had not yet given up
hope that they might find a way to send him to China, but in the
meantime they resolved to commission him to Portugal. On
November 2nd they passed a resolution that he should be asked to
go to Lisbon and Oporto to inquire about “means and channels for
promoting the circulation of the Holy Scriptures in Portugal.” [91]
Here is the origin of two of his books, of which one was “The Bible in
Spain.” On November 6th he sailed from London, touching at
Falmouth on the 8th, and was at Lisbon on the 13th. He was to
confer with one Wilby about the work; but, Wilby being away,
Borrow consoled himself with the company of Captain Heyland, of
the 35th Foot, whose acquaintance he had made on the voyage.
With him he made several trips, upon one of which he met the
bohémienne landlady of Cintra. During this first expedition to the
Peninsula, he set up relations with the gypsies of Spain, which
provided the germ of the first of his books that attracted anything
like general attention. At Badajoz he encountered a gypsy tribe, by
whom he was detained ten days. In that time he had translated the
Gospel of Saint Luke into the Câlo, or Spanish gypsy language, and
the version was subsequently printed by the Bible Society. One of
the Romany chals, Antonio Lopez, accompanied him most of the way
to Madrid, delaying three days at Merida in a gypsy house. Antonio
finally went off with a gitana. Borrow bought a donkey from the girl,
and rode on the animal’s back as far as Talavera, where he sold it to
a Toledo Jew whom he met on the road. The rest of the journey to
Madrid he did by the diligence, like a common Christian.
By the time of his arrival there, he had formed a definite project of
printing the New Testament in Spanish and in Spain, without
comment or note of any sort. The law would prohibit the circulation
of such a book if it were printed outside and brought into the
country. It was decided to use the current Catholic version, in order
not to excite any more prejudices than could be helped, and to sell
cheaply, and thus to spread the book among people who had never
seen it before. This was a time in Spain of constant political
excitement, chronic Ministerial change, and periodical revolution;
and Borrow had much trouble in getting official recognition for the
enterprise, without which he might as well have left it alone. But
the way was smoothed for him by Sir George Villiers, the British
Minister, and at the end of twelve months he returned to England
with an active campaign mapped out in his mind, for which he soon
obtained the approval of the Society. In a letter to his mother about
this, he remarked that his “ordination” would be put off till his
return. This is the first and the last that we hear of any proposal to
enter the Church.
On his way out to Spain the second time, he happened across Santa
Coloma, the Carlist, who is frequently met with hereafter in his
Spanish adventures. “The Bible in Spain” relates very closely the
events of the next two years—his wanderings and escapes, his
enterprise in Madrid, where he set up a bookselling shop, his
imprisonment for insulting the Government and the Catholic Church
—an offence of which he was quite innocent, for such was not his
method at the time. The trouble was brought on him by an
evangelical firebrand, named Lieutenant Graydon, who led Borrow
into one of his scrapes with the Peninsular powers by claiming to be
associated with him in the work of the Bible Society. Borrow’s
imprisonment resulted in a declaration by him in the Spanish Press,
directed against Graydon. He said that neither himself nor the Bible
Society was actuated by any enmity against either the Government
or the Catholic clergy of Spain, and concluded by avowing himself
the sole agent of the Society in the Peninsula. Out of this grew an
estrangement between Borrow and the Society. It happened that
Graydon was one of the pets of Mr. Brandram, joint secretary of the
Society, and was actually regarded as one of their agents, though he
received no pay, being the holder of a Government pension. He was
an enthusiastic evangelist, who seems to have lacked nothing save
discretion, but manifested this defect by fierce attacks upon the
Catholic faith in its stronghold, instead of contenting himself with
prosecuting the primary work of the Society, which was the
distribution of the unadulterated Scriptures. In the event, Graydon
was withdrawn from Spain, but it was expressly stated that this step
was taken only in the interests of his own safety, and that the
Society would pass no judgment on the merits of the dispute
between him and Borrow until Graydon had returned to England and
had an opportunity of vindicating himself. Borrow at the same time
was ordered to cease issuing his advertisement. It is difficult to
judge a man like Graydon. His good faith in all he did can hardly be
doubted, but there is no question that the result of his ill-timed
action was to put an end to the work of the Society and the
circulation of the Bible in Spain for many years.
The relations between Earl Street and Borrow grew more strained,
and very soon he had practically a command to come to London. He
packed up and returned, but such was the force of his character that
he fascinated Earl Street into sending him to Spain a third time. He
was only home a month or two, and got back to the Peninsula on
the last day of 1838. But the mission was not of much further use,
for there had been another change of Ministry in the meanwhile, and
Borrow and the Society were again out of official favour.
He proceeded to Seville, settling there for a purpose, as we shall
presently see. In the sunlit southern city he was encountered by an
English traveller, who has left a most entertaining account of him.
This was Lieutenant-Colonel Elers Napier, in whose “Excursions along
the Shores of the Mediterranean” appears the remarkable figure of a
Man of Mystery, who is easily identified as Don Jorge—though
apparently Napier never learned who he was. Borrow, six feet three,
with piercing black eyes, snowy head, and swarthy, hairless face,
made a profound impression on his new friend—and we may be sure
that he omitted nothing that would deepen it. He showed off all his
best points and maintained a rigid silence upon the question of his
identity, so that in Napier’s recollections he assumes almost
supernatural proportions, and is described throughout as “The
Unknown.” He revealed all his miscellaneous acquaintance with
languages, Occidental and Oriental. He conversed with the Colonel
in Spanish, in Latin, in French (“the purest Parisian accent”), in
Italian. He spoke English perfectly, but did not appear to be an
Englishman. He was even as conversant with Hindu as the Anglo-
Indian himself; he seemed, Napier says, to know everything and
everybody, but was apparently known to nobody himself. His almost
magic power over the gypsies, his familiarity with their patois and
their customs, the way in which they almost worshipped him when
he took Napier by night for a visit to one of their weird
encampments, added to the marvel.
But the real significance of the visit to Seville is not to be sought in
the archives of the Bible Society or in the jottings of Colonel Napier.
Borrow’s friendship with Mrs. Clarke, of Oulton, arose in the fashion
already mentioned. His long absences from England did not impair
it, and in 1838 it developed in peculiar circumstances, which were
the subject from time to time of scandal utterly unfounded, and of
gossip more or less impertinent and irrelevant. Whether Borrow,
during the years from 1832 to 1838 nurtured dreams of any relation
closer than friendship it is hardly possible to determine. He was not
“a marrying man,” and probably the sober little romance that ended
in their wedding was a thing of sudden growth. That theory is
encouraged by a passage in his correspondence as late as 1838,
when he told his friend Usóz that it was better to suffer the halter
than the yoke, and expressed his conviction that bachelordom was
the better kingdom for him. But at the end of the same year, during
his stay in England, he visited his friends at Oulton, and found a
state of affairs that doubtless altered his judgment.
The business of Mrs. Clarke, who was the principal heiress of the
Oulton Hall estate, was in a highly complicated condition. She had
none but professional advisers, save Borrow, and leant with obvious
relief upon his friendship to guide her through a puzzling maze of
family disputes. It would be wearisome to attempt to follow the
controversies about the disposition of the property. They finally
involved Chancery proceedings, and Dr. Knapp asserts that Mrs.
Clarke’s solicitors advised her that it would be well for her to
disappear for a time. The reason for this counsel is obscure, but the
fact that it was followed is important. Mrs. Clarke consulted Borrow
about it, with the result that her evanishment took the form of a
journey to Spain, accompanied by her daughter Henrietta. The fact
created an amazing quantity of idle speculation and not too
generous suggestion. The plan was arranged in March, 1839.
Borrow was then in Madrid, and immediately posted off to Seville to
prepare a house for the reception of the two ladies, having given
them some useful hints, drawn from his long experience of Spain, as
to the household gods they ought to bring with them. They arrived
in June, and were installed at No. 7, Plazuela de la Pila Seca, which
Borrow had modestly furnished and was himself occupying.
The little wind of scandal that played about this arrangement will not
disturb the equanimity of those who know their Borrow. The
ménage was unquestionably a little difficult to explain to the
Spaniards to whom explanation was necessary, and to this difficulty
Dr. Knapp attributes Borrow’s expedition to Tangier at the end of
August. This was the trip with which “The Bible in Spain” suddenly
closed down in the approved Borrovian style. The scandal was of
short duration and small effect. But in after years other suggestions
were made, including the highly improbable and offensive one that
Mrs. Clarke was at this time pursuing Borrow with the object of
matrimony, and “travelled over half Europe in search of him.”
Another friendly theory advanced was that Borrow’s proceedings
were governed by mercenary motives, and that he married Mrs.
Clarke because she had an income of three or four hundred a year.
Meanwhile, the quarrel with the Bible Society was dragging its slow
length along. The correspondence is confused and in general
uninteresting, except that it shows how Borrow’s attitude towards
Earl Street had altered since the time when he climbed down before
the protests of the good secretary in the first days of their
association. He was on his feet now.
He felt surer of his ground than when he was at his wits’ end for
employment and subsistence. Consequently his native impatience of
restraint came out. The Bible Society never gauged their man. In
one despatch to Earl Street, Borrow had said of a certain enterprise
that “his usual good fortune accompanied them.” “This,” replied Mr.
Brandram, “is a mode of speaking to which we are not well
accustomed; it savours, some of our friends would say, a little of the
profane. . . . Pious expressions may be thrust into letters ad
nauseam, and it is not for that I plead; but is there not a via
media?” The breach grew wider and severance was ordained; it was
consummated very shortly after Borrow’s return to England at the
beginning of the next year.
The visit to Tangier occupied some five or six weeks. Borrow
returned to Seville at the end of September, and set to work
compiling notes and making transcripts for his book on the Gypsies
of Spain. The enterprise was assisted by diligent friends, such as
Bailly, [99a] Usóz, [99b] and Gayangos. [99c] The fruits of their curious
researches among dusty and neglected bookshelves may be seen in
the long translations from archaic Spanish authors in “The Zincali.”
It was a Spaniard who invented the epigram on the virtues of old
wood to burn, old wine to drink, old friends to trust, and old books
to read. But we may be excused for excluding from the category of
books which have the bouquet of old crusted port the discourses of
Dr. Sancho de Moncada and others to which Borrow has treated us
so liberally.
He spared time from these labours and from the task of settling up
with the Bible Society to pay considerable attention to Mrs. Clarke
and “Hen”—the affectionate diminutive given to her daughter
Henrietta. The widow had found Seville, as Borrow promised her it
should be, “a most agreeable retreat,” where “the growls of her
enemies could scarcely reach her.” The ladies enjoyed to the full the
startling change from the life of the English fens to that of the sunny
and many-hued Spanish city. They realised his prophecy that it
would be a delicious existence where, “during the summer and
autumn, the people reside in their courtyards, over which an awning
is hung. A very delicious existence it is—a species of dream of
sunshine and shade, of falling water and flowers.” And, incidentally,
of course, a very fit setting for such love-making as came to be
done: the weather is always fine when people are courting, as a
modern sage has remarked. Not much more than a month after his
return from Morocco, Borrow had proposed marriage to Mrs. Clarke,
and had been accepted. The arrangement was to a certain extent a
“convenient” one for both parties. With little prospect of further
employment by the Bible Society, and only a precarious hold on any
profitable literary work, Borrow had no glowing future before him.
Mrs. Clarke felt the need of a man to manage affairs for her at
Oulton. Still, there is ample evidence that this was a fortuitous
concourse of circumstances, and that it had little to do with the
marriage. The warm English friendship had become more intimate
as the years passed, and there was nothing more natural than this
sequel when they were thrown together in the “delightful existence”
in which she hid from her “enemies” at Seville.
Having decided to cross the Rubicon, Borrow determined that the
sooner it was done the better. There was to be no “sweet, reluctant,
amorous delay.” He began at once to make preparations for the
return to England in order that they might be married in their own
country. One of the first steps to be taken to this end was to
procure his passport from the Alcalde. Why this official disapproved
of Borrow cannot be affirmed. As a son of the True Church he may
have conceived a prejudice against the Protestant colporteur; he
may have been infected by the “spy” mania; he may have been
merely anxious to display his own importance. At any rate, he
resolved to give the Ingles rubio as much trouble as possible to
remove himself and his party out of Spain. He raised questions
about the validity of Borrow’s papers, refused the passport, and
would not be pacified by the offer of fees, “lawful or unlawful,” to
quote Borrow, who sent to him apparently under the impression that
authority, though a stubborn bear, might be led by the nose with
gold, as the clown said to Autolycus. When Don Jorge himself went
to the office to inquire into the matter, he was told to go away.
Instead he continued to investigate the motives of the Alcalde, who
thereupon threatened to carry him to prison. Borrow dared him to
do so—and he did it. This was his third acquaintance with the inside
of a Spanish gaol. He sent a reassuring note to Mrs. Clarke, and had
a message taken to the British Consul. Colonel Napier had noticed
earlier in the year that the police kept sharp eyes on Borrow, and
attributed it to the suspicion that he was (of all things in the world!)
a Russian spy. There was clearly something in the suggestion that
he was under espionage, for while he was in prison his house was
searched for papers. Nothing “compromising” being found, he was
released the next night.
His indignation at this outrage reached white heat, and did not die
down for months. His insistence upon redress detained Borrow in
the country much longer than he had proposed to stop. Once
having got his knife into Spanish officialdom, he twisted it round till
he had gouged out his pound of flesh. And even then, after he had
returned to England, and the knife was no longer available, Spanish
officialdom received very severe treatment from that even more
terrible weapon, his pen. From Seville he set working all the
diplomatic machinery that an injured Briton could influence; he went
to Madrid on the business; he wrote incessantly and exhaustively
about it. His return to England and his marriage had to wait until he
had settled accounts with the impertinent Alcalde de Barrio, who had
laid sacrilegious hands upon a subject of her Britannic Majesty—and
that subject George Borrow. While ambassadors and consuls and
State secretaries were busily employed in official correspondence on
his behalf, he proceeded with the work on the “Gypsies,” and did not
get away from Spain till April, 1840.
The embarkation of the colporteur and his party upon the Royal
Adelaide steamer at Cadiz was an impressive ceremony. Borrow was
taking a long farewell of Spain, and he was not going home without
souvenirs of his residence there. In the previous year he had
purchased the Arab horse celebrated in his books as “Sidi Habismilk”
(being interpreted, “My Lord Mustard”). The retinue at Cadiz
included not only Mrs. Clarke and Henrietta, but also Sidi Habismilk
and Hayim ben Attar, “the Jew of Fez,” Borrow’s servant. [103] They
touched at Lisbon, where General Cordova came on board—not on
business of State, but in search of a consignment of cigars that had
been sent to him in the care of the captain. Borrow wrote an
amusing sketch of the General and two Secretaries of Legation
stowing Havana cigars in their pockets “with all the eagerness of
contrabandista.” [104] The vessel arrived in the port of London on
April 16th, and the party put up at the Spread Eagle, in Gracechurch
Street. As soon as the licence could be obtained, the marriage of
“George Henry Borrow, bachelor,” with “Mary Clarke, widow,” was
celebrated at St. Peter’s Church, Cornhill, and witnessed by John
Pilgrim, of Norwich (the bride’s solicitor) and by her daughter
Henrietta. The wedding day was April 23rd.
There remained a very little business to do in London. He had an
interview with the General Purposes Committee of the Bible Society,
received a letter from Mr. Brandram, saying that there was no sphere
open “to which your services in connection with our Society can be
transferred,” and quickly terminated his relations with Earl Street. In
spite of the little differences that had arisen, there was a generous
reference to Borrow in the Report of the Society for 1840. He was
said to have succeeded “by almost incredible pains, and at no small
cost and hazard,” in his last mission to Spain, and to have assisted in
circulating during five years nearly fourteen thousand copies of the
Scriptures. Thus the Bible Society and Don Jorge said good-bye.
At the beginning of May, Mr. and Mrs. Borrow and Miss Clarke went
down to Oulton. The Hall having been let to a farmer, they took up
their residence in a little house on the margin of the Broad, known
as Oulton Cottage.
CHAPTER VI
THE SUMMER HOUSE AT OULTON
Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.
ebookultra.com