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36 views55 pages

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CONTENTS VII

6.5: Modal Logics 431


6.6: Notes on Translation with M 445

Chapter 7: Logic and Philosophy 455


7.1: Deduction and Induction 455
7.2: Fallacies and Argumentation 466
7.3: Logic and Philosophy of Mind: Syntax, Semantics, and the
Chinese Room 478
7.4: Logic and the Philosophy of Religion 488
7.5: Truth and Liars 503
7.6: Names, Definite Descriptions, and Logical Form 515
7. 7: Logicism 523

Appendix on the Logical Equivalence of the Rules of Equivalence 533


Terms 539
Solutions to Selected Exercises 541
Glossary/Index 595
Preface

“ Who needs another logic textbook?” I got asked a lot as I was writing this one. The
answer is: students and teachers who want to explore both the techniques of formal
logic and their connections to philosophy and other disciplines. 咀1e best approach
to thinking about those connections is both to learn the tools of logic, in careful de-
tail, and to write about them. So this is a formal logic textbook for people who want
to learn or teach the core concepts of classical formal logic, and to think and write
about them.
Introduction to Faγmal Logic w让h Philosophical Applicatio饥s (IFLPA) and I时rod阮
tion to Formal Logic (IPL) are a pair of new logic textbooks, de鸣ned for st叫ents of
formal logic and their instructors to be rigorous, yet friendly and accessible. Unlike
many other logic books, IFLPA and IPL both focus on deductive logic.τhey cover
syntax, semantics, and natural deduction for propositional and predicate logics. 咀1ey
emphasize translation and derivations, with an eye to semantics throughout. Both
books contain over two thousand exercises, enough for in-class work and homework,
with plenty le丘 over for extra practice, and more available on the Oxford website (see
page xv). Since logic is most o丘en taught in philosophy department乌 special attention
is given to how logic is useful for philosophers, and many examples use philosophi-
cal concepts. But the examples in the text are accessible to all students, requiring no
special interest in or knowledge of philosophy, and there are plenty of exercises with
no philosophical content, too.
IFLPA also contains two chapters of stand-alone essays on logic and its application
in philosophy and beyond, with writing prompts and suggestions for further read-
ings.τhese essays help instructors and students to reflect on their formal work, to
understand why logic is important to philosophers, and how it can be applied to other
disciplines, and to students' own lives and studies.

WHY THIS LOGIC BOOK?


Introduction to Formal Logic with Philosophical Applications is the product of both my
growing unease, over years of teaching logic in philosophy departments, and a sud-
den imprudent decision. My unease derived from the ways in which even excellent
IX
X PR EFACE

students finished my logic course without a good understanding of why philosophers


studied the topic. I wanted to show my students connections between formal deduc-
tive logic and broader philosophical topics. I began teaching Philosophy Fridays in
my logic classes at Hamilton College, pu忧ing aside the technical material on truth
tables and derivations, and talking about nonstandard topics, ones that appeared only
in cursory fashion, if at all, in most textbooks. Every other Friday, I would assign a
philosophy reading relating to the course material-for example, Goodman’s 刊e
Problem of Counterfactual Conditionals, a selection from Aristotle's D e Interpretatione,
Qui肘’s “On What τhere Is," Searle's "Minds, Brains, and Programs"-and spend a
class talking with my students about how logic and philosophy connect. Each student
would write a short paper on some topic raised in a Philosophy Friday.
Students responded well to Philosophy Fridays, but the readings I assigned were
o丘en too difficult. As at many schools, Symbolic Logic at Hamilton attracts students
from departments across the college. Most of these students were too unfamiliar
with philosophy to work comfortably with the material I found most interesting.
I received many fine papers and was convinced that my students were leaving the
course with a greater awareness of why we philosophers study logic. But unfortunate
numbers of students let me know that they were not enjoying the difficult, obscure
(to them) readings.
My sudden imprudent decision happened during a logic class, fall 2010, when I
mentioned that if anyone wanted to spend time writing logic problems for a sum-
m吨 while I wrote my own essays for Philosophy Fridays, I would try to find some
funding for the project. A student volunteered, and we spent the summer working.
咀1e result, IFLPA, revised and expanded over the years, has two parts. 咀1e first part,
chapters 1-5, is a nuts-and-bolts introductory formal deductive logic textbook. Chap-
ter 1 is a brief introduction. Chapter 2 covers propositional semantics, leading to the
standard truth-table definition of validity. Chapter 3 covers natural deductions in
propositional logic. Chapter 4 covers monadic predicate logic. Chapter 5 covers full
first-order logic, including identity and functions. This material is straight logic, and
it does not discuss distracting questions in the philosophy of logic.
The central innovation of IFLPA is in its second part. Chapters 6 and 7 contain
stand-alone introductory essays on enrichment topics, along with discussion ques-
tions which can serve as essay prompts and suggestions for further reading. 卫1e first
five chapters may come off as dogmatic, in places. For example, in chapter 2, I intro-
duce the truth table for the material conditional without discussing the deep ques-
tions about that interpretation of 'if ... then .. .' statements. I introduce bivalence
without discussing other options, like three-valued logics. But nearly each section of
the 且rst five cl呻ters contains a set of questions (“ Tell Me More '’), pointing to places
in which such questions are explored in chapters 6 and 7.
Chapter 玩 “Beyond Basic Logic," contains discussions of subtleties arising from
thinking about logic, and it includes some auxiliary formal material.τhere are essays
PREFACE XI

on the nature of conditionals; some metalogical concepts (completenes叭oundness,


decidability); three吼lued logics; modal logic; and more intricate questions arising
in translation.
Chapter 7,“Logic and Philosophy,'’ mainly contains more-philosophical essays
aimed at showing both the connections between formal logic and other areas of phi-
losophy, and some of the ways in which logic can actually he与 treat philosophical
problems. I discuss philosophy of mind, philosophy of science, philosophy of lan-
guage, metaphysics, truth, and mathematics. I have found these essays to be espe-
cially engaging for students eager to move beyond more formal work.

SPECIAL FEATURES
Each section of IFLPA contains a Summary.
Sections in chapters 1 through 5 contain a list of important points to Keep in
Mind.
Key terms are boldfaced in the text and defined in the margins, and are listed
at the end of each chapter. In addition, all terms are defined in the glossary/
index at the end of the book.
咀1ere are over two thousand exercises in the book.
Exercises are presented progressively, from easier to more challenging.
Translate-and-derive exercises are available in every section on deriva-
tions, helping to maintain students' translation skills.
Translation exercises are supplemented with examples for translation
from formal languages into English.
Regimentations and translations contain both ordinary and philosophi-
cal themes.
Solutions to exercises, about 20 percent of total, are included at the back
of the book. Solutions to translate-and-derive exercises appear in two
parts: first, just the translation, and then the derivation. Solutions to all
exercises are available for instructors.
IFLPA contains several formal topics and exercise types not appearing in
standard logic texts:
Seven rules for biconditionals, parallel to the standard rules for
conditionals.
Exercises asking students to interpret and model short theories.
Two sections on functions at the end of chapter 5.
Exercises asking students to determine whether an argument is valid or
invalid, or whether a proposition is a logical truth or not, and then to
construct either a derivation or a counterexample.
These sections are perfect for stronger students, while easily skipped by
others.
XII PREFACE

Sections of enrichment material on philosophical applications in chapters 6


and 7 all contain essay prompts (“For Fur也er Research and Writing”) and
suggested readings.
Tell Me More entries at the ends of sections, pointing to essays in chapters 6
and 7, encourage students to explore the importance of their formal work.

INTRODUCTION TO FORMAL LOGIC OR INTRODUCTION TO


FORMAL LOGIC WITH PHILOSOPHICAL APPLICATIONS?
TWO BOOKS-YOUR CHOICE
As IFLPA went through the review process at Oxford, it became clear that some in-
structors were interested main忖 in the first five cl呻ters, which focused on formal
logic, and did not see a use for the enrichment material in chapters 6 and 7. While I
have found that the enrichment material has increased my students' enjoyment and
understanding of the formal work, different instructors have different goals. So we
have also produced an abbreviated version of this book. Introduction to Formal Logic
(IPL) is a nuts-and-bolts introductory formal deductive logic textbook, mainly just
the first five chapters of IFLPA, though it also contains the two sections on subtleties
of translation from IFLPA, as well as the section on fallacies and argumentation.
The formal material is the same in IPL and IFLPA: the same examples, the same ex-
ercises, and the same numberings. Instructors and students may work together with
either version and move freely between the two books.

USING INTRODUCTION TO FORMAL LOGIC


WITH PHILOSOPHICAL APPLICATIONS
咀1e 且rst five chapters of IFLPA proceed sequentially through standard formal logic.
Mostly, instructors will move through as much material as they desire, from the start.
There are three possible exceptions.
First, the first three sections of chapter 1 are mainly background and not really nec-
essary to cover; there are no exercises in those sections.
Second, one of my goals for IFLPA was a better discussion of semantics, especially
for predicate logic, a topic many logic books elide or exclude. Instructors who wish to
skip this material (especially sections 4.7 and 5.2) will need to support students for
the further work on distinguishing valid from invalid arguments in sections 4.8 and
5.3, or just skip the relevant exercises in those sections.
τhird, section 3.6 contains seven natural deduction rules governing inferences with
biconditionals that do not appear in standard logic texts. This section can be skipped,
though instructors might want to be careful in assigning subsequent exercises that
use biconditionals. All later inferences will be derivable, but some exercises will be
more difficult than they would be with the extra rules from section 3.6.
PR EFACE XIII

Philosophical Applications: The Enrichment


Material in Chapters 6 and 7
The sections of enrichment material on philosophical applications in chapters 6 and
7 are truly independent, from chapters 1-5, and from each other.τhis allows instruc-
tors to choose the sections that interest them or that they believe will most interest
their students.
Sections in both chapters include writing prompts ("For Further Research and
飞咿ritin
吨 g") and additional readin
吨 g suggestion

lS. E
exercises. Both chapters are written to help students start to see the role, implicit and
explicit, of logic in contemporary philosophy. While I have tried to be even-handed,
my choices of topics do not reflect the discipline as a whole, and my choices of how to
cover those topics may seem idiosyncratic, since I have omitted or elided some promi-
nent and important views.τhese results are inevitable for short introductory essays
on topics on which there are no settled views. My goal is to find ways to stimulate my
students' interests and to help them start to think and to write about why we study
logic, not to cover everything.
Due to space constraints, we are not able to include all of the sections I have written
for chapters 6 and 7. Omitted sections, also standing alone, are available as supple-
ments to the text on Oxford ’s website. For chapter 6, the supplementary material in-
cludes a treatment of adequate sets of propositional operators, alternative notations,
alternative methods of proof, rules of passage and prenex normal form, and second-
order logic. For chapter 7, the online supplementary material includes more work on
logic and the philosophy of science, infinity, quantification and ontological commit-
ment, and the color incompatibility problem. Instructors may print and distribute
those sections to their students.
τhere are different ways in which one can use chapters 6 and 7. I cover some sec-
tions, such as sections 6.1 on subtleties of translation or 6.2 on conditionals, at the
same time that I cover the formal work and assign students the readings as prepa-
ratory for classes. Alternatively, I use some of the sections as biweekly pauses, my
Philosophy Fridays, during which I try to seed student interests in various topics. I
have students write a short essay, due toward the end of the course, in which they are
asked to make connections between formal logic and the outside world. Philosophy
Fr叫ays motivate my students to think about their essay topics. Since there is more
enrichment material in the last two chapters than can be covered comfortably in a
semeste鸟 I teach some different topics each year.
τhe enrichment sections may also be assigned to strong students as independent
work. For example, some mathematics or computer science students who come to
logic, perhaps looking for a humanities course within their comfort zones, find work-
ing independently on the sections on three-valued logics or Hilbert-style systems edi-
fying and satisfying.
To help students and teachers figure out when best to read and discuss the enrich-
ment material, I have provided two tools. First, I have included suggestions ("Tell Me
XIV PREFACE

More”) at the end of most sections.τhese suggestions point to sections in chapter 6


or 7, or to the supplementary material on the Oxford website, that can help illuminate
the concepts of the relevant technical material in chapters 1-5.
Second, I have prepared the following chart of guidelines. 卫1ese guidelines indi-
cate which formal topics are presupposed in each enrichment section, so instructors
can know at a glance whether a section is appropriate for students at any point in the
course. I have included in the chart suggestions for integrating both the sections in
the book and the supplementary sections available only on Oxford ’s website. When
you are considering assigning a section of enrichment material to your class, a quick
glance at the relevant row of this chart may be useful.

Suggestions for Integrating Enrichment Material on Philosophical Applications

[ Section Su仰st川la cement N叫川esuppositions 仙川omments


6.1: Notes on A丘er2.S Logical equivalence 咀1e section uses the truth-table defini-
Translation with PL tion of equivalence to justify some trans-
lations in PL.

6.2: Conditionals
---------斗-----
I A丘er2.S
•----
Logical equivalence and You can do this section a bit earlier, but
tautology you do need the basic truth tables.
6.3 :咀1ree-Valued Logics I A丘er 2.6 Basic truth tables and the The section mentions logical truths, and
truth-table definition of the discussion ofvalidity might make
validity more sense a丘er 3.5.
6.4: Metalogic Anywhere Mentions proof and truth, but doesn’ t
presuppose the technical work on it
6.5: Modal Logics A丘er 3.3 Truth tables, truth functions, Focuses exclusively on propositional
and some natural deduction modal logics
(modus ponens)
•---- •--- 一
6.6: Notes on After 4.7 Translation and semantics This section is about translation in M but
Translation with 岛f forM uses the derivation rules through 4.6 and
the semantics in 4.7.
6S.7:咀1e Propositions A丘er2.S Tautology 咀1ere are mentions of disjunctive syl-
of Propositional Logic logism, quantification, and languages of
predicate logic.
6S.8: Adequacy A丘er 2.6 Basic truth tables It’s useful, but not necessary, to have dis-
cussed validity.
6S.9: Logical Truth, A丘er 2.5 Tautology and logical truth 咀1e section mentions logical truths of F,
Analyticity, and but not in detail. Still, it might be better
Modality a丘er 3.8 and 3.9 when students prove
logical truths using natural deductions.
←一-
6S.10: Alternative A丘er 4.1 All logical operators, includ- You could do it earlier if you gloss over -
Notations ing quantifiers, and the truth the quantifiers; there’s not much about
tables them.
6S.ll: Axiomatic A丘er 3.8 Logical truths and proofs of τhe section mentions predicate logic but
Systems them doesn't use it.
PREFACE XV

6S.12: Rules of Passage A丘er 5.3 Rules forF


6S.13: Second-Order A丘er 5.5 Identity theory I do this section a丘er functions and con-
Logic and Set Theory nect it to 7.7: Logicism.
7.1: Deduction and Anywhere 咀1e discussion of inference makes more
Induction sense a丘er work in chapter 3.
7.2: Fallacies and Anywhere Arguments and validity Deductions in both PL and Mare men-
Argumentation tioned in passing, early.
7.3: Logic and A丘er4.7 Syntax and semantics I usually do this section earlier, empha-
Philosophy of Mind sizing the syntax and semantics of PL,
but it makes more sense a丘er the seman-
tics of Mor F.
7.4: Logic and the A仕er 1.5 Regimentation into premise/
Philosophy of Religion conclusion form; validity and
soundness
7.5: Truth and Liars A丘er4.6 Proof in M, including indirect
proof
7.6: Names, Definite A丘er 5.4 Identity theory, specifically
Descriptions, and definite descriptions
Logical Form
7.7: Logicism A丘er 5.4 Identity theory Discussions of functions (5.6) and
second-order logic (6S.13) can be helpful
in se忧ing up the project.
7S.8: Logic and Science A丘er 3.5 Natural deductions, especially
MP and MT
7S.9: Infinity Anywhere 咀1e section introduces and uses some
very basic set theory, and invokes the
general concepts of formalization.
7S.10: Quanti且cation A丘er4.7 Quantification, especially
and Ontological quantifier exchange; seman-
Commitment tics for Mand F
7S.ll: Atomism and A丘er4.7 岛f 咀1ere is discussion of the limits of first-
Color Incompatibility order logic, but really only Mis needed.

STUDENT AND INSTRUCTOR RESOURCES


A rich set of supplemental resources is available to support teaching and learning
in this course. These supplements include Instructor Resources on the Oxford
University Press Ancillary Resource Center (ARC); intuitive, auto-graded as-
sessments and other student resources on Dashboard by Oxford University Press; a
free Companion Website for students; and downloadable Learning Management
System Cartridges. For access to these resources, please visit www.oup.com/us/
marcus.
XVI PREFACE

卫1e ARC houses a wealth of Instructor Resources:


• A customizable, auto-graded Computerized Test Bank
• An Instructor’s Manual, which includes the following:
• AMicroso丘 Word document containing the questions from the Comput-
erized Test Bank
• A traditional “ Pencil-and-Paper" version of the Test Bank, containing the
same questions as the Computerized Test Bank, but converted for use
in hard-copy exams and homework assignments, including open-ended
questions that allow students to develop extended analysis, such as com-
pleting truth tables and doing proofs
• Complete answers to every set of exercises in the book-over 2,000
exercises
• Bulleted Chapter Summaries, which allow the instructor to scan the
important aspects of each chapter quickly and to anticipate section
discussions
• PowerPoint Lecture Outlines to assist the instructor in leading class-
room discussion
• Sample syllabi
• Downloadable Course Cartridges which allow instructors to import the com-
puterized test bank and student resources from the Companion Website into
their school ’s Learning Management System
Dashboard at www.oup.com/ us/ dashboard delivers a wealth of Student Re-
sources and auto-graded activities in a simple, intuitive, and mobile device-friendly
format. Dashboard contains:
• A fully-integrated eBook version of the text
• Level-One and Level-Two Quizzes, autograded and linked to the Learning Ob-
jectives for easy instructor analysis of each student’s topic-specific strengths
and weaknesses.
• A ProoιChecking Module for solving symbolic proofs that allows students to
enter proof solutions, check the their validity, and receive feedback, both by
line and as a whole, as well as Truth Table Creation Modules, all feeding auto-
matically into a Gradebook that offers instructors the chance to view students'
individual a忧empts
• Quiz Creation Capability for instructors who wish to create original quizzes in
multiple-choice, true/ false, multiple-select, long-answer, short- answe鸟 order­
ing, or matching question formats, including customizable answer feedback
and hints
• A built-in, color-coded Gradebook that allows instructors to monitor student
progress from virtually any device
• Chapter Learning Objectives adapted from the book ’s chapter headings
PREFACE XVII

• Interactive Flashcards of Key Terms and their definitions from the book
• Tools for student communication, reference, and planning, such as messaging
and spaces for course outlines and syllabi
Access to Dashboard can be packaged with Introduction to Formal Logic with Philo-
sophical Applications at a discount, stocked separately by your college bookstore, or
purchased directly at www.oup.com/ us/ dashboard.
The free Companion Website found at www.oup.com/ us/ marcus contains supple-
mental Student Resources:
• Student Self-Quizzes
• Interactive Flashcards of Key Terms and their definitions from the book
• Bulleted Chapter Summaries
• Additional content to supplement Chapters 6 and 7, including:
• 6.7 Laws of Logic
• 6.8 Adequacy
• 6.9 Logical Truth Analyticity and Modality
• 6.10 Alternate Notations
• 6.11 Axiomatics
• 6.12 Rules of Passage
• 6.13 Second Order Logic
• 7.8 Scientific Explanation and Confirmation
• 7.9 Infinity
• 7.10 Quantification and Commitment
• 7.11 Color Incompatibility
To find out more information or to order Dashboard access or a Course Cartridge
for your Learning Management System, please contact your Oxford University Press
representative at 1 800-280-0280.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
咀1e first dra丘 of this book was written in the summer of 2011. I worked that sum-
mer alongside my student Jess Gutfleish, with support of a Class of 1966 Faculty
Development Award from the Dean of Faculty’s O面ce at Hamilton College, in the
archaeology teaching lab at Hamilton. I wrote the text, and she worked assiduously
and indefatigably writing exercises; I had di面culty keeping up with her. I am inef-
fably grateful to Jess for all of her hard work and the mountain of insidiously difficult
(as well as more ordinary) logic problems she devised. Jess worked on more prob-
lems in spring 2014, and Spencer Livingstone worked with her. Deanna Cho helped
enormously with the section summaries and glossary, supported by the philosophy
department at Hamilton College. Spencer Livingstone and Phil Parkes worked dur-
ing summer 2015, helping me with some research and writing still further exercises.
XVIII PR EFACE

Sophie Gaulkin made many editing suggestions and Reinaldo Camacho assisted me
with new exercises. Jess, Spencer, and Rey were all indescr也ably supportive and use-
ful as teaching assistants and error-seeking weapons. Students in my logic classes at
Hamilton, too numerous to mention, found many typos. Andrew Winters, using a
dra丘 of the text at Slippery Rock University in 2016, sent the errors he and his stu-
dents discovered, and made many helpful suggestions.
At the behest of Oxford, the following people made helpful comments on dra丘s of
the book, and I am grateful for their work:
Joshua Alexander, Siena College
Brian Barnett, St. John Fisher College
Larry Behrendt, Mercer County Community College
Thomas A. Blackson, Arizona State University
Dan Boisvert, University ofNorth Carolina, Charlotte
Jeff Buechner, Rutgers University, Newark
Eric Chelstrom, Minnesota State University
Chris Dodsworth, Spring Hill College
Michael Futch, University of Tulsa
Nathaniel Goldberg, Washington and Lee University
Nancy Slonneger Hancock, Northern Kentucky University
Brian Harding, Texas Woman’s University
Reina Hayaki, University of Nebraska, Lincoln
Marc A. Hight, Hampden Sydney College
Jeremy Hovda, KU Leuven
Gyula Klima, Fordham University
Karen Lewis, Barnard College
Leemon McHenry, California State University, Northridge
John Piers Rawling, Florida State University
Reginald Rayme鸟 University of North Carolina, Charlotte
Ian Schnee, Western Kentucky University
Aeon Skoble, Bridgewater State University
Michael Stoeltzner, University of South Carolina
Harold τhorsrud, Agnes Scott College
Mark Tschaepe, Prairie View A&M University
Andrew Winters, Slippery Rock University of Pennsylvania
I am grateful also to Robert Miller, Executive Editor at Oxford, and Alyssa Palazzo,
Associate Editor, for supporting both IPL and IFLPA.
卫1ank you to Margaret Gentry and the Dean of Faculty’s o面ce at Hamilton. I am
grateful to Nathan Goodale and Tom Jones for le忧ing us have their lab in which to
work, summer 2011. I also owe thanks to the many students who have he怡ed me
construct an innovative Logic course, and for the constant, unwavering support of me
and my course by the Hamilton College philosophy department. 咀1anks to Marianne
Janack for example 4.2.27 and to Alan Ponikvar for example 7.2.10.
PREFA CE XIX

More remotely, I am deeply grateful to authors of the logic books I ’ve studied and
with which I ’ve taught, especially Irving Copi ’s Symbolic Logic, Geoffrey Hunter’s
Metalogic, Elliott Mendelson’s Introduction to Mathematical Logic, Patrick Hurley’s A
Concise Introduction to Logic,John Nolt ’s Logics, and Graham Priest's An Introduction
to Non-Classical Logic. Elliott Mendelson and Melvin Fi忧ing were especially influ-
ential logic teachers of mine; they made logic elegant and beautiful. I studied Copi ’s
logic with Richard Schuldenfrei, whose encouragement I appreciate. And I am grate-
ful to Dorothea Frede, into whose Ancient Philosophy class I brought my excitement
about logic, for her patience as I discovered (by regimenting his arguments through
tl时erm) that, no, Plato wasn't making simple logical errors.
Most important!弘 I am grateful to my wife, Emily, and my children, Marina and
Izzy, who suffered through many summers that could have been more fun for them so
that I could have the logic book I wanted.
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A A A

1.1: DEFINING ’ LOGIC ’


An Introduction to Formal Logic and Its Application to Philosophy is a textbook in for-
mal deductive logic and its relation to philosophy. If you work through the material
in the first five chapters, you can gain a good sense of what philosophers and logicians
call deductive arguments. In the sixth and seventh chapters, you can read about some
connections between logic and philosophy.
Let ’s start by trying to characterize to what the terms ‘ logic’ and ‘ argument' refer.
Consider the following claims that someone might use to define those terms.
1.1.1 Logic is the study of argument.
Arguments are what people who study logic study.
Two aspects of the pair of sentences in 1.1.1 are worth noticing. First, they provide
a circular definition that makes the characterizations nearly useless. If you do not
understand the terms 'logic' and 'argument', then the sentences in 1.1.1 are not going
to help you, except for showing that the two terms are related.
Second, the circularity of this pair of definitions is a formal result that can be seen
in other pairs of purported definitions, like the pairs of sentences in 1.1.2 and 1.1.3.
1.1.2 Sheep are the things that shepherds tend.
Shepherds are things that tend sheep.
1.1.3 Glubs are extreme cases of wizzles.
Wizzles are ordinary forms of glubs.
In 1.1.2, you might not notice the problem of the formal property of circularity
because you already know the meanings of the terms involved. In 1.1.3, the problem
should be obvious. Without knowing what glubs and wizzles are, 1.1.3 is useless, and
its uselessness is a product of its poor form. 咀1is textbook is about such formal results.

1
2 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCING LOGIC

Returning to the definitions of 'logic’ and 'argument', notice that in contrast to


1.1.1, 1.1.4 is not formally circular.
1.1.4 Logic is the study of argument.
An argument is a set of statements, called premises, together with
a claim, called the conclusion, which the premises are intended to
support or establish.
1.1.4 explains the meaning of one term,' logic’F by using other ones, like 'statement ’
and ‘establish ’. If such a definition is to be informative, these other terms should be
more familiar. If not, we can continue the process, as at 1.1.5.
1.1.5 To establish a claim is to justify or provide evidence for it.
A statement is a declarative sentence that has a truth value.
Truth values include truth and falsity. Some interesting logics have
other truth values: three (e.g., truth, falsity, and indeterminacy) or
in白nitely many. In this book we will focus on just truth and falsity.

Pairing 1.1.4 and 1.1.5, we see a characterization oflogic as the rules ofwhat follows
from what, of which consequences derive from which assumptions.
We make inferences all the time: if I buy this book, I won't have enough money for
the cup of coffee I wanted; if I make a turn here, I'll end up in Waterville; she must be
angry with me because she hasn’ t returned my email. When we think about the con-
sequences of our actions or the reasons some event has occurred, we are using logic.
Good logic is thus a precond让ion for all good reasoning.
Some inferences are better than others. I am well justified in inferring that it is a丘er
dawn from the light peeking through my window shades. I am not well justified in
believing that it is nine in the morning from the fact that it was six in the morning an
hour ago; that ’s an error. 卫1is book is devoted to some general principles of evaluating
certain kinds of arguments, called deductive arguments.
Deductive arguments are contrasted with inductive arguments, though the diι
ference between them is di伍cult to specify both precisely and briefly. Roughl如 in a
deductive argument, the conclusion follows without fail, necessaril如 from the prem-
ises.τhe conclusions of inductive arguments are supported by their premises, more or
less depending on the argument, but not guaranteed. Inductive arguments are o丘en
(though not always) generaliz延ions from particular expe由nces and can be under-
mined by further evidence.
Logic and mathematics are largely characterized by their uses of deduction, though
statistical inferences are not purely deductive. Sciences involve both deduction and
induction, broadly speaking, though there are other methods of inference, like in-
ference to the best explanation. 咀1e best way to understand the difference between
deduction and induction is to work through the material in chapters 1-5 and contrast
that kind of reasoning with others.
When evaluating an argument, we can perform two distinct steps. First, we can see
whether the conclusion follows from the assumptions. An argument whose conclu-
sion follows from its premises is called valid. Chapter 2 is dedicated to constructing
1.2: LOGIC AND LANGUAGES 3

a precise notion of deductive validity, of what follows, for propositional logic. Indeed,
the notion of validity is the central topic of the book.
A second step in evaluating an argument is to see whether the premises are true.
In a valid deductive argument, if the premises are true, then the conclusion must be
true.τhis result is what makes deductive logic interesting and is, in a sense, the most
important sentence of this entire book: in a valid deductive argument, if the premises
are true, then the conclusion must be.
An Introduction to Formal Logic and Its Application to Philosophy is dedicated to the
first step in the process of evaluating arguments. ’The second step is not purely logi-
cal, and it is largely scientific. Roughly speaking, we examine our logic to see if our
reasoning is acceptable and we examine the world to see if our premises are true. Al-
though we prefer our arguments both to be valid and to have true premises, this book
is dedicated main与 to the form of the argument, not to its content.
You might wonder whether the logic in this book, formal deductive logic, repre-
sents how we actually reason or whether it sets out rules for proper reasoning. ls logic
descriptive or prescriptive? Before we can start to answer this question, we have to
see what our logic looks like. 卫1e nature of some elementary systems of formal logic
is the focus of the first five chapters of this book. In the sixth and seventh chapters, I
discuss a variety of philosophical questions arising from or informed by the study of
formal logic. The sections of these chapters may be read along with the formal mate-
rial in the first five chapters.

TELL ME MORE ::.. I

• How does deductive logic differ from inductive logic? See 7.1: Deduction and Induction.

1.2: LOGIC AND LANGUAGES


’Thereare (at least) three kinds of languages in this book. First, most of the book is
written in a natural language, English. Other natural languages include Spanish and
Swahili. Second, there are the formal languages that we will discuss in careful detail.
As these formal languages are our main objects of study, we can call them the object
languages.
Between formal and natural languages is a third kind of language made of elements
of the other two and used to study a formal language. 卫1is metalanguage is mostly
English. You might not even think of it as a language separate from English, and for
the most part you need not think about the metalanguage too carefully. But it in-
cludes some technical terms that do not occur in ordinary English. For example, the
rules of inference we will examine in chapter 3 are written using Greek letters. 卫1ey
are parts of the metalanguage we use to tell us how to work in the object language.
We can add these same meta-linguistic rules to any natural language to form a meta-
language made mostly out of Spanish or Swahili. Our metalanguage thus differs from
4 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCING LOGIC

any particular natural language. I will not specify the metalanguage as precisely as
the object languages.
It is customary to give names to object languages. Chapters 2 and 3 focus on one
object language that I will call PL, for propositional logic. Chapters 4 and 5 discuss
three further formal languages:
M Monadic (日rst-order) predicate Logic
F Full (firs仁order) predicate logic
FF Full (firsιorder) predicate logic with functors
For each formal language we study, we will specify a syntax and a semantics. ’The
syntax gives the vocabulary of the language, series of symbols like letters and terms
like 飞,', ::::,, and :3, along with rules for forming formulas. The semantics allows us to
interpret the language, to understand it as meaningful, rather than just an empty set
of squiggles. 卫1ere are different possible interpretations of the symbols just as there
are different meanings to most words or different languages using the same letters.
We speci马r an interpret甜on of an object language by thinking of ourselves as step-
ping outside of those languages into metalanguages. We might sa如 for example, that
we will use the letter γin the object language to stand for the statement expressed
in English by 'Prunes are dried plums’. We will also study derivations (or proofs) in
each language.
卫1ere are advantages to both natural languages and formal languages. Natural lan-
guages are excellent for ordinary communication. Formal languages are excellent for
precision, especially for clarifying ambiguities. Much of the formal material in this
book is based on Frege's Begr你schr(卢(1879); Begr你schr侨 means 'concept writing ’-

In his preface, Frege compared natural languages and formal languages to an eye and
a microscope, respectively:
I believe I can make the relationship of my Begrl侨·schrift to ordinary Lan-
guage clearest if I compare it to that of the microscope to the eye. The Latter,
due to the range of its apP.Licability, due to the flexibility with which it is
able to adapt to the most diverse circumstances, has a great superiority over
the microscope. Considered as an optical instrument, it admittedly reveals
many imperfections, which usually remain unnoticed only because of its in-
timate connection with mental life. But as soon as scientific purposes place
great demands on sharpness of resolution, the eye turns out to be inadequate.
The microscope, on the other hand, is perfectly suited for such purposes.
Many students, when they begin to study logic, find it to be an amusing toy.二 There
are careful rules for working in the object language. Once you learn those rules, it
can be fun to play with them. When I started studying logic, in college, I couldn’ t
believe that one could earn credit for filling out truth tables, translating English into
formal languages, and constructing derivations. It was like ge忧ing credit for eating
candy. I love puzzles and games; logic seemed to be too much fun to be serious or
important.
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up his abode in a country which is independent of Kabul and
in the neighbourhood of Peshawar.’
“Your Highness has also written, ‘what more can I add in
this matter to the foregoing arguments, having regard to the
proximity to you of these Mullahs who are close to your
country and have now, according to the boundary
demarcation, fallen within the limits of the British
Government.’
“It is, no doubt, true that the Mullah has committed hostile
acts within the territory which it has been agreed falls within
the limits of the British Government, and if my troops meet
him there his punishment will be speedily accomplished. But I
am informed that the Mullah has established his abode in the
village of Jarobi, and though, as your Highness is aware, the
country is wild and unsurveyed, and no permanent boundary
pillars have been erected, it is understood that this village
probably lies within the territory which, according to the
arrangement proposed in my letter of the 12th November
1896, would fall within the limits of Afghanistan. Your
Highness will agree with me that this man, who has given so
much trouble to your Highness’s Government as well as to the
British Government, must not escape the punishment for his
misdeeds, and if the Mullah retires before my troops to
Jarobi, or to any place similarly situated, my troops will be
authorised to follow him up and destroy him and his
habitation. I do not wish your Highness to regard any such
action on the part of my troops as indicating an intention to
vary or depart from what we have agreed upon as the
dividing-line in the Mohmand country. I have no intention that
my troops should stay in that country, and they will certainly
not go further into it than is necessary in order to carry out
the object with which they are being despatched. On the
other hand, if the Mullah should take flight across the
mountains into the Kunar Valley, my troops have orders not to
follow him beyond the watershed, but I shall look to your
Highness to give orders to your officers to deal with him as he
deserves, and to restrain him from exciting the foolish
tribesmen to further acts of hostility.
“I have always endeavoured in my correspondence with
your Highness to write frankly and openly so that
misunderstandings may be avoided. Your Highness will, I
hope, recognise that this is my object on this occasion.”
From the Amir of Afghanistan to the address of His Excellency the
Viceroy, dated September 12, 1897.
(After compliments.)
“I beg to inform your Excellency that I have received your
friendly letter of the 6th instant. The Mullah will not come to
this country of mine, because he has acted wrongly, and,
should he still come, I will expel him from my country, so that
he may go towards Arabia, because he is a very wicked
person. Your Excellency’s troops, however, should not
advance too far (lit. should not make a great advance), lest
some confusion arise within the limits of Kunar or among the
troops which are in Kunar. The Mullah is a great knave. He
should not be allowed to (lit. let it not be that he might)
excite the people and troops of Ningrahar. Precaution is
necessary, so that the Army of the Sublime Government may
not raise commotion and tumult in the neighbourhood, and
the Mullah excite the people and be the source of
disturbances.
“As regards the remaining portion of the undemarcated
boundary of that district, your Excellency states that Jarobi is
possibly within Afghan limits. As up to this time no decision
has been come to in regard to those places, it will,
undoubtedly, be as your Excellency has written.”
From His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India to His
Highness the Amir of Afghanistan, G.C.B., G.C.S.I., dated Simla,
October 7, 1897.
(After compliments.)
“Your Highness has probably already heard of the result of
the advance of my troops against the Adda Mullah, which in
my letter of the 6th September 1897, corresponding to the
8th Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., I told your Highness was about to
be undertaken. The Mullah’s gathering has been dispersed:
my troops followed him to his home at Jarobi, but he had
already fled across the boundary into your Highness’s
territory, and, in accordance with my promise, my troops did
not pursue him further. It is now for your Highness to fulfil
the part which your Highness in your letter of the 12th
September 1897, announced the intention of taking, in the
event of the Mullah entering Afghanistan. I look to your
Highness to prevent him from concocting further mischief
from Afghan territory.
“As an instance of the mischief which the Adda Mullah has
been guilty of, I enclose in original a letter, dated the 2nd
September 1897, from Najm-ud-din to the Mian Guls of Swat.
The Mullah writes: ‘I had written to his Highness the Amir,
Zia-ul-millat-wad-din, on the subject of jehad. His Highness
replied that we should wait: that his Highness would consult
all the military officers, Khans and Maliks of his Highness’s
territory and then write again in reply, telling me the
arrangements and preparations for jehad.’
“Further on, he adds: ‘Please God, his Highness the Amir
will make arrangements for the jehad and issue a notification
to that effect.’
“In this way, Najm-ud-din has tried to make mischief
between your Highness and the Government of India, and it
is not to be wondered at if, under such circumstances, people
believe that they will not incur your Highness’s displeasure by
acting in a hostile manner towards the British Government.
“In my letter of the 30th August 1897, equivalent to the
1st Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., I informed your Highness of the
misdeeds of the Afridis, and of my intention to deal with them
in a manner to make clear the supremacy of the British
Government.
“I now have the honour to inform your Highness that a
punitive force under the command of General Sir William
Lockhart, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., will shortly start to march through
the country of the Orakzais and Afridis, and to compel both
tribes to submit to such terms as I decide to impose upon
them.
“I have received a letter from my Agent at Kabul, enclosing
copy of one sent to him by your Highness on the 25th Rabi-
us-Sani, 1315 H., corresponding to the 23rd September 1897.
From this letter I learn that your Highness has refused to
receive or encourage, and has turned back, the Afridis whose
representatives were on their way to Kabul. I thank your
Highness for this friendly act, which is exactly in accordance
with what I had proposed to ask your Highness to do.
“It is probable that, when the British troops advance, the
tribesmen will follow the example of the Adda Mullah’s
lashkar, and take flight into Afghan territory. I have, indeed,
been informed that they are already sending their women and
property into Ningrahar.
“Your Highness is aware that in December 1895 and in May
last I caused the Kaffir refugees to be disarmed, and took
measures to prevent their causing your Highness annoyance.
“I now ask your Highness to take similar action in regard
to the Orakzais and Afridis, by ordering your local officers to
disarm those who enter your limits and to prevent them from
making Afghan territory a base for attacks upon my forces.”
From His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its Dependencies to the
address of His Excellency the Viceroy, dated the 16th Jamadi-ul-
Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 13th October 1897 (received
on October 20, 1897).
(After compliments.)
“I have received your Excellency’s friendly letter, dated the
7th October 1897, enclosing a letter from Mullah Najm-ud-din,
the Fakir of Hadda, to the Mian Guls, which I have perused. I
have also understood the contents of your Excellency’s letter.
“As to the escape of Mullah Hadda from his house before
the British troops reached it, and as to my promise that I
would turn him out from this side of the boundary if he
should enter my territory, I have now to inform your
Excellency that I have issued orders to search for the said
Mullah by day and night in view to arrest him. The news-
reporters appointed for the purpose report that the Mullah
has concealed himself and is secretly moving about. I have
also ordered that his whereabouts should be found out and a
report made. Please God, the said Mullah’s mischief will be
stopped, if he be within the limits of my territory; but if this
mischievous man move about in tracts which have not been
divided yet between the British and Afghan Governments, the
British officials should instruct the Maliks of such tracts to
make arrangements about the said mischievous man. This
man does not pass a single night at one place. He is in
motion like mercury: during night he is at one place, and
during day at another. Such are the reports made by news-
reporters. Notwithstanding this, I am engaged in
endeavouring to arrest him. Your Excellency may rest assured
that, if I succeed in arresting him, I will turn him out from my
territory.
“I have perused the letter which Mullah Najm-ud-din wrote
to the Mian Guls of Swat, and which your Excellency sent to
me. I write to say that whatever the Mullah has written, he
has done so with the object of deceiving the tribesmen. His
object is to excite people to rebel. Some years ago he
became hostile towards me, and excited all his disciples to
rise against me, and made them fight with my troops. Now in
this way he is making the distant people fight with the British
Government. He is mischievous; he says what is advisable
and beneficial in his own interests. If I had given him the said
promise, he was not distant from my country, and at the
outside my troops at Jelalabad were only two stages away
from his residence. Your Excellency can see from the date of
his letter what a lie he has told. Liars tell lies, but wise
persons should distinguish (between truth and falsehood). I
have known these Mullahs well for years. They are like the
priests of the time of Peter the Great, who created great
mischief in Russia. These Mullahs pretend before the people
that Paradise and Hell are within their power and authority.
“I have understood what your Excellency kindly wrote for
my information about sending British troops for the
chastisement of the Orakzais and Afridis. I have also learnt
about the decision which the high officials of the British
Government have come to in regard to punishing the said
tribesmen and bringing them to obedience.
“I have further understood what your Excellency wrote
about the report which Maulavi Ghafur Khan made to your
Excellency regarding the arrival of the Afridi jirga at Jelalabad,
and my sending them back to their country from that place;
and your Excellency expressing thanks to me for my action.
As the people are seeking their own interests, their
statements cannot be relied upon.
“Your Excellency writes that, if at the time of the British
troops advancing against the Orakzais and Afridis these
tribesmen, being obliged to flee, should enter my territory,
they should be disarmed and prevented from making any
attack on British territory. My dear friend, I will not, please
God, to the best of my power, allow my subjects to join the
tribesmen who have rebelled, in view to help them in their
fights. But when they bring their families to the houses of
their own relatives I will take no notice of the circumstance,
because these people are mutually related to one another.
They have given thousands of their daughters in marriage to
one another. If I were to prohibit this mutual intercourse and
prevent them from bringing their families to Jelalabad, the
tribesmen would become hostile to me, in the same way that
they have become hostile to the British Government. Their
hostility to the British Government cannot be of much
account, because the British Government is a Great
Government. They have appointed troops for their
punishment, composed of English soldiers, Sikhs, and Hindus.
But all my troops consist of these tribesmen. They will never
agree to the destruction of their own kith and kin; and they
will again, under the orders of the mischievous Mullahs, issue
improper edicts against me.
“It would be better if peace be made between the Tirah
people, Afridis and Orakzais, and the British Government. But
if not, and fight ensues, and these tribesmen should flee and
come to the district of Ningrahar, your Excellency may rest
assured that they will not be able any more to attack or
interfere with your Excellency’s country; and until they have
consented to become subjects of the illustrious British
Government, I will never allow them to make any interference
with British territory. But if they continue to remain in their
own mountains, they will be beyond my power and control. If
they come to my country, like Umra Khan, they will not
behave improperly, and I will not allow them to do so.
Treaty signed at Kabul on March 21, 1905, between Mr. (afterwards
Sir) Louis Dane, C.S.I., and Habib Ullah, Amir of Afghanistan.
(After compliments.)
His Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din Amir Habib Ulla Khan,
Independent King of the State of Afghanistan and its
dependencies, on the one part, and the Honourable Mr. Louis
William Dane, C.S.I., Foreign Secretary of the Mighty
Government of India and Representative of the Exalted British
Government, on the other part.
His said Majesty does hereby agree to this, that in the
principles and in the matters of subsidiary importance of the
Treaty regarding internal and external affairs, and of the
engagements which his Highness, my late father, that is, Kia-
ul-millat-wa-ud-din, who has found mercy, may God enlighten
his tomb! concluded and acted upon with the Exalted British
Government, I also have acted, am acting, and will act upon
the same agreement and compact, and I will not contravene
them in any dealing or in any promise.
The said Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane does hereby
agree to this, that as to the very agreement and engagement
which the Exalted British Government concluded and acted
upon with the noble father of his Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-
ud-din, that is, his Highness Zia-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, who has
found mercy, regarding internal and external affairs and
matters of principle or of subsidiary importance, I confirm
them and write that they (the British Government) will not act
contrary to those agreements and engagements in any way
or at any time.
Made on Tuesday, the fourteenth day of Muharram-ul-
haram of the year thirteen hundred and twenty-three Hijri,
corresponding to the twenty-first day of March of the year
nineteen hundred and five a.d.
Amir Habib Ulla.
Louis W. Dane.
Circular Despatch addressed by Prince Gortchakow to Russian
Representatives abroad: dated November 21, 1864.
St. Petersburg,
November 21, 1864.
The Russian newspapers have given an account of the last
military operations executed by a detachment of our troops,
in the regions of Central Asia, with remarkable success and
important results. It was to be foreseen that these events
would the more attract the attention of the foreign public that
their scene was laid in scarcely known countries.
Our august Master has commanded me to state to you
briefly, but with clearness and precision, the position in which
we find ourselves in Central Asia, the interests which inspire
us in those countries, and the end which we have in view.
The position of Russia in Central Asia is that of all civilised
States which are brought into contact with half-savage,
nomad populations, possessing no fixed social organisation.
In such cases it always happens that the more civilised
State is forced, in the interest of the security of its frontier
and its commercial relations, to exercise a certain ascendency
over those whom their turbulent and unsettled character
make most undesirable neighbours.
First, there are raids and acts of pillage to be put down. To
put a stop to them, the tribes on the frontier have to be
reduced to a state of more or less perfect submission. This
result once attained, these tribes take to more peaceful
habits, but are in their turn exposed to the attacks of the
more distant tribes.
The State is bound to defend them against these
depredations, and to punish those who commit them. Hence
the necessity of distant, costly, and periodically recurring
expeditions against an enemy whom his social organisation
makes it impossible to seize. If, the robbers once punished,
the expedition is withdrawn, the lesson is soon forgotten; its
withdrawal is put down to weakness. It is a peculiarity of
Asiatics to respect nothing but visible and palpable force: the
moral force of reason and of the interests of civilisation has as
yet no hold upon them. The work has then always to be done
over again from the beginning.
In order to put a stop to this state of permanent disorder,
fortified posts are established in the midst of these hostile
tribes, and an influence is brought to bear upon them which
reduces them by degrees to a state of more or less forced
submission. But soon beyond this second line other still more
distant tribes come in their turn to threaten the same dangers
and necessitate the same measures of repression. The State
thus finds itself forced to choose one of two alternatives,
either to give up this endless labour and to abandon its
frontier to perpetual disturbance, rendering all prosperity, all
security, all civilisation an impossibility, or, on the other hand,
to plunge deeper and deeper into barbarous countries, where
the difficulties and expenses increase with every step in
advance.
Such has been the fate of every country which has found
itself in a similar position. The United States in America,
France in Algeria, Holland in her colonies, England in India—
all have been irresistibly forced, less by ambition than by
imperious necessity, into this onward march, where the
greatest difficulty is to know when to stop.
Such, too, have been the reasons which have led the
Imperial Government to take up at first a position resting on
one side on the Syr Daria, on the other on the Lake Issik-Kul,
and to strengthen these two lines by advanced forts, which,
little by little, have crept on into the heart of those distant
regions, without, however, succeeding in establishing on the
other side of our frontiers that tranquillity which is
indispensable for their security.
The explanation of this unsettled state of things is to be
found, first, in the fact that, between the extreme points of
this double line, there is an immense unoccupied space,
where all attempts at colonisation or caravan trade are
paralysed by the inroads of the robber-tribes; and, in the
second place, in the perpetual fluctuations of the political
condition of those countries, where Turkestan and Khokand,
sometimes united, sometimes at variance, always at war,
either with one another or with Bokhara, presented no chance
of settled relations or of any regular transactions whatever.
The Imperial Government thus found itself, in spite of all
its efforts, in the dilemma we have above alluded to, that is to
say, compelled either to permit the continuance of a state of
permanent disorder, paralysing to all security and progress, or
to condemn itself to costly and distant expeditions, leading to
no practical result, and with the work always to be done
anew; or, lastly, to enter upon the undefined path of conquest
and annexation which has given to England the empire of
India, by attempting the subjugation by armed force, one
after another, of the small independent states whose habits of
pillage and turbulence and whose perpetual revolts leave
their neighbours neither peace nor repose.
Neither of these alternative courses was in accordance
with the object of our august Master’s policy, which consists,
not in extending beyond all reasonable bounds the regions
under his sceptre, but in giving a solid basis to his rule, in
guaranteeing their security, and in developing their social
organisation, their commerce, their wellbeing, and their
civilisation.
Our task was, therefore, to discover a system adapted to
the attainment of this threefold object.
The following principles have, in consequence, been laid
down:
(1) It has been judged to be indispensable that our two fortified
frontier lines—one extending from China to the lake Issik-Kul, the
other from the Sea of Aral along the Syr-Daria—should be united
by fortified points, so that all our posts should be in a position of
mutual support, leaving no gap through which the nomad tribes
might make with impunity their inroads and depredations.
(2) It was essential that the line of our advanced forts thus
completed should be situated in a country fertile enough, not only
to insure their supplies, but also to facilitate the regular
colonisation, which alone can prepare a future of stability and
prosperity for the occupied country, by gaining over the
neighbouring populations to civilised life.
(3) And lastly. It was urgent to lay down this line definitely, so
as to escape the danger of being carried away, as is almost
inevitable, by a series of repressive measures and reprisals, into an
unlimited extension of territory.
To attain this end a system had to be established which
should depend not only on reason, which may be elastic, but
on geographical and political conditions, which are fixed and
permanent.
This system was suggested to us by a very simple fact, the
result of long experience, namely, that the nomad tribes,
which can neither be seized nor punished, nor effectually kept
in order, are our most inconvenient neighbours; while, on the
other hand, agricultural and commercial populations attached
to the soil, and possessing a more advanced social
organisation, offer us every chance of gaining neighbours
with whom there is a possibility of entering into relations.
Consequently, our frontier line ought to swallow up the
former and stop short at the limit of the latter.
These three principles supply a clear, natural, and logical
explanation of our last military operations in Central Asia. In
fact our original frontier line, extending along the Syr-Daria to
Fort Perovski on one side, and on the other to the Lake Issik-
Kul, had the drawback of being almost on the verge of the
desert. It was broken by a wide gap between the two
extreme points; it did not offer sufficient resources to our
troops, and left unsettled tribes over the border with which
any settled arrangement became impossible.
In spite of our unwillingness to extend our frontier, these
motives had been powerful enough to induce the Imperial
Government to establish this line between Lake Issik-Kul and
the Syr-Daria by fortifying the town of Chimkent, lately
occupied by us. By the adoption of this line we obtain a
double result. In the first place, the country it takes in is
fertile, well wooded, and watered by numerous watercourses;
it is partly inhabited by various Kirghiz tribes, which have
already accepted our rule; it consequently offers favourable
conditions for colonisation and the supply of provisions to our
garrisons. In the second place, it puts us in the immediate
neighbourhood of the agricultural and commercial populations
of Khokand. We find ourselves in presence of a more solid
and compact, less unsettled, and better organised social
state; fixing for us with geographical precision the limit up to
which we are bound to advance, and at which we must halt;
because, while, on the one hand, any further extension of our
rule, meeting, as it would, no longer with unstable
communities, such as the nomad tribes, but with more
regularly constituted states, would entail considerable
exertions, and would draw us on from annexation to
annexation with unforeseen complications. On the other, with
such states for our future neighbours, their backward
civilisation and the instability of their political condition do not
shut us out from the hope that the day may come when
regular relations may, to the advantage of both parties, take
the place of the permanent troubles which have up to the
present moment paralysed all progress in those countries.
Such, Sir, are the interests which inspire the policy of our
august Master in Central Asia; such is the object, by his
Imperial Majesty’s orders, of the action of his Cabinet.
You are requested to take these arguments as your guide
in any explanations you may give to the Government to which
you are accredited, in case questions are asked or you may
see credence given to erroneous ideas as to our action in
these distant parts.
It is needless for me to lay stress upon the interest, which
Russia evidently has, not to increase her territory, and, above
all, to avoid raising complications on her frontiers which can
but delay and paralyse her domestic development.
The programme which I have just traced is in accordance
with these views.
Very frequently of late years the civilisation of these
countries, which are her neighbours on the continent of Asia,
has been assigned to Russia as her special mission.
No agent has been found more apt for the progress of
civilisation than commercial relations. Their development
requires everywhere order and stability; but in Asia it
demands a complete transformation of the habits of the
people. The first thing to be taught to the populations of Asia
is that they will gain more in favouring and protecting the
caravan trade than in robbing it. These elementary ideas can
only be accepted by the public where one exists; that is to
say, where there is some organised form of society and a
government to direct and represent it.
We are accomplishing the first part of our task in carrying
our frontier to the limit where the indispensable conditions
are to be found.
The second we shall accomplish in making every effort
henceforward to prove to our neighbouring states, by a
system of firmness in the repression of their misdeeds,
combined with moderation and justice in the use of our
strength, and respect for their independence, that Russia is
not their enemy, that she entertains towards them no ideas of
conquest, and that peaceful and commercial relations with
her are more profitable than disorder, pillage, reprisals, and a
permanent state of war.
The Imperial Cabinet, in assuming this task, takes as its
guide the interests of Russia. But it believes that, at the same
time, it is promoting the interests of humanity and civilisation.
It has a right to expect that the line of conduct it pursues and
the principles which guide it will meet with a just and candid
appreciation.
(Signed) Gortchakow.
TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND BOKHARA (1873)
Concluded between General Aide-de-Camp Kauffman, Governor-General
of Turkestan, and Seid Mozaffur, Amir of Bokhara.

(1) The frontier between the dominions of his Imperial


Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias and his Highness the
Amir of Bokhara remains unchanged.
The Khivan territory on the right bank of the Amu Daria
having been incorporated in the Russian Empire, the former
frontier between Khiva and Bokhara, from the oasis of
Khelata to Gugertli, is abolished. The territory between the
former Bokharo-Khivan frontier on the right bank of the Amu
Daria from Gugertli to Meschekli, and from Meschekli to the
point of junction of the former Bokharo-Khivan frontier with
the frontier of the Russian Empire, is incorporated in the
dominions of the Amir of Bokhara.
(2) The right bank of the Amu Daria being severed from
the Khanate of Khiva, the caravan routes leading north from
Bokhara into the Russian dominions traverse exclusively the
territories of Bokhara and Russia. The Governments of Russia
and Bokhara, each within its own territory, shall watch over
the safety of these caravan routes and of the trade
thereupon.
(3) Russian steamers, and other Russian vessels, whether
belonging to the Government or to private individuals, shall
have the right of free navigation on that portion of the Amu
Daria which belongs to the Amir of Bokhara.
(4) The Russians shall have the right to establish piers and
warehouses in such places upon the Bokharan banks of the
Amu Daria as may be judged necessary and convenient for
that purpose. The Bokharan Government shall be responsible
for the safety of these erections. The final and definite
selection of localities shall rest with the supreme Russian
authorities in Central Asia.
(5) All the towns and villages of the Khanate of Bokhara
shall be open to Russian trade. Russian traders and caravans
shall have free passage throughout the Khanate, and shall
enjoy the special protection of the local authorities. The
Bokharan Government shall be responsible for the safety of
Russian caravans on Bokharan territory.
(6) All merchandise belonging to Russian traders, whether
imported from Russia to Bokhara or exported from Bokhara to
Russia, shall be subject to an ad valorem duty of 2½ per
cent., in the same manner as an ad valorem duty of ⅟40 is
charged in the Russian province of Turkestan. No other tax,
duty, or impost whatsoever shall be imposed thereupon.
(7) Russian traders shall have the right to transport their
merchandise through Bokhara free of transit dues.
(8) Russian traders shall have the right to establish
caravanserais for the storage of merchandise in all Bokharan
towns. The same right is accorded to Bokharan traders in the
towns of the Russian province of Turkestan.
(9) Russian traders shall have the right to keep commercial
agents in all the towns of Bokhara, in order to watch over the
progress of trade and the levying of duties, and to enter into
communications with the local authorities thereupon. The
same right is accorded to Bokharan traders in the towns of
the Russian province of Turkestan.
(10) All commercial engagements between Russians and
Bokharans shall be held sacred, and shall be faithfully carried
out by both parties. The Bokharan Government shall
undertake to keep watch over the honest fulfilment of all such
engagements, and over the fair and honourable conduct of
commercial affairs in general.
(11) Russian subjects shall have the right, in common with
the subjects of Bokhara, to carry on all branches of industry
and handicraft on Bokharan territory that are sanctioned by
the law of Sharigat. Bokharan subjects shall have a similar
right to practise all such occupations on Russian territory as
are sanctioned by the law of Russia.
(12) Russian subjects shall have the right to acquire
gardens, cultivate lands, and own every species of real
property in the Khanate. Such property shall be subject to the
same land tax as Bokharan property. The same right shall be
enjoyed by Bokharan subjects in the whole territory of the
Russian Empire.
(13) Russian subjects shall have the right to enter
Bokharan territory when furnished with permits, signed by the
Russian authorities. They shall have the right of free passage
throughout the Khanate, and shall enjoy the special
protection of the Bokharan authorities.
(14) The Bokharan Government shall not in any case admit
on to Bokharan territory any foreigners, of whatever
nationality, arriving from Russian territory, unless they be
furnished with special permits signed by the Russian
authorities. If a criminal, being a Russian subject, takes
refuge on Bokharan territory, he shall be arrested by the
Bokharan authorities and delivered over to the nearest
Russian authorities.
(15) In order to maintain direct and uninterrupted relations
with the supreme Russian authorities in Central Asia, the Amir
of Bokhara shall appoint one of his intimate counsellors to be
his resident envoy and plenipotentiary at Tashkent. Such
envoy shall reside at Tashkent in a house belonging to the
Amir and at the expense of the latter.
(16) The Russian Government shall in like manner have
the right to appoint a permanent representative at Bokhara,
attached to the person of his Highness the Amir. He shall
reside in a house belonging to the Russian Government and
at the expense of the latter.
(17) In conformity with the desire of the Emperor of All the
Russias, and in order to enhance the glory of his Imperial
Majesty, his Highness the Amir Seid Mozaffur has determined
as follows: The traffic in human beings, being contrary to the
law which commands man to love his neighbour, is abolished
for ever in the territory of Bokhara. In accordance with this
resolve, the strictest injunctions shall immediately be given by
the Amir to all his Begs to enforce the new law and special
orders shall be sent to all the frontier towns of Bokhara to
which slaves are brought for sale from neighbouring
countries, that should any such slave be brought thither, they
shall be taken from their owners and shall be set at liberty
without loss of time.
(18) His Highness the Amir Seid Mozaffur, being sincerely
desirous of strengthening and developing the amicable
relations which have subsisted for five years to the benefit of
Bokhara, approves and accepts for his guidance the above
seventeen articles composing a treaty of friendship between
Russia and Bokhara. This treaty shall consist of two copies,
each copy being written in the two languages, in the Russian
and in the Turki language.
In token of the confirmation of this treaty and of its
acceptance for the guidance of himself and of his successors,
the Amir Seid Mozaffur has affixed thereto his seal. Done at
Shaar on the 10th day of October 1873, being the 19th day of
the month Shayban of the year 1290.
Translations of letters[46] from Adjutant-General von Kauffman,
Governor-General of Turkestan, to the Amir of Afghanistan.
Tashkent, June 1878.
To the Amir of the Whole of Afghanistan, Shir Ali Khan.
“Be it known to you that our relations with the British
Government are of great importance to Afghanistan and its
dependencies. As I am unable to see you, I have deputed my
trustworthy (official) General Stolietoff to you. The General is
an old friend of mine, and during the late Russo-Turkish war
earned the favour of the Emperor by his spirit and bravery. He
has become well known to the Emperor. This trustworthy
person will communicate to you what he thinks best. I hope
you will pay attention to what he says, and repose as much
confidence in his words as if they were my own; and that you
will give your answer in this matter through him. In the
meantime, be it known to you that if a friendly treaty will be
of benefit to us, it will be of far greater benefit to yourself.”

Received through General Stolietoff, August 9, 1878.


“Be it known to you that in these days the relations
between the British Government and ours with regard to your
kingdom require deep consideration. As I am unable to
communicate my opinion verbally to you, I have deputed my
agent, Major-General Stolietoff. This gentleman is a near
friend of mine, and performed excellent services in the late
Russo-Turkish war, by which he earned favour of the Emperor.
The Emperor has always had a regard for him. He will inform
you of all that is hidden in my mind. I hope you will pay great
attention to what he says, and believe him as you would
myself, and, after due consideration, you will give him your
reply. Meanwhile, be it known to you that your union and
friendship with the Russian Government will be beneficial to
the latter, and still more so to you. The advantages of a close
alliance with the Russian Government will be permanently
evident.”
General Stolietoff sent the following letter, on his return to
Tashkent from Kabul, to the Foreign Minister, Wazir Shah Mahommed
Khan, dated September 21, 1878:
“Thank God, I reached Tashkent safely, and at an
auspicious moment paid my respect to the Viceroy (Yaroni
Padishah means ‘half king’). I am trying day and night to gain
our objects, and hope I shall be successful. I am starting to
see the Emperor to-day, in order to inform his Majesty
personally of our affairs. If God pleases, everything that is
necessary will be done and affirmed. I hope that those who
want to enter the gate of Kabul from the east will see that the
door is closed; then, please God, they will tremble. I hope
you will give my respects to his Highness the Amir. May God
make his life long and increase his wealth! May you remain in
good health, and know that the protection of God will arrange
our affairs!
“(Signed) General Stolietoff.”
From General von Kauffman to the Amir of Afghanistan, dated Tashkent,
October 22, 1878.
“Be it known to you that your letter, dated 12th Shawal,
reached me at Tashkent on the 16th October, i.e., 3rd
Zekada, and I understood its contents. I have telegraphed an
abstract of your letter to the address of the Emperor, and
have sent the letter itself, as also that addressed to General
Stolietoff, by post to Livadia, where the Emperor now is. I am
informed on good authority that the English want to come to
terms with you; and, as a friend, I advise you to make peace
with them if they offer it.”
From General Stolietoff to Wazir Shah Mahommed Khan, dated October
8, 1878.
“First of all, I hope you will be kind enough to give my
respects to the Amir. May God make his life long and increase
his wealth! I shall always remember his royal hospitality. I am
busy day and night in his affairs, and, thank God, my labours
have not been without result. The great Emperor is a true
friend of the Amir’s and of Afghanistan, and his Majesty will
do whatever he may think necessary. Of course, you have not
forgotten what I told you, that the affairs of kingdoms are like
a country which has many mountains, valleys, and rivers. One
who sits on a high mountain can see things well. By the
power and order of God, there is no empire equal to that of
our great Emperor. May God make his life long! Therefore,
whatever our Government advises you, you should give ear to
it. I tell you the truth that our Government is wise as a
serpent and harmless as a dove. There are many things
which you cannot understand, but our Government
understands them well. It often happens that a thing which is
unpleasant at first is regarded as a blessing afterwards. Now,
my kind friend, I inform you that the enemy of your famous
religion wants to make peace with you through the Kaisar
(Sultan) of Turkey. Therefore, you should look to your
brothers who live on the other side of the river. If God stirs
them up, and gives the sword of fight into their hands, then
go on in the name of God (Bismilla), otherwise you should be
as a serpent; make peace openly, and in secret prepare for
war, and when God reveals His order to you, declare yourself.
It will be well, when the Envoy of your enemy wants to enter
the country, if you send an able emissary, possessing the
tongue of a serpent and full of deceit, to the enemy’s country,
so that he may with sweet words perplex the enemy’s mind,
and induce him to give up the intention of fighting with you.
“My kind friend, I entrust you to the protection of God.
May God be the protector of the Amir’s kingdom, and may
trembling fall upon the limbs of your enemies! Amen.
“Write to me soon, and send the letter to the capital.
Please write in Arabic characters, so that I may be able to
read your letter.”
From General von Kauffman to the Amir of Afghanistan, dated November
26, 1878.
“I was much pleased to receive your letter, dated 24th
Zekada, 1295 (November 18, 1878), and to hear of your good
health. I have also received a copy of the letter which you
sent to the Governor-General. May God be pleased with you.
The British Ministers have given a pledge to our Ambassador
in London that they will not interfere with the independence
of Afghanistan. I am directed by his Majesty the Emperor to
communicate this news to you, and then, after forming
friendship, to go to his Majesty. I intend to go to the Russian
capital after I have arranged the affairs of this country
(Turkestan). As I do not consider it advisable to keep your
trusted officials, whom you are in want of, here any more, I
send Mahommed Hassan Khan, Kamuah (Deputy-Governor),
and Gholam Haidar Khan, with two officers, back to you. I
hope you will consider me a well-wisher of your kingdom, and
write to me now and then. I have given instructions that, until
my return, every letter of yours which they receive at
Turkestan should be forwarded to the capital. Your good
fortune is a cause of happiness to me, and if any troubles
come upon you, I also shall be grieved. Some presents have
been sent by me through Mirza Mahommed Hassan, Kamuah;
perhaps they may be accepted.”
Translation of a letter from General von Kauffman to General Vozgonoff,
dated December, 1878.
“The Amir knows perfectly well that it is impossible for me
to assist him with troops in winter. Therefore, it is necessary
that war should not be commenced at this unseasonable
time. If the English, in spite of the Amir’s exertions to avoid
the war, commence it, you must then take leave of the Amir
and start for Tashkent, because your presence in Afghanistan
in winter is useless. Moreover, at such a juncture as the
commencement of war in Afghanistan, you ought to come
here and explain the whole thing to me, so that I may
communicate it to the Emperor. This will be of great benefit
to Afghanistan and to Russia.”
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