Chapter 3F – VALUES RESEARCH

Capt. Psychologist José M. Puente

Joint Medical Service / Unit of Psychology, MOD, ESP
[email protected]

3F.1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Values play a crucial role in social life regulation. Accordingly, values have a strong influence in the labor
world, particularly (what matters here) at the time of making a decision to join or leave an organization,
such as the Armed Forces. First, to put things in perspective, a review of values theories is outlined, emphasizing
particularly the so called cross-cultural theories of values. These theories highlight that a deep change is taking
place in social values, with strong implications for the Armed Forces. Traditional military values would co-exist
with modern values and have to undergo the necessary accommodation/assimilation with respect to evolving
social values. This will bring about additional challenges for commanders. Then, the relevance of values for
recruitment and retention is addressed. Finally, some implications are included.

3F.2 INTRODUCTION
This paper will address the important role that values play in the social, personal, and work life of individuals,
specifically when they are making a decision to enter or leave an organization (e.g., the armed forces).
First, a review of the multiple theories that exist about values will be made in order to put the issue in
perspective. Then, we will address more deeply the most influential and applicable theories about values.
These theories are supported with substantial empirical evidence, based upon data from thousands of
individuals. They also share a purpose of explaining the impact of values in contemporary societies. We could
place them under the heading of cross-cultural theories. Hofstede, Schwartz and Inglehart appear to be the
most representative authors developing such cross-cultural theories.

We will finally focus on the shift of values in contemporary society – values which will progressively appear
in recruits, a shift which is also taking place in the military in general. This shift brings about a dramatic
change in traditional military values, which should co-exist with modern values. This should not be
overlooked if we are to take the necessary steps to attract and maintain the military strength needed, both in
quantity and quality.

3F.3 A REVIEW OF THEORIES OF VALUES

Thomas and Znaniecki (1918 – 1920) in their study The Polish Farmer take a step forward in order to remove
sociology from the prevailing biological influence based on the instinct theory, which inspired psychoanalysis.
They focus on the concept of attitudes and their relations with values. They define an attitude as “the process
of individual consciousness determining the actual or potential activity of an individual in the real world.”
These authors contribute the cognitive aspect to the attitudes (i.e., they are purposeful). Values connect
attitudes with social structure. Attitudes are intra-subjective, whereas values are inter-subjective. This concept
of values being related to activity is very close to the modern social psychology which links values to goals
(i.e., values are motivated).

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The theorist of functionalism in sociology, Talcott Parsons (Parsons and Shils, 1951) assumes Kluckhom’s
concept of values which defines them as “an explicit or implicit concept of an individual or group about what
is desirable, which in turn influences the selection of existing ways, means and goals of action.” According to
this concept, values instigate behavior apart from being hierarchical and organized. Parsons differentiates
between values and norms, the former being abstract and a reference for action whereas the latter prescribing
what has to be done or not in specific situations. Critics claim that this concept lacks empirical support and,
as theory develops, values become more and more abstract. Values are deductively imposed, although they
may not be observable, they may be inferred from situations or carefully deducted by the theorist. Not until
the 1990s was Parsons’ causal assumption proved that values are on top of the cultural control and they
control norms which in their turn control behavior.

Within the field of psychology, Allport et al. identified six types of values: theoretical, economic, esthetic,
social, political and religious values. The administration of his questionnaire to people of different trades
yielded different professional profiles concerning the relevance given to the values.

Maslow (1954) developed a theory of hierarchical human needs. Based on that theory, Inglehart would many
years later set his model about materialistic and post-materialistic values.

Rokeach (1973) contended that values are cross-situational beliefs that are hierarchically organized and
ground our behavior. Values were not descriptive or evaluative beliefs, but prescriptive beliefs. They were
organized according to their relevance and guide us in our decisions. The most important among them made
the core of one’s personality and grounded one’s self-concept. The author distinguished two types of values,
depending of their purpose: terminal values (corresponding to the needs of human beings), and instrumental
values (a means for attaining terminal values). Terminal values consisted of personal and social values.
Instrumental values consisted of moral and competence values. Self-realization, happiness and inner harmony
are among the personal values. Family security, national security, equality, etc., are among social values.
Efficiency, imagination, initiative, etc. are examples of competence values. He hypothesized a functional
relationship between values, attitudes and behavior, which makes the basis for his technique of value change –
the self-confrontation. The Rokeach Value Survey measures 18 terminal values and 18 instrumental values.

In the 1970s, a number of theories emerged trying to connect values with the social structure. MacClelland
tried to establish the relationship between social structure – whether family or labor, and the values,
both antecedent and consequent of that structure. He focused on a single value, the achievement motivation.
He found some relationship between achievement motivation and religious ideology in line with the theory of
Weber about the link between religion and the development of capitalism. He also contended a relationship
between family socialization an achievement motivation; parents with higher achievement motivation had
higher expectations about their children success and brought them up in a higher independence.

Kohn (1969) advocated a relationship between social class and socialization in family values. Upper classes
stressed values such as self-direction whereas lower classes emphasized conformity values. He identified a
relationship between four job dimensions: self occupational direction, job strain, risks and extrinsic
reinforcements, and organizational status. He also identified three personality dimensions: intellectual
flexibility, self-direction and a feeling of wellbeing or uneasiness.

In the 1980s and 1990s, cross-cultural theories emerged. At a cultural level, values were used to depict
societies as entities, making up shared standards that have proved useful for solving common problems. At an
individual level, values were used to depict priorities orienting people, motivational grounds that explained
individual differences. Misinterpretation of both levels of analysis may give rise to what Hofstede calls the

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“ecological fallacy,” consisting of taking for granted that an event at a cultural level invariably takes place at
an individual level.

Hofstede (1980) found that societies had solved the dilemma between individual autonomy and the adaptation
to groups, whether by giving priority to individual autonomy (individualism), or to norms of groups in which
individuals take part (collectivism).

Schwartz (1994) stated that there were two kinds of collectivism, one, like Triandis’ (1995), supported
conservation values, tradition, security and obedience; and another one represented by universalism values,
equality, social justice, a world in peace, honesty and the like. He also distinguished two types of individualism,
one concerning competence (including values such as success, capability, ambition or independence),
and another called intellectual and affective autonomy (including values such as exciting life, varied life,
creativity, curiosity, open mind, etc.).

Triandis (1995) extended the concepts of individualism and collectivism to include two dimensions:
horizontal, with a stress on equality in the group; and vertical, which stressed hierarchy and compliance with
respect to authority. At an individual level, the author distinguished between ideocentrism, personal
individualism; and alocentrism, personal collectivism. Ideocentric people privilege values of independence
and self-realization whereas alocentric people privilege security, good relationships and harmony within the
group. The latter are much more dependent on the context. While values have been connected to social
identity, Triandis differentiated three types of self: a private self, an individual evaluation of his/her own
features and behavior; a public self, people’s view of others; and a collective self, self-perception mediated by
groups where we belonged and with which we identified ourselves. The three types co-exist in individuals,
and they update according to the definition of the situation; in alocentric persons prevailing the updating of
public and collective selves and in ideocentric dominating the private self.

Both Hofstede (1980) and Triandis (1995) contended that economic development as measured by the GDP
was a precedent of individualism, a concept that Inglehart would develop broadly in his theory of the value
shift from materialistic to post-materialistic taking place in contemporary societies. We would go back to
these strongly influential theories about values.

3F.4 VALUES, ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOR

Attitudes are evaluative orientations toward objects, whether physical or social. Attitudes have three
components: cognitive, evaluative and behavioral. The evaluative dimension refers to the affect or disaffect
toward the object. Attitudes develop as a help to understand the reality, to orient behavior and to justify our
actions. According to Katz (1960) they served four functions: utilitarian, defence of self, value expression and
knowledge.

Rokeach (1973) held that values were the core component of personality, whereas attitudes and behaviors
were more peripheral. He thought there would be a stronger relation between values, attitudes and behavior
among individuals with a better articulated self-concept. According to Rokeach, the self consisted of values.
He was a pioneer in the systematic survey of values, subject to empirical measurement. He also thought that
values were cross-situational beliefs while attitudes and beliefs were specific to an object or situation. Values
were desirable goals ranked according to their relevance for individuals and they guided attitudes and
behavior. This is especially the case in individualistic cultures, whereas in collective cultures behavior seems
to be better explained by group norms -and to a lesser extent also by values.

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Since people are not always aware of values guiding their behavior, they must be confronted with relevant
values in order to make them act in accordance to those values. This procedure, coined as self-confrontation,
seems to be useful to change some attitudes and behaviors, such as racism, overweight, smoking, or teaching
style. This technique has proved effective to modify value priorities (relevance). It also results in significant
changes in attitudes and behaviors (e.g., it is recommended for increasing school performance).

Research by Snyder and De Bono (1989) showed that the relationship between values, attitudes and behavior
was mediated by a construct called self-watchfulness (i.e., the concern about the image other people hold
about us). The authors considered this personality trait to be an indirect measure of attitude role. Individuals
scoring low in self-watchfulness; in other words, not caring very much about what others may think of them,
normally base their behavior on their values, feelings and attitudes, while individuals who score high in
self-watchfulness adapt their behavior to their inter-personal environment not to look out of place in social
situations. Therefore, attitudes of self-watchfulness low scorers are more likely to mirror their values, whereas
attitudes of high scorers may just reflect social adaptation, a utilitarian role.

Some authors focus on the relative importance of attitudes and subjective norms in explaining behavior.
Attitudes would influence the intention to act, while subjective norms would directly influence behavior.
Other studies link attitudes with personal norms (i.e., a moral duty, or what a person believes he or she must
do at a particular time or altruistic or helping behavior). Values seem to indirectly influence behavior through
the activation of the personal norm, a sort of moral obligation or responsibility in the action.

Schwartz (1996) contended that values, as conscious goals, represented the responses of individuals and
societies to three universal requirements: individual needs as biological organisms, as agents of social
interaction, and as members of groups. Values can be grouped in ten motivational types, which in their turn
group in two bipolar dimensions: self-enhancement vs. self-transcendence and openness to change vs.
conservation.

The comprehensive model by Kristiansen and Hotte (1996) holds that relation between values, attitudes and
behavior is moderated both by self-concept, moral development and moral orientation variables. Self-concept
refers to the fact that people are socialized to be independent or dependent on others. Moral development refers
to the cognitive development. Kohlberg (1984) distinguishes three levels of moral development:
pre-conventional moral development (what the child is concerned about is obedience, punishment avoidance and
self-satisfaction), conventional moral development (adolescents and most adults are concerned about being
accepted, rule compliance and conventions and social roles), and post-conventional moral development
(stage achieved only by 10 to 20 percent of adults, where people are concerned about personal standards and
values irrespective of their accordance with social standards). Moral orientation can adopt two forms: orientation
toward justice, rights and duties; and orientation toward the care of others, based on responsibility and relations,
not on the basis of abstract rules, but of on everyday experience of perceived problems of others.

Beside attitudes, social norms and personal norms, Kristiansen and Hotte hypothesized three types of social
norms: relevant norms of significant persons such as family or friends, relevant societal norms and
contextually-relevant norms.

A typology of individuals would result from a combination of self, moral development and moral orientation.
The first type refers to the consistency between values, attitudes and behavior in individuals with independent
self, and a post-conventional justice reasoning. Values would guide their personal norms and in their turn
these would guide their attitudes. Both personal norms and attitudes would determine the intention and the
behavior in the end. A second type consists of individuals with dependent self and conventional justice

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reasoning. Their attitudes and behavior would not be based on their values, but in relevant personal norms and
societal norms which would determine their intention and hence their behavior either directly or through
attitudes. A third type refers to individuals with inter-dependent self and a moral reasoning oriented toward
the care of others. Values would not guide their behavior either. These individuals would follow the norms,
particularly those coming from significant persons and context rules which would influence their behavior
through personal norms and attitudes.

3F.5 CROSS-CULTURAL THEORIES

3F.5.1 Dimensions of Cultural Variation

Hofstede (1980) studied job-related values with thousands of IBM employees in 40 countries to find four
factors on which to base a comparison between cultures:
• Power distance: The extent to which power legitimacy in institutions and organization is accepted.
• Uncertainty avoidance: The uneasiness or intolerance experienced by members in a society about
uncertainty or ambiguity, which would lead them to support beliefs encouraging certainty and
institutions promoting conformity.
• Masculinity vs. femininity: Reflected in the preference for achievement, assertiveness or success
versus the preference for personal relations, support of the underprivileged or quality of life.
• Individualism vs. collectivism: Showing a preference for social environments where individuals have
to care for themselves or their close families, compared with those who prefer group harmony,
accomplishment of goals or show loyalty in exchange for protection.

3F.5.2 The Structure and Content of Values

Based on Kluckhohn (1951, cited in Ros and Gouveia, 2001), Schwartz (1994) defines values as desirable,
trans-situational goals ranging in importance as guiding principles in people’s lives. Schwartz distinguishes
two generic categories of values depending on whether the focus is on the individual (basic individual values),
or on the culture (cultural values).

Ten types of basic individual values were hypothesized. What differentiates between values is the
motivational goal expressed. As mentioned elsewhere, values represent, under the form of conscious goals,
responses to three universal demands: the needs of individuals as biological organisms, the need of
coordinated social interaction, and the need of group smooth functioning and survival. These ten value types
are the following: power, achievement, hedonism, stimulation, self-direction, universalism, benevolence,
tradition, conformity and security. These value types encompass specific individual values (e.g., power covers
the following values: social power, authority and wealth). Value types hold a mutual relationship of
compatibility and conflict, spatially reflected in the proximity or distance respectively, as shown in the
following figure.

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Figure 3F-1: The Structure of Relationships between Value Types (Ros, Inglehart, and Surkiss, 1999).

The value structure is organized into two sets of opposing higher order value types, arrayed along two bipolar
dimensions: openness to change vs. conservation, and self-transcendence vs. self-enhancement.

Schwartz also distinguishes another set of value dimensions at a culture-level. Society or culture is the
appropriate analysis unit against which to test their validity. Schwartz argues that current cultural theories
addressing cultural values, such as Inglehart’s or Triandis’, handle limited culture dimensions – such as
materialism vs. post-materialism or individualism vs. collectivism, rather than capturing a full range of
potentially relevant value dimensions. Cultural values represent the implicitly or explicitly shared abstract
ideas about what is good, right and desirable in society, providing the basis for the specific norms telling
people how to behave in different situations. The ways through which societal institutions operate and the
goals they advocate reflect the cultural value priorities (the aggregation of individuals’ value priorities).

Cultural value dimensions reflect the basic problems that societies must face in order to regulate human
activity. Schwartz hypothesized seven value types which allowed a comparison of cultures with respect to
three issues confronted by all societies:
a) The nature of the relationship between an individual and his/her group (individualism vs. collectivism
dimension, which the author labels conservatism vs. intellectual autonomy/affective autonomy1;

1
The value type conservatism places the cultural stress on the maintenance of the status quo, propriety and restrains actions or
inclinations against the traditional order (includes the values of social order, tradition, family security, and wisdom). Intellectual
autonomy opposes conservatism and emphasizes the individuals pursuing their own ideas and intellectual directions (curiosity,
broadmindedness and curiosity). Affective autonomy is a value type, opposed to conservatism that focuses on individuals
independently pursuing affectively positive experience (pleasure, exciting life, varied life).

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b) The guarantee of responsible behavior in order to preserve the social fabric (an issue expressed by
two value types organized in the polar dimension hierarchy vs. egalitarianism2); and finally
c) Their relationship with the natural and the social world reflected in two polar dimensions, mastery vs.
harmony3.

Dynamic relationships of opposition and compatibility between the seven cultural value types are
hypothesized to lead the comprehensive structure of the cultural value systems. The administration of a survey
(Schwartz Value Survey or SVS) measuring 56 values to 122 samples in 49 different nations, provided
empirical evidence for the use of cultural-level value types as a framework to compare national cultures.
The structure of seven value types seems to efficiently capture the relationships between national cultures,
cultural differences between nations and broader regions; Western Europe, Eastern Europe, an English-
speaking region, the Far Eastern region and, although represented by very few nations, an Islamic region,
a Latin American region, and an African region.

The following figure includes the structure of the seven value types and the values within each of them.

Figure 3F-2: Cultural Level after Performing SSA (Similarity Structure Analysis) (Schwartz, 1999).

2
Hierarchy puts the cultural emphasis on the legitimacy of an unequal distribution of power, roles and resources (social power,
authority, humility, wealth). On the contrary, egalitarianism encourages the welfare of others, transcending own interests (equality,
social justice, freedom, responsibility, honesty).
3
Mastery centers on actively mastering and changing the world and holding control, putting the cultural emphasis on getting ahead
through self-assertion (ambition, success, daring, and competence). On the opposite pole, harmony works on adapting to the
environment (unity with nature, protecting the environment, and attaining a world or beauty).

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3F.5.3 Materialism vs. Post-Materialism

Based on Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, Inglehart (1977, 1991 and 2000) advocated that materialist values
were owned by those who had lived under insecure conditions and had experienced scarcity. Needing security
and stability, they prioritize order, stability, and economic and military power. On the contrary, individuals
who had lived under conditions of security adopted post-materialist values, including social relations,
self-appreciation and actualization. Inglehart would later discover another dimension: modernization and post-
modernization. Together with materialism and post-materialism they explain 51 percent of cross-national
variance both in values, attitudes and religious, social, political, and economic behaviors.

A great body of evidence shows that deep changes are taking place in world views that are reshaping
economic, political and social life. The most important body of that evidence comes from the administration
of the World Values Surveys (WVS), applied in three following waves (1981, 1990 and 1995) on all
continents covering 65 societies and representing over 75 percent of the world population. A forth application
took place in 1999 – 2000. Strong links have been found between individual beliefs and the characteristics of
their societies. This survey identified a pattern of systematic shift in values and motivations in advanced
industrial societies, changes that mirror economic and technological changes.

Inglehart’s research was guided first by two hypotheses: a scarcity hypothesis, individual priorities reflect the
socioeconomic environment (things that are in short supply are very much valued); and a socialization
hypothesis, the relationship between socioeconomic environment and value priorities depends greatly on the
conditions prevailing during pre-adult years. The advanced industrial societies have got such high levels of
income that most people do not suffer hunger and economic insecurity any more. This has led to a progressive
shift towards values of belonging, self-expression and participation (i.e., post-materialist values). After a
prolonged period of increasing economic and physical security, significant differences are found between the
value priorities of older and younger groups, since they have been shaped by different experiences in the
formative years. An inter-generation value shift has taken place.

The shift from materialist to post-materialist values is only one aspect of a broader shift from modern to
post-modern values happening in all advanced industrial societies. During the past few decades a wave of
post-modern values has changed the social, political, economic and sexual norms of developed countries
around the world. When survival is taken for granted, it greatly influences one’s worldview. Post-modern
values emphasize self-expression instead of deference to authority and tolerance of differences. While modern
industrial societies stressed economic growth and achievement, post-modern values prioritize environment
protection and cultural issues. Hierarchical, centrally controlled bureaucratic institutions of the industrial era
are becoming less acceptable in post-modern era. Women have traditionally played a role of child-rearing,
whereas in post-modern society sexual norms are changing in the sense of releasing women from that burden
and giving them equal job opportunities among other advances. Religious orientations are also changing their
role, there seems not to be as much need of being provided with a sense of certainty in an insecure
environment. The practice of institutional religion is increasingly disappearing, to be privately confined.

Below, we will discuss further the explanatory power of Inglehart’s model about the evolution of values in
advanced societies, including values prevailing in the armed forces. These may evolve with a different tempo,
but in the end are pervaded and influenced by the evolution of societal values.

3F.6 THE SHIFT OF VALUES IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETIES

Values are the foundations, the distal reference, of human behavior, the basis of “social culture”, beliefs and
norms of behavior. As mentioned above, the WVS (based on assumptions of Ingelhart, 2000) demonstrates

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that economic and social changes that have taken place over the last few decades have deeply transformed
advanced industrial societies. On one hand, there appear to be differences between countries depending on
their level of economic development, their dominant religion and other cultural characteristics. On the other
hand, a global community is emerging, including the globalization (convergence) of values, a cultural shift
that is not linear and which moves in a new direction.

For almost a century, social scientists have been discussing about the relationship between culture, systems of
values and beliefs and also art and technology; and economic and political systems within a particular society.
Marx argued that the economic system determined both the political system and the culture. On the contrary,
Max Weber contended that it was the culture what explained both the economic and the political systems.
Currently, none of these deterministic models can be held, since there appear to be reciprocal relations
between the three big social subsystems.

WVS data collected in 1990 and 1995 suggested that societies followed a shift process along two dimensions:
traditional vs. secular/rational orientation toward authority, and survival vs. self-expression values
(materialism vs. post-materialism). There was a cross-national polarization in both axes; any particular society
could be located on a global map of cross-cultural variation according to both dimensions.

Concerning the traditional/secular-rational dimension, pre-industrial societies exhibited relatively low

tolerance for abortion, divorce and homosexuality, tended to emphasize male dominance in economic and
political life, deference to parental authority and the importance of family life (the family was crucial to
survive, a reason why they had large families, and they were relatively authoritarian, religion played a relevant
role in their lives and they also held a marked national pride). Advanced industrial societies featured just the
opposite characteristics. The survival/self-expression dimension reflected a set of characteristics such as
interpersonal trust, tolerance, subjective well-being, political activism and self-expression that emerged in
post-industrial societies with high levels of security. At the opposite edge, people in societies shaped by
insecurity and low levels of well-being tended to emphasize economic and physical security, and felt
threatened by foreigners, ethnic diversity and cultural change.

A central component of this latter dimension is the polarization between materialist and post-materialist
values. These values were the expression of the intergenerational shift from the emphasis on economic and
physical security to the emphasis on self-expression, subjective well-being and quality of life. Birth cohorts in
advanced industrial societies have undergone this cultural shift over the last 25 years. These individuals have
grown up at a time when survival is taken for granted. These values were associated with a growing emphasis
on environmental protection, gender equal rights and increasing demand for political and economic
participation.

Figure 3F-3 shows a global cultural map with the location of 65 societies across the two dimensions resulting
from a nation-level factor analysis. The vertical axis represents the polarization between traditional authority
and secular-rational authority, associated with the process of industrialization and the horizontal axis
represents the polarization between survival values and self-expression values linked to the rise of post-
industrial society. Boundaries around groups of countries are based upon Huntington cultural zones
(Huntington 1993, 1996 cited in Inglehart and Baker, 2000).

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Figure 3F-3: Location of 65 Societies on Both Dimensions of Cross-Cultural Variation.

WVS: 1990 – 1991 and 1995 – 1998 (Inglehart and Baker, 2000).

Economic development seems to have a powerful impact on cultural values. As can be seen, the value systems
of rich countries differ systematically from values of poor countries. Economic development seems to drive
societies in a common direction, regardless of their cultural heritage. The traditional/secular-rational
dimension is associated with the transition from agrarian societies to industrial societies. The survival/self-
expression dimension is tied to the emergence of an economy of service.

Religious traditions appear to have an enduring impact on the contemporary value systems as Weber argued.
Communism left a clear print on the value systems of countries subject to that regime. The colonial influence
is apparent in the existence of a Latin American cultural zone and an English-speaking region. The major
exception to this trend is the United States which holds a much more traditional value system than any other
advanced industrial society. On the traditional/secular-rational value dimension, the United States ranks far
below other affluent societies with levels of religiosity and national pride comparable to those of developing
societies. The United States ranks among the most advanced societies along the survival/self-expression
dimension, but even here it does not lead the world, Sweden and The Netherlands are closer to the cutting
edge of cultural change.

Societies with a common cultural heritage generally fall into common clusters and their locations
simultaneously reflect their level of economic development, occupational structure, religion and other major
historical influences. Modernization theory contends that as societies develop economically their cultures tend
to shift in a predictable direction.

Clearly, it is not the current influence of churches that shapes the values of industrially developed societies,
but rather the impact of living in societies historically shaped by the once-powerful Catholic, Protestant or

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other beliefs. This thesis is corroborated by the fact that differences between Catholics, Protestants or Muslims
within given societies are relatively small. Furthermore, the Catholic Church has been traditionally the
prototype of a hierarchical, centrally controlled institution which undermined interpersonal trust. On the other
hand, Protestant churches were relatively decentralized and more open to local control, which produces a
growing interpersonal trust. This could partially explain the differences in location in the global map of both
types of societies. Once established, the cross-cultural differences linked to religion have become part of the
national culture, conveyed by education and mass media. Despite globalization, the nation remains a key unit
of shared experience and its educational and cultural institutions shape the values of its members.
The persistence of distinctive value systems suggests that culture is path-dependent.

In a nutshell, the value system of any society is not only systematically influenced by the economic
development: its gets also a pervasive and enduring influence from the religious and/or the ideological
heritage, whether Catholic, Protestant, Confucian, or Communist. A combination of economic indicators
(GDP percentage of people employed in industrial or service sectors, etc.) and cultural indicators (particularly
religious heritage) explain a higher amount of variance than economic indicators alone.

As for the value differences across generations, the higher the life expectancy, the greater these differences.
Younger groups hold stronger secular-rational worldviews than older groups. In developing societies both
young and old people hold traditional values almost at the same level.

During the industrialization phase there was a decline in the prevalence of religious values. This does not
necessarily happen in advanced industrial societies where two contrasting trends are observed: on the one
hand, a decline in the attendance to religious services and on the other hand the persistence of religious beliefs
and the rise of spirituality. Even in the United States, a society exceptionally resistant to secularization,
data show a modest decline in church attendance.

To summarize, according to Inglehart’s hypothesis drawn from the late WVS data (which represents the
cutting edge of research on values in contemporary societies) values do change, but they reflect at the same
time a particular society’s cultural heritage. Modernization theorists are partly right when they hold that with
the rise of industrial societies there is a cultural shift away of traditional values, and with the rise of post-
industrial societies there is a shift away from absolute norms and values toward a higher tolerance, trust and
self-expression. But at the same time, values seem to be path dependent, the history of Protestant, Catholic,
Orthodox, Islamic or Confucian traditions has created cultural areas with distinctive value systems that are
enduring and pervasive. Economic development tends to boost societies in the same direction,
but rather than a convergence it seems to be a movement in parallel trajectories shaped by their cultural
heritages. Hence, modernization will not necessarily produce a homogenized world culture in the foreseeable
future.

The modernization theory needs some changes:

• Modernization does not follow a linear path. Despite the cultural shift in advanced industrial societies,
mainly as a result of the economic development, an economic collapse can reverse the effects of
modernization as illustrates the case of the former Soviet Union.
• The secularization thesis is an oversimplification: there is evidence that it applies mainly to the
industrialization phase, but for instance, religious concerns persist and even widens.
• Cultural shift appears to be path dependent. Although economic development brings pervasive
cultural changes, they co-exist with a cultural heritage with enduring effects.

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• Taking for granted that the cultural change in industrially advanced societies follows the “American
pattern” is misleading. Despite the United States’ immense economic and industrial status, its people
hold much more traditional values and beliefs than those in other equally advanced societies. Nordic
countries exemplify the closest adherence to Inglehart’s modernization theory model of shifting
values.
• Modernization is probabilistic rather than deterministic. Even though economic development tends to
shape societies in a predictable direction, the process and path are not unique – there are many factors
involved, and changes are contingent on the historical and cultural context.
• Nevertheless, the core assumption of the modernization theory remains true – economic development
is associated with a shift in prevailing values and beliefs.

Finally, the miserable terrorist attacks in New York on 9/11 2001 and Madrid on 3/11 2004 are among the
most terrible and massive ever happened, showing that beside their regular evolution, societies are also subject
to shocks that bring about tremendous impacts. Inglehart’s model foresees that the cultural evolution of
advanced societies could stagnate or even revert if economic development worsened dramatically; this was the
case of the former Soviet republics – but there are reasons other than economic ones, such as the above
mentioned shocks that could lead to an increase of insecurity and alter or even stop cultural evolution.
If threats continue, reactions to them (i.e., a limitation of rights) will have an adverse impact on human values
evolution. Insecurity may turn the latter to an unexpected direction.

3F.7 MODERNIZATION AND VALUE SHIFT IN THE MILITARY

How will the cultural shift in contemporary societies affect the armed forces, traditionally anchored in a set of
values and norms which clash with some tenets of modernization? Seemingly, unless the military makes the
necessary accommodation to the societal values, it will suffer a significant damage in their operational
capacity.

This becomes especially relevant for problems encountered in personnel management particularly in
recruiting and retention. Thus, a relevant number of recruits may have values that are quite different from
those held in the military. For example, Elshaw (2001) refers to a number of traits that would define
millennium kids: realistic and individualistic, self-disciplined (authority must justify its right to be in charge),
rational decision-maker, job satisfaction, responsibility, recognition or would reject long working hours.

Therefore, the armed forces will have to show a certain degree of tolerance of (accommodation to) these
values. Likewise, the military will solve the problem of high attrition rates not only by giving people
incentives that they might want, but also by making the necessary adjustments in culture (e.g., values)
to prevent conflicts resulting in turnover.

Accommodation (integration) and assimilation (adapting candidates’ values to the military values) in the
piagetian sense are two valuable and complementary approaches to attract, recruit and retain people.
The former preserves a great amount of candidate culture and the latter results in the candidate cultural loss
and homogenization (Norton and McKee, 2001:10). In view of the heterogeneity characterizing the current
society (there are multiple cohorts), the integration strategy seems to pay off better than the assimilation one.

As other traditional institutions, the armed forces are not impermeable to changes. In fact, a dramatic change
is under way, forced by social changes and globalization – a major feature of our time. Even though most of
today’s conflicts continue to be local, their management and possible solutions need to be addressed globally.

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The armed forces have to make the necessary cultural adjustments to prevent or alleviate the clash with
societal values, but at same time, they must preserve the key elements of the military culture in order to
accomplish their mission.

In the next paragraphs we will briefly review some of the core values, the ethos driving military life,
traditionally characteristic of the military are listed in next section. These core values have been challenged by
social changes, making them evolve consequently. Some scholars contend that the armed forces are changing
towards what could be called a post-modern military.

3F.7.1 The Military Ethos

In spite of some differences owing to specific cultural traits, most armed forces share a code of military ethic
as a general guide of behavior. This code consists of a catalog of values or military virtues which must be
adopted by the armed members. These values will shape their attitudes and will concrete in norms of conduct.

The military is an institution that holds very traditional moral values. These core values shape the military
ethos. The most outstanding core values seem to be patriotism, duty accomplishment, courage, discipline,
comradeship and abnegation (e.g., Berrio, 1997). This ranking of core military values matches up with results
of surveys on motivation of armed forces candidates.

3F.7.2 The Post-Modern Military

Janowitz (1960, 1971) conducted an in-depth study of military officers from three different countries;
the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany. He suggested the following five basic features of the
contemporary military profession, strongly influencing the military values.
• Changing organizational authority. A swing has occurred from authority and discipline based on
domination to a greater reliance on manipulation, persuasion and group consensus – a shift that has
first taken place in the society. The concern of command is not longer the enforcement of rigid
discipline, but rather the maintenance of high levels of initiative and morale. This has been an
adaptive change, since modern warfare requires highly skilled and motivated soldiers.
• Narrowing skill differential between military and civilian elites. New tasks, new skills, shared
with civilian leaders. Service members carrying out such technical tasks have direct civilian
equivalents. The percentage of personnel involved in “typical” military jobs has fallen dramatically,
especially in the navies and air forces. The commander skills have changed even more – commanders
have absorbed roles of organization, management of moral, negotiation and public relations.
• The Officer recruitment base has widened from a traditionally narrow source and a relatively high
social status to a broader socially representative source.
• Significance of career patterns. Top leadership may divert from a prescribed career, once of a more
technical type, to a skilled management of interpersonal relations, strategic decision making and
political negotiation.
• Trends in political indoctrination. There is a shift from the traditional military emphasis on self-
image and concept of honor shift to an emphasis on initiative and innovation, from ultra-nationalism
and ethnocentrism to a less ethnocentric stand, and from a disciplinarian mind to a discourse of
human factors in combat and large-scale organization.

Moskos (2000) applied Inglehart’s theory of modernization of society to the military organization of
developed Western democracies. He noted that the military organization was also moving from modern to

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post-modern forms. The modern military emerged in the 19th Century, associated with the rise of the nation-
state. There was a combination of conscription and professional officer corps, it was war-oriented in mission,
masculine in makeup and ethos and sharply differentiated in structure and culture from civilian society.
This format shifted to a volunteer, multipurpose in mission, increasingly androgynous in make up and ethos
and greater permeability with civilian society.

Similarly, Moskos distinguished three types of military during the history (since the advent of conscription
army):
• The modern military, from the 19th Century (the French Revolution) to the end of the WWII.
It implies the concept of soldier citizen.
• The late modern military, prevailing until the early nineties and parallel to the Cold War. It is
represented as a mass conscription and it involves a strengthening of military professionalism in the
officer ranks, mainly determined so far by lineage.
• The post-modern military, the driving force of which was the collapse of communism in the USSR
and Eastern Europe. There was a feeling that the threat had vanished. The globalization – of
economy, trade, communication and other human activities, undermines largely the traditional basis
of national sovereignty.

The post-modern military has undergone five major changes:

a) An inter-penetrability of civilian and military fields, both structurally and culturally;
b) A decline in differences within the armed services based on branch, rank and combat vs. support
roles;
c) A shift of military goals from war fighting to non-traditional military missions;
d) A subordination of military forces in international missions to supranational command; and
e) An emergence of supranational military entities (such as Eurocorps).

New roles of the military are the separation of belligerents, the resettling refugees, the delivery of food and
medical supplies, and the provision of security for humanitarian organizations. Moskos believes that the
cultural shift in advanced societies has permeated the military organization, resulting in such deep-rooted
changes. In short, postmodernism has subverted absolute values such as 18th Century faith in reason,
19th Century faith in the nation-state and 20th Century confidence in science and technology, ending in this
era’s deep relativism.

The so called “revolution of military affairs” (the impact of information technologies on the armed forces)
has brought a greater agility, precision and potency of operations, along with dramatic force reductions and a
growing shift of the emphasis on from the rank to the emphasis on the competence. There is also a growing
convergence of military and civilians, who work more frequently together and NGOs assume more martial
attitudes. A post-modern motivation has even emerged – a desire to have a meaningful personal experience
rather than the patriotism or other occupational incentives.

The post-modern military has brought about major changes in relevant military aspects with respect to.
Table 3F-1 summarizes these changes.

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Table 3F-1: Armed Forces in the Three Eras. The United States (Source: Moskos, 2000)

Forces Modern Late Modern Post-Modern

Variable (Pre-Cold War) (Cold War) (1990-)
Perceived threat Enemy invasion Nuclear war Sub-national (ethnic violence,
terrorism, etc.)
Force structure Mass army Large professional Small professional army
conscription army
Major mission definition Defence of homeland Support of alliance New missions (peace-keeping,
humanitarian)
Dominant Mil Professional Combat leader Manager or technician Soldier-statesman, soldier-scholar
Public attitude tow. Mil. Supportive Ambivalent Indifferent
Media relations Incorporated Manipulated Courted
Civilian employees Minor component Medium component Major component
Women’s role Separate corps/ Partial integration Full integration
excluded
Spouse and military Integral part Partial involvement Removed
Homosexuals Punished Discharged Accepted
Conscientious objection Limited or prohibited Routinely permitted Subsumed under civilian service

3F.7.3 The Relevance of Values in the Military

If by values we mean deep-rooted beliefs that influence people’s behavior, then we will be able to understand
the goals, expectations and priorities of different population cohorts and hence improve the recruitment
process (Norton and McKee, 2001). On one hand, individuals normally will compare their values against the
perceived values of the armed forces before they apply. On the other hand, the military will assess applicant
values to make sure they fit military values and priorities.

Norton and McKee (2001) give an original recommendation: using a method of negative recruitment and
selection – a falsification theory, as they put it. One cannot prove a theory, merely disprove it. Looking at the
values that a subject lacks will provide a better understanding of the limits of his/her behavior and at the same
time some knowledge will be provided of the values the individual does have. Knowing people’s values will
not enable us to predict their behaviors as there are many other factors involved – but knowing values
individuals do not have will provide an indication about behaviors they will not exhibit.

Knowing people’s values will also help understand and manage differences and create mutual understanding
and tolerance of diversity. This will enable us to manage the growing diversity of the recruiting pool
(with different genders, ethnicity, religions, beliefs, needs, etc.). A progressive accommodation of diversity in
values, beliefs and behaviors is unavoidable if the armed forces are to achieve their manpower needs.
The source of diversity is twofold – it can be generation- or cohort based.

In a nutshell, it could be said that on one hand, knowing people’s values will enable us to get an insight into
the hearts and minds of individuals, will make it easier to satisfy their needs, and in the end will increase our

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ability to attract and retain personnel. On the other side, core military values, essential to keep the armed
forces operational, need to be promoted. Achieving a balance between both aims is a huge challenge.

3F.8 THE RELEVANCE OF VALUES TO RECRUITMENT

Values relate to choices and behavior by influencing the weight of information about those values and hence
the attractiveness of choice alternatives (Verplanken and Holland, 2002). As the self mediates between values
and behavior, only values that are central to the self will influence behavior. Only in this case will values
acquire motivational characteristics.

Despite the fact that recruiting messages convey very relevant information about organizational values,
few studies have been conducted on information persuasiveness during recruitment. In a study, Judge and
Bretz (1992, cited in Highhouse et al., 2002) found that organizations relying on four core values –
achievement, concern for others, honesty and fairness- had a greater impact on perceptions of job
attractiveness. Information about those values had a stronger influence on judgment than information about
pay and promotional opportunities.

Nevertheless, the study by Highhouse et al. (2002) demonstrated that attracting job seekers by promoting
organization values might not be as simple as suggested. Potential applicants would prefer evidence that was
more representative and verifiable (statistical evidence) transmitted via the company’s promotional materials,
but were more influenced by anecdotal influence when it came from outside sources. Companies would attract
more potential applicants if they took into account the compatibility between the type of their recruitment
messages and the source they use to carry them.

Schneider’s ASA model (attraction-selection-attrition) (Schneider, 1995) advocates that people’s preferences
for any particular organization depends largely on their implicit estimation of their personal characteristics
and the attributes of the organization. People find an organization attractive on the basis of their judgments of
the congruence between that organization’s goals and their own personalities. In other words, candidates’
perceived fit results from their appraisal of the match of own characteristics and needs to organizational
characteristics and supplies (Kristof, 1996). People tend to seek jobs which values fit their own.

As far as it concerns attraction/recruitment, the construct person-organization fit is normally substantiated in

two ways: whether as the match between individual personality and organizational climate or as value
congruence (Kristof, 1996). For example, Friedman and Rosenman (1974, cited in Kristof, 1996) in a study
with graduate and professional students found that type A individuals (characteristically ambitious,
competitive, impatient, high achieving and hostile) preferred organizations with high performance standards,
spontaneity, ambiguity and toughness. Likewise, students were more inclined to seek jobs in organizations
where value orientation matched their own.

In the late 1980s the focus of selection research moved from person-job fit to person-organization
fit (congruence), from hiring the best people for a job to hire those who met organizational demands
(people normally mean to leave an organization not just a job). This is a reason why managers stick to
interviews, despite their lack of reliability and validity; they think interview is the best means to guarantee
candidates fit the organization. Nevertheless, it seems that it is perceived rather than actual value congruence
what predicts interview outcomes. This also applies to recruitment/selection, where perceived fit is more
relevant than actual fit – perhaps because of the short time available both for candidates and organization to
get mutually acquainted with their values, goals and personalities.

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3F.9 THE RELEVANCE OF VALUES TO RETENTION

Relevance of values to retention has received more attention in research than recruitment. Most studies focus
on person-job/organization fit. Values have been found to impact individual outcomes such as commitment,
satisfaction, etc., which in their turn influence directly retention (for a revision see Sümer, 2004).

3F.9.1 Person-Organization Fit, Goal Congruence

According to ASA model (Schneider, 1995) the outcome of the three phases of the process (attraction-
selection-attrition) will determine the kind of people in the organization and consequently the organization’s
nature, structure, processes and culture. The organization recruits and hires candidates with the desired
attributes. On the other hand, employees would leave the organization if they perceive they did not fit.
Two central assumptions of the model are the role of organization founders and top managers in determining
organizational goals, and the homogeneity of personality attributes within the organization as a result of the
ASA cycle, hence reducing turnover.

Chatman and colleagues (cited in Schneider et al., 1995) found that P-O fit predicted the following
organizational outcomes: individual adjustment, satisfaction, commitment, tenure, turnover and performance –
although Meglino el al., 1989 did not find evidence for the latter. Similar outcomes may be predicted when
congruence exists between employee values/goals and supervisors’ (Meglino, Revlin and Adkins, 1989;
Vancouver and Schmitt, 1991). These authors found the strongest value congruence at the lowest level of the
organization (i.e., between supervisor and subordinate, resulting in increased job satisfaction and
organizational commitment).

Vancouver and Schmitt (1991) also compared the differential impact of member-constituency congruence
(i.e., peer agreement) and supervisor-subordinate congruence (similar to leader-member exchange, LMX)
on job/organization attitudes (i.e., satisfaction, commitment and intention to quit). Member-constituency
congruence was stronger.

Whenever an organization decides to build a team, Hui, Cheng, and Gan (2003) recommend that values,
personality and attitudes of all potential members are considered. As for the moderating role of collectivism in
supervisor-subordinate fit, these authors found that similarities in personality can be rewarding for
collectivists.

The most extensively studied cultural dimension of work-related values is individualism-collectivism (I-C).
Parkes and Bochner (2001) tested implications of I-C for person-culture fit and for affective work-related
outcomes. In a cross-cultural study they focused on the empirical consequences of I-C for a variety of work
practices, attitudes, motivation and behavior.

For example, they found that the employee-employer relationship is calculative in individualistic cultures,
tasks are given priority over relationships, and competition and achievement are encouraged. Quite the
opposite, in collectivistic cultures the employee-employer relationship is more family-like and relationships
are given priority over tasks. As for affective work-related outcomes, collectivism appears to instigate
stronger commitment with an organization and lower turnover rates, but apparently also lower overall job
satisfaction. Looking at the interaction between organizational and cultural fit, it seems that both
individualistic employees in individualistic organizations and collectivist employees in collectivist
organizations show greater job satisfaction, organizational commitment and tenure.

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Locke (1976, cited by Taris and Feij, 2001) hypothesized that the relationship between organizational supplies
and job satisfaction varied as a function of work values. Based on this assumption, they distinguished three
categories of values:
a) Intrinsic values (appreciation of immaterial aspects of work that led to self-expression, such as job
variety and autonomy);
b) Extrinsic values (a preference for material or instrumental work aspects such as salary or promotion);
and
c) Social work values (e.g., the way employees value being in good terms with co-workers and
superiors).

By organizational supplies are meant those aspects of work environment that satisfy the three work values.

Warr (cited in Taris and Feij, 2001) applied the so called vitamin model to work values. He found that until a
certain level was attained, increments of all kinds of job elements (intrinsic, extrinsic aspects and social
relations) favored employee job satisfaction, psychological well-being, and intentions to stay. Beyond this
level, satiation point, the effects on work outcomes would not have further effect (extrinsic work aspects)
or might even reverse (intrinsic work aspects and social relations would lead to lower mental health and
satisfaction). Although work values may have some direct effects on work outcomes, they will primarily be
moderators of the effects of organizational supplies on work outcomes. From the study by Taris and Feij,
it follows that rewards supplied by the organization result in positive work outcomes, especially when the
employee values those rewards – but excessive amounts of supplies may have a detrimental effect on job
satisfaction and increase intention to quit.

An integration of P-O fit research was attempted by Kristof (1996). This author makes a distinction between
supplementary and complementary fit, respectively when the individual owns characteristics that are shared
by other members in the organization or he/she adds characteristics that the organization lacks. Kristof also
differentiates between needs-supplies and demands-abilities. In the first case, P-O fit occurs when an
organization fulfills individual needs, desires or preferences, whereas in demands-abilities P-O fit takes place
when a person has the abilities to meet organization demands.

Three stages in employment practices affect or are affected by P-O fit. During organizational entry P-O fit
contributes to organizational homogeneity (as ASA model predicts), determining also job search, choice
behaviors and selection decisions. Then, organizational tenure and socialization practices normally lead to
increased levels or supplementary P-O fit. Finally, long-term outcomes attributed to P-O fit take place,
including turnover, work attitudes, pro-social behaviors and work performance.

3F.9.2 Organizational Commitment

Finegan (2000) cites Porter et al. (1970) definition of commitment: a strong belief in and acceptance of
organizational goals and values, a willingness to exert considerable effort on behalf or the organization and a
definite desire to maintain organizational membership. Organizational commitment seems to be associated
with absenteeism, extra role behaviors (e.g., citizenship behavior), turnover intentions and actual turnover.

Vancouver and Schmitt (1991) measured commitment trough goal congruence between principals and
teachers. They found that when organization values were assessed from the individual view the relationship
between P-O fit and commitment was stronger than when they were assessed from collective judgments.

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Commitment is a multidimensional construct. According to Meyer and Allen (cited in Wasti, 2003) commitment
has three components: affective commitment (an emotional attachment to the organization), normative
commitment (a sense of individual obligation towards the organization) and continuance commitment
(an individual feeling of the losses happening if he/she left the organization). Affective commitment is linked
with higher productivity, more positive work attitudes and higher probability of getting engaged in extra role
activities, whereas continuance commitment has poor links with performance indicators and job satisfaction.

Finegan (2000) suggested that values should be addressed in clusters and not just as a large, single continuum.
Different values or value clusters may have different effects on commitment. A factor analysis of 24 values
yielded a four factor solution consisting of a first factor (labeled humanity) covering values such as courtesy,
consideration, cooperation, fairness, forgiveness and moral integrity; a second factor (called adherence to
convention) consisting of values such as obedience, cautiousness and formality; a third factor (coined bottom-
line), encompassing factors such as logic, economy, experimentation and diligence; and a fourth factor
(named vision) which included the values of development, initiative, creativity and openness.

Unlike prior research on P-O fit, Finegan analyzed not only the interaction between a person and an
organization, but also the independent contribution of each. His research showed that the perception of
organization’s values was more important for determining a person’s level of commitment than personal
values or the P-O value match. Value profiles predicting affective and normative commitment were different
from value profiles affecting continuance commitment. The former were better predicted by humanity and
vision values, whereas the latter were associated with convention and bottom-line values.

It seems quite reasonable that an organization projecting an image of courtesy, consideration and fairness,
or an image of development, initiative, creativity and openness, will get their employees emotionally
involved. On the contrary, an organization emphasizing adherence to convention (i.e., valuing obedience,
cautiousness and formality) will get their employees affectively committed to a very lower extent. Values of
this kind will hardly inspire employee loyalty, unless they are held moderately. Likewise, people who
perceive that business is the only issue valued by their organization would probably like to work elsewhere.

Therefore, what seems to matter is not only the kind of values that are held or emphasized by a particular
organization, but also the extent to which values are held (i.e., a combination of value type and amount).

A conclusion from these studies could be that an organization should emphasize values that inspire affective
commitment; humanity and vision values over and above values associated with continuance commitment;
adherence to convention and bottom-line values.

The relevance of organizational affective commitment for the development of turnover intentions was
corroborated by Wasti (2003), who found that this relationship remained true even irrespectively of values.
However, commitment to top management, supervisor and workgroup seemed to be stronger predictors of job
satisfaction and citizenship behavior.

3F.10 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Unlike attitude-behavior relationship, extensively studied and which seems to be direct and clear, values-
behavior relationship is normally complex and indirect. This said, most studies conclude that values are key
determinants of behavior -normally distal determinants, a background reference of behavior. Closer
determinants of behavior are beliefs, attitudes, norms, needs, interests and other individual and context-
dependent values. Moreover, while attitudes and behavior are more peripheral, values seem to be a core

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component of personality (Rokeach, 1973). This author also contended that values anchored behavior and
were prescriptive beliefs while attitudes were evaluative beliefs.

Snyder and De Bono (1989) found that relationship between values, attitudes and behavior was mediated by
self-watchfulness; the concern about the image other people hold about us. Likewise, a consistency between
values, attitude and behavior would exist among individuals with independent self; values would guide their
personal norms and these would guide their attitudes (Kristiansen and Hotte, 1996). Individuals with
dependent self would lack this consistency.

A number of theories have extensively studied values; the most important of them are cross cultural theories
(Hofstede, 1980; Schwartz, 1994; Triandis, 1995; and Inglehart, 2000). According to them, values determine
and/or guide behavior at an individual and collective level. Hofstede (1980) held that cultures differ on the
base of four characteristics: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity vs. femininity,
and individualism vs. collectivism. Schwartz (1994) assumed that values differ according to the motivational
goal they conveyed. He defined values both at the individual and cultural level. At the individual level values
are defined as desirable, cross-situational goals that guide people’s lives. At the cultural level values represent
the implicitly or explicitly shared abstract ideas about what is good, right and desirable in society, setting the
ground for the specific norms telling people how to behave.

Inglehart (1977, 1991 and 2000) advocated the existence of a shift in the modern world from materialist
values (featured by societies which have lived under insecure conditions, experiencing scarcity) to post-
materialist values (exhibited by societies which members have lived in security). The former emphasize order,
stability and economic and military power, the latter prioritize social relations, self-appreciation and
actualization. In parallel with this shift, Inglehart hypothesizes that a shift from modern to post-modern values
is happening among advanced industrial societies. Post-modern values emphasize self-expression instead of
deference to authority, along with tolerance of differences. Post-modern values also involve a decreasing
acceptance of hierarchical institutions and a change of women’s role, the role of religion, etc. Note the
implications of these changes for the armed forces, an institution adhering traditional values.

Moskos applied Inglehart’s theory to the military advocating that a value shift was also taking place in the
armed forces, moving from modern to post-modern forms. This has important implications for the armed
forces as globalization and international missions move forward; new military missions are at the same time
cause and effect of this shift.

Thus, the armed forces need to hold a difficult balance between the preservation of traditional military core
values (ethos) on one side and the accommodation to societal changes; to the changing values of youth.
That is to say, armed forces need to keep a balance between the processes of assimilation and accommodation,
if they want to compete – and even survive – in the complex modern world. They need to preserve the core
military values, without which no mission could be achieved. The inculcation of core values becomes a
critical tool for building up cohesion and morale, discipline, esprit de corps, etc., essential for the
accomplishment of operational goals – but at the same time, satisfying the needs, expectations, goals and
diversity of soldiers becomes also a key issue.

Nevertheless, owing to the armed forces special characteristics, bureaucratic nature (as a big organization) and
resistance to change, a gap between societal values and military values seems to be unavoidable, although the
impending process of convergence (e.g., Moskos, 2000) make this gap narrower. The crucial issue is to keep
this value gap adequately bridged, otherwise the armed forces would have to pay a high price in terms of
manpower shortage. In sum, the armed forces must be permeable enough to social values in order to overcome
major problems in manpower.

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How do values translate into people’s decisions to enter or leave an organization such as the armed forces?
To what extent do values influence recruitment and retention processes?

In recruiting, research shows that the weight of value information influences job attractiveness (Verplanken
and Holland, 2002). As the self mediates between values and behavior, only values central to the self will
have a real influence on behavior, will become motivational. Particularly, organizations relying on four core
values: achievement, concern for others, honesty, and fairness; appear to have a stronger impact on
perceptions of job attractiveness over and above pay and promotion opportunities (Judge and Bretz, cited in
Highhoues et al., 2002). Nevertheless, this relationship is not as simple as it may seem, other variables such as
information representativeness, verifiability, and nature (promotional materials vs. anecdotal information).
Companies would attract more potential applicants if they took into account the compatibility between the
type of recruitment messages and the source of information used to convey the messages.

Another important contribution to the relevance of values for recruitment (and also retention) comes from
Schneider’s ASA model (Schneider, 1995). According to this model, people’s preferences towards an
organization depend largely on their implicit estimation of the congruence (compatibility) between their
personal characteristics and the organizational attributes and goals. Candidates perceived fit results from their
appraisal of the match of their own characteristics and needs to the organizational characteristics and supplies
(Kristoff, 1996). People seek a job in organizations whose values fit their own. Note that it is perceived rather
than actual value congruence what predicts organizational outcomes; in recruitment/selection perceived fit is
crucial because of the short familiarity with organizational values.

Another important remark is that hiring the people who best meet organizational demands (apart from job
requirements) should be preferred to focusing only on hiring the best people for the job; a reason why
managers still stick to interviews despite their low reliability and validity.

As for the involvement of values in retention, apart from the contribution of the above mentioned ASA
model, person-organization congruence plays a key role. Value congruence is an important ingredient of P-O
fit. For example, Chatman and colleagues (cited in Schneider et al., 1995) found that P-O fit predicted
individual adjustment, satisfaction, commitment, tenure, turnover, and performance although evidence is not
so clear for the latter, congruence which mattered particularly for the relationship between supervisor and
subordinate and for peer relations.

On the other hand, collectivism seems to be a moderator of P-O fit; sharing personality characteristics can be
rewarding for collectivists (Hui, Cheng and Gan, 2003). Individualism-collectivism is actually the most
extensively studied cultural dimension of work-related values. In the end, it appears that individualistic
employees show higher satisfaction, commitment and tenure in individualistic organizations, as do
collectivists in collectivist organization.

Similarly, Locke (cited in Taris and Feij, 2001) found that the relationship between organizational supplies
and job satisfaction changes as a function of work values (whether intrinsic, extrinsic, or social). Likewise, the
Warr vitamin model (cited in Taris and Feij, 2001) holds that increments of all kinds of job elements
(intrinsic, extrinsic or social) favor job satisfaction, psychological well-being, and intentions to stay until a
certain level is attained; beyond which advantages may go neutral (in the case of extrinsic elements) or even
revert (in the remainder two sorts of job elements).

Finally, commitment – to which values make an essential contribution – as a strong belief in and acceptance
of organizational goals, is of paramount relevance for retention. When commitment is missing, absenteeism,

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turnover intentions, and actual turnover are likely to increase. Commitment is also cause and effect of P-O fit
(they reinforce each other).

Commitment is a three-dimensional construct (for further details see Sumer’s paper where it is addressed
extensively) consisting of affective, normative, and continuance components. The important fact to remark
here is that not all dimensions affect or are affected equally by organizational outcomes and other variables.
The most relevant dimension for organizational outcomes; hence, especially relevant for retention, is affective
commitment. Finegan (2000) advocated the need to consider clusters of values instead of a single value
continuum. A factor analysis yielded a four factor solution: humanity, adherence to convention, bottom-line,
and vision. Different values or value clusters may have different effects on commitment. For instance, a value
profile predicting affective and normative commitment, humanity and vision, was different from that affecting
continuance commitment, convention and bottom-line values.

Accordingly, provided that core military values are preserved, the armed forces should not disregard
emphasizing values which inspire affective commitment (i.e., humanity and vision values) over and above
values associated with continuance commitment, adherence to convention and bottom-line.

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