BPSE-142 – India’s Foreign Policy

Test units 6,7,8,9 and 10

Date: 17th November 2023

Marks : 50
Time : 1 hour 30 minutes
(Scroll down for questions in Hindi)

Section I
Please Answer any 2 Questions – Short Answers (upto 100 words) 5 marks each

Q1. Development and security of Northeastern India is linked to relations with neighbouring
countries. Do you agree?

Ans: Relations with Bangladesh, Myanmar and Bhutan are of critical importance for the
development and security of the northeastern India. India‘s northeastern states are
politically lightweight. The northeastern region, sandwiched between Bangladesh,
Bhutan, Tibetan region of China and Myanmar, has 98 per cent of its borders with these
four countries. Northeast India depends a lot on transit facility arrangements with
Bangladesh. As Bangladesh remains reticent and wants to have its own economic
dominance over northeastern states of India, the alternative is to have transit facilities
via Myanmar. India needs to built or revive old road networks that linked Mizoram,
Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh with Myanmar for trade and developmental
works. So development and security of Northeastern India is certainly linked to relations
with neighbouring countries

Q2. Explain the Tibet issue.

Ans: China is now a strategic partner of cooperation of Nepal. And Nepal has signed on
China‘s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China is the lead investor and trading partner of
Nepal. China has committed to invest in infrastructure development including road and
rail links between Kathmandu and Tibetan region of China. China has offered to build an
ambitious cross-Himalayan connectivity network through aviation, trading ports,
highways, railways and telecommunications. The proposed 70-kilometre railway shall
connect Kerang in Tibet with Kathmandu; it will eliminate Nepal‘s dependence on India.

Q3. What is Belt and Road Initiative? Explain.

Ans: The Belt and Road Initiative is an informal coalition with the objective of actualizing
trillions of dollars for infrastructure investment across more than 60 countries convened by
Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2017. China has become the world‘s largest commodities
importer as well as largest exporter of finished goods. The more the BRI becomes a multilateral
exercise, the more it connects Asian countries to China as well as rest of Asians to each other.
From Russia and Turkey to Iran and Iran to Myanmar and Thailand, the resurrection of
multidirectional Silk Roads with no dominant power symbolizes the return of Asia‘s past. India
has not signed this initiative because the overwhelming consideration for India at the time of the
BRI initiative in 2017 was that China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) goes through
Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK).

Q4. It is said that global balance of power is shifting to Asia. Do you agree?

Ans: Yes, Global balance of power is shifting to Asia. Asia is witnessing unprecedented
economic growth and progress. But politically it is confronted with considerable
uncertainty for numerous reasons. A fundamental realignment of forces is already taking
place in the wake of the decline of traditional powers (prominently the US and the former
Soviet Union during the Cold War) and the rise of new power centres (such as China,
India and Japan). The other significant development is regional multilateralism that is
taking root in a big way both in the economic and security realms. While the economic
multilateralism has made considerable progress, the security multilateralism has not come
up to the initial expectation. It is a reflection of the East Asian region‘s enormous
complexity and high expectations. However, regional multilateral platforms (like
ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting-Plus (Plus are
ASEAN‘s Dialogue Partners), which are pan-East Asian in nature ) have played a key
role in bringing all stakeholders for face-to-face interactions, which have contributed to
the building of confidence and promotion of transparency in security policies.

Section II

Please answer any 2 questions – Long answer (upto 250 words) 10 marks each

Q1. Analyse India‘s policy towards Pakistan since 2014.

Ans: Terrorism remains the core issue in relations with Pakistan. The new BJP
government also announced its Neighbourhood First‘ policy in all earnestness. Prime
Minister Modi made an unannounced 2-hour stopover in Lahore on his return journey
from Afghanistan and Russia on 24 December 2015. But the 2016 Pathankot Air Force
Station attack, a terrorist attack by Jaish E- Mohammed on 2 January 2016 resulted in a
thaw in the relationship. Again on 18th September, the JeM attacked a military camp in
Uri in Kashmir resulting in the death of 19 Indian army soldiers. India cancelled its
participation in the 16th SAARC summit which was scheduled to be held in Islamabad in
November 2016. On 28 September 2016, Indian army carried out the "surgical strikes"
against the terrorist "launch-pads" by crossing the LOC into the POK. India‘s policy is to
diplomatically and politically isolate Pakistan in the international community and take
necessary steps to induce change in the behaviour of Pakistani establishment towards
India. There was an attack on Indian military convoy in Pulwama on 14 February 2019
which resulted in the death of 40 Indian paramilitary troops. On 26 February 2019,
Indian Air Force warplanes crossed the LOC and destroyed the terrorist camps in Balakot
in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in Pakistan. Following the 2019 Pulwama attack, the
Indian government revoked Pakistan's most favoured nation trade status. India also
increased the custom duty to 200 per cent on imports from Pakistan which affected the
 apparel and cement from Pakistan. Pakistan closed its airspace for India bound flights.
India has abrogated Article 370 of its Constitution ending the special status of J&K. In
response, Pakistan recalled its ambassador and expelled Indian High Commissioner and
cut off bilateral and trade relations.

Q2. Describe and discuss India-Bangladesh bilateral relations.

Ans: Bangladesh connects the northeastern parts of India with rest of the country. Transit facility
through Bangladesh is important for the development, security and governance of northeastern
India. Bangladesh uses this transit facility as leverage to bargain better with India. India is
vulnerable to pressures from Bangladesh over the narrow Siliguri corridor (Chicken Neck) – a 22
kilometre long stretch of land that connects northeast of India with rest of the country. India
shares the longest border with Bangladesh crossing through 25 districts in the five states. Border
management is a problem and a sore point between authorities in the two countries. The porous
borders are used for smuggling food items, medicines, cattle, machinery and narcotics on quite a
large scale. The Bay of Bengal, located to the south of Bangladesh, is a frontier that is watched
over by the Indian Navy. Bangladesh also has a maritime dispute with India in the strategic Bay
of Bengal. Migrants enter India illegally in search of employment and improving their life
conditions. India and Bangladesh share 54 trans-border rivers, varying in sizes. Bangladesh is
India‘s largest trading partner in South Asia. India has a huge favourable trade balance with
Bangladesh. Bangladesh also imports electricity from India and exports internet bandwidth to
Tripura. India is participating in the construction of coal-based power plants in Bangladesh. There
are strong security concerns too, including apprehensions of terrorism. Several insurgent groups
like the Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), National Liberation of Tripura (NLFT) and National
Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFM) are major insurgent groups that have found safe places
across the border. Bilateral relations were frosty during 2001-06 when Prime Minister Begum
Khaleda Zea headed a coalition government of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-
e-Islami. The NDA government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given special attention to
relations with Bangladesh government headed by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wazed. In the
last five years, the two countries have worked to resolve many of the issues pending since 1947.
In 2015, the Modi government ratified the 1974 Land Boundary Treaty under which enclaves
were exchanged. Bangladesh is also using the “China Card” to develop into partnerships with
China and to reap benefits from India. China’s soft loans, investment in infrastructure building
and promise of non-interference in domestic affairs is pleasing to the Bangladesh government and
its people. China is the top trade partner of Bangladesh – displacing India which had held the
position for 40 years. Bangladesh is signatory to China‘s Belt and Road Initiative. China has
become Bangladesh‘s top source for arms imports. There are security aspects to Bangladesh-
China relations which India cannot ignore.

Q3. Explain Nepal‘s “China Card‘.

Ans: Nepal has geographical contiguity with Tibetan region of China, and it is found
leaning more and more towards China in recent times. It has also used its growing
relations with China as a tool to draw significant concessions from India. India has
offered more generous trade and transit terms to Nepal so as it keep it closer to the 1950
treaty. Nepal. And Nepal has signed on China‘s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China is
the lead investor and trading partner of Nepal. China has committed to invest in
infrastructure development including road and rail links between Kathmandu and Tibetan
region of China. China has offered to build an ambitious ‗cross-Himalayan connectivity
network‘ through aviation, trading ports, highways, railways and telecommunications.
 The proposed 70-kilometre railway shall connect Kerang in Tibet with Kathmandu; it will
eliminate Nepal‘s dependence on India.

Q4. Describe the accession of Jammu & Kashmir and the first Indo-Pak war of 1947-48

Ans: At the time of Partition; India emerged as a secular nation with a Hindu majority
population and a large Muslim minority besides several more religious minorities. And
Pakistan also emerged as a secular nation with a Muslim majority population and a large
Hindu minority and sizeable Sikh community. Most of the Muslim-majority princely
states joined Pakistan and most of the Hindu-majority states acceded to India. But there
were several exceptions to this. Kashmir was a Muslim-majority princely state, ruled by a
Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh. Maharaja had wanted his state to remain as an
independent kingdom – a neutral country recognized by both India and Pakistan.
Circumstances were still not clear when Pakistan invaded Kashmir with its irregular
forces and the tribal fighters in October 1947. The security forces of Maharaja Hari Singh
could not stop the invaders. There were incidents of communal violence in September
1947 which resulted in the killing of Muslims in Jammu. Faced with Pakistan invasion,
Maharaja Hari Singh appealed to India for help. He was advised by the Governor-General
Lord Mountbatten to first sign the instrument of accession before India could provide any
help. He signed the instrument of accession to the Union of India on 26 October 1947.
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, the leader of Kashmir‘s popular movement, rushed to
Delhi and requested Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to send Indian troops to save
Kashmir from the invaders. Governor-General accepted the instrument of accession on 27
October 1947. With this, the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir became part of
Dominion of India as per the Indian Independence Act of 1947 passed by the British
parliament. Kashmir was later given special status within the Indian Constitution – a
status which guaranteed that Kashmir would have independence over everything but
communications, foreign affairs, and defence. Indian troops reached Srinagar same day
and began the operation to evict the Pakistani invaders from the valley.
This was the first India-Pakistan war, 1947-48. Fighting was intense between Indian and
Pakistan armies. With a difficult terrain and weather, this localized conflict continued
during 1948. It was noted that the two armed forces had limited capabilities. The two
countries agreed to a ceasefire worked out by the United Nations, which took effect in
January 1949. They also sought UN arbitration with the promise of a plebiscite. With
popular leaders like Sheikh Abdullah in favour of accession with a secular India, India
had expected to win the vote. In July 1949, India and Pakistan defined a ceasefire line –
the line of control. It was meant as a temporary expedient; but the line of control exists to
this day. About two-thirds of the Kashmir remains with India; and the rest is the Pakistan
Occupied Kashmir (POK). In 1957, POK was integrated into Pakistan, becoming the so-
called Azad Kashmir.

Q5. What are the various contours of the Look East policy?

Ans: The sudden end of the Cold War made it necessary for India to free herself from the
License Permit Raj. One of the foremost tasks was to attract investments to spur growth
and to increase the role of trade in economic development. This made New Delhi turn
towards its east, which by then was emerging as the new centre of the global economy.
That came about in the form of the much celebrated “Look East” policy that then Prime
Minister Narasimha Rao unveiled in 1991. Unfortunately, it met with limited success, for
most East Asian countries especially the Southeast Asian felt India was of little
consequence economically given its extremely limited interactions unlike other powerful
 economies such as the US, Japan, and China. Moreover, the change from state-led to a
market-oriented economic development strategy was slow and tardy. Despite
considerable economic liberalization, India was not considered an easy place to do
business by the foreign investors due to state controls, entrenched vested interests, the red
tape and rampant corruption, and extremely poor infrastructure unlike its counterparts in
East Asia. Politically too India was seen to be playing a limited role as it had remained
aloof from the region throughout the Cold War. In terms of relevance to security, most
believed that the region will remain peaceful with the end of the Cold War. However, two
developments in many ways helped India to augment its Look East policy. One, the
unexpected closure of huge American bases in the Philippines in 1992 created a kind of
power vacuum. Two, it coincided with China, riding on its superlative economic
performance and modernization of its military, becoming more assertive, especially with
respect to its sovereignty claims over the islets in the South China Sea. As China began to
replace others, such as Japan and the US, as the most important economic partner for
most countries, many began to be concerned with excessive dependence on China. When
India‘s long-term potential was just about to be recognized, the East Asian was devastated
by the 1997-98 financial crisis. Consequently, despite India‘s efforts, results were not
very encouraging. Yet, a notable aspect of this phase is that India managed to establish
numerous institutional mechanisms with the regional organization the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and many regional multilateral mechanisms that it
was leading. India first became a Sectoral Dialogue Partner of ASEAN in 1992, full
Dialogue Partner in 1996, and a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which
was launched to address the security issues of the region. By the early 2000s, one could
see a remarkable shift in perceptions about India for two reasons. One, the Indian
economy had entered a high growth-rate phase attracting considerable attention. And two,
growing security concerns in East Asia due to continued political flux, tensions over the
territorial disputes, uncertainty about US security commitment, and due to lack of a
regional balance of power. ASEAN, in particular, began to look at India as a potential
economic powerhouse and hence as country with opportunities. Further, in view of its
considerable military capability, India was seen as a stabilizing force in regional security.

Section III

Please answer any one of the following questions - Long Answer (upto 500 words) 20 marks each

Q1. Describe the Indo-Russia relations in the post -Soviet period.

Ans: The relations between the two countries are based on historical ties, common security and
economic interests as well as common strategic perceptions and political-ideological orientations.
In the post-Soviet period after some hiccups, India has created a new framework of relations with
Russia based on similar position on a number of global and regional issues. Indo-Russian trade is
modest, but Russia is vital for India‘s military preparedness as well as energy security. Despite
the growing Russia‘s growing ties with China, and to a lesser extent with Pakistan, India still
considers Russia a very important partner as Russia has consistently stood by India on national
security and strategic issues (e.g. Kashmir and cross-border terrorism) and supported prominent
role for India in international and Asian affairs.

India and Russia signed a new Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, replacing the 1971
Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation. The two countries decided to resolve
contentious issues related to debts and Rouble-Rupee exchange rates. A treaty on
cooperation in military field was signed and Russia reaffirmed supply of cryogenic rocket
engines to India notwithstanding US objections. In 1994, Indian Prime Minister P. V.
 Narasimha Rao visited Moscow. The unique Moscow Declaration on Protecting the
Interests of Multiethnic States against the danger of aggressive nationalism, religious
extremism and separatism was signed. In March 1997, Indian Prime Minister Deve
Gowda travelled to Russia and important agreements on military cooperation were
signed. Russia agreed in principle to revive the 1988 agreement to supply two nuclear
power reactors to India. In December 1998, the two countries signed various agreements
including a joint document on the development of Russian-Indian Trade and Economic,
Industrial, Financial, Scientific and Technical Cooperation and Long-term Programme of
Military Technical Cooperation to the year 2010.
Russian President Vladimir Putin visited India in October 2000. The annual summit-level talks
which started that year have since become a regular feature. In 2001 Indian Prime Minister Atal
Behari Vajpayee travelled to Moscow and the Declaration on International Terrorism, which
condemns the double standard adopted by the West on terrorism, was signed. President Putin‘s
visit to India in December 2002 resulted in two major initiatives – the Delhi Declaration on
Further Consolidation of Strategic Partnership and the Joint Declaration on Strengthening and
Enhancing Economic, Scientific and Technological Cooperation. In December 2010, the Strategic
Partnership was elevated to the level of a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”. The two
countries favour a multipolar world system based on prominent role of the UN and international
law, common interest, equality, mutual respect and non-interference in the internal affairs of
countries. They support reform of the UN Security Council so that the world body represents the
geopolitical realities of the present world.

Q2. Identify India‘s major concerns in its relations with Russia

Ans: The security situation in Europe and Asia has changed after the annexation of
Crimea by Russia; and the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine. The Western sanctions
and the deterioration in Russia‘s relations with US and West has convinced Russia to
“pivot to Asia” by deepening its engagement with China. The difficult international
situation and bad economic condition have propelled Russia to align with China. Of
particular concern is Russia‘s willingness to supply China with not just sophisticated
weapons but transfer technology to it as well. Russia-China coming together may help
Pakistan which has special ties with China. Russia and China are cooperating in regional
and international organizations—like BRICS, SCO and UN. They have also supported
each other on issues such as Ukraine where China supported Russia; while Russia
supported China‘s refusal to accept Permanent Court of Arbitration decision on South
China Sea islands. Russia has also decided to participate in China‘s Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI), which India has kept itself away from due to security and economic
concerns. Similarly India has concerns about Russia‘s growing ties with Pakistan. This is
mainly on account of Russia‘s belief that Pakistan has assumed greater importance due to
two reasons US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the geopolitical competition with the
West. Pakistan was part of the Russia-initiated trilateral conference with China on
Afghanistan in December 2016 Russia is investing $2 billion for the construction of
“North-South” gas pipeline from Karachi to Lahore. The two countries hold regular
military exercises since 2016. Russia‘s military ties with Pakistan and engagement with
Taliban are cause for concern for India. Both India and Russia will have to learn to deal
with each other’s ties with third countries such as the US, China and Pakistan without
adversely affecting their bilateral strategic partnership. India‘s growing ties with US also
cast a shadow over its relations with Russia. But military cooperation between India and
 US has its limits since the US remains reluctant to supply sensitive high technology to
India.
The weakest link in the India-Russia strategic partnership is the low level of bilateral
trade. The Indian exporters to Russia complain about lack of market analysis, long route
for transportation, inadequate banking system, tariff policy and regulatory regimes, strong
competition in terms of quality and price and inadequate distribution system. The popular
perception of India in Russia is positive, but India is seen as an agrarian, low-tech country
which discourages Russian consumers from buying Indian products like software,
machinery and auto-spares. There is inadequate knowledge of business opportunities. The
two sides also need to address the problems caused by bureaucratic rigidities and delays
at custom clearings.

Q3. Describe and discuss the 1971 war and the liberation of Bangladesh

Ans: Pakistan was created as a geographically divided nation. Its two major parts viz. West
Pakistan and East Pakistan were separated from each other by 1600 kilometres of Indian territory.
Air travel between the two parts took three hours. East Pakistan, occupied mostly by Bengali-
speaking people, accounted for 60 per cent of Pakistan‘s population. The economy of East
Pakistan was dominated by businessmen from West Pakistan. Pakistan could have been a
bilingual country with Urdu and Bengali as the two official languages. But Urdu was declared the
official language of Pakistan and the claim of Bengali language was rejected. It was only after
large scale protest that Bengali was accepted as the official language in 1954 The seeds of ethnic
discord had been sown. The linguistic and ethnic divide combined with economic factors led to
the spread of dissatisfaction in East Pakistan. By 1970s, there were strong grounds of resentment
in East Pakistan against the domination by West Pakistan.
In the parliamentary election held in 1970, the Awami League under Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman won 169 out of 313 seats in Pakistan, but he was denied the office of prime
minister. Pakistan‘s military dictator General Yahya Khan arrested Mujib and imposed
martial law on East Pakistan. Throughout 1970-71, East Pakistan faced a civil war. Its
civil and military establishment was controlled by personnel from West Pakistan. A
strong ethnic nationalism emerged. People in East Pakistan rose up in revolt and Mukti
Bahini took up arms to resist the Pakistani regime. Pakistani military responded with
repression and genocide of the Bengali-speaking population. Estimates of those who died
vary from three lakh to three million. Around nine million refugees poured into India
straining its resources and internal security. The clouds of war had been hanging for
months as the situation in East Pakistan deteriorated. Pakistani air force carried out a
preemptive strike on the Western front at as many as eight airfields – from Srinagar to
Barmer on 3 December 1971. Three days after Pakistan air force attacked Indian positions
on the Western front, India recognized Bangladesh as an independent state on 6
December 1971. The war was brief but bloody, and resulted in the liberation of
Bangladesh. Indian armed forces also inflicted heavy damage on the Western front. The
war lasted 13 days and some 3800 soldiers from both India and Pakistan died on the
battlefront.

Q4. Make a summary of various peace initiatives between India and Pakistan since the 1990s

Ans: There are very strong similarities between Pakistan and north Indian states of Punjab,
Haryana, Rajasthan, UP and Delhi. Partition had separated friends and colleagues. Since the
1990s, as India‘s economy expanded and its influence at global level increased. It is recognised
that a peaceful and friendly neighbourhood is necessary for India to occupy its due place in world
affairs as a credible emerging power. No nation can ever become a credible power without the
neighbourhood recognising its primacy in the region. Every Prime Minister of India did reach out
to Pakistan in the 1990s with peace process and confidence building measures (CBMs). To create
a positive atmosphere and enhance trust between the two countries, the government of Prime
Minister IK Gujral encouraged people-to-people contacts. The number of visas issued to
Pakistani nationals was increased; there was greater interaction between academics and media
persons; and efforts were made to enhance cross-border trade. This came to be known as Track-II
Diplomacy. High-level contacts were made.
Economic liberalization was in full swing and India had wanted trade and economics to
shape relations rather than old hostilities. In his one year tenure as prime minister, Gujral
met his Pakistani counterpart four times. Bilateral official dialogue was resumed at the
initiative of India. Foreign Secretaries of the two countries had had as many as three
meetings. In June 1997, the two countries had identified the subjects to be discussed in a
broad-based dialogue and also suggested setting up of a mechanism for conducting talks.
The government of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee took several bold steps to engage
Pakistan with a view to change its hostile behaviour. The two countries had gone nuclear in 1998.
Vajpayee decided to revive the dialogue with Pakistan in this changed geostrategic context. The
first round of the renewed Composite Dialogue was held in October-November 1998 to discuss
eight identified subjects – peace and security including CBMs; J&K; Siachen; Tulbul navigation
project; Sir Creek, Trade and Economic Cooperation; Terrorism and Drug Trafficking; and
Friendly Exchanges in different fields. The dialogue started but no agreement could be reached
on any of the subject. Undaunted by the challenges, he decided to travel on the inaugural run of
the Lahore-Delhi-Lahore bus service in February 1999. This was the most comprehensive and
high profile engagement by India in the past 25 years. He met Nawaz Sharif, the Prime Minister
of Pakistan. There was the Lahore Declaration, an MOU on CBMs and a Joint Statement at the
end of the visit. The two countries reaffirmed their commitment to work through a bilateral
process in the framework of Shimla Agreement to resolve all outstanding issues and to establish
durable structure of cooperation. The two prime ministers agreed to combat terrorism in all its
forms and manifestations. It was also agreed to have a regular political dialogue at the level of
foreign ministers.
“Lahore spirit” was betrayed by Pakistan‘s military adventure in Kargil in May 1999.
Two years later, notwithstanding the political stand-off and numerous incidents of terrorism,
Prime Minister Vajpayee was still committed to restart the Composite Dialogue – which he had
initiated in 1998. Vajpayee invited the Delhi-born Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf to visit
New Delhi. In the invitation letter, Vajpayee wrote of poverty being the common enemy of the
two countries and agreed to discuss Kashmir issue. He had wanted to revive the Lahore spirit and
restart the Composite Dialogue. India took several unilateral steps by way of building confidence:
release of Pakistani fishermen; opening of the LOC to facilitate movement of Kashmiri people;
offer of fellowships to Pakistani students to study in India; reduction of tariffs on imports from
Pakistan; and readiness to send the Director General of military operations to meet his
counterparts so as to have regular contacts between two armies.
Vajpayee and Musharraf met in the historic city of Agra for two days on 15-16 July 2001.
Meetings lasted two days and two nights: one-to-one between the two heads of government for
five hours; and at the level of delegations covering a huge number of issues. Differences however
marred the Agra summit; the two countries could not agree on the draft of the Agra Declaration.
There were many points of differences: one however stood out. For Pakistan, Kashmir was the
core‘ issue; for India, among others, Pakistan should first check the cross-border terrorism.
Inspite of the dastardly attack on the Indian Parliament on 13th Dec 2001 and operation
Parikrama, PM Vajpayee once more extended the hand of friendship while addressing a rally in
Srinagar on 18 April 2003. Ten days later, Pakistan responded positively. There were immediate
developments: full diplomatic relations were restored; bus journey restarted; there were lots of
movement of parliamentarians, businessmen and others under Track-II; and release of fishermen
and prisoners. This time around, there was the perceptible desire of the people of both India and
Pakistan to turn a new chapter in their relations. Visitors could see warmth among people and a
great desire to start a new chapter in the bilateral ties. During the SAARC summit in Islamabad,
there was an Indo-Pak Joint Statement on 6 January 2004. Both countries welcomed the positive
developments in their bilateral ties. It was agreed to restart the Composite Dialogue in February
2004 to discuss and resolve all outstanding issues including the J&K. After the change of
government in May 2004, the UPA government headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
continued with the Composite Dialogue.
President Musharaff visited New Delhi from 16 to 18 April 2005. A lot of progress had
been made in terms of people-to-people contacts; easing of visa and travel; road, rail and
air links; the proposed gas pipelines – one from Iran (IPI) and another from Turkmenistan
via Afghanistan and Pakistan (TAPI); confidence building measures in both the
conventional and nuclear areas etc. President Musharraf and Prime Minister Singh also
discussed Kashmir issue. Indian Prime Minister underscored that while there would be no
redrawing of borders and another partition, all measures that could bring the people on
both the sides together would be taken to help the process and create an atmosphere of
trust and confidence. However this phase of conciliatory approach came to end with the
terrorist violence perpetrated in Mumbai in November 2008 that caused some 200 deaths.
India as a nation reacted with anger and total disillusionment over what the Pakistan-
based terrorists did in Mumbai. In the wake of the Mumbai terror attacks, India responded
with coercive diplomacy.

Q5. Explain the importance of India‘s engagement with East Asia.

Ans: The Look East policy owes its success to the tectonic shifts the East Asian region is
witnessing since the end of the Cold War. The phenomenal rise of China as an economic
and military power and its impact will have implications not merely for East Asia but for
India too. China’s growing assertive actions, especially to its territorial claims, which
have been contested by several countries have alarmed many countries. That is the reason
why there is a lot more eagerness by ASEAN, Japan, Australia, etc., to involve a reluctant
India in regional affairs. Since 2007, India has been part of the quadrilateral security
dialogue with Australia, Japan and US. Three of the “Quad” viz. India, Japan and US
have conducted joint military “Exercise Malabar”. Quad is to balance the growing
presence of China and work out a common security architecture in the Indo Pacific.
“Act East” Policy is nothing but an indication of India‘s stepped up engagement with
East Asia. This policy is not a replacement of the “Look East” policy but an extension of
it. East Asia is witnessing profound shifts and a notable aspect is its rapidly rising
economic significance in the world. This region will soon emerge as the major driver of
global economic development. It is not simply the rise of China or India but the entire
East Asian region comprising nearly 50 per cent of the world‘s population which is on the
rise. The regional economic cooperation is growing leading to greater integration. India‘s
trade has been growing the fastest with this region than any other. Similarly, some of the
major investors in India are from East Asia. “Make in India‘ has become the leitmotif of
India‘s foreign policy under Modi. The five-year economic and trade development plan is
an important step. Thus, the “Act East‘ policy is clearly aimed at qualitatively increasing
India‘s involvement in regional economic affairs. Low-level of integration with the rest of
East Asia is being addressed on an urgent basis. The second aspect in many ways
connected to the above is poor connectivity between India and the countries of East Asia,
which is a major impediment for relatively weak bonds. Currently, an all-weather Tri-
Nation Highway is being built involving India, Myanmar and Thailand through the
Northeast. Once that is completed, theoretically goods can travel all the way to Singapore
covering all the countries in mainland Southeast Asia. It can also link up to southwestern
China such as Yunnan. Secondly, many sea ports are being modernized and expanded and
new ones are being built along India‘s east coast. The third notable dimension of the “Act
East‘ policy is to engage the Indian Diaspora in East Asia. The value of overseas Indians
came into sharp focus in the 1980s when a large number of Indians who went to the Gulf
countries consequent to the economic boom in the region and their remittances proved to
be invaluable when India faced a major foreign exchange crisis. The fourth aspect is to
enhance and capitalize on its “soft power‘ potential in East Asia. India is one of those
very few countries that can boast of age-old cultural, linguistic, civilizational connections
with Southeast Asia. Thus, the strengthening of cultural and other links has become a part
and parcel of the new revamped “Act East” policy. Finally, because of political fluidity
and considerable security uncertainty that the East Asian region has been witnessing since
the end of the Cold War, many countries perceive that India can play a key role in
promoting peace and stability in the region. Indeed, India‘s defence and security links and
cooperation have been growing steadily. India would like to actually leverage its military
might to advance its diplomatic interests. The defence diplomacy is becoming a
significant dimension of the “Act East‘ policy. India is also stepping up defence
cooperation with many other countries. It is an indication of India‘s growing stakes in
East Asian regional security.

If it is a 10 mark question; the answer should be as follows.

The “Look East” policy was initiated during the 1990’s under certain circumstances when
India was politically rudderless and in many ways isolated after the collapse of the Soviet
Union and the end of the Cold War. However the Indian economy underwent a severe
crisis forcing New Delhi to embark on a new economic policy guided by neoliberalism. It
involved liberalization of import-export regime, removal of controls over foreign
exchange rate, deregulation and privatization and attraction of foreign investment in the
economy. East Asia was a natural choice, a region with which India had had age-old
relations and also which had emerged as the most vibrant economically. Certain
developments, especially super power (US and Russia) military withdrawal, the rise of
China and fears of political uncertainty, immensely helped India. Active engagement with
ASEAN and other regional multilateral frameworks ensued. Under the “Act East” policy,
a number of additional steps have been taken such as improved and expanded
connectivity, enhanced use of “soft‘ power, engaging Indian diaspora, building robust
security relationships, and active participation in East Asian economic cooperation
efforts, and an overall increased role in regional affairs. The “Act East‘ policy by the
Modi government is an attempt to further expand and qualitatively upgrade the
relationship with East Asia in general and Southeast Asia in particular by including
several other elements. Prominent among these is to increase the connectivity so that
India becomes part of regional economic dynamism though greater participation in the
regional value chain, and use cultural and other attributes, especially defence and security
links, to enhance the soft power potential. Given India‘s expanding economic and
strategic stakes along with profound shifts which East Asia is witnessing, New Delhi‘s
engagement with and involvement in the region will likely to increase in the coming
years.