Chapter- 5

ROLE OF SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE AND INDIAN

NATIONAL ARMY IN THE FREEDOM MOVEMENT

The establishment of the ‘Provisional Government of Azad Hind’ in abroad by Netaji

Subhas Chandra Bose was an important event in the history of Indian independence struggle.
His originality was clearly understood behind this important step. He was well aware of the
fact that the freedom struggle of any nation was valid only when it was run by the
government of the nation. Therefore, he set up the ‘Provisional Government of Azad Hind’ to
successfully run the freedom struggle by giving it a solid ground on the strong Indian
independence struggle operated from foreign lands. After describing the organization,
administration, logistic of the I.N.A. in context to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s contribution
to Indian Freedom struggle, the present chapter described the Provisional Government of
India established by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Arakan and Burma campaigns, the major
fronts fought by I.N.A. in the World War II as well as the successes and contributions of the
I.N.A.

The Provisional Government of Azad Hind was formed on 21 October 1943, at

Cathay Mansion of Singapore. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose held the positions namely the
Prime Minister, the Minister of foreign Affairs and Minister of War under this Government.
The Headquarter of the Government was at Singapore. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose
announced the composition of the Provisional Government as following:-

 Capt. Mrs. Lakshmi Sahgal (Women’s Organisation)

 S.A. Ayer (Publicity and Propaganda).
 Lt. Col. A.C. Chatterji (Finance).

Representatives of Armed Forces:

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  Lt. Col. Aziz Ahmed,
 Lt. Col. N.S. Bhagat,
 Lt. Col. Gulzara Singh,
 Lt. Col. M.Z. Kiani,
 Lt. Col. A.D. Loganadhan,
 Lt. Col. Ehsan Qadir,
 Lt. Col. Shah Nawaz Khan.
 M. Sahay, Secretary (with ministerial rank).
 Rash Behari Bose (Supream Adviser).

Advisers:

Karim Gani, Debnath Das, D.M. Khan, A. Yellappa, J. Thivy and Sardar Isher Singh,

and A.N. Sarkar (Legal Adviser).1

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose said, “Now that the dawn of freedom is at hand, it is
the duty of the Indian people to set up a Provisional Government of their own, and launch the
last struggle under the banner of that Government. But with all the Indian leaders in prison
and the people at home totally disarmed, it is not possible to set up Provisional Government
within India or to launch an armed struggle at the aegis of that Government. It is, therefore,
the duty of the Indian Independence League in East Asia, supported by all patriotic Indians at
home and abroad to undertake this task- the task of setting up a Provisional Government of
Azad Hind (Free India) and of conducting the last fight for freedom-with the help of the
Army of Liberation (that is, the Azad Hind Fauj or the Indian National Army) organized by
the League……It will be the task of the Provisional Government to launch and to conduct
the struggle that will bring about the expulsion of the British and of their allies from the soil
of India.2

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose took the following Oath on 21 October 1943:

1. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, Part-II, Singh Brothers, Lahore, 1947, pp.
67-68.
2. A.C. Chatterji, India’s Struggle for Freedom, Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co., LTD., Calcutta, 1947,
p. 137.

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 “In the name of God, I take this oath that, to liberate India and the thirty-eight
crores of my country-men. I, Subhas Chandra Bose, will continue the sacred war of freedom
till the last breath of my life…..” His voice failed and he wiped his eyes with his
handkerchief. He tried to overcome his emotions and with difficulty resumed in a steady
voice “I shall remain always a servant of India, and to look after the welfare of thirty-eight
crores of Indian brothers and sisters shall be for me my highest duty. Even after winning
freedom, I will always be prepared to shed the last drop of my blood for the preservation of
India’s freedom”.3

The second cabinet meeting of the Provisional Government was held on the night of
22 October, 1943. That very night Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose declared war against the
Anglo-American Powers over the radio in the Singapore, but no war was declared against
Russia or China. 4 The Provisional Government of India was recognized by Japan
Government on October 23, 1943, after which even Germany, Italy, Croatia, Manchukuo,
Nanking, Philippines, Thailand and Burma gave recognition to it.5 The establishment of the
Provisional Government and its declaration of war against Britain and U. S. A. would have
profound impact on the nationalist struggle for freedom in India seemed to have appeared as
a foregone conclusion.

The Provisional Government in its proclamation claimed the allegiance of every

Indian. It did also called upon them to launch the final struggle against the British and their
allies in India. 6 Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose himself said that more than 12,000 Indian
soldiers of the British Army had assured their full support to the Provisional Government, as
soon as the Indian National Army enters India. The Provisional government, the I.N.A., and
the Independence League were now fully geared to the task that lay ahead of them;
recruitment and training of men for the I.N.A. and women and girls for the Rani Jhansi
Regiment went full steam ahead; collection of money and materials went on apace all over

3. H. N. Pandit, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Seterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 203-204.
4. A. C. Chatterji, India’s Struggle for Freedom, op.cit., p. 141.
5. V. P. Gupta & Mohini Gupta, The Quest For Freedom: A Study of Subhas Chandra Bose, Radha
Publications, New Delhi, 1998, pp. 121-122.
6. Jyoce C. Lebra, The Indian National Army and Japan, Institute of southeast Asian Studies, Singapore,
2008, pp. 128-129.

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east Asia; Azad Hind Radio stations broadcasted in a number of Indian languages specially
beamed to India from Singapore, Bangkok, Rangoon, Saigon and Tokyo.7

After having laid the foundation of the Provisional Government of Free India, Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose left Singapore by air on October 25th to attend the Greater East Asia
conference in Tokyo. 8 He attended the Conference as an observer and not as a delegate
because he could not commit India to a part in the co-prosperity sphere. 9 He wanted the
hands of future Free India to be entirely free, unfettered by the deliberation or decisions of
the Tokyo conference.10 At this conference, a resolution sent by Dr. Ba Maw of Burma and
passed by the conference expressed full sympathy and support for India’s freedom struggle.

Premier Hideki Tojo of Japan announced on 6th November 1943, that Japan had
decided to cede the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which the Japanese had captured early in
the East Asia war, to the provisional government of Azad Hind. Thus, the government of Free
India acquired its first territory, and later renamed and appointed Lieutenant-Colonel A.D.
Loganadhan as their first Indian administrator representing the provisional government. 11
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose also requested Japanese leaders to provide additional military
and financial support to strengthen the I.N.A. It was also agreed that in the Imphal campaign,
the I.N.A. to be considered as Japan’s allied army.

After returning from Tokyo, preparations were quickly made for the I.N.A. to move
towards Burma. All the resources, men, money and material of the Indians in East Asia were
necessary for the successful prosecution of further program. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose
called for Total Mobilization of people from the very beginning. The people responded well
to this call. Thousands of these, whatever they have, offered to lie at the feet of the leader.
They gave away all their wealth and cash for the cause of India’s freedom. They dedicated
themselves and their children to the I.N.A. They sacrificed their lives for the independence of
their country.

7. S. A. Ayer, Story of I.N.A., National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1997, p. 52.
8. Hugh Toye, Subhas Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, Jaico Publishing House, Bombay, 2010, p. 142.
9. A. C. Chatterjee, op.cit., p. 150.
10. S. A. Ayer, op.cit., p.53.
11. Ibid.

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 Before leaving for the Andaman’s, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose appointed a sub-
committee in Singapore to formulate a plan for national integration of Indians in East Asia in
matters of language, dress, food, greetings, symbols and ceremonies. As a preliminary to
future national unification, the sub-committee recommended that Hindustani shall be the
common language of India; Jai Hind shall be the common greetings and salutation between
Indians; the Congress tricolor shall be the national flag of India; the song beginning with the
words ‘Subh Sukh Chain’ shall be the national anthem and ‘Chalo Delhi’ shall be the
national war-cry till the successful conclusion of the revolution.12

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Andaman Islands on 29 December 1943, to

take charge of the first territory of the Provisional Government of Azad Hind. He was very
warmly welcomed by the Indians there. The tricolor was waved on these islands. The
Imperial Japanese Government handed over the sovereignty of these islands to the
Provisional Government of I.N.A. Subhas Chandra Bose renamed the Andaman Islands as
Shaheed and Nicobars as Swaraj Island. He formally established the Indian Independence
League in these islands. He inspected the huge well-fortified barracks in which life-time
prisoners were confined.13

The Japanese decided to invade Arakan and Imphal in early 1944, which they had
postponed for a long time. The plan for the Imphal expedition, in its early stages of
development, was a pure military one. The plan was developed during the period of July
1943 to January 1944 when the Indian independence movement in East Asia was gaining
momentum. The plan of Japanese gave an opportunity to I.N.A. to enter India. Subhas
Chandra Bose persuaded Japanese army officers to allow an I.N.A. brigade to participate in
the Imphal campaign. For Azad Hind Fauj, the importance of the Imphal campaign was more
because the Azad Hind Fauj was participating in the fight on its own. Subhas Chandra Bose
shifted the necessary departments and headquarters of the Provisional Government to
Rangoon on 7th January 1944. On the same day Imperial General Headquarter issued the
formal orders to capture strategic areas near Imphal and in north-eastern India, for the

12. S. A. Ayer, Story of I. N. A., op.cit., pp. 53-54.

13. A. C. Chatterjee, op.cit., pp. 154-155.

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defense of Burma.14 During the first week of January 1944, the main part of Subhash Brigade
reached Rangoon. Initially, there was some disagreement between Subhas Chandra Bose and
Lt. General Kawabe regarding the nature of the role of the I.N.A. in the Imphal campaign.
General Kawabe suggested that the Subhash Brigade should be divided into small parts and
linked to all Japanese formations.15 But Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose opposed splitting and
told Kawabe that the “first blood to be shed on Indian soil should be that of a member of the
I.N.A.”16 Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was of the opinion that in this way the greatness of the
Azad Hind Fauj should come to an end. He clearly stated that they would not cooperate with
the Japanese in entering India land unless the I.N.A. was allowed to enter India by making an
advance front. Therefore, it was emphasized that the Azad Hind Fauj should not be divided
into pieces rather it allowed the army units to operate and fight under the command of the
Indian officers. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose also told General Kawabe that only flag that
would be approved to fly over Indian Territory would be the Indian Tricolor.17

First, three battalions of I.N.A.’s No. 1 regiment, the Subhash Brigade, were
appointed on the war front. Each battalion had 1000 soldiers and was assigned the following
targets-

1. The number one battalion of the Subhash Brigade, led by Major P.L. Raturi, was
supposed to prevent the West African Division of the English Army from advancing
to the Kaladan Valley by ‘Prom’. The British were very proud of this West African
Division.
2. The No.2 and No. 3 battalions of Subhash Brigade, led by Major Ran Singh and
Major Padam Singh respectively, were to arrive at ‘Haka’ and ‘Falam’ locations in
the area of ‘Chin Hills’ via ‘Mandalay’ and ‘Kalewa’. The leadership of this entire
group was given to Major General Shah Nawaz Khan.

14. Joyce C. Lebra, Jungle Alliance, Asia Pacific Press, Singapore, 1971, p. 149.
15. Hugh Toye, Subhash Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, op.cit., p. 152.
16. Shahnawaz Khan, My Memories of I.N.A. and its Netaji, Rajkamal Publications, Delhi, 1946, p. 75.
17. Ibid.

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 Some Japanese non-official officers were appointed to maintain contact between
these three battalions of the I.N.A. and the Japanese Army. These officers also had to act
between the two armies.

Subhas Chandra Bose, then went back to his headquarters and started preparing the
Azad Hind Fauj to prepare and take part in the fight. He spent all his time with the Subhash
Regiment until these three battalions received orders to go to the fronts. Sometimes they
reviewed his position, sometimes saw the military performance on the parade ground,
sometimes he interacted with the officers and sometimes he used the magic of his personality
which he had not yet used. These people were the companions of Subhas Chandra Bose
through whom they wanted to protect India’s honor and rights. He wanted his companions to
imbibe his sense of faith and realize the power of his personality.18

The commander of the brigade, Major Shah Nawaz Khan, met the Japanese
commander and received orders to go to the front on 27 January 1944. The Japanese
commander made it clear to Major Shah Nawaz Khan that the first brigade of Azad Hind
Fauj was going into war. All its enthusiasts and works had to be watched carefully. This was
a test for Azad Hind Fauj which was to be taken from the works of this brigade. The role
allotted to the Subhash Brigade was: the First Battalion to operate in the Kaladan valley,
where the British had brought their much-praised West African Division while the other two
were to proceed to the Chin Hill area of Haka and Falam.19

Subhas Chandra Bose announced while giving Farewell on 3 February 1944 to the
soldiers and officers of the brigade:

Blood is calling to blood. Arise! We have no time to lose. Take up your arms.
There in front of you is the road our pioneers have built. We shall march along
that road. We shall carve our way through the enemy’s ranks, or, if God wills, we

18. Hugh Toye, Subhas Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, op.cit., p. 153.
19. Shahnawaz Khan, op.cit., p. 77.

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 shall die a martyr’s death. The road to Delhi is the road to Freedom. On to
Delhi!20

The I.N.A. fired his first shot in February 1944 at the second war of India’s
independence on the Arakan Front. The Arakan attack was launched on 4 February 1944 by
the 55th Division under Lieutenant-General Hanya; the I.N.A. unit of the Bahadur Group
under the command of Major Misra (Sardar-e-Jang) and Major Mehar Das (Sardar-e-Jang)
and the second unit of the Subhash Brigade was attached to the Japanese Division. Apart
from the Guerrilla regiment of the I.N.A., many small troops had already gone to the front.
Their task was to bring news, interrogate the prisoners captured and campaign in the British-
Indian armies through loudspeakers and pamphlets. They attacked the 7th Indian Division of
the British Army in the Mayu Valley and pushed them back. Ultimately the 7th Division of
the British Imperial Army was completely besieged and annihilated. The troops fought
fearlessly. In the initial stage, the I.N.A. propaganda was able to persuade many Indian
soldiers to desert the British Indian army and the subsequently absorbed in the Bahadur
Group. Among the reason for success was the ‘reconnaissance and subversion of the I.N.A.
Commander in Arakan’.21

The first battalion of the Subhash brigade reached Prome from Rangoon under the
command of Major Raturi. This battalion was to prevent the Western African Division from
coming to the eastern bank of Kaladan River. After fighting a fierce battle at night, the
enemy fled and trying to cross the river again, they lost several boats at the hands of the
I.N.A. The Japanese army also reached there. The I.N.A. occupied an area of 50 miles on
either side of the river Kaladan and reached Daletine. It was only 40 miles west of here on
the outskirts of India- the dreamland. The nearest British post was that of Mowdak. Major
Raturi suddenly attacked this outpost at night and forced the enemies to leave the front and
flee. This was the first opportunity for the soldiers and officers of I.N.A. to set foot on the
Indian soil. The I.N.A. bowed and kissed passionately the soil of their sacred motherland.22

20. Hugh Toye, Subhash Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, op.cit., p. 153.
21. Ibid., p. 154.
22. A.C. Chatterjee, op.cit., pp. 177-178.

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 The day of 18th March 1944 was to be written in golden letters in the history of
I.N.A. on this day I.N.A. first came to the land of India via Burma. A regular flag-hoisting
ceremony was held amidst great rejoicing and singing of the Azad Hind National Anthem.23
In the battles that took place in Arakan on the road to Chittagong, the I.N.A. proved its
superiority over the enemy. This proved great encouragement to Subhas Chandra Bose and
all ranks in the I.N.A., and created confidence in the Japanese Command about the fighting
capabilities of the Army.

The assault on Imphal was launched in the middle of March 1944. In the last
offensive operation of the East Asia War, the first I.N.A. Division commanded by M.Z. Kiani
and three Burma-based Japanese divisions took part. For the Japanese, it was a defensive-
offensive operation to safeguard their bases in Burma. For Subhas Chandra Bose and the
I.N.A., it was an armed revolutionary thrust into India to secure a base for the future
liberation war and to open the gate-way to the Brahmaputra valley. The officers of the
Gandhi Brigade and Subhas Brigade of the I.N.A. created terror in the rank and file of the
Allied Army. They surrounded Imphal with 1, 65,000 Anglo-American troops. The Allies
now had the choice alternative-surrender, or fight-back with Air-borne supply of rations and
ammunition.

The sensational and joyful news came on 19 March 1944 that the Indian National
Army fighting shoulder to shoulder with the Japanese forces, had captured Tiddum, crossed
the Indo-Burma frontier and were now on the Indian soil. The Indo-Japanese forces advanced
rapidly on all the three sectors of the wide front. In the north, Kohima fort and a cantonment
on the Dimapur-Kohima road were captured on 8 April, and the following day saw the
tightening of the encirclement of Imphal which was attacked from many sides on 13 April.
Imphal was then attacked from all sides on 18 April and the I.N.A. penetrated into the north
fortifications of the enemy. The battle for Imphal raged fiercely on 22 April. In the last week
of April, they were already within ten miles of Imphal in a remarkable encircling movement.
The fighting continued till May and the siege of Imphal was further tightened on May 20.
The enemy was holding out in a desperate struggle under orders from the Mountbatten

23. Shahnawaz Khan, op.cit., p.82.

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headquarters to save Imphal at all cost. The I.N.A. was fighting against time, and the
frightening monsoon of Burma was fast approaching.24

Subhas Chandra Bose appointed Major General A.C. Chatterji as the Governor-
designate of the liberated areas in the first week of April. The Azad Hind Dal (the Free India
Party), the administrative wing of the Provisional Government, was ready to move forward
with the I.N.A. to take over the administration of freed areas. The Japanese Premier had
already made a declaration that captured territories in India would be administered by the
Indians. It was also agreed that the only flag which was to fly in the liberated areas would be
the Indian tricolor. Thus, the presence of Subhas Chandra Bose, and his entire role in the
Independence movement in South-east Asia produced a re-evaluation of the Japanese policy
towards India and the I.N.A.

The monsoon rains broke pre-maturely on June 1 and came down in torrents. The
Indo-Japanese forces had no Air-umbrella and their lines of supply were long and hazardous,
and the monsoon deluge flooded the communication and supply routes of the I.N.A. on the
front. 25 On the other hand, the Anglo-American forces had full command of the air and
supplied the war-provisions and reinforcements for the last-ditch defense of Imphal. Japanese
forces were almost paralyzed by the full air control of the Allies. The intervention of the
Allied Air Force foiled the entire Japanese strategy and planning process. On the other hand
the Japanese and the I.N.A. could get neither adequate supplies nor reinforcement from the
rear headquarters in Burma. The I.N.A. had to fight without air superiority and had carried
with them only three weeks ration with hardly any hope of further supplies of food and
ammunition.26 In contrast, the British Forces had been receiving supplies, when and where it
wished, from the air, despite the fact that it was encircled by the Japanese forces.

The commonwealth forces broke the siege of Imphal on 22 June 1944. By mid July,
the fortunes of battle had been reversed and the Yamamoto force began a fighting withdrawal
with the forces of the I.N.A.'s first division protecting its flanks. The I.N.A. forces began
withdrawing two days before Mutaguchi's forces, while Shah Nawaz's forces had already

24. S. A. Ayer, op.cit., p. 63.

25. A. C. Chatterjee, op.cit., p. 188.
26. Ibid., p. 189.

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reached Tamu. The withdrawing forces faced acute shortages of supply of food, ammunition
and medicine, compounded by the Monsoon rains which rendered the Japanese supply chains
as well as I.N.A.'s own already poor logistics further incapable.27 The Indo-Japanese forces
held on as long as it was humanly possible to do so. But eventually, they were compelled to
retreat and the siege of Imphal was lifted on June 27, 1944. They suffered heavy casualties
all the way down the Chindwin and Irrawady.

The Anglo-Americans now began their offensive with superiority in numbers,

weapons and supplies mounted their counter offensive for the recapture of Burma, the
Japanese and the I.N.A. fought heroic rear-guard battles. In five months of the fierce fighting,
the I.N.A. had given ample proof of its superior fighting qualities, its memorable courage and
intense devotion to duty. The fall of the operation coincides with the arrival of the rainy
season. When the withdrawal orders were issued on 16 July, 1944, the I.N.A. reluctantly
withdrew to Mandalay, but decided to reorganize itself for a fresh attack in September,
following the monsoon.28

In fact, the operation was halted not only because of the monsoons but also due to
the deteriorating position of the Japanese forces in other theatres of war. The war situation in
the Pacific had become decidedly unfavorable to Japan, and it was obliged to focus its entire
attention on the defense of the homeland. After the retreat, it was no longer possible for the
I.N.A. or the Japanese forces to take up the counter-attack for two fundamental reasons: first,
the British war machine at the frontier had become too powerful to be faced; and second, the
Americans had entered the war in a big way and had challenged the might of Japan. With
pressing problems of its own, the Japanese abandoned the campaign, and the I.N.A.’s hope to
free India receded into the background. In the opinion of the Japanese Foreign Minister, the
well-begun Imphal campaign “petered out” because it was ill devised.”29

27. Peter W. Fay, The Forgotten Army: India's Armed Struggle for Independence, 1942-1945., Ann Arbor,
University of Michigan Press, USA, 1993, p. 300.
28. A. C. Chatterjee, op.cit., p. 232.
29. Mamoru Shigemitsu, Japan and Her Destiny: My Struggle for Peace, E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., New York,
1958, p. 293.

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 The main causes of the failure of the Imphal campaign were: lack of preparedness of
Japanese to make supplies to the front and the under-estimation of the enemy’s capacity of
supply by Air; secondly, it was dispersal rather than concentration of forces during the
campaign; thirdly, that the Japanese made the fatal mistake of believing that as soon as India
invaded, there would be a nationalist revolution that would completely neutralize British and
American military forces in India. The areas there would be left open to Subhas Chandra
Bose’s puppet armies to fight for India. Both the Japanese and Subhas Chandra Bose were
taken in by their own propaganda. The entire humiliating attack can be gauged from the fact
that Japanese occupation of any limb in any region of India will be sufficient for a revolution
on a whole scale.

Despite the defeat of the Japanese and the I.N.A., the Indian Army Headquarters in
a secret dispatch to London, acknowledged that the Japanese invasion could have disastrous
consequences ultimately in India if the Japanese and the I.N.A. had succeeded in gaining a
firm foothold in the region. The victory of a single Indian state by the Japanese would have
broad impact on morale and politics. The dispatch concluded that the Imphal Plain was an
award whose capture by the Japanese could alter the entire course of the war in Eastern and
Southern Asia and profoundly affected the history of India and China.

The defeat of Imphal made the allied forces aggressive, on the other hand, the
Japanese and Indian National Army, along with two regiments of the I.N.A. division,
strategized to stop the Allied forces on the right side of Irrawady River. The Kaladan valley
was almost abandoned by the British earlier. It had left behind only one division to hold the
Mayu valley and Maungdaw, a village on the sea coast.30 The sector was to be fully operated
by the I.N.A., except for only three Japanese infantry battalions. Two regiments of the 2nd
Division were in Rangoon and were expecting their heavy equipment to be there. It was only
in December that West Africans became aggressive and became masters of the Mayu
valley.31 Their next objective seemed to be lower Kaladan Valley. Akyab fell on 1 January,
1945 and Myohaung was in danger, on the east of the Kaladan River. In North-West Burma
too, the British seized Japanese authority over the Irrawady River.

30. Hugh Toye, Subhash Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, op.cit., p. 197.
31. Ibid.

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 The British army crossed Irrawady River on 14 January, 1945 at “Thabbeikkyin,
about 55 miles north of Mandalay.32 General Slim shocked the defenders by his deceptive
tactics, showing in the north, while his 4th Corps concentrated in the south flank to cross the
Irrawaddy at Nyaungu and seized Meiktila. Colonel G.S. Dhillon was ordered on January 29,
to hold the I.N.A. sector- from Nyaungu. The Japanese were not much worried about the
Nyaungu. Col. G.S. Dhillon was only told to send covering troops across the river and to co-
operate with the Japanese company on his right. Enemy airstrikes caused much damage to
this brigade. As only 1200 men, inadequate force for 12 miles of river bank, were with
Colonel G.S. Dhillon and there was no match for the invaders. He posted one of his battalion
at Nyaungu, another at Pagan and the other with his headquarters nearby. By 9th February a
small enemy troop was seen on the eastern bank.33 Lieutenant Hari Ram was sent to the
Nyaungu in the Irrawaddy Valley. The enemy tried hard to occupy the area, but the soldiers
of I.N.A. failed all their efforts. The soldiers of the I.N.A. continued fighting even in poor
conditions. Colonel G.S. Dhillon wrote Shah Nawaz Khan, “We will continue the fight till
the last moment and sacrifice everything to retain the honor of the Azad Hind Fauj. Water or
not, is it rationed or not. Nothing will affect our fighting ability. We will fight till the end.”34
Timely action by the Indian National Army interrupted the follow-up and their landing craft
was rendered useless. But the set back was incidental; a second British battalion crossed
without loss, later in the morning further upstream and by the end of the day, two more
battalions were safely ashore. About hundred survivors of the I.N.A. at Nyaungu
surrendered.35

From defense point of view, Mount Popa was important. It stood at an important
road junction along with, being a source of water supply. Mount Popa stood on the eastern
bank of Irrawaddy in the midst of Meikitila and the towns of Pagan and Nyaungu. Here the
British were planning to land after crossing the river. By defending Mount Popa, the I.N.A.
was preparing to rescue Meiktila from the enemy, which soon hoped to cross the river, near
Pagan and Nyaungu, twenty miles to the west of Mount Popa. Describing Netaji Subhas

32. Ibid.
33. Ibid., pp. 198-199.
34. K. S. Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, Singh Brothers, Lahore, 1947, p. 143.
35. Hugh Toye, op.cit., p. 199.

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Chandra Bose’s object behind this disposition of troops, the Gaimusho says: “If possible, he
(Subhas Chandra Bose) wanted to maintain the Indian units on the right bank of River
Irrawaddy in order to cover the retreat of the Japanese forces. For this, he wanted to proceed
to the front and assume the command personally.”36

It was the largest river-crossing campaign in the history of the World War II. The
first attack occurred on the night of the 13-14 February 1945. The assault having failed, the
enemy had to withdraw. The second attempt of enemy to cross the river in front of Nyaungu
town was made before dawn by a larger force. After their first bitter experience, the
command of the British India Army had decided not to send Indian troops to confront the
men of the I.N.A. The attacking army at this time was a British regiment; the South
Lancashire’s which used outboard motors and rubber boats. The enemy landed his army
behind the front of I.N.A. by parachutes and encircled the 7th Battalion. The Battalion had to
surrender. But the Battalion in reserve and the 9th Battalion, under Chander Bhan, continued
to hold firmly their positions.37 By the evening of the 14th February 1945, most of the enemy
Division had crossed the Irrawaddy.38 One hundred and forty of I.N.A. soldiers surrendered.
Col. G.S. Dhillon rallied what was left of his regiment on 16th February 1945. The Indian
Army had established itself in Nyaungu and Pagan: he could only withdraw with his
survivors to the new I.N.A. divisional area at Kyaukpadaung, thirty-five miles to the south-
east on the road to Meiktila.39

The 2nd regiment of I.N.A. under Lieutenant-Colonel P.K. Sahgal, managed to

occupy defensive position on western slope of Mount Popa by 17 February 1945, eight miles
in north-east of Kyaukpadaung.40 Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Meiktila on 21 February
1945 while the British were reported to have been advancing from Nyaungu. The situation on

36. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Gaimusho, Japanese Foreign Ministry Book, Japan, 1957, p.203.
37. Shahnawaz Khan, My Memories of I.N.A. and its Netaji, op.cit., p. 155.
38. Hugh Toye, op.cit., p.199.
39. Ibid., p. 200.
40. Hugh Toye, op.cit., p. 200.

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the front appeared confused. Shah Nawaz Khan and Mehboob Ahmed proceeded to Mount
Popa, for discovering the development and to gather information about the British.41

Shah Nawaz Khan and Mehboob Ahmed returned on 25th February 1945 to report to
Netaji Subhas Chandra about Mount Popa. Subhas Chandra Bose received the news on 26
February 1945 that the enemy was advancing towards Meiktila. The British Army was
advancing along Mandalay-Meiktila-Rangoon road. The Azad Hind Fauj was fighting in the
area of Mount Popa. Subhas Chandra Bose wanted to reach his forces as quickly as possible.
As the bombers receded, a Japanese Liaison Officer brought the news that the enemy tanks
were sixteen miles away from Meiktila. Subhas Chandra Bose decided to get away if he
could.42

Subhas Chandra Bose reached Pyinmana on 27th February 1945. Here he ordered to
prepare a brigade from the remaining soldiers of the first Division who would fight around
Pyinmana and fight the enemy to the last. This new brigade was named ‘X’ and Colonel
Thakar Singh was appointed its commander. This Regiment fought at Pyinmana, but had to
surrender on the 24th April 1945 in small batches.43

The cases of desertion from Azad Hind Fauj were being frequently reported to
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose by March 1945, in Rangoon. By an order of the day he gave a
week’s time to all wavering minds to withdraw from the Azad Hind Fauj if they so desired.
He issued an order to the effect that every member of the Azad Hind Fauj-officers, N.C.O. or
Sepoy would, in future, be entitled to arrest any other member of the Azad Hind Fauj, no
matter what his rank might be, if he behaved in a cowardly manner or to shoot him if he
acted treacherously. 44

There were several small actions by the I.N.A. during March. Col. G.S. Dhillon’s
regiment suffered heavy casualties in action near Taungzin on March 15th to 17th 1945. Late

41. Sugata Bose, His Majesty’s opponent: Subhas Chandra Bose and India’s Struggle Against empire,
Penguin Books India Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2011, p. 289.
42. Hugh Toye, op.cit., p. 204.
43. Kesar Singh Giani, op.cit., p. 144.
44. Jitendra Nath Ghosh, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: Political Philosophy of Netaji, Orient Book Company,
Calcutta, 1946, p. 159.

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in March one of Col. G.S. Dhillon’s battalion commanders deserted. 45 The Legyi was
bombed by British aircrafts on March 31, 1945, and two days later they surrounded Legyi. In
Mount Popa, Colonel P.K. Sahgal was trying to shield the remaining army from rapid
airstrikes and in reaction Col. P.K. Sahgal ordered to counter attack, but the battalion could
not withstand a heavy airstrike. Virtually, the whole of Col. P.K. Sahgal’s 1st Battalion had
deserted. The remainder could not face another attack, he withdrew them.46

It was during this withdrawal that Capt. Bagri and his party of 100 men made the
immortal charge against British tanks and armored cars.47 When Capt. Bagri’s column was
approximately 20 miles South of Taundwingyi on about 20th April 1945, they were overtaken
and encircled by enemy tanks. The battalion was then resting on a Richfield near a small
village. It was reported to Capt. Bagri that a large number of enemies were approaching the
village. They not even had time to dig themselves in; neither did they have any weapons to
combat those steel monsters. The choice before Capt. Bagri was that of surrendering to
enemy or meeting a glorious death. With hand grenades and bottles filled with petrol, they
charged into enemy vehicles and destroyed one tank and one armored car. While charging
into a second tank Capt. Bagri was hit by a burst of machine gun and fell never to rise again.
The true sons of India can be killed; but they can never be defeated.48

Eventually Col. P.K. Sahgal became POW near Allanmyo on 29th April 1945; Shah
Nawaz Khan and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon were captured on 18th May near Pegu and with
this the war of 2nd I.N.A. division came to an end.49

Towards the end of April 1945, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and his party
consisting of some Ministers, some I.N.A. officers and IIL leaders together with the officers
of the Rani Jhansi Regiment had to leave Rangoon for Bangkok in a convoy, leaving major
General Loganadhan with about 5,000 I.N.A. soldiers who had managed to reach Rangoon,
for surrender. And this surrender to the British took place in early May 1945. Netaji Subhas

45. Hugh Toye, op.cit., p. 209.

46. Ibid.
47. A. C. Chatterji, op.cit., p. 257.
48. Shahnawaz Khan, op.cit., p. 183.
49. Sugata Bose, His Majesty’s Opponent: Subhas Chandra Bose and India’s Struggle Against Empire, op.cit.,
pp. 290-291.

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Chandra Bose and party managed to reach Bangkok in the second week of May to find that
Germany had surrendered. It was all over. But Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s spirit still kept
giving orders to fight for every yard in Malaya. In early July, he laid the foundation-stone of
I.N.A. Memorial at Singapore, inspecting the troops of the Third I.N.A. Division there. This
was followed by a tour of Malaya, a remarkable personality at his best in the face of certain
defeat!50

Events now moved faster than expected. The Japanese could still have prolonged
the war for many months. But Atom Bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on 6
and 9 August 1945. Russia declared war on Japan immediately thereafter. Japan officially
surrendered on 15 August 1945.51 Though on the surface, the Indian National Army with
Subhas Chandra Bose as their Supreme Commander lost its battle on the mountains and
forests of Manipur and Burma, they won it by winning hearts of Indians itself. They
galvanized the entire body politic of the Indian sub-continent when they appeared as
Prisoners of War in their martial uniform of Azad Hind Fauj. The sword unsheathed, which
could not defeat the enemy in the battlefield, had but penetrated hard into ‘the battlements of
the Red Fort’ in a magnificent process of history. Michael Edwards writes, “Just as the
British had not feared Mahatma Gandhi, the reducer of violence, they no longer feared
Jawaharlal Nehru, who was rapidly assuming the lineaments of civilized statesmanship. The
British, however, still feared Subhas Chandra Bose, or rather, the violence he represented.
And his suddenly amplified figure overawed the conferences that were to lead to
independence.”52

In his last message to the Officers and men of the Azad Hind Fauj on 15th August,
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose said: “Friends! In our struggle for the freedom of our
motherland, a crisis which had never been dreamt of has befallen us…….But I would say
that it is only a temporary failure. No failure and no defeat can wipe out your earlier solid
achievements…….Many of your comrades have laid down their lives on the battlefield and

50. Naranjan Singh Gill, Story of I.N.A., Publication Division, New Delhi, 1985, pp. 62-63.
51. Ibid., p. 63.
52. Michael Edwardes, The Last Years of British India, Cassell, London, 1963, pp. 92-93.

137
have become immortal martyrs of Azad Hind. This great sacrifice can never go waste.”53 “Let
not your faith in India’s destiny be shaken. There are many roads to Delhi. And Delhi is still
our goal. There is no power on earth which can keep India in bondage. India will certainly be
free and, that too, soon. Jai Hind!”54

The Japanese surrendered on 15 August 1945. Immediately after the Japanese

surrender, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose held consultations with his colleagues regarding
future plans. All advised him that he must escape and not be captured by the British. Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose agreed because he was hoping to go to Russia and carry on his fight
from there. So, he left Singapore for Bangkok on 16th August accompanied by Col, Habib-ur-
Rahman, Major Pritam Singh and S.A. Ayer.55 On the evening of August 16th, 1945, Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose visited all camps and delivered short farewell speeches to each unit.
From the men, there were thunderous shouts of “Chalo Delhi”, “Inquilab Zindabad”, and
“Netaji Zindabad”. Great big tears rolled down Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s eyes; no
leader could have expected greater devotion and loyalty from his men. The following
morning, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose left for Saigon.56 At Saigon a twin engine Japanese
bomber was waiting for Subhas Chandra Bose and ready to immediately proceed to Darein
from where he had the best hope to go to Russia. But only one seat was available. On
insisting of Subhas Chandra Bose, another seat was arranged in the plane. Col. Habib-ur-
Rahman was selected to accompany Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. It left Saigon on the
afternoon of August 17, on its way to Tokyo. It reached Taihoku in Taiwan the following day
August 18, 1945 and took off from the airport at 2 p.m. It had been hardly two or three
minutes in the air when one of the propellers had broken and the plane crashed to the ground
in less than two minutes. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s clothes had caught fire and he had
suffered from injuries and burns. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and other passengers were
taken to military hospital. In spite of the best available medical attention Netaji Subhas

53. Sisir Kumar Bose, Netaji and India’s Freedom: Proceedings of the International Netaji Seminar, 1973,
Netaji Research Bureau, Delhi, 1975, p. 415.
54. Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, ‘Special Order on the Day on August 17, 1945, to the I.N.A.’
retranslated from Tamil version published in Swatantra India, Singapore, Selected Speeches of Subhas
Chandra Bose, Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, New Delhi, 1962, p. 240.
55. Naranjan Singh Gill, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., pp. 66-67.
56. Shahnawaz Khan, My Memories of I.N.A. and its Netaji, op.cit., pp. 240-241.

138
Chandra Bose breathed his last at 9 p.m. on the 18th August, 1945.57 Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose’s last words to Habib-ur-Rahman were: “I do not think I will survive this accident.
When you go back to the country, tell my countrymen that I have fought for freedom to the
last. And nobody could now keep our country in bondage, they should continue the struggle.
India will be free before long.”58

As the circumstances did not permit his body being taken to Singapore, he was
cremated at Taipei. Later his ashes were taken to Tokyo and enshrined at Rekonji (Reo Koju)
Temple with due honors on 14 September 1945. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose ended his
worldly journey at such a young age of 48 years when there was so much for him to do.
Thus, ended the second phase of the Indian National Army and its immortal leader Subhas
Chandra Bose.59

The death of Subhas Chandra Bose was officially announced on 23 August 1945. It
was confirmed later on by Col. Habib-ur-Rahman, the only fellow Indian passenger on the
airplane and he supplied the details of the sorrowful accident. But his report was denied by
various sources. It has been said by responsible and reliable persons, including the leaders of
the forward Bloc that Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is still alive, and has been seen by various
persons in Malaya and India and some people have received his letters. It is authoritatively
stated that he has disappeared and will come out at the opportune moment.60 But whether
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was died or not, his soul lives forever in the hearts of all
Indians.

The Second World War ended in mid-August 1945 with the victory of the Allies. At
the end of the war, the officers and soldiers of Azad Hind Fauj present in Southeast Asia
were taken captive to India. The soldiers of I.N.A. in Burma, Thailand, Malaya and
Singapore, who were captured by the British, were brought back to India and imprisoned in
the Red Fort. The withdrawal of the soldiers of the I.N.A. began in May 1945 and continued

57. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, op.cit., pp. 157-158.
58. Tatsuo Hayashid, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: His Great Struggle and Martyrdom, trans. Biswanath
Chatterjee, Allied Publisher, Calcutta, 1970, p. 143.
59. Naranjan Singh Gill, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., p. 69.
60. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, op.cit., p. 158.

139
till the first decade of 1946. About 10,000 were expatriated from Burma and 7,000 were
brought from Malaya and Bangkok.61 Civil Indians, who joined the I.N.A. in Burma, Malaya,
Singapore and Thailand, hid and escaped from capture. Therefore only the ex-soldiers of the
Indian Army were brought back. The arrival of soldiers of I.N.A. in India brought India’s
independence closer.

The trail process was initiated at the historic Red Fort in Delhi in November 1945.
In addition to interrogating the returning troops to obtain enemy information, it was
necessary to assess how safe it was to return a man to his battalion or regiment. The great
majority, whose spirit was thought not to have been completely broken, were sent to
rehabilitation centres before being returned to the Army. At the same, soldiers who were
country lovers were kept captive.62 Every officer and soldier of the I.N.A., whether he was a
fugitive or he had surrendered or was captured during the fighting, was thoroughly
investigated by the British government.

The objective of the Azad Hind Fauj was to march to the Red Fort and hoist the
tricolor on it. But on the contrary, they arrived in the Red Fort as prisoners of war. The I.N.A.
no doubt failed to win the war of freedom on the battle-field; but in its thunderous
disintegration after reaching India, the I.N.A. positively hastened the end of British rule in his
country.63

The British, in India as well as in England, had opposing feelings towards the I.N.A.
The British and Indian Army officers were entitled to strict punishment for the war prisoners
of the I.N.A. They considered the soldiers and officers of I.N.A. as traitors. They were of the
view that the case of I.N.A. was a matter of discipline of the army and it was a great crime by
the Indian soldiers to abandon the loyalty of the British crown and take part in the war
against it.64 The idea of the Secretary of State for India was that all war prisoners should be
prosecuted, despite that some should be prosecuted. The soldiers of the British Army were
also entitled to take strict action against the soldiers of I.N.A.

61. Naranjan Singh Gill, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., p. 71.

62. Hugh Toye, Subhash Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, op.cit., pp. 246-247
63. S. A. Ayer, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., p. 82.
64. K. K. Ghosh, Indian National Army, Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut, 1969, p. 199.

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 The Congress was strongly against the prosecution of I.N.A. prisoners. The
Congress said that the aim of I.N.A. was the same as that of the Congress and the movement
of I.N.A. was only to achieve the objective. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru said on August 20,
1945, while addressing the public meeting, “Now a very large number of officers and
soldiers of the I.N.A. are prisoners. And some of them have been executed. At any time, it
would have been wrong to treat them too harshly, but at this time, when it is being said that
big changes are impending in India, it would be very grave mistake leading to far-reaching
consequences, if they were treated as ordinary rebels. The punishment for the whole of India,
and a deep wound will remain in millions of hearts. 65 Jawaharlal Nehru warned the
government that if these soldiers were punished in a spirit of revenge, it would spread a sense
of fear of dissatisfaction among Indians and shaken the Indian Army.

A remarkable change was seen in Jawaharlal Nehru’s attitude, as it was the same
Jawaharlal Nehru who had once opposed Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and said in 1942 that
if Subhas Chandra Bose would launch any sort of armed campaign to liberate India, he would
not support him at all. Meanwhile, news of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s death in a plane
crash came. With this, public sympathy for the I.N.A. increased. It was but natural for the
British government to be concerned in such a situation.

The Government of India had to bow down to strong public opinion. The
Government of India issued a communiqué on 27th August 1945, in which it declared that
“the crime of teaming up with the enemy and fighting against his former comrades is the
most serious that a soldier can do. For this, there is death penalty in all countries…. The
Government of India feel, however, that allowance must be made for the circumstances, in
which the rank and file found themselves placed after their capture…They will be treated
with clemency…. But there remains a number-who are alleged to have killed their former
comrades or to have been responsible for have consciously embraced the Japanese or
German cause… These men will be tried by court martial.”66

65. Naranjan Singh Gill, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., p. 72.

66. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, op.cit., p. 162.

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 It soon became known that the three commanders, who had led the I.N.A. campaign
near Mount Pope in 1945, were to be tried by a court martial in November.67 It was decided
to prosecute Capt. Shah Nawaz Khan, Capt. P.K. Sahgal and Lt. Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon at
Red Fort Delhi. The first and main trial was conducted on 5th November 1945, by the
military court at Red Fort. The attention of the public should not be attracted to it, so in the
beginning it was recommended that the lawsuit should be organized at a separate place. But
the British thought that the purpose of prosecuting the case in a public manner was to tell the
people of India about the atrocities committed by the soldiers of I.N.A. on the other soldiers
and people. This will make the people of India feel guilty of I.N.A. soldiers.

The Congress Working Committee had appointed a Committee for the defense of
I.N.A. officers. The committee included senior advocate Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, Shri
Bhulabhai Desai, Dr. Kailash Nath Katju, R.B. Badri Das, Jawaharlal Nehru, Mr. Asif Ali,
Raghunandan Saran, Kanwar Sir Dalip Singh, Bakshi Sir Tek Chand, Shiv Kumar Shastri
and others. Mr. Bhulabhai Desai was chosen to conduct the defense.68 The trial proceedings
were conducted in a military court on the second floor of the dormitory inside the Red Fort. It
was chaired by Chief General Blaxland. The Advocate general of India, Sir N.P. Engineer,
was the prosecution lawyer.

The proceedings of the Red Fort attracted public attention, diverting it from all
sides. The whole nation felt its manhood vindicated by the fact that a liberation army
organized, whose soldiers and officers were all Indians and had given battle to the alien ruler
on many fronts on the Burma-India border and had come within an ace of driving the British
out of Assam and Bengal, and possibly out of India.69 Immediately the public came to know
of the true facts about I.N.A. there was a countrywide agitation for their release. The people
across the country were supporting the soldiers of I.N.A. There was also a wave of sympathy
towards him within the Army and Navy.

The case of the prosecution was that these three officers were in the Indian army
that while prisoners of war they joined the I.N.A. and as its officers waged war against the

67. Hugh Toye, Subhash Chandra Bose: The Springing Tiger, op.cit., p. 251.
68. Ibid.
69. S. A. Ayer, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., p. 84.

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King by invading India and that they ordered the execution of five sepoys. The Prosecution
produced thirty one witnesses and several documents to prove their case. 70 Lt. Gurbaksh
Singh Dhillon was charged with the murder of four people; Captain P.K. Sahgal was charged
with abetment of murder of the same four; and Captain Shah Nawaz Khan was charged with
treason waging war against the King.71

The defense was out to justify the action of the accused under the international law,
and under the Indian National Army Act. The I.N.A. fought under the leadership of a duly
constituted government and was controlled by its own code under the Indian National Army
Act.72 The Chief advocate for Defense, Mr. Bhulabhai Desai, stated in his cross-examination
that the prime objective of the Azad Hind government and I.N.A. was to free India for
Indians. They were working as an associate of Japan and were not subject to Japanese
Government in any way.

The statements made by the three officers in the court had shaken the spirit of the
whole country. Shah Nawaz Khan said that he was motivated only by the patriotic intentions
to join the I.N.A. He had fought a direct and honorable battle on the battlefield. He further
stated that he did not refuse to take part in the fighting, but did so as a member of the regular
forces of the Provisional Government of Free India. He decided to be loyal to his country and
pledged his respect for Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose that he would sacrifice himself for the
sake of his country.

In his statement, Captain P.K. Sahgal denied being guilty for any crime with which
he was charged and further claimed that he was entitled to all the privileges of a prisoner of
war. In the brief statement Lt. G.S. Dhillon reminded that these words are engraved in the
Chetwode Hall of the Military Academy at Dehra Dun; ‘The honor, safety and welfare of
your country comes first.’ He further said that he felt that if a strong and willing national

70. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, op.cit., p. 162.
71. Joyce Chapman, The Indian National Army and Japan, ISEAS, Singapore, 2008, p. 202.
72. S. A. Ayer, op.cit., p. 87

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army could be raised at the juncture, it would not only liberate India from foreign rule, but
could also resist the Japanese in case they should try to go back upon their word.73

The inspiring statements of these three officers sparked a wave of excitement in the
millions of Indians across the country that daily followed the proceedings of the military
court. In the face of these statements, public prosecution and then defense testimony had little
importance in the public eyes. Public had less interest in them.

The defense presented its witnesses from 8 December to 13 December 1945. The
prime witnesses were Mr. S.A. Ayer, the Propaganda Minister of the Azad Hind Government,
Lt. Col. Loganadhan, The Chief Commissioner of Andaman Islands, appointed by the Azad
Hind Government and some Japanese officials. They all stated that the Provisional
Government of Azad Hind was an organized government which was recognized by nine
foreign countries. The Japanese witnesses made it clear that the freedom of India was one of
the war aims of the Japanese.74 S.A. Ayer testified that the Japanese had attempted to appoint
a Japanese chairman for the War Co-operation Council and that Subhas Chandra Bose had
successfully resisted this demand. Ayer also testified that I.N.A. broadcasts were made
independently and not under any Japanese control or coercion.75

During his concluding address, Mr. Bhulabhai Desai stated that the Indian National
Army was formed with two objectives- for the liberation of India and to provide security to
the Indian residents of Burma, Malaya and Thailand when their lives and property were in
danger and the law and order was poorly managed. Bhulabhai Desai propounded that it was
according to international law. It was perfectly appropriate to wage war to get rid of foreign
rule. It would be an irony of justice to tell us that Indian soldiers can go out to fight for the
freedom of England against Germany, Italy and Japan But how can it be illegal that they
cannot fight for the independence of their own country. Bhulabhai Desai strongly argued that
when there is a war between two countries, in the process, firing to kill the enemy cannot be
called murder nor can it be termed as a crime under the law of civil law. Bhulabhai Desai’s

73. Ibid., p. 88.

74. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, op.cit., p. 163.
75. Joyce Chapman, The Indian National Army and Japan, ISEAS, Singapore, 2008, p. 204.

144
arguments were a representation of the memorable fact for which Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose and I.N.A. fought to liberate India.

In the meantime, when the proceedings of the trial were going on, a national revolt
arose in the country for the release of these officers, which had a profound impact on the trial
proceedings and the verdict. There had been violent demonstrations in Calcutta, Bombay,
Delhi and other places of the country. The goal of I.N.A. was Red Fort, Delhi and the
Government, in order to teach them a lesson tried the I.N.A. officers in the Red Fort. They
proposed to hang the officers in front of this Fort. But the strong public opinion thwarted its
move.76

The court martial, on January 3, 1946, found all the three accused officers guilty of
waging war against the king-emperor and sentenced them to transportation for life,
cashiering and forfeiture of arrears of pay and allowances.77 It was during this time that the
Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief had an immediate discussion in which both agreed on
the idea that the punishment given to the convicts should be considered due to the support
being given to the I.N.A. in the country. The Commander-in-Chief had decided to remit the
sentence of transportation for life against all the three accused but confirmed the sentence of
cashiering and forfeiture of arrears of pay and allowances. On the same day, they were set
free from the Red Fort.78

This was the victory that the Indians won with their power. The country became full
of joy. The trial took India several steps forward on the path of independence. After these
trials, all the other officers and soldiers of I.N.A., who were kept in different camps, were
released. Those who were earlier in the Indian Army were expelled from the army by
forfeiting all their salary and allowances. The arrival of I.N.A. in India and the trial in the
Red Fort had an impact on the Indian officers and soldiers of the armed forces in the country.
There was a revolt against British officers of the Navy and Air Force. This was shooked the
foundation of the British Empire in India. The British officers came to know by their
intelligence department that they could no longer depend on the Indian Army to rule in India.

76. Kesar Singh Giani, op.cit., p. 164.

77. S. A. Ayer, Story of I.N.A., op.cit., p. 90.
78. Kesar Singh Giani, Indian Independence Movement in East Asia, op.cit., p. 164.

145
The British government in London decided to leave India without any delay. Thus, Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose played a very important role in India’s struggle for freedom from the
cruel yoke of the British.

146