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Clinical Trial
Optimization
Using R
Editor-in-Chief
Shein-Chung Chow, Ph.D., Professor, Department of Biostatistics and Bioinformatics,
Duke University School of Medicine, Durham, North Carolina
Series Editors
Byron Jones, Biometrical Fellow, Statistical Methodology, Integrated Information Sciences,
Novartis Pharma AG, Basel, Switzerland
Jen-pei Liu, Professor, Division of Biometry, Department of Agronomy,
National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan
Karl E. Peace, Georgia Cancer Coalition, Distinguished Cancer Scholar, Senior Research Scientist
and Professor of Biostatistics, Jiann-Ping Hsu College of Public Health,
Georgia Southern University, Statesboro, Georgia
Bruce W. Turnbull, Professor, School of Operations Research and Industrial Engineering,
Cornell University, Ithaca, New York
Published Titles
Adaptive Design Methods in Clinical Basic Statistics and Pharmaceutical
Trials, Second Edition Statistical Applications, Second Edition
Shein-Chung Chow and Mark Chang James E. De Muth
Adaptive Designs for Sequential Bayesian Adaptive Methods for
Treatment Allocation Clinical Trials
Alessandro Baldi Antognini Scott M. Berry, Bradley P. Carlin,
and Alessandra Giovagnoli J. Jack Lee, and Peter Muller
Adaptive Design Theory and Bayesian Analysis Made Simple:
Implementation Using SAS and R, An Excel GUI for WinBUGS
Second Edition Phil Woodward
Mark Chang Bayesian Designs for Phase I–II
Advanced Bayesian Methods for Clinical Trials
Medical Test Accuracy Ying Yuan, Hoang Q. Nguyen,
Lyle D. Broemeling and Peter F. Thall
Analyzing Longitudinal Clinical Trial Data: Bayesian Methods for Measures
A Practical Guide of Agreement
Craig Mallinckrodt and Ilya Lipkovich Lyle D. Broemeling
Applied Biclustering Methods for Big Bayesian Methods for Repeated Measures
and High-Dimensional Data Using R Lyle D. Broemeling
Adetayo Kasim, Ziv Shkedy, Bayesian Methods in Epidemiology
Sebastian Kaiser, Sepp Hochreiter, Lyle D. Broemeling
and Willem Talloen
Bayesian Methods in Health Economics
Applied Meta-Analysis with R Gianluca Baio
Ding-Geng (Din) Chen and Karl E. Peace
Bayesian Missing Data Problems: EM,
Applied Surrogate Endpoint Evaluation Data Augmentation and Noniterative
Methods with SAS and R Computation
Ariel Alonso, Theophile Bigirumurame, Ming T. Tan, Guo-Liang Tian,
Tomasz Burzykowski, Marc Buyse, and Kai Wang Ng
Geert Molenberghs, Leacky Muchene,
Nolen Joy Perualila, Ziv Shkedy,
and Wim Van der Elst
Published Titles
Edited by
Alex Dmitrienko
Erik Pulkstenis
Harry Yang
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
6000 Broken Sound Parkway NW, Suite 300
Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742
This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable
efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot
assume responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and
publishers have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication
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Preface xiii
ix
x Contents
4.8 Case study 4.5: Updating POS using interim or external infor-
mation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294
4.8.1 Clinical trial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
4.8.2 Software implementation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298
Bibliography 301
Index 309
Preface
xiii
xiv Preface
with increasing scrutiny on the risk-benefit profile that new treatments bring
to the table, against a backdrop of lackluster industry development perfor-
mance introduces both financial constraints, and a heightened level of urgency
around strategic drug development decision making in order to stop develop-
ment of inferior compounds early and accelerate development of promising
compounds (Arrowsmith and Miller, 2013; Paul et al., 2010). As a result,
clinical trial optimization is an absolute necessity in support of these objec-
tives, though quantitative methods to this end are frequently not part of the
drug development process.
Clinical trial optimization can be thought of at the trial level, or the de-
velopment plan level as clinical research designed to most efficiently and with
least risk answer the most important research questions to the developer. His-
torically the process has been fairly empiric, though the increasing availability
of computational resources and methods, along with the generally low success
rates, is driving an opportunity to marry clinical trial modeling and simulation
with decision making in a more comprehensive and holistic fashion, resulting
in evidence-based development which examines the operating characteristics
of development decisions themselves. In this book, we explore a promising
approach known as the Clinical Scenario Evaluation framework (Benda et al.,
2010) which endeavors to optimize clinical development considering a set of
objectives, design and analysis alternatives, underlying assumptions and, fi-
nally, quantitative metrics to facilitate decision making with better line of
sight into the decision space one is dealing with. We use specific common
clinical trial problems to elucidate the methodology in a case study setting. R
code is provided to both demonstrate common methods while providing some
preliminary tools for the practitioner. Examples include optimally spending
the Type I error rate across trial objectives or patient subgroups in the pres-
ence of multiple desired claims and optimally selecting associated decision
rules or analytical methods in Chapters 2 and 3. In addition, we present an
evaluation of Go/No-Go decision making at the proof-of-concept stage as well
as considerations for probability of success based on Bayesian principles in
Chapter 4. These case studies serve to scratch the surface regarding the po-
tential utility of modeling and simulation to optimize decision making within
a complex and highly dimensional development decision space.
The Clinical Scenario Evaluation paradigm is broadly flexible and applica-
ble to any scenario a clinical trial or researcher can envision and, as a result,
may impact the overall quality of the drug development process. It is a valu-
able tool available to the researcher and enables a move from empirical decision
making around myriads of options, to a more disciplined and evidence-based
approach to how one designs clinical trials and clinical trial programs.
Preface xv
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank the reviewers who have provided valuable comments
on selected chapters in the book: Thomas Brechenmacher (Novartis), Michael
Lee (Johnson and Johnson), Christoph Muysers (Bayer), Xin Wang (AbbVie).
We would also like to thank the book’s acquisitions editor, David Grubbs,
for his support and his work on this book publishing project.
xvii
1
Clinical Scenario Evaluation and Clinical
Trial Optimization
Alex Dmitrienko
Mediana Inc.
Gautier Paux
Institut de Recherches Internationales Servier
1.1 Introduction
It was pointed out in the preface that clinical trial sponsors are actively look-
ing for ways to develop more efficient approaches to designing, conducting and
analyzing trials. This can be accomplished most effectively through a com-
prehensive quantitative assessment of available options, including innovative
trial designs and statistical methods. Clinical Scenario Evaluation (CSE) was
introduced in Benda et al. (2010), and subsequently refined in Friede et al.
(2010) and other publications, as an efficient quantitative approach to evalu-
ating trial designs and data analysis methods in individual clinical trials or,
more generally, in clinical development programs.
A general CSE-based approach to designing a clinical trial incorporates
a thorough assessment of multiple competing strategies which enables the
trial’s team to assess the pros and cons of the applicable trial designs and
analysis techniques and to examine their sensitivity to potential changes in
the underlying assumptions. This approach has the potential to help trial
sponsors set up more robust designs that avoid overly optimistic assumptions
that are still very common in Phase III trials (Gan et al., 2012) and, along
the same line, improve on simplistic or suboptimal analytical methods such as
inefficient multiplicity adjustments that are often employed in clinical trials;
see, for example, PREVAIL trial (Beer et al., 2014) or APEX trial (Cohen et
al., 2013; Cohen et al., 2014). In fact, CSE has been successfully leveraged
in multiple Phase II and III clinical trials and led to tangible improvements
compared to ad-hoc approaches to trial design and analysis. Examples and
references can be found in Benda et al. (2010), Friede et al. (2010), as well
1
2 Clinical Trial Optimization Using R
Assumption 1 Strategy 1
Clinical Scenario
. .
. .
. .
Data Model
. .
X
. .
Analysis Model
. .
. .
. .
Assumption a Strategy s
Evaluation Model
Criterion 1 . . . . . . Criterion c
It is important to point out that this R package has been designed from
the ground up to be easily extensible. All options defined in each model
actually represent calls to R functions with the same name and thus users
can add their own options, e.g., new statistical tests, by developing custom R
functions. This important feature will be illustrated in Chapters 2 and 3.
The current version of the Mediana package supports the following com-
monly used types of trial designs:
• Fixed designs with a fixed follow-up period (period from a patient’s en-
rollment to discontinuation).
Data model
As explained in Section 1.2.1, a data model defines the process of generating
patient data in a clinical trial. In particular, this model focuses on specify-
ing the parameters of the individual samples within a single trial, defined as
mutually exclusive groups of patients, such as treatment arms.
The first step is to initialize the data model. This is easily accomplished
by the command presented in Listing 1.1.
SampleSize object
This object specifies the common number of patients enrolled in each sample
in a fixed-design trial with a balanced design (all samples are assumed to
have the same sample size). A SampleSize object is defined with a single
argument, denoted by sample.size, which specifies a list or vector of sample
sizes. Alternatively, if an unbalanced design is considered in a clinical trial,
the sample sizes need to be defined within each sample (see the Sample object
below).
Several equivalent specifications of the SampleSize object are presented
in Listing 1.2.
In this example, the sponsor would like to simulate a clinical trial with
a broad range of sample sizes in each sample, e.g., in each treatment arm.
Several sample sizes may be defined, as illustrated above, in a given sample
and represent the sample size sets evaluated in a particular clinical scenario.
Event object
This object specifies the total number of events (or target event counts) among
all samples in an event-driven clinical trial. An Event object has two argu-
ments:
• n.events defines a vector of target event counts.
• rando.ratio defines a vector of randomization ratios for each Sample
object defined in the DataModel object.
As for the number of events, several target event counts can be defined
as illustrated above and represent the number of event sets evaluated in the
current clinical scenario. Also, the specification of the randomization ratio
must respect the order of the samples in the data model, i.e., the first number
corresponds to the randomization ratio of the first sample included in the data
model.
OutcomeDist object
This object specifies the distribution of patient outcomes in a data model. An
OutcomeDist object is defined by two arguments:
Clinical Scenario Evaluation and Clinical Trial Optimization 7
Design object
The Design object is optional and can be defined in event-driven designs if
the user is interested in modeling the enrollment (or accrual) and dropout
(or loss to follow up) processes. A Design object is defined by the following
arguments:
• enroll.period defines the duration of the enrollment period.
• enroll.dist defines the enrollment distribution. Any univariate distri-
bution included in the Mediana package or specified by the user can be
selected. The most popular distributions include the uniform, beta and
exponential distributions.
• enroll.dist.par defines the parameters of the enrollment distribution
(optional). No parameters are needed if the enrollment distribution is
assumed to be uniform over the accrual period.
• followup.period defines the length of the follow-up period for each pa-
tient in trial designs with a fixed follow-up period, i.e., the length of time
from the enrollment to planned discontinuation is constant across patients.
• study.duration defines the total trial duration in trial designs with a vari-
able follow-up period. The total trial duration is defined as the time from
the enrollment of the first patient to the discontinuation of the last patient.
The user must specify either followup.period or study.duration.
• dropout.dist defines the dropout distribution. As with the enrollment
distribution, any univariate built-in or user-specified distribution can be
chosen and the most popular choices include the uniform and exponential
distributions.
• dropout.dist.par defines the parameters of the dropout distribution (op-
tional).
Since CSE supports a thorough exploration of multiple options in a trial,
the user can define several sets of design parameters by adding multiple Design
objects to the data model. These sets are known as design parameter sets and
enable the user to compactly define multiple scenarios that can be evaluated
simultaneously. Also, the length of the enrollment period, total trial duration
and follow-up periods are measured using the same time units. Note that the
current version of Mediana supports only basic patient dropout models. More
advanced modeling options, including informative dropouts, and methods for
analyzing incomplete data in clinical trials (see, for example, Mallinckrodt
and Lipkovich, 2017) will be supported in a future version of the package.
Listing 1.3 gives an example of design parameters in a trial with a uniform
enrollment distribution and exponential dropout distribution. More informa-
tion on the specification of design parameters in clinical trials will be provided
in Case study 1.2 (see Listing 1.18).
Clinical Scenario Evaluation and Clinical Trial Optimization 9
Sample object
This object specifies parameters of a sample in a data model. As explained
above, samples are defined as mutually exclusive groups of patients, for ex-
ample, treatment arms. Therefore, several Sample objects can be added to a
DataModel object. A Sample object is defined by three arguments:
• id defines the sample’s unique ID (label). This ID is used in the specifi-
cation of the trial’s analysis model.
• outcome.par defines the parameters of the outcome distribution for the
sample, including key data model parameters such as the treatment ef-
fects and additional parameters that play a supportive role, e.g., correla-
tion coefficients. The parameters depend on the endpoint’s distribution,
e.g., if the primary endpoint is normally distributed (outcome.dist =
"NormalDist"), two parameters (mean and sd) must be specified. The
parameters required for each distribution are listed in Table 1.1.
• sample.size defines the number of patients in the sample (optional). This
option is helpful for modeling unbalanced trial designs with unequal al-
location of patients to the treatment arms. The sample sizes must be
specified in the SampleSize object or in each individual Sample object.
Based on general CSE principles, the Mediana package makes it easy for
the user to specify several sets of assumptions in outcome.par. These sets may
correspond to a range of optimistic, realistic and pessimistic treatment effect
assumptions that support general sensitivity assessments. The assumptions
sets represent the outcome parameter sets that will be evaluated in the clinical
scenario. In this case, each assumption can be included in the outcome.par
argument, as illustrated in the specification of the Sample object in Case
study 1.1 (see Listing 1.11). Further, the specification of multivariate distri-
bution parameters will be illustrated in Chapter 2 (see Case study 2.2).
Analysis model
The analysis model defines the statistical methods (e.g., significance tests or
descriptive statistics) that are applied to the trial data. As in data models,
the first step in setting up an analysis model is to initialize the model as shown
in Listing 1.4.
10 Clinical Trial Optimization Using R
Test object
The Test object specifies a significance test that will be applied to one or more
samples included in a data model. This object is defined by the following four
arguments:
• id defines the test’s unique ID (label).
• method defines the significance test.
• samples defines the IDs of the samples (defined in the data model) that
the significance test is applied to.
• par defines the parameter(s) of the statistical test (optional).
Several commonly used significance tests are already implemented in the
Mediana package and are listed in Table 1.2. Note that all tests are set up
as one-sided tests and produce one-sided p-values. In addition, the user can
easily define other significance tests by implementing a custom function for
each test. If several significance tests need to be specified in an analysis model,
for example, in clinical trials with multiple endpoints, several Test objects can
be added to an AnalysisModel object.
Since the significance tests listed in Table 1.2 are one-sided tests, the sam-
ple order in the samples argument of a test is important. In particular, the
Mediana package assumes that a numerically larger value of the endpoint is
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Klan
Unmasked
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Author: W. J. Simmons
Illustrator: J. A. Murdoch
Language: English
PUBLISHED BY THE
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
COPYRIGHT, 1923
by
CHAPTER I
The Klan Yesterday and To-day
IN many questions, from all sources, I have been asked as to how
the Klan of the Sixties was related to the Klan of to-day. The original
Ku Klux Klan sprang from the urgent necessities of the Reconstruction
period. At the close of the War Between the States, the South was
prostrated and devastation was spread from the Potomac to the Rio
Grande. Following hard upon the collapse of the Southern
Confederacy, hordes of bad white men, generally termed "Carpet-
Baggers" and "Scalawags", came into the South to prey upon the
prostrated people of that section and to fatten on the ruins of war.
This crowd of men had been loyal to neither the Union nor the
Confederacy, and, in most instances, traitors to both. The
tremendous upheaval had thrown them from obscurity into publicity.
They availed themselves of the conditions that obtained to establish
themselves and utilized the recently emancipated race of slaves to
further their ends. Negroes everywhere were organized and taught to
hate the white people of the Southern states. Under martial law they
controlled all the elections that were held in the South. From these
was elevated to our legislatures and courts an alien race, untaught,
unskilled and incapable of government. White men in the South who
had borne arms in defense of the Confederacy had the hostility of the
so-called Union League directed against them. Their property was
invaded, their homes were menaced and in many instances the white
women of the South became the prey of Negroes who had been
inflamed by the teachings of "Carpet-Baggers" and "Scalawags." The
evident purpose was to establish for all time the supremacy of the
Negro over our Anglo-Saxon people and civilization.
CHAPTER II
We Americans—A Vanishing People
WE Americans are nothing if not humanitarian. We have in the
United States many varieties of organization for the assistance of the
various foreign racial and national groups upon our soil. We have also
done not a little for the succor of the peoples of the old world who
are now in such great distress. The larger humanitarian motive is as
a guiding star to millions of Americans. It leads them and lights their
way. To many such it may seem unnecessary, to some preposterous,
for the organization of which I have the honor to be chief to be
founded and developed. But a sober second thought is required here.
Let us grant that a people which, in its weakness, faces permanent
injury, requires help that it may survive and grow. Then indeed, it
follows that we Americans, as a people, need to help ourselves first
of all. As a people and a nation we are face to face with dissolution.
In the Ku Klux Klan we have an institution designed to help in the
stupendous task of saving ourselves from failing and falling.
We Americans as a peculiar people face extinction upon our own soil.
Let me be fully understood. I do not wish in the least to appear
sensational. I wish only to state a few simple facts which should be
apparent to any American who investigates, ever so briefly, the true
condition of his country. So often, during the past twenty-two years, I
have been oppressed in heart as I have seen how little public interest
this crucial matter has aroused. If my tendency has, at times, been
somewhat pessimistic and fearful, I claim that there is cause enough
for fear and pessimism. Surely there is great need that intensest
sadness and sorrow strike deep into the hearts of Americans, if we
are now to help ourselves and live.
We Americans are a perishing people. From the point of view of
history we are being wiped from the face of the earth with a rapidity
which almost staggers hope. First let me clearly define what I mean
by the phase, "We American People." I mean by that phrase those
white, native-born citizens of this country whose ancestry, birth and
training has been such as to give them to-day a full share in the basic
principles, the ideals and the practice of our American civilization. I
do not mean that a foreign-born citizen can not be a good citizen. On
the contrary, many of our foreign-born are excellent citizens. Yet I
most positively mean what the title at the head of this chapter
distinctly suggests. We, the American people, we whose breed fought
through the Revolutionary War and the War Between the States, the
people by whose courage the great American wilderness was
penetrated, and by whose painstaking industry that wilderness was
subjugated and made fruitful—that this people, who gave to the
world Washington and Franklin, Jefferson and Hamilton, Andrew
Jackson and Daniel Webster, Robert E. Lee and Abraham Lincoln—this
people, our people, is on the downward way to the early ending of its
remarkable history. The mighty length and breadth of the soil made
sacred by our struggles and our victories is now being given over,
with ever greater rapidity, to various peoples of a totally different
mold. I am not saying that these other peoples are bad in character
or in any way unworthy. May Heaven witness for my colleagues and
myself of the Ku Klux Klan that we bear them no ill will whatsoever. I
hope that none of us as individuals or as an organization may do
them aught but good. We wish, above all, to be moved in all things
by that Christian spirit upon which our organization is founded, and
which, I trust, moves its humblest member. But we have come to
sound a warning throughout the length and breadth of the land—a
warning which everyone of our own people from Newfoundland to
California and from Florida to Alaska must hear and heed. We are
perishing as a people and the land of our fathers shall presently know
us no more. Emerson once said, "What you do speaks so loud I can
not hear what you say." Let me here change the words but not the
meaning. The facts cry out so loud that we can not hear the vain and
wordy opinions of the theorists and the sentimentalists. The prattle of
these sentimentalists, be it ever so noisy, can not prevent us from
both seeing and hearing the real drama. We are witnessing the
greatest tragedy of the ages.
Only Americans May Pass
To place these facts in their proper relation, one to another, we must
study the map of the United States. That map, hanging on the wall of
the old school-house, or facing us over our desks in the library at
home, seems always to appear so big and brave and bold. To the
child at school it appears to flaunt its very bigness in the face of all
the world. My fellow American citizens in all the states, study that
map carefully. In terms of the civilization of the whole world it will
richly repay investigation. Let us move with the sun from the valley of
the river St. Johns in Maine, to the far-off mountains of our California.
Incoming masses by the hundred thousand flood New England. They
do not speak our language, can not know our laws, and do not mix
with our native people because there are hardly any natives in New
England left to mix with. In dozens of schools built for the children of
the great city of Boston and its suburbs the English language is not
even taught, not to speak of as being used as a means of acquiring
knowledge or of taking loyal and useful part in our national life.
Throughout twenty varieties of the stupendous foreign sections in all
our great industrial cities of the North, the very conditions of life
prevent millions from learning the English language or taking an
American breath into their nostrils. From St. Louis and Chicago and
Milwaukee on the West to New York and Boston on the East
democratic American political life is now almost impossible—
unthinkable. To this we shall recur in later chapters. Just now we
must proceed rapidly to other parts of our map. In our Far Western
territory, where a million square miles of mountain and valley are
beginning a marvelous development, we Americans are fighting one
of the most desperate and crucial social conflicts in the history of our
country and of European civilization. Our Western people are striving
for the very salvation of our soil as the heritage of the white
American. This conflict rages day by day—week by week—year by
year. Our brethren of the West are misunderstood and their crying
call for help is largely rejected by the East. There are counties in
California where more Japanese babies are being born each year
than white babies. The Japanese in California are multiplying at the
stupendous rate of sixty-nine per thousand, annually, while the white
people of California increase at the rate of eighteen per thousand.
But the eighteen per cent. includes the relatively high rate of the
foreign-born whites. The American white people of California increase
by an annual rate of less than ten per thousand. Look you well, fellow
Americans, to this part of our map. Go on in your indifference and
carelessness, and these western valleys and mountains will, in the
days of your children, be blood-soaked by one of the most desperate
of interracial wars—a war at once civil and international—in the
history of the world, and despite all your treaties of peace.
In the Southwest are over eighteen hundred miles of boundary line
between ourselves and the people of Mexico. I know that I am
expressing for my colleagues of the Ku Klux Klan who dwell along
that eighteen hundred miles of boundary line their inmost thought,
when I say that they wish only peace and fellowship and mutual aid
and generosity to mark all our relations with the simple and kindly
people of Mexico. But we are here marshalling the facts—the
staggering facts which the American people must know and ponder
well to-day. Nearly half a million Mexicans, speaking various dialects
of the Spanish and Indian languages, have recently come across our
Southwestern boundary line. Surely it is not with any ill will in our
hearts that we say with all the power we have that these thousands
can not share our American democracy with us in this generation. In
Mexico these people can be ruled in such a way and take such
measures of progress as may befit them. Granted time and they may
evolve a successful democracy all their own. But in this generation
they will make democracy impossible wherever large numbers of
them settle among us. If immigration continues through the next
generation THEY WILL FOREVER ENCROACH UPON AND OCCUPY
OUR SOUTHWEST. The native-born, white American will either
become a small ruling class, or fade from sight altogether. There are
factories in Texas with practically none but Mexicans employed. There
are sections of the Southwest where, in town and on the countryside,
there are many Negroes, Mexicans and Japanese, few Americans.
Finally, we come to the South. Leaving the burden of this argument
to future chapters, we can here take but a rapid glance at the
inexorable problem of the Southland. May Providence give to us men
and women of the South the power we need to place our problem
before our fellow citizens in other sections in such a way as to win
their minds and hearts by the goodness of our cause. If I but could, I
would move my hand along that ancient and deadly line which
separates us from our country-men and wipe it out forever. Our
problem of the Negro, men and women of the North, is your
problem. If we fail, you fail. We plead with you to join with us in
freeing all our minds from bigotry, all our hearts from unworthy
passions, and all our thoughts from sectional misunderstanding.
The larger fact which I seek in this connection to strike into the mind
and conscience of my country is as simple as the multiplication-table.
The Negro of to-day is less in numbers than the white inhabitants in
all states but one, for a single reason. That reason is the high
average mortality among the Negroes. The enormous birth rate of
the Negro population would rapidly submerge our white population if
the Negroes were not decimated by a high death rate. The Negroes'
numbers are kept within the number of our white population by
various dreadful diseases. Though these diseases afflict us all in the
South, the white people are generally far more immune than the
blacks. We are somewhat behind the North and West in the practice
of medicine, sanitation, and the general prevention of disease. But
we are making great strides in this as in other means of progress. As
all our people, including the Negroes, are progressively saved from
the ravages of disease, the Negroes' birth rate will be more and more
relentlessly shown in the census of the living. As night follows day,
the Negro will, in the future, move on toward larger and larger
comparative numbers in the South.
And so this map of our beloved land, which, as school children, we
gazed upon with deep longings toward the future greatness of our
country—this map to-day, section by section, is discolored and fading.
So do our hopes, too, fade and fail. We Americans are a perishing
people, and the things we have inherited and hold dearest in our
hearts are on the way to dissolution and total loss. Of all the greater
people of history, we Americans least deserve even the pity which is
the portion of those who fail. The glory of our rise, the large part that
is ours in the present, the majestic hope of the nation which
prophesies such a resplendent future—all this is our heritage. We lack
only understanding of ourselves and the public spirit required to take
action. The Ku Klux Klan, in garb of strange device, marshalled under
the flag of our country, has thrust itself as a dire warning across the
downward pathway of the American people—our own people, whom
we love.
CHAPTER III
The Fraternalism of the Klan
SURELY there can not be in this frank statement of the principles and
the purposes of the Ku Klux Klan any ground for the criticism that the
organization was founded on racial and sectarian animosities and
hatreds. The Klan is neither anti-racial nor anti-sectarian. It is pro-
American. We concede to every distinctive organization in race and
religion the same rights of restricting and qualifying its membership
that we claim for ourselves. If, in the light of all the past, and in view
of the present, we are insisting upon an organization of native-born
white American citizens, we do not, by stipulating the conditions of
membership in the Ku Klux Klan, avow hostility to any one class or
company who may not, for one reason or another, qualify for
membership in our organization. Indeed, as Americans we not only
have the right to organize under the law and in keeping with the law,
but far more than that—in the exercise of that right the Klan is
positively committed to vouchsafing the same right to any other class
of people on the American continent who desire to organize
themselves for patriotic, social, fraternal or religious purposes. Only
this too is also stoutly maintained: Any organization that is formed
and fostered under the flag of our common country must not be
inimical to our democratic government and institutions.
There are numerous organizations in America to which members of
the Klan would not be admitted. These organizations are racial,
social, political and sectarian. There has never been any complaint
against these organizations. They have never been subjected to
scrutiny by the Department of Justice of the United States
Government. They have never been brought under Congressional
investigation. They have lived and grown and pursued their purposes
of organization without restraint or interference from the outside. All
this is in exact keeping with the freedom that is granted under the
Constitution and the laws. We realize only too well that when
organizations have arisen that have threatened the peace or morals
or health of our social life, or, for any purpose, inveighed against the
basic institutions of our country or the orderly conduct of our people
in obedience to constituted authority, such organizations have been
speedily suppressed. There are not a few of the leaders of such
movements in the penal institutions of our country to-day, designated
as political prisoners, because they undertook to obstruct the
machinery of the country in its war activities. The Ku Klux Klan is
committed so thoroughly—nothing remaining uncommitted—to the
full freedom of human life guaranteed under the Constitution to
American citizens that it can never interfere with the rights of groups
or individuals outside its ranks. It stands everywhere against
disorderly and disruptive movements which deny the authority of the
government and disobey its mandates whether in time of war or
peace. If there is one thing, more than any other, which we
Americans must now devoutly take to heart it is obedience to law.
Perhaps we are rightly accused by Europeans of being quite the most
lawless among civilized nations. This is indicated by nothing so much
as by the series of terrible race riots which have disgraced some of
our great cities during recent years—notably Atlanta, Washington,
East St. Louis, Chicago and Omaha. Space limits us here to the
description of a single case in which the Klan has been involved. At a
small town in Florida, a terrible race riot was precipitated on election
day, 1920. It was reported that one or more Negroes, disqualified by
law from voting, were nevertheless demanding that they be
permitted to vote. This incident led to others, and resulted in a
terrible race riot. More than a score of persons, mostly Negroes, were
killed. The white men, having defeated and dispersed the Negroes of
their own community, thoroughly inflamed, proceeded, late in the
day, to march upon ————, for the purpose of attacking the
Negroes of that community. The Klansmen notified by a member of
the —— Klan, of the approach of a force of armed whites, armed
themselves and placed their services at the disposal of the officers of
the law. They met the oncoming force just outside the limits of their
own town. Unhappily, the attackers were not turned back without an
armed conflict. In this affray two Klansmen were killed. The mob was
driven back. The Klansmen lost their lives in defense of the law and
while protecting the Negroes of their town.
On another occasion one of the largest and soundest local Klans ever
founded by our organizers was instantly dissolved, because our rules
and regulations in these things were violated. The Klan in question
wished to find a remedy for a serious local disorder. A tradesman in
the community was conducting a thriving bootlegging establishment
which grew to be a scandal to the whole town. The Klan, recently
organized, and not fully comprehending our methods, posted notices
warning the culprit to leave town. They emphasized their warning by
posting along side certain signs of the Ku Klux Klan. For this
interference with the orderly process of justice in this case the local
Klan in question was quickly disbanded by our headquarters.
With this and other similar incidents in mind the reader may well
imagine the thoughts and feelings of Klansmen everywhere when
they are told that their organization has been founded for the
purpose of "Lynching Niggers." We have been accused of crimes in
towns where we had no local Klan within hundreds of miles. In such
cases the lynching accusations are often carried on the wings of
great organizations of the press. Our denials we find ineffectual. But
of this I am certain: The truth will sometimes overtake the lies and
the evil will recoil on the heads of the evil-doers.
But in addition to the purely patriotic principles of the Klan, which are
fundamental, it is a fraternal organization. A Charter for the Klan was
granted by the State of Georgia. All of its activities are subject to
scrutiny by the State and review by properly constituted authority.
The Charter may be revoked at the will of the State. Where-ever
irregularities are shown in the conduct of the Klan, or wherever the
Klan departs from the purposes of its organization as set forth in the
Charter, the Klan may be disbanded by due process of law. It is
therefore not an organization that has sprung up over night, without
responsibility, claiming independence of the law of the land.
The Klan offers its membership a graduate course in fraternalism.
There are several orders administered and each of these orders
marks an advance in devotion to our common country and in those
fraternal relations and responsibilities which bind us to our fellow
men. There can be nothing in this organization, as there is nothing in
the many fraternal organizations in this country, that is inimical to the
highest sense of social order. Indeed, underlying the fraternalism of
the Klan is a consecration to the American home, the preservation of
its sanctity and the maintenance of ideal family life. From this a
sympathetic helpfulness flows out to those in distress and
discouragement, and a force of strong men is thrown about the weak
and helpless without respect to color or creed. This is the service of
love and sacrifice to our age and generation which is symbolized by
the fiery cross.
CHAPTER IV
The Klanishness of The Klan
IT is perhaps not only proper but also necessary, in view of the
vigorous and persistent attacks made on the Klan, to discuss more
fully the apparent exclusiveness of the organization. I desire to
reiterate with emphasis that the Klan is a purely American
organization assembled around the Constitution of the United States,
to safeguard its provisions, advance its purposes, and perpetuate its
democracy. This definition of the Klan in its organization necessarily
carries the idea of exclusiveness. All men without respect to race,
color and religion may not be organized into a democracy. Democracy
can not be established by outside pressure. It is something which
must be developed in the individual consciousness, and is of very
slow growth. We speak loosely when we talk of the Anglo-Saxon
having grown into a democracy through a thousand years of struggle.
Five thousand years would be a more accurate statement of the fact.
During all the slow processes of the development of the white man's
civilization, there was something inherent in his life that slowly
pushed its way up into the consciousness of the individual until it
found expression in constitutional government, in freedom of thought
and speech, and in all the elements of political and religious liberty.
One of the most developed expressions of this growth into
democracy is our American Government with all its complexities and
intricacies. It should go without saying that all men, without
reference to origin or history, can not be thrust into this country, and,
under restraint and repression, be forced into our ways of thinking
and living and so attain the true value of American citizenship. To
begin with, a great many people, living under one form of autocracy
or another, have never been awakened to a sense of and desire for
democracy. In others the sense has begun to stir, but has not had the
opportunity or the time for that sure growth that would transform
them into a citizenship capable of pure self-government.
This fact has been demonstrated by the futility of the attempts in
Russia, first under the administration of Kerensky and now under
Lenine and Trotsky. The bolshevist camarilla attempted to take that
nation, which has been subjected for ages to one of the simplest and
meanest despotisms on earth, and organize it into a sort of
democracy. This proposition is still further illuminated by the
experience of Germany in her attempt to build a democracy on the
ruins of her old autocracy. The best thinkers in the German nation,
notwithstanding the superior intellectual, economical and industrial
qualifications of the people, predict that a real democracy can not be
established in Germany in less than fifty years. If these two nations,
both white, the one having the most robust physical manhood in the
world, and the other the most vigorous mentality, can not rise from
autocracy into democracy, how absurd it appears that we should take
great masses of the untaught, underfed, inferior people of all the
lands and undertake to precipitate them, in masses, into our very
peculiar and intricate national democracy.
The "Starry" Flag and the "Fiery" Cross Shall Not Fail
The Klan, organized to protect and advance the cause of our native
institutions, is therefore exclusive in the restriction of its membership
to white native-born Americans. We believe that only one born on
American soil, surrounded by American institutions, taught in the
American schools, harmonized from infancy with American ideals, can
become fully conscious of what our peculiar democracy means and
be adequately qualified for all the duties of citizenship in this republic.
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