JYOTIBA PHULE

In India during the 19th century, Jyotirao “Jyotiba” Govindrao Phule was a well-known social
reformer and thinker. He served as the movement’s leader against India’s widespread caste
system. He fought for the rights of peasants and other people from lower castes and revolted
against the Brahmins’ rule.
A social revolution in Indian society began in 1848 as a result of an incident that motivated
Jyotiba to fight against the social injustice of caste discrimination. Jyotirao received an
invitation from one of his friends wedding who was from a high caste Brahmin family. But
when the bridegroom’s family learned about Jyotiba’s roots, they humiliated and tortured
him at the wedding. Mahatma Jyotirao fled the ceremony because he was determined to
oppose the existing caste system and social constraints. He made it his life’s mission to
relentlessly push against social majoritarian dominance and worked toward the emancipation
of all people who were affected by this social injustice.
Thomas Paine’s beliefs had a big impact on Jyotirao after reading his well-known book, “The
Rights of Man.” He thought that the only way to tackle social ills was to educate women and
members of lower castes.

RAMASYAMI NAIKER ( SELF RESPECT MOVEMENT 1925)

The Self-Respect Movement is a popular human rights movement originating in South India
aimed at achieving social equality for those oppressed by the Indian caste system,[1]
advocating for lower castes to develop self-respect.[2] It was founded in 1925 by S.
Ramanathan[3] who invited E. V. Ramasamy (also known as Periyar by his followers) to head
the movement in Tamil Nadu, India against Brahminism. The movement was extremely
influential not just in Tamil Nadu, but also overseas in countries with large Tamil populations,
such as Sri Lanka, Burma, Malaysia and Singapore. Among Singapore Indians, groups like the
Tamil Reform Association, and leaders such as Thamizhavel G. Sarangapani were prominent
in promoting the principles of the Self-Respect Movement among the local Tamil population
through schools and publications.
A number of political parties In Tamil Nadu, such as Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) owe their origins to the Self-respect
movement,[4] the latter a 1972 breakaway from the DMK. Both parties are populist with a
generally social democratic orientation.
SWAMI DAYANAND SARASWATI
Dayanand Saraswati[3] (pronunciationⓘ) (born Mool Shankar Tiwari; 12 February 1824 – 30
October 1883), was an Indian philosopher, social leader and founder of the Arya Samaj, a
reform movement of Hinduism. His magnum opus is the book Satyarth Prakash, which has
remained a highly influential text on the philosophy of the Vedas and clarifications of various
ideas and duties of human beings. He was the first to give the call for Swaraj as “India for
Indians” in 1876, a call later taken up by Lokmanya Tilak.[3][4] Denouncing the idolatry and
ritualistic worship, he worked towards reviving Vedic ideologies. Subsequently, the
philosopher and President of India, S. Radhakrishnan, called him one of the “makers of
Modern India”, as did Sri Aurobindo.
He believed that Hinduism had been corrupted by divergence from the founding principles of
the Vedas and that Hindus had been misled by the priesthood for the priests’ self-
aggrandizement. For this mission, he founded the Arya Samaj, enunciating the Ten Universal
Principles as a code for Universalism, called Krinvanto Vishwaryam. With these principles, he
intended the whole world to be an abode for Aryas (Nobles).
His next step was to reform Hinduism with a new dedication to God. He travelled the country
challenging religious scholars and priests to discussions, winning repeatedly through the
strength of his arguments and knowledge of Sanskrit and Vedas.[24] Hindu priests
discouraged the laity from reading Vedic scriptures, and encouraged rituals, such as bathing
in the Ganges River and feeding of priests on anniversaries, which Dayananda pronounced as
superstitions or self-serving practices. By exhorting the nation to reject such superstitious
notions, his aim was to educate the nation to return to the teachings of the Vedas, and to
follow the Vedic way of life. He also exhorted Hindus to accept social reforms, including the
importance of cows for national prosperity as well as the adoption of Hindi as the national
language for national integration. Through his daily life and practice of yoga and asanas,
teachings, preaching, sermons and writings, he inspired Hindus to aspire for Swarajya (self-
governance), nationalism, and spiritualism. He advocated the equal rights and respects to
women and advocated for the education of all children, regardless of gender.
NEHERU SCIENTIFIC HUMANISM
Nehru as a serious shortcoming of his persona. They feel that “the greatest lack in him was
his inability to believe in God.” Nehru remained a hardcore rationalist throughout his
life.Nehru found the concept of God itself unintelligible and incomprehensible. In The
Discovery of India, he said, “I find myself incapable of thinking of a deity or of any unknown
supreme power in anthropomorphic terms, and the fact that many people think so is a source
of surprise to me.
God is the paradigm of virtues and ideals cherished, on whom we can rely in times of crisis
and whom we can blame for our failures. Countering the argument of those who upheld the
necessity of God or a God-like concept, Nehru argued, “Even if God exists, it may be desirable
not to look up to Him or to rely upon Him.” He argued, “Too much dependence on
supernatural factors may lead, and has often led, to a loss of self-reliance in man.” It would,
according to him, ultimately result in “blunting of his (man’s) capacity and creative ability”.
Nehru had a tremendous faith in the human. In order to show the supremacy of man over
God he argued, “God we may deny, but what hope is there for us if we deny man and thus
reduce everything to futility.” Instead of having faith in God and religion Nehru advocated
humanism – which he termed as ‘scientific humanism’. It represents ‘synthesis between
humanism and scientific spirit’. Scientific humanism advocated by Nehru “is practical and
pragmatic, ethical and social, altruistic and humanitarian. It is governed by practical idealism
for social betterment”.
Scientific humanism wins over this general tendency and upholds a radically opposite view,
namely that “the values of our present-day culture may not be permanent and final;
nevertheless they have an essential importance for us for they represent the thought and
spirit of the age we live in”. In view of this Nehru concludes that “we haveto function in line
with the highest ideals of the age we live in, though we may add to them or seek to mould
them in accordance with our national genius”. Like Sartre, Nehru, too, upholds the view that
man continually accepts the challenges faced by him in achieving the targets and goals chosen
by him.
NARENDRA DEV
Acharya Narendra Deva (pronunciationⓘ; also Dev; 30 October 1889 – 19 February 1956)
was one of the leading theorists of the Congress Socialist Party in India. His democratic
socialism renounced violent means as a matter of principle and embraced the satyagraha as
a revolutionary tactic.
Narendra Dev advocated the abolition of poverty and exploitation not just through the
Marxist materialist dialectic but especially on moral and humanistic grounds. He insisted that
“without social democracy political democracy was a sham”. Dev was active in the peasant
movement and served as president of the All-India Kisan Congress.
Acharya Narendra Dev, who was born on October 31, 1889, in a lawyer’s family in Sitapur in
Uttar Pradesh.
Acharya Narendra Dev was the person who remained a member of the All India Congress
Committee (AICC) from 1916 to 1948 and who was one of the foremost socialist leaders,
Buddhist scholars, and educationists of the country.
Narendra Dev spent his formative years in Faizabad, the twin town of Ayodhya, and attended
the Lucknow session of the Congress with his father in 1899 when he was only ten years old.
Narendra Dev came to be known as “Acharya” when he took over Kashi Vidyapeeth, an
educational institution that was opened as part of the freedom struggle, as its Vice-chancellor
in 1926.
On May 17, 1934 in Patna, Narendra Dev presided over the founding convention of the
Congress Socialist Party.
Narendra Dev was a polyglot and knew Hindi, Urdu, Persian, Bengali, Pali, French and German
language
JAYPRAKASH NARAYAN (SARVYADAYA)
Jayaprakash Narayan was one among the few luminaries in India, whose life was a message
of struggle for freedom and justice. In the post-Independence era he was the only ‘Crusader’
to launch Total Revolution in the country without any clamour for power. He was more a
political activist than a political philosopher. He was a Gandhian-Marxist. Jayaprakash
Narayan was a born revolutionary whose mission of life was to fight for both independence
and a new socio-economic order. He had left permanent imprint for his revolutionary role
and was much acclaimed for his democratic humanitarian views like socialism, Sarvodaya,
partyless democracy and total revolution. He was the one of the ‘Committed socialist’ who
made a dauntless fight against the forces of exploitation i.e., capitalism and landlordism in
India. Jayaprakash’s Sarvodaya implies a new order in which the society will be class-less and
stateless; it will be a political system in which Lokniti will replace rajneeti it will be ‘peoples’
socialism.
Jayaprakash made a voyage from socialism to Sarvodaya in the fifties. The Sarvodaya
movement was started by Gandhi in pre-independent India and spearheaded by Vinoba
Bhave in the post-independence era. Jayaprakash’s Sarvodaya implies a new order in which
the society will be class-less and stateless; it will be a political system in which Lokniti will
replace rajneeti it will be ‘peoples’ socialism., which will ensure not only freedom and
equality, but also peace and eternity.
The clarion call for ‘Total Revolution’ was the last revolutionary quest of Jayaprakash Narayan.
It is the only indigenous revolution in the post independence era. Though a Sarvodaya activist,
a revolutionary Jayaprakash could not remain indifferent to the crumbling of Indian polity.
Corruption, manipulation, exploitation, social discrimination, unemployment and rise of
authoritarianism provoked an old guard of freedom movement like Jayaprakash to launch a
total revolution in post-independence polity.
JINNAH TWO NATION THEORY
The two-nation theory was an ideology of religious nationalism that advocated Muslim Indian
nationhood, with separate homelands for Indian Muslims and Indian Hindus within a
decolonised British India, which ultimately led to the Partition of India in 1947.[1] Its various
descriptions of religious differences were the main factor in Muslim separatist thought in the
Indian subcontinent, asserting that Indian Muslims and Indian Hindus are two separate
nations, each with their own customs, traditions, art, architecture, literature, interests, and
ways of life.
Subsequently, it was used by the All India Muslim League to justify the claim that the Muslims
of India should have a separate homeland with the withdrawal of British rule from the Indian
subcontinent.[2] The assumption of the Muslims of India of belonging to a separate identity
and having a right to their own country, also rested on their pre-eminent claim to political
power that flowed from the experience of Muslim dominance in India, while simultaneously
it made identification with the former imperial Muslim power an essential part of being
Muslim.[3] Hindu Mahasabha under the leadership of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) also promoted the Two-nation theory. According to
them, Hindus and Muslim cannot live together so they favour India to become a religious
Hindu state.[4]
The theory was adopted and promoted by Muhammad Ali Jinnah and became the basis of
Pakistan Movement.[5] The Two-Nation theory argued for a different state for the Muslims
of the British Indian Empire as Muslims would not be able to succeed politically in a Hindu-
majority India; this interpretation nevertheless promised a democratic state where Muslims
and non-Muslims would be treated equally.[6] The two nation theory sought to establish a
separate state for Indian Muslims from the northwestern provinces and Bengal region of
colonial India.[7] Pakistan claims to be the inheritor of the traditions of Muslim India, and the
heir of the two-nation theory.[8]
Opposition to the two-nation theory came chiefly from Hindus, and some Muslims.[9][10]
They conceived of India as a single Indian nation, of which Hindus and Muslims are two
intertwined communities.[11] The state of India officially rejected the two-nation theory and
chose to be a secular state, enshrining the concepts of religious pluralism and composite
nationalism in its constitution.[12][10] Kashmir, a Muslim-majority region three-fifths of
which is administered by the Republic of India, and the oldest dispute before the United
Nations, is a venue for both competing ideologies of South Asian nationhood.
DR. BR AMBEDKAR
India’s caste system is among the world’s oldest forms of surviving social stratification. The
caste system is a social structure that divides people into different castes based on their birth,
with each caste having its own social status, occupation, and restrictions. The four main castes
in Hinduism were Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras, and there are also groups
outside the caste system known as Dalits or “untouchables.”
Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar’s contributions towards eliminating the caste-based discrimination
from the society:
Drafting the Indian Constitution: As the chairman of the Drafting Committee, Ambedkar
played a crucial role in drafting the Indian Constitution, which enshrined the principles of
equality, liberty, and fraternity and outlawed caste-based discrimination through various
provisions, specially under Fundamental Rights under articles 14 to 18. It also provided a
framework for social and economic justice under Directive principals of State policy as well.
Campaign for Social Equality: Ambedkar was a vocal critic of the caste system and campaigned
for social equality. He founded the “Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha” in 1924 to work for the
welfare of the untouchables and later established the “All India Scheduled Castes Federation”
to represent the interests of the marginalized sections of society. He also led the Mahad
Satyagrah in 1927 which is considered to be the “foundational event” of the Dalit movement.
Earlier in 1930, he had led around 15000 Dalits to enter the Kalaram Temple to help them see
God for the first time.
Provision of Reservation System: Ambedkar proposed the reservation system, which ensured
that a certain percentage of government jobs and educational seats were reserved for the
socially and economically backward sections of society. This helped to provide access to
education and employment opportunities to these sections and uplift them socially and
economically.
Ambedkar signed the Poona Pact with Mahatma Gandhi in 1932, facilitating the reservation
of seats for Dalits (then known as Depressed Classes).
Educational Reforms: Ambedkar emphasized the importance of education in addressing
social inequality and worked to establish educational institutions for the marginalized
sections of society.
SAVARKAR
Vinayak Damodar (“Veer”) Savarkar can, with some justice, be described as the inspirational
force behind the resurgence of militant Hinduism in contemporary India. His fame has been
on the ascendancy since the Hindu right captured power in India less than a decade ago, and
lately he has been lionized in the film “Veer Savarkar” by the filmmaker Sudhir Phadke, a
fellow Maharashtrian.
A steady stream of publications emerged from Savarkar’s pen over a course of five decades,
and his first substantial work, the Indian War of Independence, appeared in 1908, or fifty
years after the rebellion of 1857-58 had been crushed. Though in this work Savarkar argued
that Hindus and Muslims had stood together in resistance to the British, in later works he
showed himself much less enamored of Hindu-Muslim unity, and for most of his adult life he
would, in fact, become known for his advocacy of the rights of Hindus. Hindu Pad-Padashahi
[1925], a treatise on Hindu Kingship, or more particularly on the glories of India under
Maratha rule, showed as well the impact of political events on Savarkar’s thinking: both the
Khilafat movement, as well as the Moplah Rebellion, doubtless played a part in turning
Savarkar against Muslims. However, his signature piece, in this respect, was a “treatise” he
penned in 1922, “Essentials of Hindutva”, a more elaborate version of which appeared in 1928
as Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? (Nagpur, 1928). Savarkar vigorously set forth the idea that
Hindus constituted a nation, bound together by common blood, and that Hindus were united
“by the tie of a common heritage we pay to our great civilization — our Hindu culture”.
Savarkar eschewed the word “Hinduism”; to him, Hindutva represented the essence of the
Hindu way of life. as he wrote, “If there be any word of alien growth it is this word Hinduism
and so we should not allow our thoughts to get confused by this new fangled term.” The
Hindus’ devotion to their motherland was supreme; indeed, whosoever was devoted to
Hindustan, and considered it his or her holy land (punyabhoomi), was a Hindu.
BAL GANGADHAR TITAK’S VIEWS
Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it!”, this is the slogan that inculcated a political
conscience among Indians regarding self-rule. The slogan was given by Lokmanya Bal
Gangadhar Tilak (Lokmanya means the man accepted by the people). Given his contribution,
Tilak can be hailed as the first mass leader of the Indian Independence Movement.
Mahatma Gandhi called him ‘The Maker of Modern India’ or as British colonial authorities
called him ‘the father of Indian unrest’, testifies his legacy and contribution to Indian society
and freedom struggle.
As a philosopher-politician, his contribution is immense as he is said to be a pioneer of ideas
of swaraj and swadeshi and used culture, education and the media.
Contribution of Bal Gangadhar Tilak
Igniting Patriotism: Ruthless suppression of the revolt of 1857 by the British and its aftermath,
had created disillusionment and darkness regarding self-rule, that continued for many
decades.
This is when Tilak began to quicken the growth of nationalist consciousness with the advent
of the 20th century.
He ignited patriotic consciousness among the masses during one of the most difficult periods
in the freedom struggle
Switching to Extremism Phase: The founding of the Indian National Congress (INC) in 1885
was aided by the British, under the narrative of safety-value theory.
As a followup to that, the voice of INC was weak and subdued. Early leadership of INC was
mainly focused on 3Ps: Prayer, Petition and Protest.
Along with two other congress leaders, Lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal (popularly
known as Lal, Bal and Pal), he started the extremist phase of INC, which focused on mass
mobilisation of masses.
Swadeshi Movement: Tilak started the Swadeshi movement (1905), which was not just about
boycotting British goods, but his larger objective was promoting indigenous
entrepreneurship.
Tilak wanted to promote manufacturing in India. To that end, Tilak started collecting funds
for a corpus, known as Paisa Fund.
This can be termed as reminiscent of the Make in India Program, in present times.
Cultural Revival: Tilak’s campaign against the British colonial rule was also anchored on
reclaiming Indian heritage and culture.
In 1896, he famously initiated the ‘sarvajanik Ganesh visarjan utsav’ in Bombay, in which the
masses of people came out to worship and then immerse idols of Ganesha in the sea.
This religious drive served the political purpose of mass mobilisation.
Though it is seen as a communal move by many historians, his writings reflected that his call
for public celebration of these festivals was not meant to rouse sentiments against any other
community.
Its sole purpose was cultural self-assertion of his people then living the yoke of foreign rule.

Today, when we talk about Atmanirbhar Bharat, the legacy of Tilak is carried forward. Reviving
the spirit of economic nationalism for indigenously manufactured goods and striving for
social integration through culture (Ek Bharat Shreshtha Bharat) are the features of Tilak’s
strategy and they continue to be relevant even today as we observe his 100 th death
anniversary
TRIBAL MOVEMENT
Today, when we talk about Atmanirbhar Bharat, the legacy of Tilak is carried forward.
Reviving the spirit of economic nationalism for indigenously manufactured goods and
striving for social integration through culture (Ek Bharat Shreshtha Bharat) are the
features of Tilak’s strategy and they continue to be relevant even today as we observe
his 100th death anniversary
Hunting, fishing, and gathering were the primary pursuits of Tribal households. Tribal
lands were lost as a result of the concept of settled agriculture being introduced by
the inflow of non-tribal people. Tribal peoples reduced to little more than landless
agricultural labourers. The introduction of moneylenders was intended to benefit the
local population, but it actually made Tribals’ circumstances worse.
The tribal population’s Joint Ownership structure was replaced with Private
Ownership. Use of forest products, relocating agriculture, and hunting methods were
all subject to restrictions. In contrast to mainstream culture, which was characterized
by caste and class inequalities, tribal civilization has historically been egalitarian.
They assigned the lower ranks to the tribal people as non-tribals entered their areas,
which made their situation even worse.
Non-Frontier Tribes make up 89% of all tribes. The non-frontier tribes in Andhra Pradesh,
Central India, and West-Central India are primarily where you can find them. The Bhil, Koya,
Gond, Kol, and Khond tribes were a few of the tribes that took part in the tribal movements.
These tribes’ revolutions were quite violent and involved multiple significant upheavals.
1st Phase 1795 to 1860 The most significant tribal uprisings at this time were the Kol
Revolt, Khond Rebellion, Santhal Uprising, and Early Munda Uprising.
2nd Phase 1860 to 1920 It includes both the Koya Rebellion and the Munda Rebellion
commanded by Birsamunda.
2nd Phase 1860 to 1920 It includes both the Koya Rebellion and the Munda Rebellion
commanded by Birsamunda.
IMPACT BRITISH RULE IN THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC AREA
With the advent of British rule in India, there had come several changes in the socio-
economic-political spheres if the Indian society.
Economic Impact:
India became an economic colony of industrial England.
Indian handloom weaving industry was hit by the industrialization in England and eventually
collapsed.
Indian handicrafts lost both domestic and foreign market.
Land revenue experiments mentioned below caused hardship to cultivators:
Lord Cornwallis’s Permanent Settlement System. Ryotwari & Mahalwari Systems
Commercialization of agriculture hard hit the labourers where numbers of landless labourers
increased.
This led to the birth of new money-lending class where peasants were exploited as they had
to borrow money from the money-lenders
Social and Cultural Impact:
Amid social issues like Sati, Child Marriages, Infanticides; ideas like Liberty, Equality, Freedom,
and Human Rights were brought by the British.To improve the condition of women in society,
various legal measures were introduced.
British showed keenness in introducing the English language in Indian society.The vernacular
languages were ignored
The British Parliament issued the Charter Act of 1813 by which a sum of Rupees One lakh was
sanctioned for promoting western sciences in India