Gallant Haryana

The book contains a narrative of the events of the first Indian war of
Independence (1857–60) in modern Haryana and surrounding areas in a
chronological order with entirely new contents, derived from hitherto
untouched sources such as massive number of original and first-hand reports
of the British commanding officers and accompanying magistrates, available
in the contemporary newspapers and periodicals like the London Gazette,
Edinburgh Gazette, Lahore Chronicle, among many others, archival files and
government publications.
Till today no historian has given an authentic narrative of even a single
battle in Haryana whereas here full descriptions of 15, namely Odhan,
Khairekan, Ballah, Kharkhauda, Rohtak, Hisar, Tosham, Bhatol, Mangali,
Jamalpur, Raiseena, Ghasera, Nasibpur (Narnaul), Roopraka and Mahun
battles, have been provided.
The description of sahibbas – moveable columns – fire blowing demons
with European head and native tail, which traversed Haryana for months
together; will be of particular interest to the lay reader. Hitherto not even 12
names of the perpetrators of barbaric brutalities in Haryana were known,
whereas here 192 European military and civil officials have been identified
who indulged in war crimes. The names of 1509 daredevils including 928
martyrs and 581 other prominent fighters of Haryana have been listed for the
first time. The role of traitor native chiefs and rewardees has also been
described in the book.
This landmark volume is required reading for scholars of the 1857 War of
Independence, Colonial History and Modern Haryana.

C.B. Singh Sheoran, retired as Chief Engineer, Haryana Irrigation

Department. He is presently Professor & Head, Civil Engineering, KVMT,
Khera, Siwani (Bhiwani). An ardent historian, geographer, and social activist,
he is the author of five books including Dynamic Story of the Bhakra, an
engineering chronicle of international repute.
He can be reached at: [email protected]
Present Political Map of Haryana (Source: Irrigation Department, Government of Haryana, Sinchai
Bhawan, Panchkula).
Gallant Haryana
The First and Crucial Battlefield of AD 1857

C.B. SINGH SHEORAN

First published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 C.B. Singh Sheoran and Manohar Publishers & Distributors

The right of C.B. Singh Sheoran to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by
any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are
used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan)

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN: 978-0-367-33826-8 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-0-429-32217-4 (ebk)

Typeset in Minion Pro 11/13

by Ravi Shanker, Delhi 110 095
To

Raja Nahar Singh and Gulab Singh Saini of Ballabgarh, Dhanna Singh
Rajput of Faridabad, Lala Saruplal Agrawal of Palwal, Chaudhary
Sadruddin Mewatti of Pinanghwan, Chaudhary Raj Khan Meo of
Roopraka, Dhan Singh Meo of Adbar, Chaudhary Giani Meo and Meer
Khan Meo of Raisina, Lala Ramsukh Agrawal of Badshahpur, Chaudhary
Bakhtawar Singh of Jharsa, Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan of Farrukhnagar, Rao
Tularam of Rewari and his C-in-C Rao Gopaldev and Commanders Rao
Ramlal and Rao Kishan Singh, Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan and General
Abdus Samad Khan of Jhajjar, Lambardar Udmiram of Liwaspur,
Chaudhary Sahajram of Murthal, Chaudhary Babar Khan Ranghar of
Kalanaur (Rohtak), Chaudhary Daulatram of Madina, Lala Hukamchand
Jain and Mirza Munir Beg of Hansi, Swami Birardass, Rupram alias
Ruppa Khatti and Nondharam Boora of Rohnat, Subahdar Gurbakhsh
Singh of Bhatol, Shahzada Mohammad Azim Durrani of Hisar, Nawab
Mohammad Noor Samad Khan Bhatti of Rania and other Haryanvi martyrs
and heroes who waged the First War of Independence in AD 1857
(Chaudaha Ki Saal, i.e. vs 1914) against the tyrannical and mighty British
Empire.
Contents

List of Illustrations

Abbreviations

Acknowledgements

Introduction

1. The Army in 1857

2. Haryana before 10 May 1857

3. Haryana in May 1857: Districtwise Sequence of Events

4. June 1857: The Return of the British Forces

5. July 1857: Struggle and Merciless Vengeance

6. August 1857: Balance Tilting towards the British

7. September 1857: Recapture of Delhi – Fall Out

8. The Shahibbas

9. Towards the Final Struggle: The Nasibpur Battle

10. Mewat: May to December 1857

11. Indian Saviours of the British

12. The Perpetrators of Barbarities in Haryana

13. Retribution: Martyrs of Haryana in 1857

14. Freedom Fighters of Haryana in 1857: Lest we Forget

15. 1857–1860: The Scenario

Glossary

Bibliography

Index
Illustrations

FIGURES
Present Political Map of Haryana
2.1 Hisar District Revenue Map, 1854
3.1 Index Plan: GT Road Section near Sonepat
3.2 Index Plan: Civil Station Hisar, AD 1857
3.3 Index Plan: Hansi (Town and Cantonments), AD 1857
3.4 Index Plan: Hansi, AD 1854
3.5 Index Plan: Hisar (Town and Suburbs), AD 1857
4.1 Index Plan: Rohtak Town, AD 1857
4.2 Index Plan: Sirsa District, AD 1857
5.1 Index Plan: Village Ballah (Karnal), AD 1857
6.1 Nagauri Gate Hisar where Battle took place on 19 August 1857
9.1 Index Plan: Battle Site of Nasibpur (Narnaul)
9.2 Index Plan: Nasibpur Battlefield and Martyrs’ Memorial
9.3 Index Plan: Village Nasibpur and Narnaul Town
10.1 Index Plan: Location of Village Raisina (Gurgaon)
10.2 Index Plan: Village Raisina in 1857
10.3 Index Plan: Location of Village Ghasera (Mewat)
10.4 Index Plan: Location of Village Roopraka (Palwal)
10.5 Index Plan: Village Mahun (Mewat)
10.6 Index Plan: Location of Village Mahun and Villages Destroyed after
Mahun Battle on 29 December 1857
15.1 Index Plan: Location of Destroyed, Confiscated and Auctioned Rebel
Villages of Hisar District
Abbreviations

AC(s) Assistant Commissioner(s)

AD Ambala Division
ADC aide-de-camp
AQMG assistant quarter master general
BC Bengal Cavalry, Before Christ
BCS Bengal Civil Service
BEIC British East India Company
BFF Bhattiana Field Force
BHA Bengal Horse Artillery
BLC Bengal Light Cavalry
BNI Bengal Native Infantry
C-in-C commander-in-chief
Cis, cis coming inside
CO commanding officer
Co. Coy. Company, company
Col. Colonel
Coll. Collection
CS Civil Service
DC Deputy Commissioner
DD Delhi Division
DFF Delhi Field Force
DG District Gazetteer, Dragoon Guards
DJAG deputy judge advocate general
DM District Magistrate
 DoH Department of History
D/S, d/s Downstream, downstream
DU Delhi University
EAC extra assistant commissioner
EAM extra assistant magistrate
EBLC European Bengal Light Cavalry
EIC East India Company
EIR East India Railway(s)
ELC European Light Cavalry
En European
EnBF European Bengal Fusiliers
EnCO(s) European Commissioned Officer(s)
EnNCO(s) European Non-Commissioned Officer(s)
EnR(s) European Regiment(s)
EnRF European rank and file
EnSgt(s) European Sergeant(s)
FC Financial Commissioner
Fusi Fusiliers
GC Guide(s) Corps, Guide(s) Cavalry
G&P General & Political
GT Grand Trunk
GTS Great Trigonometrical Survey
HA Horse Artillery, horse artillery
HB Heavy Battery, heavy battery
HD Hisar Division
HFF Hurrianah (Haryana) Field Force
HLI Hurrianah Light Infantry
HM Her Majesty, His Majesty
HSA Haryana State Archives
IC Irregular Cavalry
 IHC Indian History Congress
JAG Judge Advocate General
J&K Jammu & Kashmir
JD Judicial Department
KAF Kashmir Auxiliary Force
LC Light Cavalry, Lahore Chronicle
LG London Gazette
LI Light Infantry
Lieut. Lt. Lieutenant
Maj Major
MD Military Department
MP Mutiny Papers
NAI National Archives of India
NAIMP National Archives of India Mutiny Papers
NatCO(s) Native Commissioned Officer(s)
NatHav(s) Native Havildar(s)
NatNCO Native Non-Commissioned Officer
NatRF Native rank and file
NC Native Cavalry
NCO(s) Non-Commissioned Officer(s)
NH National Highway
NI Native Infantry
No(s) Number(s)
NWP North West Provinces
Pb I Punjab Infantry
PD Political Department
PMF Principal Matters File(s)
PWD Public Works Department
RFA Royal Foot Artillery
RHA Royal Horse Artillery
RI Royal Infantry
 Sgt Sergeant
Sr Senior, Serial
2IC Second-in-command
UP Uttar Pradesh
U/S, u/s Upstream, upstream
VC Victoria Cross
VLDA Veterinary Livestock Development Assistant
VPO Village and Post Office
VS Vikrami Samvat
Acknowledgements

Whom should I thank here and whom can I leave out? A difficult question.
During my research project spanning seven years I received significant
assistance from more than two hundred persons from different walks of life. I
am thankful to all of them, but it is not possible to acknowledge all of them
here. I mention only few because without their contribution this book would
never have been completed in its present form.
First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr Rajwanti Hudda Mann,
Deputy Director, Haryana State Archives, Panchkula for her wholehearted
cooperation in providing me with numerous archival files and rare
documents relevant to the war of 1857. Because of her the repository of the
Archives at Hisar remained open, with those files and documents which
pertained to the erstwhile Ambala and Delhi divisions, accessible. Ishwar
Singh, an official of the above named repository too deserves to be
remembered.
I am grateful to Rishi Saini of Nabh Chhor Hisar who literally walked
with me on foot to trace the remnants of the fourteenth-century fort
notwithstanding his wanting health. He gave me valuable information about
Hisar and encouraged me to carry out this difficult task. Through him I
established contact with Dr Bhoop Singh Rajpoot and Jagdish Saini of Hansi,
who have good knowledge about their town.
I would like to convey my thanks to Siddique Ahmad Meo, a writer and
scholar from Mewat, presently working in the Haryana Panchayati Raj
Department at Nuh, who made invaluable suggestions and accompanied me
during my visits to the villages. Another scholar from Mewat, Mohammad
Wasim Meo of village Maluka, an Mphil student of University of Delhi,
deserves recognition for his efforts in procuring for me the material from the
NAI Delhi and other sources. Dharamvir Singh Baloda, an SDO (retd.) of
Haryana Irrigation Department and his son Navdeep Baloda helped during
my stay at Gurgaon, accompanying me on my numerous visits to the NMML
in Delhi and the long tour of the Mewat, and subsequently procured the
required and selected documents for me. I am extremely thankful to them and
their families who were my hosts for a long period.
This work would have been incomplete without the twenty maps and site
index plans which have been prepared excellently as per my requirement by
S.K. Kaloi, Head Draftsman (retd.) of Haryana Irrigation Department. He has
been instrumental in getting me a map of the Hisar town bearing the years
1883–4 from his uncle Ranjit Kaloi and this map is the sole source which has
proved very useful in preparing two rare and actual index plans of the old
fortified city and the new civil station. Satinder Kaloi also rendered us his
services in preparation of the maps and plans. V.K. Luthra and Krishan, my
secretary and assistant respectively, have completed the type-script diligently
with devotion and deserve appreciation. Rajendra Jalap of Gangwa
voluntarily took me to about fifty villages, and my neighbour Krishan Duran
of Kaimary Road took time to accompany and help me during protracted field
surveys. I am grateful to them.
I take the opportunity to thank Ajit Jain, an Executive Engineer (retd.) of
Haryana Irrigation, Sammat Sharma, Principal of S.N. High School, Hisar;
Comrade Raghubir Singh Hudda, Advocate Rohtak; Munshi Attar Singh of
Liwaspur (Sonepat), Suresh Khokhar of Shamri (Gohana-Sonepat), Krishan
Mann of Ballah (Karnal), Madan Pandit of Khairekan (Sirsa), Suresh Dahiya
of Haryana Irrigation Department at Hansi (Hisar), Rao Kanwar Singh of
Nasibpur (Narnaul) and Dharambir Singh Rawat of Aherwan (Palwal), a
former employee of Haryana Irrigation Department. It is a pleasure to
acknowledge the highly cooperative, responsive and courteous staff of the
Nehru Memorial and Museum Library Delhi who provided relevant issues of
the Lahore Chronicle. I express my gratitude to the staff of the library of
CRM Jat College, Hisar particularly Prem Singh.
Those seven years were indeed a difficult and testing time for my family.
For four years while I was discharging my heavy official duties of the
Executive Engineer, Superintending Engineer and Chief Engineer and
simultaneously carrying out the research, I could not spare even a minute for
domestic affairs. After retirement in January 2013, for three years I was so
deeply immersed in this dream project that it was almost impossible for me
to spare the time even for weddings. Only the writers and their families know
how irritating and trying are such circumstances when the head of the family
deliberately does not discharge social duties expected of him. But my caring
wife Kamaljeet Lamba Sheoran managed affairs smoothly with perseverance
and I faced no anxiety even for a moment on that front. I do not have
sufficient words to convey my thanks to her. I am grateful to my youngest
daughter Apekshita Sheoran, for reading the manuscript and making pertinent
suggestions and amendments. I thank my son Sarvapreet Singh Sheoran, who
has been my companion on the computer and frequently without hesitation my
chauffeur. Unfailingly, I take the opportunity to express my heartfelt gratitude
to Haryanaphile Ramesh Chandra Jain and Ajay Jain, my publishers, without
whose keen interest this volume might have not seen the light of the day in
near future. I would also like to convey my sincere thanks to Siddharth
Chowdhury, my editor, for his cooperation and promptitude.
C.B. SINGH SHEORAN
Hisar
7 January 2018
Introduction

I have been hearing stories and kissas about the Chaudah kee Saal ka
Ghadar (Revolt of vs 1914, i.e. AD 1857) since my childhood, stories about
the destruction of a mahal (palace or residence) in the qila (fort) of the
Nawab of Loharu by the brave and sturdy Sheorans of Baawani, a big cluster
of 52 villages, led by the famous warrior triumvirate of Jasmat Sheoran,
Seddhu Sheoran and Balla alias Goonga Heri; tales of bravery,
handsomeness and the execution of the Jat Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh;
mentions of Ahir warrior Rao Tularam, and large scale hangings on the neem
(Azardichta indica) trees at Meham on the chaubisi chabutra (meeting
platform of the twenty-four villages). It was also frequently related that the
bodies were not allowed to be taken away for the last rites, rather they were
left hanging until the skeletons dried (karang sukha diye thay). What a tragic
story! The mere visualization of such scenes was sufficient to send shivers
down my spine. That was all I knew about the first war of independence
(pahli zange-azadi) in Haryana.
Since I belong to a family of freedom fighters and martyrs, the issue
remained in gremio. A forefather Chaudhary Imartaram Sheoran had attained
martyrdom fighting the tyrant Nawab of Loharu some time in the late
nineteenth century (any day in the years from AD 1879 to 1881), whereas his
cousin Chaudhary Baddaram Sheoran along with his son Chaudhary
Saddaram Sheoran, charged of rebellion, had been executed in 1878. So I
fancied writing a history of freedom fighters and martyrs like them. As I
grew, my fascination for the 1857 war too continued to grow. Though I opted
for an education in engineering, my hobbies included the study of history. I
have seen that students generally do not have much interest in history, the
most fundamental reason being that the subject matter of the history taught
these days does not relate to their lives or to their own village, region, tehsil,
district, forefathers, relations, clans, or personalities. Local, regional and
subaltern history is not a part of the syllabus, and thus they carry a strong
notion that the history they are forced to study does not relate to them. They
are taught about Rani Laxmibai, Nana Sahib, Kunwar Singh and Tatyan Tope
but they are not made conversant with Mussammat Mahabi of Utawar, Ms
Bholi Brahmin, Lambardars Bhura and Nighaeya of Lijwana; Rao Tularam of
Rewari, Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh, Ramlal Mann of Ballah, Babar
Khan of Rohtak, Udmiram of Liwaspur or Sadruddin Meo of Pinanghwan,
who hail from their own region, many of them folk heroes and heroines. It
should be imperative to link local heroes and events to our national heroes
and events by teaching both aspects simultaneously. That will be the only
way to create their interest in history. At present students feel that their
ancestors and the people of Haryana were mute spectators to the battles of
1857. But if they come to know that their own forefathers and neighbours,
had fought the British and made a supreme sacrifice, their perception will
certainly change. History will not remain a dry and boring subject, and the
students shall not remain indifferent to it. So, with this thing in view,
subaltern history needs to be promoted.

I
Ultimately, I started serious research for this book in the year 2009 when my
book on the Bhakra was published, and during the period of next seven years
I explored every possible source for relevant material at any cost. Initially it
was like searching for a needle in a haystack, but gradually the relevant
material trickled in. As a first step I visited about 100 villages which were
remembered as active participants in the rebellion. The first place of these
was the Boora Jat village of Rohnat near Hansi. It was burnt and destroyed
by Van Cortlandt in the third week of September 1857. A number of Jat
families, who escaped and deserted this village, settled elsewhere and
carried orally the story of its destruction. The other villages in its vicinity,
Mangali, Jamalpur, Hazimpur, Putthi Mangal Khan, Bhatol Rangharan and
Kharar Alipur, also find place in folklore. In this process many thrilling
stories emerged one after the other, but not sufficiently authentic for history
writing. Moreover, not much information could be drawn from the current
inhabitants of these villages, because the Ranghar descendants of the great
fighters and martyrs migrated to Pakistan in 1947, and carried history with
them.
Here it would be relevant to point out that in the context of Haryana, there
exist two serious impediments to the writing of the history of 1857. The first
is the partition of India and the large scale emigration of the descendants of
those who waged war against the British. The second impediment is of such
a nature which would have rendered it impossible to get historical
information, even if there had been no partition and no emigration. This
needs some solid and logical explanation.
It has been explained with figures in the last Chapter of this book that more
than 4,500 individuals were the beneficiaries of rewards distributed after the
failure of revolt. The British authorities thus clandestinely and successfully
enrolled a huge number of spies and informers, who became more hungry for
rewards, and fence sitters swelled the network. Seeing no hope of liberation
in the future, a large number of people thought it prudent to be on the
victorious British side. What was the result?
In the opinion of the common man, these rewardees were staunch to the
cause of government and their officers, and any utterance, in their presence,
which might be either in the praise or memory or sympathy of the freedom
fighter or martyr or unfavourable to the government was bound to bring
unlimited trouble. There always hung a sword over their heads. The
unlimited terror and horror caused by the merciless repression and sahibbas
(moveable columns headed by the Europeans) were further escalated by the
widespread presence of rewarded persons, even up to the level of village
chaupar (community centre). Consequently, terror penetrated deep in the
Haryanvi psyche. There was a direct and very heavy impact of this terror on
the tradition of oral as well as written history. Such a milieu had been
created wherein people were afraid of even mentioning the names, not to
speak of talking and discussing about the freedom fighters and martyrs. Such
was the situation not only at village chaupars but even in the private places
and personal gatherings like hookka (hubble-bubble) sittings. Even if
someone mentioned the names of martyrs, just by chance in the presence of
latter’s family or clan members or kin, then the very family or clan members
or kin would avoid reference with advice, ‘let bygones be bygones’ or ‘let
the past bury the dead’. They would say, ‘we know nothing and you too
forget’.
 In history 160 years are not a very long period, only 4 to 6 generations
have passed. Yet the people were made to forget the happenings and
personalities, which otherwise would have been fresh in the memory of the
generation that came soon after the war. Those events and narrations would
have been transmitted, first orally and then in black and white. Those who
were ten to twenty years old in 1857 could convey firsthand narratives until
the first decade of the twentieth century. Further transmission would then be
easier because by that time literacy had spread to some extent. But
unfortunately the transmission was completely blocked by the elders, keen to
forget and be forgotten. So, a native version of the causes, events, and battles
is altogether missing as far as Haryana is concerned.
I came across a village in the Hisar district in which seven prominent men
attained martyrdom. Arrested in the village, they were tried and sentenced to
imprisonment for ten years with labour in irons and transported to the
Andamans. They were in India until May 1859, probably in Agra jail and one
of them was then seriously ill. However, none from their own village came
out to enquire about them once they were taken away. They were forgotten as
soon as they were imprisoned, and the terror was so high that nobody
mentioned their names to the younger generation to keep their memories
alive. Strangely, when their names were placed before the current generation,
none could tell whose forefathers they were. The only information an aware
person could give us was that seven lambardars and tholadars were taken to
Hansi and there they were crushed under rollers! That was patently untrue.
There must be numerous such cases.
Similarly, during my visits to the Mewat, it was again observed at
Roopraka, Shahpur Nangli, and Mahun that nobody knew the exact identity of
the martyrs. While memorial towers have been erected at Roopraka and
Mahun, the identities of the martyrs linking to their present generation of
descendants cannot be established. Another big tower is being erected by
Haji Nusarat Khan at Shahpur Nangli in the memory of 52 martyrs belonging
to Shahpur Nangli, Nuh, Rehna and Tapkan, but no link could be traced;
however, their memory is cherished.

II
The events and heroes of 1857 find a prominent place in the folklore and folk
literature of Haryana, but this cannot be corroborated without documentary
evidence. They may nevertheless be interesting and important sources. For
example, a folk poet describes the repression at Hansi and Meham in the
following stanza of a folk song:

hansi aalli laal sarak pe hazaaraan gaye litaaye thay,

sarak bani thee nadi khoon kee nyoon roller phirwaaye thay,
ruhnaat gaam mein kolhoo chaalle, bhot ghane pirwaaye thay,
chaubeesee ke leadder saare meham mein marwaaye thay,
karang sukha diye neemmaan oopar bhare pare thay daalle. 1

On the ‘red road’ of Hansi town, thousands were forced down to lie,
The road turned into a river of blood, as rollers crushed them to die,
Like sugar cane were crushed men in village Rohnat, streets with dead filled,
Main leaders of the brave chaubisi,
at Meham were they all killed,
Bodies were left to dry on neem trees,
boughs were full of hanged ones.

There is another poem which describes the magnitude of repression,

burning and hangings,

phir saahbbe chaalle haryane mein, hazaaraan gaam jallaaye thay,

daangar-dhor ar khet khaliyaan, sareaam gaye phunkwaaye thay,
kayee sau gaam leelaam kare, woh sab ujare base basaaye thay,
jaghaan jaghaan pe lhash taang dee,
giddhaan tain nuchwaaye thay,
habib bharti jaillaan mein thokke, nyoon pare gharaan pe taalle. 2

Then columns started in Haryana, villages in thousands were on fire hunt,

Cattle, sheep, crop fields, grain stacks, openly were then got burnt,
Villages by the hundred were put to auction, inhabited became deserted here,
Hanged bodies were left on trees everywhere, for the vultures to eat and tear,
Says Habib Bharti, ‘into the jails were they forced, thus homes were all
locked.’
 The folk literature, though written long after the events took place,
resonates with a memory of the rebellion, its expansion in the Haryana
region, the role of main leaders, the magnitude of repression and inhuman
brutalities. But there is exaggeration also. However, it was this source which
attracted and motivated me to make efforts for corroboration.

III
Fortunately, I came across a treasure of material in the primary sources.
Nobody has hitherto, in the context of Haryana, reproduced or quoted the
news and reports published in contemporary newspapers and periodicals
such as the London Gazette, the Edinburgh Gazette, the Lahore Chronicle,
Allen’s Indian Mail, Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs and
Bell’s Life in London. These contain massive original and firsthand
information.
A lot of such new and authentic material has been presented before the
reader in this book about the events of 1857, hitherto unknown and
untouched. The volume will not only blast a number of myths, it will surprise
many historians. Till today no historian has been able to give an original
account of even a single battle fought in Haryana, whereas in this book
authentic narration has been given for all the fifteen main battles. Original
reports of the commanding officers of the British forces have been quoted
and reproduced for eight battles: Khairekan (19 June), Ballah (14–15 July),
Kharkhauda (15 August), Rohtak (18 August), Hisar (19 August), Ghasera (8
November), Nasibpur (16 November) and Roopraka (19 November). For the
Mahun battle (29 December) the original report of the accompanying
magistrate has been quoted and reproduced. For the remaining six battles,
Odhan (17 June), Tosham (22 August), Bhatol (6 September), Mangali (11
September), Jamalpur (13 September) and Raisina (31 October), news and
reports from contemporary newspapers and periodicals have been cited and
quoted in abundance. To make the narratives inteligible, eighteen index
plans, duly prepared after site inspection and complete investigation and
discussion with the local population have also been added in the appropriate
places. In addition, in the very first chapter, the army structure, strength and
terminology have been explained for the lay reader.
 Similarly, about the arrests of Nawabs of Dadri and Jhajjar, original
reports of the commanding officer Brigadier St. George Daniel Showers
which he wrote from Dadri and Jhajjar, have been reproduced.

IV
The main cause of the revolt was the backbreaking rates of land revenue
consequent to settlements (bandobast) and that explains the participation of
the peasantry in a massive way. The intensity of resistance in different areas
was directly proportional to the magnitude of rates. Details about settlements
have been especially incorporated so that the reader may grasp the real issue
and its impact. The history of the immediate past prior to the commencement
of revolt will throw light on the growing disaffection which the then Deputy
Commissioner of Hisar recorded in his letters of 22, 23 and 26 May just
before his murder on the 29 May 1857.
Also, the burning of tehsils and revenue records throughout the state,
indicates the importance of the main cause. It is now beyond doubt that land
revenue was the raison d’être of the rebellion.
A comprehensive list of the incendiary fires that started in Ambala on 26
March and occurred almost daily after 17 April 1857, the day on which the
new cartridge was used for the first time in India, has been given for ready
reference to show the intensity of activity. It needs to be stressed that
objection to the cartridge and grease was not unfounded. It did have cow’s
fat and lard. A former C-in-C of the British Indian Army, Field Marshal
Roberts wrote in 1897,
The recent researches of Mr. Forrest in the records of the Government of India prove that the
lubricating mixture used in preparing the cartridges was actually composed of the objectionable
ingredients, cow’s fat and lard, and that incredible disregard of soldiers’ religious prejudices was
displayed in the manufacture of these cartridges.3

It is, therefore, correct to conclude that while highly excessive land

revenue rates were the real issue and the main cause of the rebellion, the
spark was lit by the cartridges and lubricant issued. Resentment was
manifested in the shape of a ‘campaign to save deen, dharma and jati
(religion and caste)’; and the anger and action got reflected in the slogan
‘maro firangi ko’ (kill the firangi – Christian).

V
The circulation of chapattis started in Haryana, as highlighted by the Deputy
Commissioner of Gurgaon in his letter of 19 February 1857. By now there is
ample evidence, available in this book, that the revolt began in Ambala eight
hours before that at Meerut, though devoid of bloodshed. Again, the
operation for the re-establishment of British rule too began in the land of
what is now Haryana, and on reaching a very advanced stage of research I
was amazed by the magnitude of the struggle. The common man does not
know even hundred thousandth fraction of the real story. The first council of
war was held in Ambala and then the first step was taken by the British
authorities to recapture Delhi and detachments of the Delhi Field Force
(DFF) began their march on 17 May 1857 on the GT Road.
Had we won in Haryana, the British would have never succeeded in
recapturing Delhi. Everyone was looking towards the capital city of the
Mughals and outcome there was decisive, even a delay of two months in the
recapture could tilt the balance against the British, as the Punjab stood
denuded of its European forces. Though warriors like Chaudhary Udmiram
and Sahajram made all out efforts to prevent and deflect the march of the
DFF, and cut down their supply line without help from the King, they failed
largely due to treachery of the Patiala and Jind Rajas.

VI
Again it was the land of Haryana where operation of the three terrible Acts
commenced. Nowhere else were the British authorities in a position to use
these draconian laws in May and June 1857. The perpetration of the
repression and the criminal brutalities have been hitherto quantified in
abstract form. We once neither knew the names nor the number of the
perpetrators, but 192 European military and civil officials have been
identified who indulged in the black deeds here. The quantum and mode of
repression and punishment too have been ascertained to some extent. The
real faces of the so-called gentlemen have been exposed. We know that in
Haryana women too fought against the tyrants. The Jatnis (Jat women) fought
against Hodson at Rohtak,4 a Meo woman named Mussammat Mahabi fought
against Drummond at Roopraka5 and a Muslim woman warrior led the troops
at Delhi. What was the gentlemen’s attitude towards and behaviour with the
Indian women? Col. Thomas Nicholls Walker who escaped from Rohtak
writes,
On June 18 [it must be July], the enemy having taken up a position in the Subzi Mundi and Eed
Ghur, a suburb of Delhi on Umballa road, a column was sent out to attack them. There was some
nasty street fighting, as they had established themselves in the houses which were on the each side
of road. We had partially cleared them out when their cavalry appeared coming up the road. At first
moving slowly, they at last broke into a half-hearted charge, but did not keep up with their leader.
The part of my regiment I was then with formed on a broad road running at right angles to the one
they were advancing. The leader dashed past us, and as the leading sections came abreast of us, we
fired a volley into them. They pulled up, went fours about—those that were left of them—and
retired. We wheeled up to our left across the road and gave them more volleys. As they could not
get off the road, on account of houses, they suffered considerably in men and horses…. The
leader’s horse was shot and he was made prisoner. He had led his men right gallantly, and they had
left him in the lurch. To our astonishment the brave cavalier turned out to be a woman. She was
retained prisoner for sometime; I often saw her in the provost-marshal’s tent, and [she] always
asked me for opium.6

Another officer narrates,

July 18 … At 2 p.m. on this first day of his command Wilson was obliged to send out a force under
Colonel Jones of the 60th Rifles to drive the enemy from cover in the Sabzi Mandi, which they had
occupied on the right flank of the British position. The operation was successfully performed, but at
a loss of one officer and twelve men killed, and three officers and sixty-six men wounded, besides
two men missing. In the ranks of the 14th Irregular Cavalry, which, having mutinied at Jhansi, took
part in this engagement, ‘a woman fought and wounded a soldier of the 75th with a carbine shot’.
She was a very masculine old dame, but was taken prisoner and brought into camp, where she
afforded much amusement by her violent denunciations, until a certain officer appeared of whom
she expressed great admiration, and intimated her willingness to marry him. It needs hardly to be
said that the officer in question had to endure a considerable amount of chaff.7

Greathed, the Commissioner, writes from camp Delhi on 19 July, ‘A Joan

of Arc was made prisoner yesterday; she is said to have shot one of our men,
and to have fought desperately. She is a Jehadin, a religious fanatic, and
supports a green turban, and was probably thought to be inspired. She is to
be sent prisoner to Umballa.’8
Yet another source says, 20 July 1857, ‘It was rumoured to-day that, in the
recent fight with the English, a woman dressed like a Sepoy had acted with
great bravery; when the rebel Sepoys ran away, she remained opposed to a
number of English, and killed one English soldier.’9
On 8 August Hodson wrote,
I have sent one of our few prisoners up to Forsyth at Ambala whom we ironically call the ‘Maid of
Delhi’, though her age and character are questionable and her ugliness undoubted. She actually
came out on a horse back, and fought against us like a fiend.10 … The general at first released her,
but knowing how mischievous she would be among those superstitious Mohammedans, I persuaded
him to let her be recaptured, and made over for safe custody.11

Ireland writes,
A Mussulmani was taken, after having fought desperately. She had by her own statement
renounced, for that of a jehadin or fanatic, a profession for which her advancing years had
rendered her unfit. The general allowed her to go away; but, on reflecting a little, sent after her
again, and she was conveyed prisoner to Umballa.12

The gentlemen did not hesitate to indulge in the character assassination of

native woman warrior! What else could they do? The Europeans had become
quite notorious for their inhuman and brutal behaviour with their own
servants, Ireland writes,
The infantry finding no one to fight with, turned their rage on a number of defenceless servants, who
had collected for refuge near the churchyard. Several wretches were butchered, some hiding behind
the tombs. One woman was shot through the breast. It is idle to say they mistook them for sepoys;
so many sanguinary fights and executions had brutalized our men, who now regarded the life of a
native as of less value than that of the meanest of animals; nor had their officers endeavoured,
either by precept or example, to correct them. Next day twenty-three syces, companions of those
who had been killed, took the road to their homes. Men of humanity were shocked, and this made
the most reckless reflect. There were ten natives for every European in camp. In every troop of
artillery there were four times as many natives as Europeans…. Servants, a class of men who
behaved throughout the mutiny with astonishing fidelity, were treated even by many of the officers
with outrageous harshness. The men beat and ill-used them.13

How the British officials projected their defeat into victory can be seen
from the following words of Greathed,
 24-8-57: Hodson came back this morning…. They killed 88 men at Rohtuck, nearly all Irregular
Cavalry men. Hugh Gough got a slight sabre cut on the arm in the first affair; his brother had his
turban cut through in two places at Rohtuck. As I imagined, they were never in any degree
compromisers, and were always masters of the position.14

Hodson was actually beaten at Rohtak.

VII
Then there emerged a new phenomenon in the shape of movement of the
sahibbas which was unknown in the previous history of Haryana. It has
already been shown to be a subject of the folklore. The infamous sahibbas
headed by Van Cortlandt, Dick Lawrence, Stafford, Showers, Gerrard, etc.,
terrorized the people with sword and fire, and their movement was a dance
of death and destruction. The description of these numerous sahibbas will be
of particular interest to the reader. These fire blowing demons with European
heads and native tails traversed the surface of Haryana for months. Their
numerical strength, composition, and routes have been highlighted to
demonstrate the magnitude of destruction caused by such moveable columns.

VIII
The Europeans were overwhelmed by the bravery of the fighters. The
martyrs were not afraid of death; some smiled at the gibbets. George
Campbell CS, who had relinquished charge of the Commissioner of Ambala
just before the commencement of revolt, was still present there. He writes,
The only execution I think that I witnessed throughout the whole of mutiny was one that happened
to be going on while I was passing. It was an old native officer, a subahdar, who had been
convicted by the military authorities, and whom they proceeded to hang. He was very cool and quiet,
and submitted to be executed without remonstrance. But the rope broke, and he came down to the
ground. He picked himself up, and it was rather a painful scene for the spectators. But he seemed to
feel for their embarrassment, and thought it well to break the awkwardness of the situation by
conversation, remarking that it was a very bad rope, and talking of little matters of that kind till
another rope was procured, which made an end of him.15
 That was not the only example, there were many such brave sons. In the
context of Haryana, the names of more than 925 such martyrs are publisehd
here for the first time along with those of more than 580 other freedom
fighters, who either laid down their lives against the enemy or remained
underground, never to be captured. The names of these 1,509 daredevils have
been enlisted not only district-wise but village-wise as well for the
respective villagers to know and realize the sacrifice made by their
forefathers. The existence of adverse circumstances notwithstanding they
decided to continue armed resistance and fought bravely even after the fall of
Delhi. In searching for their names and identity my aim was to link them to
their respective descendants in the current generation, so that they could get
full identification and recognition and consequently emerge as a source of
our inspiration. But fear I have not been successful in this, though in a large
number of cases names of their respective villages and towns have been
given.

IX
The fight was not purely against the British forces, as the armies of all the big
native states namely Patiala, Jind, Jammu & Kashmir, Bikaner, Jaipur, and
Alwar were here to crush us. The Sikhs, the Dogras, the Gorkhas, the
Pathans, the Rajputs and a large number of traitor warlords caused
irreparable loss to Haryana and this book would have been incomplete
without incorporation of the quantum of assistance they provided to our
enemy. Here were numerous Jaichands. The chief of the biggest neighbouring
state of Patiala and the pigmy Jind chief emerged as the two top traitors. The
Patiala chief sent an army of 6,000 soldiers and a loan of Rs. 20 lakh, at a
critical juncture when the very existence of the British people in Haryana
was at stake. He maintained control for the British over northern Haryana up
to Panipat with the help of the Karnal Nawab. It was the Jind chief’s
assistance which made it possible to keep the GT Road open from Panipat to
Delhi, otherwise native fighters would have been successful in blocking the
British passage. These men placed their all at the disposal of our enemy,
procured provisions, maintained supply and rendered the services of menials
at the front. Had the Nawab of Jhajjar taken a decisively anti-British stand,
these two could have been neutralized to a great extent. Though his father-in-
law, General Abdus Samad Khan, fought on the rebel side with about 300
Jhajjar troopers in the pay of Nawab, 70 such troopers stationed at Karnal
continued throughout to serve the British. Unfortunately his stance remained
ambiguous till the last moment, and he lost both his life and his nawabship
without murmur.

X
The British were masters of the situation after the fall of Delhi on 20
September 1857, circumstances became completely favourable to them after
the Mahun battle in Mewat on 29 December 1857; and after that they were
absolutely in commanding position in Haryana. They then began a new
campaign to eliminate the losers, and deprive them of their possessions by
confiscating their moveable and immoveable property. Simultaneously they
started rewarding those who had helped them in any way; a deceptive
process to recruit spies and informers under the garb of conferring rewards
and favours. The erstwhile Gurgaon district, now divided into Rewari,
Gurgaon, Mewat, Faridabad, and Palwal, was the worst sufferer of
confiscation, whereas the Rohtak district, including Bhiwani town which was
then part of the Meham-Bhiwani tehsil, got the maximum rewards.
The top gainers, however, were the chiefs of Patiala and Jind;
proportionately the latter got the better. They were given a licence to loot for
another ninety years. But the total property and effects of Raja Nahar Singh,
Rao Tularam, Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan, Bahadur Jang Khan, Chaudhary
Udmiram and Chaudhary Bakhtawar Singh were confiscated. Rao Tularam
escaped to Afghanistan where he breathed his last. Jang Khan was banished
to Lahore with a pension. There were numerous villages, at least one
hundred, which were confiscated and auctioned or granted to the British
stooges through fraudulent transactions. Unfortunately, the descendants of the
martyrs and freedom fighters got nothing from the government of free India.
Rohnat, Raisina, Roopraka, Rawli, Doha, Aherwan, etc., are shining
examples of government apathy.
Notes
1. Haryana Encyclopaedia, 10 vols, Delhi, 2010, vol. 8, pp. 384–5.
2. Ibid., p. 385.
3. Field Marshal Fredrick Sleigh Roberts, Forty One Years in India: From Subaltern to
Commander-in-Chief, London, 1901; Delhi, 2005, p. 241.
4. Amresh Mishra, War of Civilisations, 2 vols, Delhi, 2008, vol. II, p. 922.
5. K.C. Yadav, Roll of Honour: Haryana’s Martyrs of 1857, Gurgaon, 2008, p. 44.
6. Col. T.N. Walker, Through the Mutiny: Reminiscences of Thirty Years Active Service and Sport
in India 1854–83, London, 1907, pp. 67–80.
7. Sir William Lee-Warner, Memoirs of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wylie Norman, London, 1908, p.
113.
8. Elisa F. Greathed (ed.), Letters Written During the Siege of Delhi by Hervey Harris Greathed,
London, 1858, p. 130.
9. Charles T. Metcalfe (tr.), Two Native Narratives of the Mutiny in Delhi, Delhi, 1974, p. 158.
10. George H. Hodson (ed.), Twelve Years of a Soldier’s Life in India: Letters of Major W.S.R.
Hodson, Boston, 1860, pp. 301–2.
11. Ibid.
12. William W. Ireland, History of the Siege of Delhi by an Officer Who Served There, Edinburgh,
1861, p. 174.
13. Ibid., pp. 159–60.
14. Greathed (ed.), Letters Written During the Siege of Delhi by H.H. Greathed, p. 221.
15. George Campbell, Memoirs of My Indian Career, 2 vols., London, 1893, vol. I, p. 228.
Chapter 1
The Army in 1857

Historiography
It is necessary to understand the structure of the army, its organization and the
prevalent terminology in the year 1857, before starting the narrative. We start
by asking how the history of the ‘First War of Independence’ came to be
written, who the historians were, why they were writing, and about the
ideological and intellectual influences that shaped their writings. A cautious
and consciously analytical approach needs to be adopted.
The available histories of the 1857 war have been written mostly by non-
professional historians; some being even padres of churches who
accompanied various regiments for rendering funeral services, while the
majority of writers came from the military. Only a few historians were able
to write history for lay readers or students of history, and since it was a full-
fledged war, they too perceived it a war history. So, technical terms and
terminology used were purely militaristic. The words light infantry, light
cavalry, division, brigade, battalion, regiment, troop, detachment, squadron,
march, forced march, intelligence, round shot, grape, battery, 6-pounder, 24-
pounder, subaltern, field officers, siege-train, irregulars, etc., find frequent
mention in the narratives, but are not understood by everyone.
The history of the 1857 war has been mainly based on the reports of
commanding officers for whom the use of military jargon was natural and
essential. Second, in most of the cases they wanted to conceal from the
general public the numbers of British involved and killed whereas at the
same time they would give large figures of their Indian adversaries. For
example, a European officer would say, we had 3 regiments of infantry, 3
squadrons of cavalry and a light field battery, whereas the enemy had at least
1,000 infantry and 300 cavalry with 3 guns. A lay reader would think that
1,300 men with 3 guns was a comparatively large force. In reality, however,
the European force was at least 3,300 men with 4 guns. Another officer
reported that the 10th Irregular Cavalry had 4 squadrons, 3 at Naushehra and
one at Peshawar.1 How can a layman know their actual strength? One
squadron of the 6th Carabineers plus one squadron of HM’s 9th Lancers made
170 sabres2 while 3 squadrons of HM’s 9th Lancers plus 50 Jind Horse made
350 sabres.3 We see that the strength of a squadron varies from 85 to 100;
however, the sanctioned strength was above 160 soldiers.
In 1857 the army in India had a very complex structure and consisted of
five different employers: the British government in the name of Queen, the
Honorable British East India Company (BEIC) or John Company, the British
Indian states as the Punjab, Indian Native states like the Patiala and Jhajjar,
and also private warlords like the Tiwanas of Shahpur whose Tiwana Horse
was very famous. The army of the Indian Native states was generally trained
by the European officers and commanded by them. The armies of the private
warlords were either available on hire or their services were obtained by
agreements in lieu of certain concessions by the authorities. The infantry,
cavalry, and artillery had different organization, for their units according to
the five different employers. Some of the employers had two types of
regiments, regular and irregular. Let us take first of all the British
government’s or Her Majesty’s (HM’s or simply HM) units, which were
purely European.

1. The British Army

INFANTRY

There were no irregulars and the infantry consisted of battalions and

regiments. Except in few cases battalions and regiments were synonymous,
but there were some heavy regiments which consisted of two battalions. For
example, Her Majesty’s 60th (The King’s Royal) Rifle Corps (Regiment)
consisted of 2 battalions divided into 8 or 10 companies. The 1st Battalion of
the 60th Rifles consisted of 10 companies, with about 40 officers including
surgeons, 52 sergeants, 45 corporals, 19 drummers and 787 privates
(soldiers). That meant about 95 persons per company. The officers above the
rank of captain were called field officers, whereas those below that rank
were called subalterns and included ensigns and lieutenants. Similarly, the
2nd Battalion of the 60th Rifles consisted of 8 companies with about 40
officers, 39 sergeants, 31 corporals, 19 drummers and 593 privates. That
meant about 90 men per company. Such regiments were very few in number,
most of the regiments were small: HM’s 75th Regiment of Foot consisted of
10 companies with about 44 officers, 57 sergeants, 50 corporals, 21
drummers and 681 privates; that meant about 85 men per company.

CAVALRY

The cavalry regiments were divided in squadrons and troops. Normally a

cavalry regiment had 4 squadrons and 9 troops. For example, the 6th
Regiment of Dragoon Guards (Carabineers) consisted of 9 troops with about
40 officers including surgeons and veterinary surgeons, 50 sergeants, 32
corporals, 10 trumpeters and 616 privates. That meant normally 80 to 85 men
per troop and generally one squadron contained about 150 to 165 men. HM’s
9th Lancers had 100 men per squadron while marching to Delhi in May
1857.4 The numerical strength was sometimes expressed in sabres as well,
meaning thereby soldiers with sabres or swords. The lowest rank in the
officers’ cadre was ‘cornet’ equivalent to the ‘ensign’ in the infantry.

ARTILLERY

It had two branches namely the Royal Horse Artillery (RHA) and the Royal
Foot Artillery (RFA).

The Royal Horse Artillery (RHA)

In 1857, a Royal Horse Artillery troop was composed of 2 captains, 3
subalterns, 3 staff sergeants, 3 sergeants, 3 corporals, 6 bombardiers, 80
gunners, 1 trumpeter and 1 farrier; 102 Europeans.5 In addition to these 102
fighting men, the RHA troop was supplemented by 1 carriage smith, 3
shoeing smiths, 2 collar makers, 1 wheeler, 1 driver sergeant, 1 driver
corporal and 69 privates; totaling to 86 men.6 Thus full strength of one troop
was 188 men.
In 1859, however, each troop consisted of 6 officers including 1 surgeon
and 1 veterinary surgeon, 2 staff sergeants, 9 sergeants, 6 corporals, 9
bombardiers, 90 gunners, 70 drivers, 1 trumpeter, 1 farrier, 6 shoeing smiths,
30 collar makers and 3 wheelers, a total of 200 men and 200 horses, each
troop managed a battery of 4 to 6 guns.

The Royal Foot Artillery (RFA)

The foot artillery of the British force had its own nomenclature. Each battery
consisted of 6 officers, 2 staff sergeants, 8 sergeants, 6 corporals, 9
bombardiers, 100 gunners, 70 drivers, 2 trumpeters, 1 farrier, 6 shoeing
smiths, 3 collar makers and 2 wheelers: total 209 men and 142 horses. The
organization of artillery was a little bit more complicated.

2. The British East India Company Army

The army of East India Company had units such as the Bengal Army, the
Madras Army and the Bombay Army. Let us keep to the Bengal Army only.

THE BENGAL INFANTRY

The infantry consisted of two types of regiments namely the European

Regiments (EnRs) and the Bengal Native Infantry (BNI or simply NI)
Regiments. There was no irregular EnR but the native regiments were both
regular and irregular.
The European Regiments

There were 6 infantry regiments containing persons of European origin, with

no Indians, except for private servants, who outnumbered the Europeans. Out
of these six, two regiments were named the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers
(1st EnBF) and the 2nd European Bengal Fusiliers (2nd EnBF) or simply
Fusiliers probably because of their weapons which were fusils (light
muskets), or European Regiments (EnRs), the other four were all European
Regiments (EnRs). The organization of these infantry regiments was similar
to that of the Royal Infantry, with a total of about 1,020 men, thus
approximately 100 in a company. In the 1st EnBF and 2nd EnBF there were
2nd lieutenant and 1st lieutenant ranks, whereas in other four EnRs these were
called ‘ensigns’ and ‘lieutenants’ respectively. The EnRs No. 4 to 6 had left
and right wings.7

The Bengal Native Infantry Regiments (BNIs or NIs)

In 1857, there were 74 NIs, and the majority had mutinied. The strength and
structure of these regiments were similar to that of the 1st EnBF or 2nd EnBF
but the difference was that while officers from ensign to colonel were
European, subahdar major was the highest rank an Indian could achieve.
Then there were jemadars, non-commissioned officers (NCO) and sepoys.
The average strength of each native infantry regiment was 1,090 men.8
The native infantry was further classified as regular and irregular. The
difference was basically in training. Those regiments which were regularly
paraded and had a standard uniform were called regular regiments. The
aforementioned 74 NIs were all regular regiments; and in 1857, there were
31 such regular regiments which were deployed in Meerut, Delhi, Roorkee
and in the Punjab; whereas there were 15 regiments of the irregular infantry
including 6 companies of the Guide Corps.9 Since there was not much
training and drill of the irregulars, their discipline and command system were
weak, but they were far better than the raw hands.
THE BENGAL CAVALRY

As with the infantry there existed regular and irregular cavalry as well. In
1857 there were 10 regular cavalry regiments, the European Light Cavalry
(ELC), Bengal Light Cavalry (BLC), Bengal Cavalry (BC), European Bengal
Light Cavalry (EBLC), simply Light Cavalry (LC). The 3rd ELC was the first
to revolt at Meerut on 10 May. The 10th LC mutinied at Ferozepur on 19
August and they joined Haryana’s freedom fighters at Hisar and Hansi.
These regiments were European to the extent that only officers from the
cornet to colonel were European, all others from sowar (horseman) to
risaldar major (native captain) were native. The average strength of the
regular cavalry regiment was 500, whereas the average strength of an
irregular regiment was 600.10 However, on 31 May 1861, after
reorganization, strength of the 9th Bengal Cavalry remained 10 European
officers, 13 native officers and 480 other ranks, organized into 3 squadrons
and 6 troops.11
In 1857 one ELC consisted of 10 troops with a sanctioned strength of
about 40 officers, 1 sergeant major, 1 quarter master sergeant, 10 troop
sergeants, 1 saddler sergeant, 1 farrier sergeant, 1 hospital sergeant, 1
ordinary room clerk, 40 sergeants, 1 trumpet major, 10 trumpeters, 40
corporals, 10 farriers, 1 armour sergeant and 700 privates. Thus there were
81 men per troop.12 The British authorities were most afraid of the rebels of
these regiments because they were the toughest enemies.

THE BENGAL ARTILLERY

The Bengal Horse Artillery (BHA)

There was monopoly of the Europeans in this wing of the Bengal Army. One
brigade of the Bengal Horse Artillery (BHA or HA) consisted of 4 or 5
troops and each brigade had 3 or 4 European and 1 native troop. In total,
there were 450 men and 169 horses in one European troop. One native troop
consisted of a European staff sergeant, a European farrier sergeant, a
subahdar, one jemadar, 6 havildars (sergeants), 6 naiks (corporals), 2
native farriers, 2 rough riders, 2 trumpeters, 90 troopers and 170 horses; and
thus there were in total 112 men and 170 horses.13 Each brigade was attached
with 4 havildars, 6 naiks and 96 privates.14 A BHA troop was composed of
one captain, 3 subalterns, one staff sergeant, 6 sergeants, 6 corporals, 10
bombardiers, 80 gunners, 4 trumpeters, 2 farriers and 2 rough riders; thus
totalling to 115 men, all Europeans.15 The Bengal Horse Artillery had 7 fire-
smiths and hammer men, 2 more allowed by the government; 3 carpenters,
one luskar havildar, one luskar naik and 24 luskars also making a total of
39 men.16 According to this source of information a troop of the RHA was
composed of 188 men, while that of the BHA was composed of 154 men.17 In
1857, the 2nd and 3rd troops of the 3rd Brigade of the HA were at Ambala.

Light Field Battery, the Foot Artillery

Each battery had five 9-pounder guns and one 24-pounder gun. The Bengal
Foot Artillery (BFA) was similar to the RFA in structure and organization.

THE CORPS OF SAPPERS AND MINERS

This corps or regiment had a total strength of 12 companies with about 60

officers, one sergeant major, one quarter master sergeant, 24 sergeants, 24
first corporals, 24 second corporals, 3 native doctors, 12 subahdars, 12
jemadars, 48 havildars, 96 naicks, 24 buglers and 1,200 privates.18 Thus
average strength of one company was about 125 men.
The average strength of various regiments of artillery, cavalry and infantry
prevalent in 1857 can be estimated on the basis of figures provided by F.M.
Roberts19 and comes out be as under:
An infantry regiment had 1,060 men or bayonets, a cavalry regiment
varying between 505 and 705, say 605 sowars or sabres; a squadron 100
sowars or sabres, a troop of the HA 115 to 125 men or soldiers with 6 guns;
a light field battery 85 men or artillerymen with 6 guns, and a company of
sappers and miners from 110 to 115 men including artisans, technicians, and
engineering and general officers. There used to be large numbers of draught
animals: elephants, camels, and bullocks especially with the artillery, and
huge bodies of the camp-followers.

THE BENGAL CORPS OF ENGINEERS

This regiment provided engineers to the Army as well as to all the

departments of the government like PWD, Irrigation, Great Trigonometrical
Survey (GTS), Sappers and Miners, Artillery, etc. It consisted of 5 colonels,
10 lieutenant colonels, 30 captains, 30 second captains and 60 lieutenants in
the year 1859.

3. The British Indian States Army

The third type of army came from the states directly under the government of
India like the Punjab. There were Punjab infantry regiments as well as
cavalry regiments, which were all irregular forces.

4. The Native States’ Armies

Then there were forces or contingents of the chiefs or rajahs like Patiala,
Sindhia, Bharatpur, etc., who had agreements with the government to provide
services of their forces.

5. The Private Armies

In addition to the above, there were certain private armies, mostly cavalry
belonging to some regional chiefs or resourceful persons or warlords who
could lend them on hire. These were mostly Pathan or Mohammedan chiefs
of the clans or fiefs or big landlords and warlords like Tiwanas of Shahpur
who owned the Tiwana Horse. The Indian writers have named them
generally Tohana Horse wrongly, while the British historians have spelt it
Towana Horse. Thus was the organization of various regiments.

Terminology
In 1857, 3 to 4 regiments made a ‘brigade’ and 2 to 3 ‘brigades’ constituted a
‘division’ commanded by a major general. The other terms in usage were:
‘Light cavalry or infantry’: light weapons and baggage, for faster
movements.
‘March’: march or normal march or regular march meant 10–11 miles of
the distance covered by forces walking on foot in a single day. In military
language Alipur was one march from Delhi, Rai was two marches and
Larsauli 3 marches.
‘Forced march’: if the distance covered in a march was more than the
regular march, say 20 miles, it was a forced march. By the Guide Corps a
distance of 580 miles was covered in 21 forced marches, that meant a
distance even more than 27 miles per day.20
‘Intelligence’: at that time it meant the information both secret as well as
open.
‘Battery’: it meant an array of guns located at one place for firing
simultaneously as well as a group of guns with a troop.
‘6-pounder or 24-pounder guns’: meant the weight of projectile (bomb) to
be thrown by those guns was 6 pounds or 24 pounds as the case might be.
‘Field officers and subalterns’: it has already been explained that all the
officers who were above the rank of captain were ‘field officers’ and those
below that rank were ‘subalterns’.
‘Detachment’: the detachment was a portion of one or more regiments,
might be of mixed type, it was not a regular unit but a unit constituted for a
particular service or action, so no size or strength could be fixed.
‘Round shot and grape’: in 1857, explosive material was not used in
projectiles or bombs, gun powder was used only to propel the ‘bombs’ to a
target. The bombs used to be solid spherical balls made either of iron or of
stones, and these were called round shots. However, when the hollow shell
made of iron was filled up with the splinters or shrapnel of iron or stone
pieces these were equally damaging and the shot was called grape.
‘Siege-train’: a caravan carrying equipment to effect the siege around a
place. The main things carried by ‘siege-train’ were guns and ammunition in
a huge quantity.
‘Camp followers’: these were the people who carried the bag and baggage
of soldiers and officers of the regiment while on a march, including personal
servants as well as their own families. The European regiments when
marched carried with them as many as 4,000 souls excluding camels,
bullocks, elephants, etc.

The Jodhpur Legion21

The British moveable columns dreaded the Jodhpur Legion as if it were a
tornado and in every letter, book and message they depicted only their fight
with the Legion. J.G. Gerrard had moved from Delhi with at least 2,500 men
to defeat the Legion. The Jodhpur Legion consisted of:
Artillery: Two 9-pounder guns drawn by camels and manned by the infantry.
Cavalry: Three troops
Each troop consisted of 2 NatCOs, 8 NCOs, 1 trumpeter and 72 troopers (total 83 men in each),
and thus a total strength of the cavalry being 249 men.
Infantry: Eight companies of the Hindustanis.
Each company had 2 NatCOs, 12 NCOs and 80 privates (sepoys): total 94. Strength = 8 × 94
men = 752 men.
Infantry: Three companies of the Bheels
Each company having 2 NatCOs, 12 NCOs and 70 men; total 84. Thus total strength of the Bheel
companies was 252 and the overall infantry were 1,004 sepoys.

The headquarters were at Irnipura and commanding officer was captain

Hall. About 60 of his men were posted at Mount Abu when the revolt
commenced. The Bheels did not revolt and out of others about 10 to 15 per
cent men were on furlough. So the maximum number of soldiers who could
revolt was 1,001, and if 10 per cent were on furlough, the strength of the
rebels was not more than 900. So, for these 900 ill-equipped but brave
people, 2,500 brave British troops fully armed to the teeth with huge guns
started from Delhi on 10 November 1857!
Notes
1. Rev. John Cave-Browne, The Punjab and Delhi in 1857: Being a Narrative of the Measures …
During the Indian Mutiny, 2 vols, Edinburgh & London, 1861, vol. I, p. 286.
2. Ibid., pp. 319–20.
3. Ibid.
4. Major O.H.St.G. Anson, With H.M. 9 th Lancers During the Indian Mutiny, London, 1896, p. 148.
5. The Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
6. Ibid.
7. Bengal Army List 1859 (The Quarterly Army List of Her Majesty’s British Forces on the
Bengal Establishment), Calculta, 1859; Delhi, 2010, pp. 105–7 (hereinafter Bengal Army List
1859).
8. F.M.F.S. Roberts, Forty One Years in India: From Subaltern to Commander in Chief, London,
1901, pp. 36–7.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Internet Information on site: Indian Cavalry: 9th Bengal Lancers: Hodson’s Horse – The British
Empire: www.britishempire.co.uk/forces/armyunits/indian-cavalry/9thbl.html.
12. Bengal Army List 1859, Delhi, 2010, p. 94.
13. Ibid., p. 68.
14. Ibid.
15. The Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Bengal Army List 1859, op. cit., p. 92.
19. Roberts, Forty One Years in India, op. cit., pp. 36–7.
20. Cave-Browne, The Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 328.
21. Iltudus Thomas Prichard, The Mutinies in Rajpootana, London, 1861, pp. 208–9.
Chapter 2
Haryana before 10 May 1857

The present Haryana derives its name in the modern history from the region
located in the districts of Hisar, Fatehabad, Jind, Rohtak, Bhiwani, Sonepat
and Jhajjar called Hurrianah or Hureeanah, an independent political and
geographical entity with its capital at Hansi in the last decade of eighteenth
century. It is, however, an ancient land.

The Cis-Sutlej Territory of Haryana

The present districts of Panchkula, Ambala, Yamunanagar, Kurukshetra,
Karnal, Kaithal, and Jind formed a part of the cis-Sutlej territory. The area
consisting of protected states and directly British ruled territory constituted
the then Ambala division with a Commissioner at Ambala. Cis-Sutlej territory
– so named in a Calcutta point of view, as being on the cis or near side of the
Sutlej, in reference to that city.1 The area was termed cis-Sutlej with
reference to its location vis-à-vis the then capitals, first Calcutta and
subsequently at Delhi. It was, in fact, this side of the Sutlej when looking from
the capital whereas the region on far of that river was called trans-Sutlej area
of the Punjab.

The Delhi Division of the NWP and Ambala Division

of the Punjab
In 1857, a large area coinciding with the present districts of Sirsa, Hisar,
Fatehabad, Jind (excluding the territory of erstwhile Jind state), Panipat,
Sonepat, Rohtak, Jhajjar, Bhiwani, Mahendragarh, Rewari, Gurgaon, Mewat,
Faridabad and Palwal, together with Delhi, constituted an administrative
division, the Delhi division of the North-West Provinces (NWP) with their
headquarters at Agra; the Ambala division was under the control of the Chief
Commissioner of the Punjab with headquarters at Lahore. A part of the
Punjab, ‘this upper region’ of the Ambala division consisting of Ambala and
Thanesar, Jind, Chhachhrauli (Kalsia) and Buria, and some jagirs like Karnal,
Kunjpura, and Garhi Kotaha; was socially and culturally different from the
rest of cis-Sutlej area, socioculturally very much akin to the Delhi division.
There is no ghaghari (a heavy and almost ankle-long skirt worn by the rural
Haryanvi womenfolk – one of the typical and visible symbols of the Haryanvi
cultural identity) beyond the river Ghaggar and thus there is no Haryana
beyond that, so goes the saying. The people of the Ambala division living on
the left bank of the ‘Ghaggar’ shared a common language, tradition and history
with their brethren inhabiting the Delhi division, which then consisted of five
districts, Gurgaon, Delhi, Panipat, Rohtak and Hisar along with Bhattiana
territory comprising Sirsa and Fazilka under a Superintendent; and seven
princely states namely Ballabgarh, Pataudi, Farrukhnagar, Dujana, Jhajjar,
Bahadurgarh (Dadri) and Loharu. It is apparent that though the part of the
erstwhile Ambala division and the area under Delhi were administratively in
two different British India provinces, these were bound together socially,
culturally, historically and geographically. Further, the people of this unified
area were closer to the people of Agra and Meerut than those of the remaining
cis-Sutlej area of the Punjab.

AMBALA: REVENUE HISTORY

The then Ambala district consisted of the area now falling in the Ropar and
Kharar tehsils of the Punjab, and the present districts of Panchkula, Ambala
and Yamunanagar of Haryana. Its chief, Rani Daya Kaur, died in 1823 and the
state had lapsed to the British government, the town became the residence of
the political agent for cis-Sutlej states.2 In 1843, the present cantonment was
established on about 10,000 acres.3 Ambala district was constituted in 1847
from the territories which had lapsed to government or confiscated for
misbehaviour during the period 1809–46. The remainder of the district, as
then constituted, covering five tehsils included the large area held in jagirs by
the representatives of hitherto independent chiefs, whose sovereign powers
had been finally resumed in 1846–7.4 In June 1849, it was declared that with
the exception of the states of Jind, Sarup Singh was the chief; all the chiefs
should cease to hold sovereign powers, lose all criminal, civil and fiscal
jurisdiction and should be considered as no more than ordinary subjects of the
British government with the possession of a few exceptional privileges. The
revenues were still to be theirs, but were to be assessed by British officers
and under the British rules.5 Though all the political power was taken out of
the hands of the jagirdars, government scrupulously upheld their right to the
revenue in perpetuity in accordance with the proclamation of 1809. The right
was construed strictly both for and against the jagirdars, under a series of
orders passed between 1851 and 1856. The general effect of the orders was
to constitute three separate classes of jagirdars, major jagirdars, pattedari
jagirdars, and zaildars or subordinate feudatories of the first category.6

Settlement

In 1849, Ambala became the headquarters of the district and division under
the newly-formed Punjab Administration.7
The final step necessitated by the march of events was taken in 1852 when
the revenue settlement, begun for the British villages in 1847, was extended to
the villages of chiefs.8 The settlement of the northern tehsils was done in
1850–5 and that of the southern in 1847–53. In fact, the term settlement was
misleading. Theoretically it was stated to be a settlement or agreement on
revenue rates between the government on the one side and the landowners on
the other. But practically landholders had neither choice nor voice in the
assessment of the revenue rates and rentals. A seemingly bilateral agreement
was actually a unilateral announcement.
The major jagirdars included nearly all the leading sardars of the district,
entitled to the revenue of a larger or smaller group of villages.9 It was seen
later that these jagirdars helped the British government during the rebellion
with a few exceptions.
AMBALA: MILITARY HISTORY

In the winter of 1856–7, a school of musketry was set up at Ambala and

Captain Edward M. Martineau, 10th NI, was the instructor.10 Ambala was the
most important town for the British Indian Army in the year 1857. The
headquarters of the army were at that time at the foot of great hills, a thousand
miles from Calcutta. ‘General Anson, having returned from his hasty visit to
Calcutta, was meditating a speedy retreat to Simlah [Simla], when the unquiet
spirit in the native regiments forced itself upon his attention.’11 According to
the British claim there were, about 2,290 Europeans to 2,819 natives at
Ambala.12 On 1 April 1857 the armed forces at and around Ambala consisted
of 2 troops of the artillery under Captains Frank Turner and E.K. Money, one
regiment of the British cavalry, under Colonel James Hope Grant, one
regiment of the native cavalry, the 4th Light Cavalry (Lancers) under Colonel
Henry Clayton and Captain Charles Dumbleton, 2 regiments of the native
infantry, i.e. 5th NI under Major Fredrick Charles Maitland and 60th NI under
Lieut Colonel Richard Drought, one detachment of 9th Irregular Cavalry
regiment, 2 European infantry regiments namely 1st European Bengal Fusiliers
(1st EnBF) at Daghsai and 2nd European Bengal Fusiliers (2nd EnBF) at
Sabathu, one British infantry regiment, i.e. HM’s 75th Foot at Kasauli, and 2
Gorkha regiments, i.e. Nasiri Battalion at Jatogh and Sirmaur Battalion at
Dehradun.13 The strength of various regiments and detachments was quite
impressive:
The two troops (2nd and 3rd troops of the 3rd brigade with 6 guns each) of
the HA consisted of 12 EnCOs, 19 EnSgts, 203 EnRF along with 2 NatHavs
and 54 NatRF having 15 sick men of all ranks. The HM’s 9th Dragoon Guards
(9th Lancers) were purely European cavalry with 24 COs, 48 Sgts, 563 RF,
and 27 sick of all ranks. The native cavalry regiment called 4th Native Light
Cavalry or 4th Native Lancers or 4th European Light Cavalry (Lancers) were
composed of 14 EnCOs, 2 EnSgts, 11 NatCOs, 25 NatHavs, 421 NatRF with
20 men sick of all ranks. The two native infantry regiments (NIs), i.e. 5th and
60th NIs consisted of 29 EnCOs, 4 EnSgts, 40 NatCOs, 117 NatHavs, 2,116
NatRF, and 43 men sick of all ranks. The detachment of the 4th Native
Irregular Cavalry had with it 3 NatCOs, 1 NatHav and 89 NatRF.14 The 5th NI
consisted of 12 EnCOs, 11 NatCOs, 805 NatNCOs and sepoys; whereas the
60th NI had 15 EnCOs, 10 NatCOs, and 800 NatNCOs and sepoys; according
to another report.15 Each of these two NIs comprised of 13 EnCOs, 1
EnSgtMaj, some Eurasian bandsmen, 20 subahdars and 900 RF.16
It is apparent that number of native soldiers was inflated. The sanctioned
strength of a Bengal regiment divided into 10 companies used to be 1,000
privates (sepoys), 120 NatNCOs and 20 NatCOs. Each company thus
consisted of 100 sepoys, 2 NatCOs and 12 NatNCOs. The highest rank an
Indian could achieve was the subahdar major. The higher officers from the
ensign (now 2nd lieutenant) to colonel used to be the Europeans.17 The
strength of the British and European infantry regiments in the vicinity of
Ambala was comparatively more. Her Majesty’s (HM’s) 75th Foot Regiment
at Kasauli consisted of 10 companies having a strength of 857. The 1st EnR or
1stEnBF, at Daghsai, of 10 companies consisted of 1,027 men. The strength of
2nd EnR or 2nd EnBF on the pattern of 1st EnBF was 1,025.18 It is clear that as
per above figures, the total strength of purely European soldiers and officers
in these three regiments was 2,819. The actual fighting strength would be less
by about 15 per cent and thus these three infantry regiments had an actual
force of 2,400 men. If 950 officers and men of artillery, cavalry and infantry
available at Ambala itself are added, then the strength of the Europeans was
3,350, against 2,290 claimed by Montgomery.19 Thus the figures were: about
3,350 Europeans with 12 HA guns to 2,819 natives with no guns. However,
there was a detachment of the 9th Irregular Cavalry along with 200 sepoys of
the 4th (Surajmukhi) Police Battalion under the colonel Futteh Singh which
patrolled the civil station, according to the Punjab Mutiny Report.20 Even if
about 300 men of these two corps were added to the natives, the figure of
3,120 is less than that of the Europeans. According to Lieutenant Edward M.
Martineau, 10th NI, instructor of the musketry at Ambala depot, there were 5
men each from the 44 NI regiments under training from January till May
1857.21 It may be noted that five high caste Brahmins of the 5th NI had also
been attached to the Enfield rifle depot or musketry depot.22 If these attached
natives of 44 NIs including the 5th NI are added, even then the total number of
3,340 natives does not exceed the European number. The military importance
of the Ambala has been highlighted by almost all the British writers.
‘… There was some wealth of English regiments upon the slopes of the Northern Hills, where the
Headquarters of the Army were then planted….’23 ‘Meanwhile, the cartridge scare had taken a
 strong grip of the troops in the far north, especially at Umballah on the borders, where there was a
camp of exercise going on and a large body of sepoys had been collected.’24 ‘Umballa is a somewhat
important town, too, in itself, with more than twenty thousand inhabitants; it is large and surrounded
with a wall, well supplied with water, bounded by a highly fertile district and capable of furnishing
supplies to rebels, if held by them.’25

By mid-March the disaffection had spread to the musketry depot at Ambala

where detachments from forty-one (forty-four according to another source)
infantry regiments were being instructed in the use of the new rifle.26

The Events of March and April 1857: Ambala, the Epicentre of

Revolt

It was on 19 March that General George Anson reached Ambala escorted by a

detachment of the 36th NI. When Havildar Kashiram Tiwari and Naik Jialal
Dubey of the 36th NI attached to the musketry depot went to see Subahdar
Drigpal Singh of their regiment accompanying Anson, they were insulted and
taunted about their religion and caste status.27 Lieut E.M. Martineau, instructor
musketry depot, wrote a letter on 20 March 1857 to Captain Septimus Becher,
an assistant adjutant general of the Army, to apprise Anson of the reality of
feelings in detachments,28 well before he was to inspect the rifle depot on the
23 March 1857.29
General Anson inspected the Musketry Depot on 22 March 1857 and addressed in a personal darbar,
a new thing in the history of Bengal Army; and the people saw for the first time, the Commander-in-
Chief condescending to explain the action of the Government and the reasons for that to the native
officers. The General directed the musketry instructors not to proceed to the point of firing until the
receipt of special report about the cartridge paper.30

When General Anson retreated to Simla he left behind Major General

Henry William Barnard, commanding the Sirhind division at Ambala;
Brigadier Robert Dampier Halifax, commanding the station, and captain
Edmund W.E. Howard, 3rd ELC, Joint Magistrate of the Ambala cantonments.

Commencement of the Incendiary Fires

As soon as the C-in-C left Ambala fires began to take their toll in the
cantonments. Punjab Govt. Mutiny Records give a statement of fires at
Ambala.31
Azimullah Khan Visits Ambala

Azimullah Khan, a prominent leader and secretary of Nana Saheb, had visited
Ambala in January 1857. ‘In January 1857 Lt Edward Martineau bumped into
Azimullah at the dak bungalow in Ambala, shortly after taking up his
appointment as instructor of the musketry depot. Martineau had first made
Azimullah’s acquaintance the previous October on the overland journey from
Suez to Aden.’34
There is enough evidence to prove that Ambala was the epicentre of revolt
in 1857.
‘The newly established rifle depots at Umballa and Sealkote called together a few men from a great
number of regiments only to concert sedition. That a plot was formed at the first station [i.e. Ambala]
is certain.’35
‘Incendiary fires blazed out there in March, and though it was close to the headquarters of the
army, the Commander-in-Chief did not appear to realize or tackle the situation.’36
‘It was at Dumdum, Barrackpore and Berhampore on the Hoogly Branch of the lower Ganges –
and at Umballa near the Sutlej, separated from them by more than a thousand miles – that the
insubordination was chiefly shewn.’37

Among the speoys there were a few exceptions like Subahdar Harbans
Singh of the 36th NI, who volunteered to fire the controversial cartridge on 26
March 1857, but within twelve hours his house was destroyed.38 The
Commander-in-Chief passed order on the 16 [actually17] April 1857 that the
sepoys should be compelled to use the cartridges and the same day a hospital
and barrack were burnt down, causing a huge loss of about Rs. 40,000.39 A
reward of Rs. 1,000 for information leading to discovery of incendiaries was
also announced,40 but produced no result.

An Adminisration Aware of the Imminent Revolt

Sham Singh, a Sikh sepoy of the NI told T.D. Forsyth, the Collector and
Magistrate of Ambala, towards the end of April 1857:
The great body of the sepoys were highly indignant and in excited state under the apprehension that
they were all to be compelled to use the offensive cartridge; and they had resolved that whenever
such an order be issued every bungalow in the station should be in flames. He further exposed a
conspiracy giving the details thus: Two native infantry corps were to seize the magazines; The Light
Cavalry to seize the guns; the heel ropes of the horses of HM’s 9th Lancers were to be cut and the
horses let loose; and a general rise and massacre to ensue.41

Jwalanath, kotwal, too confirmed conspiracy rumours about bloodshed.

‘An occasional correspondent writing from Umballa, on the 28th April, says: -
You have I see a good correspondent here, but I have just heard news which
perhaps he has not. The 3rd Cavalry at Meerut have mutinied, so says my
correspondent, and have burnt the Dragoon Hospital at that station.’42
Though it was only a rumour on 28 April 1857, it proved to be a correct
prophecy when the 3rd ELC mutinied on 10 May 1857. The civil and military
authorities, except for the Commander-in-Chief, were worried. The Chief
Commissioner of the Punjab, John Lawrence warned on hearing this news.
‘This mischief will spread – Disaffection pervades the whole of the native
regular army and will extend to the irregulars. Even punishment will not
prove effective for the sufferers will become objects of sympathy and be
looked upon as martyrs for their religion.’43
Sham Singh again informed Forsyth in the first week of May 1857 that the
Muslims and Hindus were unitedly determined to resist the conspiracy to
tamper with their religion and it was reported that in the following week
blood would be shed in Delhi or Ambala.44 But due to change of venue of the
Sunday service from the new church to the old one, the plan of the sepoys to
attack unarmed English people was foiled on 9 May. The sepoys were
determined to raise the banner of revolt, but it was ultimately carried out
piecemeal. In Delhi, however, the bloodshed was considered predicted.
Information of the behaviour of the different regiments was widely circulated
by the press, in a native newspaper published at Ambala.45

The Administration

In May 1857, George Carnac Barnes CS was the Commissioner and

Superintendent of Ambala division, cis-Sutlej area and Political Agent for the
states and jagirs. Thomas Douglas Forsyth CS, was the Collector and
Magistrate or the Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Ambala and he had with him
George Vaughan CS, Captain George McAndrew of the 47th NI and William
Chicheley Plowden CS, his Assistant Commissioners (AC). There were five
tehsils Ambala, Jagadhari, Naraingarh, Kharar and Ropar. Ganga Prashad,
Sadruddin, and Muzibuddin were tehsildars at Naraingarh, Ambala, and
Jagadhari respectively and Badrul Islam was the Extra Assistant
Commissioner (EAC). The treasury was guarded by a detachment of the 5th
NI.
THE KURUKSHETRA – THANESAR BELT: GEOGRAPHY AND
REVENUE

Thanesar was the district in 1857 with headquarters at Thanesar town. It

comprised of the area now falling roughly in the Kurukshetra and Kaithal
districts, and area of the Radaur and Assandh tehsils. A part of Thanesar had
lapsed to the government in 1832 and Kaithal lapsed in 1843. Thereafter
Kaithal was made a district and Sir Henry Lawrence made the settlement of
the tract. Pehowa also lapsed with Kaithal. In 1849 Kaithal district was
dissolved and merged with Thanesar, and in 1850 the remaining part of the
Thanesar too lapsed. The chiefs of Thanesar and Shamgarh were reduced to
the position of simple jagirdars.

Administration and Settlement

A company (100 sepoys) of the 5th NI was at Thanesar to guard the treasury
and buildings.46 The guard at tehsil treasury of Guhla consisted of troops from
the 60th NI.47 The tehsildars were at Ladwa, Thanesar, Pehowa, Guhla and
Kaithal. William McNeile, Captain of the 5th EnR, was the Collector and
Magistrate, i.e. the Deputy Commissioner. He had Arthur Levien CS and Lieut
James E.B. Parsons of the 5th EnR as his Assistant Commissioners.48 A
regular settlement was made by Captain Abbot in 1847.49 Then the regular
settlement of Kaithal was made by Captain Larkin in early 1856, which was
resubmitted by Captain Busk in February 1857 after correcting.50 Wynyard
completed the settlement of the Ladwa tehsil in 1852 and Larkin submitted the
revised report in February 1856.

THE KARNAL REGION: BRIEF HISTORY AND REVENUE

In 1857, Karnal was not a district but a parganah and part of the Panipat
district. In April 1805, Gurdit Singh of Ladwa was deprived of Karnal51 and
in the fort of Karnal a cantonment was established.52 In 1821, the officer
stationed at Karnal was made Superintendent of all the protected and hill
states. But in 1840, the Governor-General’s Agent was headquartered at
Ambala and subsequently the cantonments too were abandoned53 and shifted
to that place in 1842–3. Mandal Nawab and Kunjpura Nawab were local
persons of note. From 1809 to 1847 persistent efforts were made to enforce
good government through the political agency at Ambala among the endless
semi-independent states.54 In 1849, the chiefs of Kunjpura and Shamgarh were
reduced to the position of simple jagirdars.55 Mohammad Ali Khan was the
Nawab of Kunjpura.56

Exploitation through Land Revenue

About three-fourth of the Karnal parganah had been assigned in jagir to the
Mandal Nawabs, a family notorious for their oppressive mismanagement.
Their territory extended over the greater part of the Nardak, which was
inhabited by the Mandhar Rajputs and Jats. As early as 1827, the Collector
reported that the Mandals exercised very great oppression. In 1834 John
Lawrence wrote that they were brutally unfair and extortionate. The Mandals
used the British police and legal system to enforce their oppressive revenue
demands until 1847, when 12 of the 93 villages were uninhabited in the
Nardak area. The Nardak was the most troublesome and the only turbulent
part of the district in 1844. So, the Lieutenant Governor directed the district
authority to carry out a regular settlement, which Gubbins made for the
Mandal villages in 1847.57 By changing the mode of revenue collection in
cash instead of kind, Gubbins actually raised the demand. Thus the first
settlement of 1842 of the Mandal estates and other villages in the Nardak area
was revised in 1847 but with an increase of burden on the peasantry.
Consequently arrears accumulated, so revenue and rent rates were first
reduced in 1852, and then in 1856 but Nardak still stood assessed higher than
almost anywhere else in the division, despite being an arid tract. A similar
exercise was carried out simultaneously in Khadar and Bangar tracts of the
district.58 A detachment of the NI having 1 NatCO, 3 havildars and 40 NatRF
was stationed at Karnal.59

PANIPAT: AN IMPORTANT DISTRICT IN 1857

The area which roughly coincided with the old districts of Gurgaon, Delhi,
Rohtak, and Hisar and the Panipat tehsil and Karnal parganah became Delhi
territory in 1805. In 1805 it was placed under a ‘Resident’ in Delhi and a
British amil of the name Rai Sadasukh was appointed at Karnal. In 1819 the
territory was divided into northern, southern, and central divisions. The
northern division consisting of Karnal, Panipat, Ganaur, Gohana, Rohtak,
Sonepat, and Mandauthi was placed under a principal assistant. In 1824 the
divisions were split into the districts of Panipat, Rohtak, Hansi, Rewari, and
Delhi. The Panipat district included Karnal, Panipat, and Sonepat. In 1832 the
principal assistant changed his title to that of Magistrate and Collector,60 and
Simon Fraser became the first Magistrate and Collector of the Panipat district,
succeeded by John Lawrence in 1834.61 John Lawrence officiated during
1834–7. In 1841 the Rohtak district was broken up, and the parganah of
Gohana was added to Panipat.62 John Peach Macwhirter took charge in 1856
and became Deputy Commissioner in May 1857, with Charles James Haley
Richardes as the Deputy Collector.63 Tehsildars were at Larsauli, Panipat,
Gharaunda and Gohana. The settlements of Panipat Khadar and Panipat
Bangar commenced in the year 1817. In Panipat Khadar, the first settlement
was in 1817–21, the second in 1826–33, and third in 1835–7 and then a final
settlement took place in 1842. In Panipat Bangar, after the first settlement in
1817, subsequent settlements occurred in 1821–3, 1826–30, 1834–6 and then
in 1842 by Edmonstone.64 The last did not earn any gratitude of the peasants
in general and the Jats in particular. In the khadar tract revenue was fixed at
Rs. 2-11-0 per cultivated acre against the existing rate of Rs. 3-2-0 assessed
in 1830s which was not reasonable. However, there was some relief in the Jat
dominated bangar tract where the new rate was held at Rs. 2-8-11 per
cultivated acre against the previous varying between Rs. 3-2-0 and Rs. 3-12-0
with the expectation of loyalty to the white rulers, but nothing of the sort
happened. The British authorities admitted that the mode of collection was
oppressive.65
In 1823, after a year of great distress, the headmen of 53 out of 209 villages
of a tract were in prison for the arrears, some for as long as 171 days; and in
1824 the jail force was increased on account of the number of revenue
defaulters in custody. In 1826 the Collector reported as follows:
The tehsildar has urged the people to the extremity of their means, and they are consequently
exhausted by a continuance of extraordinary struggles, grievously impoverished and tremblingly
apprehensive of repetition of the grinding system. In many instances and often in the largest villages,
 the whole village fled in a body; for after the process of imprisonment and sale of property, desertion
remained the common ultimatum.66

As late as 1837, if the people deserted their holdings, they were

proclaimed offenders. If they did not return in one month, all their rights
lapsed to government which forthwith bestowed them on another. Meanwhile
the village which harboured the defaulters and allowed them to cultivate its
land was subject to a fine. The village of Bhainswal assessed as Rs. 1,148,
was sold for a balance of Rs. 288 and bought by one Colonel Skinner for Rs.
146.67

THE JIND TERRITORY

The present district of Jind was a part of the erstwhile Jind state in 1857.
Sarup Singh became the chief in 1837. His territory consisted of Jind proper
and nine other parganahs containing 322 villages initially and there was some
alteration made in the year 1843. His attitude to the British government was
anything but friendly in 1845, until a fine of Rs. 10,000 for failure to supply
transport recalled him to his allegiance and belief in the power of the British.
Consequently, in the First Sikh War his conduct was exemplary. A detachment
under Captain Hay participated, for which he was rewarded. In 1847, the
chief received a sanad (certificate) by which the British engaged never to
demand from him or his successors tribute or revenue or commutation in lieu
of troops; the chief for his part promising to aid the British with all his
resources in case of war, to maintain military roads, and to suppress sati in
his territories. When the Second Sikh War broke out Sarup Singh offered to
lead his troops in person. Though his offer was declined, he was warmly
thanked.68
In 1854, there was an armed peasant revolt against this Raja, led by men of
the village of Lijwana Kalan, Bhura Dalal and Nighaeya Dalal now folk
heroes. The armed resistance continued for six months and the peasants fought
bravely. Lala Kanwarsain, tehsildar, a resident of Garh Mukteshwar (UP)
was killed. Durga Manjha and another warrior girl named Bholi Brahmin are
still remembered in the area. Ultimately the revolt, which had spread to a
large number of villages, was suppressed with the help of British artillery.
Lambardars Bhura and Nighaeya were caught and hung in 1856 at village
Kalwan. The Raja was a tyrant for his subjects but extremely loyal to the
British. His residence and capital in May 1857 were at Sangrur and his army
was not more than two infantry regiments and some cavalry.

SIRSA-BHATTIANA OR THE BHATTI TERRITORY: BRIEF HISTORY

In 1857 Sirsa was known as the Bhattiana territory and consisted of the
present Sirsa district and Fazilka tehsil of the Punjab. The area had been
taken from the Bhatti Nawabs of Rania, Sirsa and Fatehabad in the year 1818.
This removed the last barrier to the inroads of Patiala; and at once all along
the western border of Sirsa and Hisar, the encroachments grew more and
more systematic. The notice of government was drawn to the unsettled state of
the border in 1818, and again a few years later, but it was not until 1835,
when Sir Charles Metcalfe was Lieutenant Governor of North-West
Provinces, and William Fraser, Resident in Delhi that the matter was brought
to a settlement. The Collector of the district, Ross Bell, was assisgned the
task.69 His report of 15 September 1836 states:
Hariana, including the Bhatti territory or Bhattiana, was made up of 19 districts, all of which were
nominally subject to the Marhattas in 1803: Beri, Rohtak, Maham, Hansi, Hisar, Agroha, Barwala,
Siwani, Bahal, Aharwan, Fatehabad, Sirsa, Raniya, Bhatner, Safidon, Dhatrath, Jamalpur, Tuhana and
Kassuhan. First ten were adjudged to the English government.70 Fatehabad too was adjudged
similarly. Sirsa, in the same manner, was in the possession of Bhattis until 1818, and though in 1836
the whole was in the possession of the Sikh states of Patiala, Kaithal and Nabha; their claims were
rejected except as to four villages. In Raniya, the Sikh possession was ascertained to date from 1821,
subsequent to the conquest of Bhattis, and the claims of the chiefs were absolutely rejected.71 Thus
the area including Sirsa, Raniya and Abohar was separated from Hisar and formed into a new district
in 1837, which was administered by an officer bearing the title of Superintendent of Bhattiana,
subordinate to the political agent at Ambala.72

Sukhlambari Tenures

On the conclusion of Pindari campaign in February 1818, nine regiments of

the Rohilla Cavalry and Irregular Horse, one of which was a portion of the
famous Skinner’s Horse, were disbanded, and with a view to the colonization
of the lately annexed tracts of Hariana and Bhattiana, and perhaps to some
extent as defensive measure, grants of land in these tracts were made to the
troopers and native officers of the disbanded regiments. ‘The sukhlambari
tenures of Hisar and Sirsa were created in 1819 by the grant of waste
land….’73
The original number of the sukhlambaran was 636 holdings, 30 whole
villages, and plots in three more.74 A trooper’s grant was 100 bighas, a
risaldar’s being 500, a jamadar’s 250, and a daffadar’s 140 bighas. This, in
fact, was a pension in kind for their rehabilitation. These grants were called
sukhlambari grants and with them a new form of tenure came into existence,
principally in tehsils Sirsa and Fatehabad, and to a lesser extent in tehsil
Hisar. The grants were given with some conditions. Owing to the unsettled
state in which Bhattiana continued, the grantees did not apply for possession
till 1837. From that year applications for possession were made constantly up
to 1849 when all further allotments were stopped. In 1852 a detailed enquiry
into the nature of these grants was made in connection with the regular
settlement of Sirsa.75 In the regular settlement of 1852, rules were formulated
which interpreted the grants76 and these were apparently to the disadvantage
of the grantees.
In 1852 it was ruled that if the grantee did not cultivate his land it would be liable to resumption.77 …
After resumption the proprietor of the resumed plot had only the status of malikan kabza without
any interest in the common land of the village, if any…. As a matter of fact, however, in villages held
by sukhlambars or their heirs after resumption, there was practically no common land, as the interest
originally granted to the sukhlambar was one in a specific plot alone and conveyed no joint right in
any other plot.78

The non-existence of common land caused great hardship to the villagers.

In addition, quality of land was also a source of resentment.

Customs Line or Salt Line

In the early nineteenth century, to make the salt tax profitable and to reduce
smuggling, the BEIC established some customs checkpoints. The
Commissioner of Inland Customs, G.H. Smith, who took charge in 1834,
established a ‘Customs Line’ which was the boundary across which salt
transportation involved a payment of high custom duties. Initially in the year
1843 a thorn fence was erected along the western frontiers of the Bengal
province, which was subsequently extended up to the western Punjab, and in
the year 1879 this line was about 4,000 km long across the whole of India. It
earned duties on salt from one side and sugar from the other. It also functioned
as a deterrent against opium, bhang, and cannabis smuggling. It consisted
principally of an immense hedge of thorn trees and bushes, supplemented by
stone walls and ditches, across which no human being or beast of burden or
vehicle could pass without being subject to detention or search – a living
hedge that grew up to twelve feet.79
Rohtuck, which is on the salt line, is a line of posts established within our own frontier for several
hundred miles for the purpose of levying a duty on the salt which comes in large quantities from
Bickaneer and that article being one of the great sources of revenue, I need hardly say that this line
of revenue-posts is very jealously guarded…. These posts (chaukees) are at every two or three mile
and there are, I believe, five men in each, all armed.80

In Haryana this line ran along the Rajasthan boundary and then on the NH
10 from Hisar to Delhi leaving out the princely states of Loharu, Dadri, and
Jhajjar. There were posts from Ellenabad to Sampla near towns or in the
villages. The department staffed each post with an Indian jemadar and ten
men, backed by patrols operating two or three miles behind the line. In Sirsa,
patrols were stationed at many places such as Ellenabad, Madho Singhana,
Sahuwala, and Jodhkan.

Strength of the Army at Sirsa

The treasury at Sirsa was guarded by a detachment of the Harriana Light

Infantry (HLI) battalion and 4th Irregular Cavalry (IC) regiment. The army
strength was as under:
HLI Detachment: Three NatCOs, 8 NatHavs and 156 RF, totalling to 167
men and the 4th IC Detachment: Five NatCOs, 1 NatHav and 173 RF, totalling
to 178 men.
Thus the total strength was 345 men.81 Thomas Holyoake Hilliard,
Lieutenant 23rd NI, was the commanding officer at Sirsa and he was also 2 IC
of the HLI.

Administrative Set-up
Captain Roderick Robertson was the Superintendent of Bhattiana, A.J.S.
Donald was his 2ndAC, and T.W. Moore was the Junior Assistant
Commissioner. John H. Oliver was the Assistant Superintendent at Fazilka,
and Dr P.A. Minas was the Sub-Assistant Surgeon. The customs were manned
by Goulding, J.W. Fell, Le Fevre, W.H. Bowles et al. There were more than
twenty Europeans at the station.

HISAR: THE HARIANA TRACT – REVENUE HISTORY

In 1820, Hisar and Hansi, together with Sirsa were constituted as a separate
jurisdiction, with civil headquarters at Hisar, but Sirsa was excluded in 1837.
In the year 1857 Hisar had five tehsils namely Tosham, Hansi, Hisar, Barwala
and Fatehabad.82 In 1810, civil headquarters were fixed at Hansi by Edward
Gardiner.83 During the period from 1803–18, a military outpost was
maintained at Hansi84 which had subsequently been converted into the
cantonments and were maintained up to 1857.85 In 1857, Hansi was linked to
Hisar by two roads, one from Hansi to Kharar Alipur to Raipur and then to the
Dilli Gate of Hisar town, which was called ‘permit lane or permit road’
(exclusively used by the government or Europeans or who could obtain
permits) and the other called the ‘high road’ linking Hisar civil station to
Hansi via Mayyar and Satrod, the present NH 10. The customs posts and
bungalows were located along this road. The customs patrols were stationed
at Bhattu, Ladwee, Hisar, Ladwa, and Hansi, says the District Gazetteer,
The Hariana tract is perhaps the most important area in the district, containing within its limits the
bulk of the Jats who form the main element in the population. It stretches from the confines of the
tract watered by the Ghaggar to the south-eastern corner of the district. On the north it stretches
across a considerable portion of Fatehabad tehsil, but generally narrow in width towards south, being
encroached upon by the Bagar sand. It comprised within its limits the eastern portion of tehsils
Fatehabad and Hisar, the whole of tehsil Hansi and a small portion the easern half of the Bhiwani
tehsil, and is traversed by the Western Jamuna Canal.86

In 1857, Jats owned just about half the land of Hisar district; and they used
to pay half the revenue. Divided largely into Dessi or Deswali and
Figure 2.1: Hisar District Revenue Map, 1854

Bagri categories, the Jats were the most important agricultural class. The
Bagris hailing from Bikaner/Rajpootana had settled in the west, whereas the
Dessis occupied eastern tracts towards the Bhiwani–Hansi–Barwala–Tohana.
Thus the Bagri Jats were immigrants, having settled during the post-1783
famine (chalisa akal) phase. The Dessi Jats claimed ancestral rights and
resented the British intrusion more, though economically they were better off.
The other groups were Bhattis, Tanwars (Rangarhs as well as Hindus),
Pachhadas (left behind or fallen, mostly Rajput and Jat Muslims), and
Bishnois. The Bhatti soldiers made up a powerful minority in the HLI. In
addition to these communities, were the Agrawals: Agroha in Hisar was the
original home from where they had spread out to the other parts of India. Here
these Agrawals were looking for the state patronage, and when the British
came knocking in Hisar they were made contractors; they also bought lands
and emerged as bankers. In order to legitimize their status in Hindu society,
Agrawals became clients of Brahmins, but Gaurs and Saraswats preferred to
till the land or act as priests of the common folk. So, the Agrawals or Bania
community was the only stock which could clearly be identified as pro-
British.87

Settlements and Chaubachha

The first 10 year settlement of Hisar (1816–25) was carried out by one Simon
Fraser, the Collector, but the first regular settlement was made in 1840–1.88
At the time of first regular settlement there existed zamindari or thekedari,
pattidari, sukhlambari and bhaeechara land tenures. In the bhaeechara
tenure each proprietor had an interest in the village or subdivision of the
village proportional to the area of the land held by him.89 The Jat tenures
were mostly bhaeechara type, in which each member of the proprietary body
was cultivator and in which all the permanent cultivators were incorporated
in the proprietary body. In the bhaeechara (brotherhood) tenure there existed
a system known as chaubachha (fourfold distribution). It was a method
formerly in vogue for the distribution of the government demand, and its
special feature was that it aimed at including in the distribution not only the
actual cultivators of the land, but also the non-cultivating members of the
community, such as the baniya and village menial.90 In order to effect this
object, the land (dharti) was not made the sole basis of distribution. A rate
was also levied on every head of cattle (ang - hoof), house (kuddhi or kurhi
or kudhi), and male head of the population (pagri – tagri; the tagri). It was in
fact a combination of four rates. Given the total government demand for the
year, it was divided, according to the exigencies of the season into four parts,
each of which was raised by its own rate, one by a rate upon land actually
cultivated in a year, another by a rate on cattle, another by a rate upon houses,
and the fourth by a poll rate. The object to be gained by this arrangement was
that no one might escape altogether from contributing to the revenue and yet
that the greater share of the burden should fall upon the land.91 Sir H. Elliot
describes the chaubachha as a levy of revenue on four things, under the
ancient regime, in the Delhi territory; namely pag, tag, kurhi or kudhi, and
punchh or punchhi; i.e. pag or pagri, a turban; tag, a rag or thread worn by a
male child round his waist; kurhi or kudhi, a hearth (an independent
household unit); and punchhi, animals’ tail.92 It was a system of equitable
distribution of the share in the village burden which eliminated parasites and
encouraged harmony between different sections of the village community.
The chaubachha was the most prevalent system in the Hansi and Barwala
tehsils, where the original proprietors – Dessi Jats and Rajputs – held their
own.93 It can be inferred from the later years’ statistics that the majority of the
villages were under bhaeechara tenure. For example, in the year ending rabi
1890–1 in Hisar tehsil 78 out of 137 (57 per cent) villages having 3,06,897
out of 4,76,060 acres (64 per cent) gross area with 13,078 out of 15,770 (83
per cent) holders/shareholders were covered by the bhaeechara tenure.
Similarly, in the Hansi tehsil these figures were 71 per cent, 78 per cent and
92 per cent respectively. In Fatehabad too the trend was towards this tenure.94
It can be seen that the chaubachha system was operative in the majority of
villages, but it was generally abolished at the settlement of 1840–1.95 This
abolition caused deep resentment. Similarly, the category of kisan qadeem,
which gave some security to the cultivators in possession of the agricultural
land, was also abolished and put a large number of peasants at a
disadvantage. In 1840–1, there were large numbers of headmen or
muqaddams, e.g. 299 in Hisar, 465 in Hansi, and 545 in Fatehabad.96 There
number was reduced by the year 1857.
 Hansi is a town in the Upper Province, situated about 87 miles NNW of Delhi, on the Ferozeshah
Canal. The place has been occupied as a military station, and contains within it a brick wall, a fort of
considerable strength, and a good reservoir; cantonments for the Hurreana Light Infantry are in the
vicinity of town, which at one time was considered of importance. Hisar and Sirsa are other military
stations of secondary importance; in the immediate vicinity of Hansi.97

As already mentioned there were cantonments at Hansi, location of which

has been shown in the Figure 3.3. There were stationed two regiments, one
infantry and one cavalry namely the Hurriana Light Infantry Battalion and 4th
Irregular Cavalry Regiment. On 1 April 1857 their strength was 693 and 827
men at Hansi, and 78 and 85 men in Hisar.98
The Brahmins, Ranghars and Mewattis constituted the majority of HLI.99
Thus there were 1520 sepoys and sowars at Hansi and 163 sepoys and
sowars at Hisar on 1 April 1857. Captain William Joseph Fitzmaurice
Stafford, 36th NI, was commanding the HLI at Hansi, and Lieut Edward
William Barwell was the adjutant commanding the detachment at Hisar. Dr D.
Scott was the Assistant Surgeon and Henry Murphy was the Sgt Major as well
as the QMSgt, while Nubee Ahmed Khan was the tehsildar at Hansi.

Administrative Set-up at Hisar

At Hisar, John Wedderburn was the Collector and Magistrate, Shahbaz Beg
was the Deputy Collector, Jefferies was the head clerk in the Collector’s
office and E.C. Smith was the 2nd clerk there. David Thompson, a Eurasian,
was the tehsildar at Hisar, Dr Albert Richard Waghorn, Assistant Surgeon in
the army, was the Civil Surgeon at Hisar and John Taylor was the Assistant-
in-Charge of the Cattle Farm. Since the customs were a very big department, a
large number of Europeans used to reside in the civil station at Hisar. Except
John Taylor, who used to reside in the fourteenth-century fort, all Europeans
used to live in the civil station (see Figure 3.2).

ROHTAK: A BRIEF HISTORY

The formation of Rohtak district started in 1810. In the year 1820, Beri and
Meham-Bhiwani tehsils were included in it. In 1824, a separate Rohtak
district was made of Gohana, Kharkhauda, Mandauthi, Rohtak-Beri and
Meham-Bhiwani tehsils. It was administered by political agent under the
‘Delhi Resident’ till 1832. A regular settlement was made in 1830–40 by
Martin Gubbins and others with severe revenue rates, revised in 1842 when a
general revision in the Delhi Territory was ordered by Thomason, the
Lieutenant-Governor of the NWP. That gave some relief to the peasantry but
not significantly. The district was abolished in 1841 and Gohana tehsil was
transferred to Panipat, but it was recreated in 1842. That was the position in
1857 except that Sampla was a new tehsil in place of Kharkhauda-Mandauthi.
Rohtak was one of the main cities on the ‘customs line’ and there were
customs bungalows at Meham, Madina, Rohtak, Sampla, and Mandauthi.100
The district treasury was guarded by a detachment of the 74th NI which
consisted of one NatCO, 2 NatHavs and 32 sepoys and others, totalling to 35
men in all.101

Administrative Set-up

John Adam Loch CS, was the Collector and Magistrate, Misar Mannulal was
the Deputy Collector, Bakhtawar Singh was the tehsildar at Rohtak, Bhure
Khan was the kotwal and Lachhman Singh was the tehsildar at Meham. A
large number of Europeans were posted at Meham, Madina, Rohtak and
Sampla.

SONEPAT: LAND OF THE KHAP ARMY

The Delhi territory was first divided into districts in 1819. Sonepat tehsil,
with its headquarters at Larsauli, formed the Larsauli parganah of the Panipat
district. Delhi was made into divisions, an assistant being entrusted with the
charge of a division. At this time Sonepat formed a part of the ‘northern
division’ with headquarters at Panipat.102 There were at first two tehsils, both
with headquarters at the town; then another, a small one, with a very poorly
paid tehsildar was made up at Ganaur. This was the state of things in 1835,
when (1) Sonepat Bangar had a tehsildar drawing Rs. 50 a month and the
revenue was Rs. 2,13,040; (2) Sonepat Khadar a tehsildar on Rs. 50 and
revenue Rs. 70,999; and (3) Ganaur, a tehsildar on Rs. 30 and revenue Rs.
67,444. In 1836 the Ganaur tehsil was incorporated with Sonepat Khadar, and
the tehsildars’ pay was revised. Tehsildar Bangar, Rs. 175; and tehsildar
Khadar, Rs. 125. This administration continued till 1851, when the two
Panipat tehsils were made one, and the same amalgamation took place in
Sonepat, the one tehsil being called Larsauli. Larsauli then remained with 205
villages in the Panipat district till 1857, when it was transferred to Delhi.103
In fact, Sonepat was transferred to Delhi just before the mutiny in 1857.104
The first settlement of Sonepat was made in 1817 on the basis of existing
demand. Then first summary settlement was carried out from 1817–18 to
1824–5. Then a series of agreements was made from 1825–6 to 1829–30 and
second summary settlement from 1830–1 to 1840–1.105 For the summary
settlement it would seem that no special officer was deputed as the work of
deciding how much revenue a village should pay was a routine matter
disposed of by the local district officer, but apparently the summary
assessments that preceded the regular settlement of 1842 were made under the
orders of Hugh Fraser.106 The regular settlement of district Sonepat was made
in 1842 by Edmonstone and demand was Rs. 3,50,000, huge by all
standards.107 Before the revolt in 1857, Sarvakhap Panchayat had become
active on the issue of the severe land revenue rates. Chaudhary Udmiram
Saroha, a leader of the Tonk-Saroha Khap, and Sahajram of Antil Khap were
two prominent leaders. Lambardar Udmiram of the Liwaspur village was the
chief of Haryana Sarvakhap Panchayat Army. He had started mobilizing
peasants against the heavy land revenue rates.

BAHADURGARH: A PART OF THE NAWAB DADRI TERRITORY

The ruler of Bahadurgarh was called the Nawab of Dadri. Muhammad Ismail
Khan became the Nawab in 1803 and died in 1808 leaving a son Bahadur
Jang Khan, only 2½ years old. During his minority the state was managed for
him by the Jhajjar chief, and when he came of age, the latter refused to restore
the Dadri country, on the plea that money was due to him on account of the
expenses incurred in his management over and above the income of estate, and
that he had not received his fair share of the Badhwana villages when that
tract had been divided after 1806. The question was finally settled by the
surrender of 19 estates to the Jhajjar Nawab on the intervention of the ‘Delhi
Resident’. Bahadur Jang, who used to reside in the fort at Dadri, was
hopelessly involved in debt; and his Dadri country was mortgaged to Jhajjar
until 1848.108 He was always in debt and it was with the debt money that he
maintained some cavalry called the Dadri Cavalry. The Dadri Nawab owed
Rs. 77,000 to Nawab Jhajjar; Rs. 1,00,000 to Seth Lakhmichand of Dadri; Rs.
40,000 to Kanooram and Rs. 9,958 to Harnand Sheonand Mahajans of
Dadri.109 The Nawab Jhajjar had given Rs. 49,289-an. 8-p. 9 as debt which
was to be realized later on by the British government.110 He had no control
over his administration and small cavalry, and that was the status in 1857.

THE DUJANA STATE

The Dujana family belonged to the Yusufzai tribe, and was closely connected
with the Jhajjar Pathans. Hasan Ali Khan was the Nawab in 1857. He was an
insignificant chief, he had no army and lived a pauper’s life who was the
tenant in some of the other Pathan estates.111

THE JHAJJAR STATE

Jhajjar was the largest state in Haryana in 1857.112 Nawab Abdur Rehman
Khan came to the throne in 1845. In revenue collection his little finger was
thicker than his father’s (Faiz Ali Khan’s) loins, and many villagers fled his
oppressions.113 The state had a revenue of above 12 lakh of rupees and had
been granted with a condition that the Nawab would furnish a given number of
sowars to the civil authorities of neighbourhood when demanded.114 In 1855,
the Nawab set about making a regular settlement of his territory, but it had
extended to the two tehsils of Jhajjar and Badli only, when the mutiny broke
out.115 His father-in-law and uncle, Abdus Samad Khan was the general of his
army comprising mainly of cavalry and sizeable infantry. A contingent of
Jhajjar cavalry was on duty in May 1857, in Delhi to guard Theophilus John
Metcalfe, the Joint Magistrate and Simon Fraser, the Commissioner. The
Nawab had more than 5,000 horse and foot, and many guns.116

THE LOHARU STATE

Loharu was a small state with meagre resources and only 224 sq. miles of
area.117 Amin-ud-din Ahmed Khan was the Nawab in 1857, enthroned in 1835
on the execution of his elder brother Shams-ud-din. He had a permanent
residence in Delhi. During his reign his subjects rebelled thrice and each
party lost about 10 men. He changed the method of levying revenue, abolished
the old system of batai and introduced a system of cash assessment. The
Nawab’s bodyguard of 25 horsemen and a small force of 110 infantry were
the only trained troops in the state.118 In May 1857 he along with his brother
Zia-ud-din was in Delhi.

THE PATAUDI STATE

It was a small state with 40 villages and an area 52 sq. miles. Akbar Ali
Khan, who had become the Nawab in 1829, was the chief in 1857. He had no
significant army but only a small contingent of cavalry and some infantry.119

THE FARRUKHNAGAR STATE

It was a very small state having only 22 sq. miles of area. Ahmed Ali Khan
was the Nawab in 1857 who had become chief in 1850. He had no significant
army.

REWARI: THE ABODE OF THE AHIRS

The nerve centre of Ahirwal, was not a state in 1857, but an istamarari jagir
(grant in perpetuity). Rewari was brought under British rule in 1808–9 and for
a short period was handed over to the Raja of Bharatpur by Lord Lake. Soon
it was given to Rao Tej Singh along with Bahora parganah to his brother Rao
Rambakhsh. At the same time these were settled by William Fraser.120 Rao
Tej Singh consolidated his power by establishing his four brothers in frontier
villages – Kishan Sahai in Lisan, Rambakhsh in Dharuhera, Sawai Singh in
Asiaki Gaurawas and Jiwaram in Nangal Pathani. Later he joined the British,
but seems not to have served them wholeheartedly. He obtained only a grant
of fifty eight villages in istamarar.121 Though the gazetteer gives the number
of villages as 58,122 two authors say it was 87.123 Rao Tej Singh left three
sons Puran Singh, Nathuram and Jawahar Singh. Jawahar Singh died
childless, but Puran Singh had one son Tularam and Nathuram one son
Gopaldeo. Rao Tularam and Gopaldeo were the representatives of the family
in 1857.124 Rao Kishan Singh alias Krishan Gopal, son of Jiwaram of Nangal
Pathani, was the deputy kotwal at Meerut in May 1857. He played a pivotal
and vital role in the revolt.

GURGAON: THE LARGEST AND THE MOST EXPLOITED DISTRICT

In 1857, Gurgaon was a very big district coinciding approximately with the
present district of Rewari, Gurgaon, Mewat, Palwal and part of Faridabad.
Some Delhi area too was included in it. Rewari, Jharsa, Sohna, Nuh,
Ferozepur Jhirka, Punahana and Palwal were tehsils of this district.125 The
district, initially formed in 1803, consisted of eleven parganahs – Jharsa,
Sohna, Nuh, Hathin, Palwal, Hodal, Punahana, Ferozepur, Shahjahanpur,
Bahora and Rewari. Sohna, Rewari, Bahora and Nuh were the first to be
brought under immediate British rule in 1808–9. Hodal lapsed on the death of
Mohamad Khan Afridi in 1813. Palwal lapsed at the death of istamarar
jagirdar Nawab Murtaza Khan in 1817. Hathin lapsed at the death of
Faizullah Beg Khan in 1823. Shahjahanpur lapsed at the death of Harnarain
Haldia in 1824. Taoru was included at the capture of Bharatpur in 1826.
Punahana and Ferozepur were annexed at the execution of Nawab Shamsuddin
in 1836. Jharsa too lapsed in 1836 on the death of Begum Samru. Then it had
six tehsils namely Sohna, Rewari, Palwal, Nuh, Punahana and Ferozepur.126
At first the headquarters of the civil officers of the district were at
Bharawas near Rewari, where for some years there was a strong
cantonment.127 Gurgaon was then a cavalry station, the land which formed the
estate of Hidayatpur Chhaoni had been taken up for that purpose in the middle
of Begum Samru’s parganah of Jharsa, probably in part with the object of
keeping in check the troops which the Begum kept at Jharsa. After the cession
of the Ajmer territory in 1818, the Bharawas force was transferred to
Nasirabad, and the civil officers were removed to Gurgaon. Up to that time
the district had been in the direct charge of ‘Delhi Resident’; but in 1819
Cavendish received charge of it, with the title of ‘Principal Assistant
Commissioner’ of the ‘southern division’; in 1832 this title was changed to
that of Collector and Magistrate.128 By the end of 1842 every parganah had
been brought under a regular settlement.129 The peasantry in the district was
pressed to the limit by heavy assessments of land revenue rates. The regular
settlements of various parganahs were as under:
Parganah Jharsa was settled by John Lawrence in 1836 with an assessment
of Rs. 77,873.130 Taoru was settled by John Lawrence in 1837 and revised
settlement was done by G.C. Barnes in December 1841 for Rs. 16,458.131
Rewari was settled in 1838 by John Lawrence and assessment was Rs.
1,91,957 exclusive of headmen’s allowance. He wrote, ‘In going over the
records one is often amazed at the excessive assessments which have been
realized.’132
Shahjahanpur, a parganah having only 9 estates was resettled by John
Lawrence in 1838 with an assessment of Rs. 9,287133 and he settled Bahora
the same year for a demand of Rs. 27,676. He wrote – ‘From the period of
Mr. Cavendish’s assessment, the parganah, which was then much
impoverished and half deserted, has steadly improved’….134
Ferozepur was settled by Gubbins in 1838 and the settlement was revised
in 1841 at Rs. 1,26,375 along with Punahana with an assessment of Rs.
58,533. In 1841 Gubbins himself reported that the assessments were too
severe. So he reduced the 1838 assessment.135 The regular settlement of
Hathin and Nuh, was done in 1841, and Barnes in his report of Hathin wrote,
‘the amount of these collections was too high to adopt as a fair assessment
may be inferred from the difficulty and detriment to the parganah with which
it had been collected; from the prevalent practice of desertion; from the
meagre and comfortless circumstances of the people.’136
Still the result of his settlement was a huge assessment of Rs. 92,283.
About Nuh he wrote, ‘I can bear testimony to the general poverty and want of
comfort apparent, but with few exceptions, throughout the parganah’.137
Next to tehsil Ferozepur, Nuh was the most heavily mortgaged part of the
district.138 But even then Barnes settled a jama of Rs. 75,137 for Nuh
parganah.139 Sohna and Palwal were also settled by Barnes in 1842 for
jamas of Rs. 40,830140 and Rs. 1,43,045 respectively, whereas Hodal was
settled the same year by Gubbins for a jama of Rs 56,265.141 The whole of the
settlements were sanctioned by the government of the NW Provinces, and by
Act VIII of 1846, 1 July 1872 was fixed as the date when all the settlements
should expire.142 The army detachment at Gurgaon was 1 NatCO, 2 NatHavs
and 22 RF: total 25 men.143
The treasury was guarded by the Pataudi sowars. William Ford CS was the
Collector and Magistrate, William Malcom Low CS was yet to take the
charge of officiating Joint Magistrate and Wigram Clifford was the Assistant
Magistrate. There was a large number of customs employees at Gurgaon,
Bhondsi, Silani, etc. The chapatti distribution was first noticed in Gurgaon in
February 1857. The Collector wrote on 19 February 1857,144
That a signal has passed through numbers of the villages of this district, purport of which has not yet
transpired.
2.nd The chowkeydars of the villages bordering on those belonging to Muttra, have received small
baked cakes of atta, with orders to distribute them generally through this district.
3.rd A chowkeydar upon receiving one of these cakes has had five or six more prepared, and thus
they have passed from village to village; so quickly has the order been executed that village after
village has been served with this notice.
4.th This day cakes of this description have arrived and been distributed in the villages about
Gurgaon, an idea has been industriously circulated, that Government has given the order.

A newspaper report says, ‘We regret that the epidemic chupattees are
replaced by epidemic incendiarism, if needed there is not, … some connexion
between the two, and the latter is not the fully developed consequence of the
former.’145

THE BALLABGARH STATE: FARIDABAD PARGANAH

Faridabad is said to have been founded in 1607 by Sheikh Farid and was
called Faridnagar as well. It was the headquarters of a parganah, which was
held in jagir by the Raja of Ballabgarh.146 The name Ballabgarh is probably a
corruption from Balramgarh, the fort of Balram.147 But more probably it is
corruption from Ballugarh and then Ballamgarh because Balram was
popularly called Ballu Jat. In 1705 Gopal Singh Teotia Jat settled in Sihi. He
proved to be an efficient plunderer on the Mathura road and later with the
help of Tigaon Gujjars killed Amjad, the Rajput chaudhary. Murtaza Khan an
official of Delhi King appointed Gopal Singh as chaudhary of Faridabad
parganah in 1710 with a cess of one anna in one rupee of the revenue
collected. He died in 1711 and was succeeded by his son Charandass.
Charandass appropriated the revenue and refused to make it over to Murtaza
Khan. In 1714 he was seized and imprisoned in Faridabad fort but his son
Balram had him released by duping the Khan. Subsequently, Murtaza was
killed by Balram with the aid of Raja Bharatpur. In 1725, the Delhi King gave
the titles of Naib Bakhshi and Rao to Balram, and at that occasion the latter
built the stone-fort palace of Ballamgarh alias Ballabgarh. He was killed by
Aqibat Khan, son of Murtaza Khan in 1753,148 but Ballabgarh and Faridabad
remained in possession of Maharaja Surajmal, who appointed Balram’s sons
Kishan Singh and Bishan Singh as the quiladar and nazim. After their death
Ajit Singh, son of Kishan Singh, was appointed quiladar and nazim by Najaf
Khan in about 1774, and in 1775 was given the title of Raja. In 1793, Ajit
Singh was murdered by his brother Zalim Singh, and Bahadur Singh became
the Raja. In 1803, the British got hold of Delhi but allowed Bahadur Singh to
continue rule over his territory. Bahadur Singh died in 1806 and was
succeeded by his son Narayan Singh who too died in the same year. He was
succeeded by his son Anirudh Singh who ruled till 1818 and was succeeded
by his son Sahib Singh who died childless in 1825 and was succeeded by his
uncle Ram Singh, son of Narayan Singh. In the time of Ram Singh the
parganahs of Pali and Pakal were resumed by the British government. He
died in 1829 and his son Nahar Singh aged only 8 years came to power. The
earlier years of his reign saw great mischief and intrigue caused by Abheyram
and Pirthi Singh, ministers and confidants of Nahar Singh’s mother Rani Deo
Kanwar. In 1839 Abheyram was dismissed and Nawal Singh the maternal
uncle of Nahar Singh, came into power: he ejected Pirthi Singh and in
conjunction with Ramprasad, nephew to Deo Kanwar, became the actual ruler
in the name of Nahar Singh. In 1840 Nawal Singh too was removed and
Kanwar Madho Singh a grand nephew of Raja Bahadur Singh was put in
charge but the plan failed, so the parganah was taken under the British
management. In the year 1842, with the efforts of Bharatpur Raja Balwant
Singh and on attaining majority, Raja Nahar Singh was coronated by Lord
Ellenburgh. So, he was the chief of Ballabgarh in 1857.149 The regular
settlement of Ballabgarh was done by G.C. Barnes in 1842. There were 126
villages in the Ballabgarh state150 having an area of about 190 sq. miles. It
had no military strength but its location was strategic. The Raja had a regular
infantry regiment (1,000 sepoys) and 100 troopers.151 He had only 9 guns out
of which only 4 or 5 were in working condition.152
O THER STATES AND JAGIRDARS

There were two very small states of Kalsia and Buria. Sardars Sobha Singh
and Jiwan Singh were the chiefs of Kalsia and Buria respectively.
There were eleven important jagirdars in Haryana in 1857. Nawab
Muhammad Ali (Kunjpura), Nawab Ahmed Ali Khan (Karnal), Bhai Jasmer
Singh and Anokh Singh (Kaithal-Arnauli); Sardars Partap Singh, Kishan Singh
and Dharam Singh (Shahbad); Sardar Natha Singh and Amar Singh
(Dhanaura), Sardar Kehar Singh and Shamsher Singh (Tangaur), Sardar Ram
Singh and Kahan Singh (Shamgarh), Sardar Jawala Singh (Jharauli), Nawab
Amanullah Ansari (Panipat), Jiwan Singh (Shahzadpur) and Rattan Singh
(Mustafabad).

Conclusion
The total sub-structure of the British administration in Haryana was the land
revenue with slight support from ‘customs line’. The theory of the British land
revenue system after 1833 was that the state should exact some two-thirds of
the economic rental value of the soil, and settlement officers were instructed
to discover examples of genuine free-will competitive rents in order to frame
the so-called rent rates for different soils in a pargana as a whole.153
Consequently, the system was deprived of flexibility and it became so rigid
that even well meaning officers, knowing well the severity of rates, could not
prevent oppressive methods of revenue recovery. The exploitation by this
merciless system got translated into hatred for the British, and ‘elimination of
the system by extermination of the goras’ caught the imagination of a sizeable
section of the peasantry. Simultaneously the perpetual oppression strengthened
the spirit of fraternity in different communities through mutual help in the
adversity, though the rulers tried to damage and destroy the brotherhood. Eric
Stokes accepts,
Severe assessment did less damage to Jat bhaiachara communities than might be supposed. Though
in extremities it might drive them to desert temporarily to the refuge of Sikh states, it probably
preserved and toughened their egalitarian constitution. A high demand left no room for private rents
and for the social differentiation between landlord and tenant groups. When the demand became truly
excessive, the communities simply defaulted. The Delhi administration had always prided itself on its
 refusal to resort to public sale, but in any event there was little attraction for a speculator in buying up
the titles of over-assessed refractory villages in which a stranger would not dare to show his head.154

It is apparent that the tehsils of Nuh, Punahana, and Ferozepur Jhirka,

predominantly inhabited by the Meos, were in the most severely assessed
category. The settlement officers never realized the actual geographical
conditions of these poor farmers where even bare survival was difficult. They
believed that economic condition of a farmer depends soly on his caste. Eric
Stokes says,
Whatever be the nature of the soil he cultivates or the incidence of the revenue he pays, the caste of
the agriculturalist, which determines his habits, his customs and natural disposition, will determine his
economic condition.155

Officialdom did not recognize its folly and put the Meos to exreme
exploitation. The result was in the maximum resistance against the British in
Mewat in 1857.

Notes
1. Geogre Dodd, The History of the Indian Revolt and the Expeditions to Persia, China and
Japan, London, 1859, p. 45.
2. District Gazetter Ambala 1923–24, p. 130.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., p. 32.
5. Ibid., p. 27.
6. Ibid., pp. 60–1.
7. Ibid., p. 130.
8. Ibid., p. 27.
9. Ibid., p. 61.
10. Col. T.N. Walker, Through the Mutiny: Reminiscences of Thirty Years Active Service and Sport
in India 1854–83, London, 1907, p. 86.
11. J.W. Kaye, A History of Sepoy War, vol. I, London, 1864, p. 552.
12. R. Montgomery Martin, The Indian Empire: History, Topography …, vol. II, London, 1861, pp.
176–9; Parliamentary Papers (Commons) dated 9 February, 1858, pp. 4–5.
13. Thomas Carnegy Anderson, Ubique: War Services of all the Officers of H.M.’s Bengal Army
1863 – Online; Cave-Browne, The Punjab and Delhi in 1857, vol. I, p. 186; George Bruce
Malleson, The Mutiny of the Bengal Army, part 2, p. 201.
14. Martin, The Indian Empire, vol. II, pp. 176–84.
15. Papers Relating to the East Indies / India’s Mutiny (PREIM), pp. 44–63. Online available.
16. Col. T.N. Walker, Through the Mutiny: Reminiscences of Thirty Years, London, 1907, p. 33.
17. Chick, Annals of the Indian Rebellion, p. 10.
18. Bengal Army List 1859, Calculta, 1859, pp. 86–7, 104–7.
19. Martin: The Indian Empire, vol. II, pp. 176–84.
20. Mutiny Report by Government of Punjab, 1911 (referred to as Mutiny Reports), p. 36.
21. Pramod K. Nayar (ed.), Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, Hyderabad, 2007, p. 82.
22. PREIM, Accounts & Papers, vol. 5, East India Mutiny, p. 44.
23. Kaye, A History of Sepoy War, vol. II, London, 1874, p. 121.
24. Lt. Gen. James John Mcleod Innes, The Sepoy Revolt: A Critical Narrative, London, 1897, p. 52.
25. George Dodd, The History of the Indian Revolt, London, 1859, p. 46.
26. Saul David, The Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 61.
27. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 195.
28. Kaye, A History of Sepoy War, vol. I, p. 554.
29. Ibid.
30. K.C. Yadav, The Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, Delhi, 1977, pp. 42–3; Kaye, History of Sepoy War-
I, pp. 554, 558–9; Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 44.
31. Mutiny Records: Correspondence Punjab Govt., vol. VII, part 1 (M.R. VII-1), pp. 13–4; Report
of Edmund W.E. Howard, dated 4 May 1857.
32. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, Hyderabad, 2007, p. 85; Hibbert, Great Mutiny, Gurgaon,
1980, p. 74.
33. The Lahore Chronicle, 2 May 1857, p. 276.
34. David, The Indian Mutiny 1857, p. 51.
35. W.W. Ireland, History of the Siege of Delhi, Edinburgh, 1861, pp. 21–2.
36. Innes, Sepoy Revolt: Critical Narrative, p. 52.
37. Dodd, History of Indian Revolt, London, 1859, p. 49.
38. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 43.
39. Ibid.
40. The Lahore Chronicle, 2 May 1857, p. 276.
41. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 49.
42. Lahore Chronicle, 2 May 1857.
43. M.R. VII-1, pp. 13–4.
44. Ibid., p. 35.
45. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of Mutiny in Delhi, pp. 39–40.
46. District Gazetteer Karnal, 1918, p. 39.
47. HSA Ambala Division, File No. HSA AD G&P 1321-49-1857.
48. D.G. Karnal, 1918, p. 40.
49. Ibid., 1892, p. 243.
50. Ibid., 1883–84, p. 214.
51. Ibid., 1892, p. 42.
52. Ibid., p. 210.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid., 1918, p. 27.
55. Ibid., p. 29.
56. Ibid., p. 36.
57. Ibid., 1883–84, pp. 229–30.
58. Ibid., p. 234.
59. Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – Internet.
60. D.G. Karnal, 1892, pp. 58–9.
61. Ibid., p. 61.
62. Ibid., p. 59.
63. Ibid., p. 61.
64. Ibid., 1883–84, pp. 224–6.
65. Ibid., p. 222
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid., p. 223.
68. Jind State Gazetteer, 1904, pp. 215–16.
69. D.G. Hisar 1883–84, p. 15.
70. Ibid., p. 16.
71. Ibid., p. 17.
72. Ibid., pp. 17, 19.
73. Ibid., p. 39.
74. Ibid., p. 40.
75. Ibid, 1892, p. 160.
76. Ibid., p. 161.
77. Ibid.
 78. Ibid.
79. History of the British Salt Tax in India – Wikipedia.
80. Sir Thomas Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel, London, 1866, vol. II, p. 105.
81. Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – Internet.
82. Hisar District Revenue Map, 1854.
83. D.G. Hisar, 1915, pp. 33–4.
84. Ibid., 1883–84, p. 15.
85. Ibid., p. 19.
86. Ibid., 1915, p. 5.
87. Amresh Mishra, War of Civilisations, vol. I, Delhi, 2008, pp. 417–18.
88. D.G. Hisar, 1892, pp. 146–7.
89. Ibid., p. 145.
90. Ibid.
91. Ibid., pp. 145–6.
92. Ibid., 1883–84, p. 43.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid., 1892, Appendix Table XV, pp. xi-xii.
95. Ibid., p. 154.
96. Ibid., p. 152.
97. Charles Ball, History of Indian Mutiny, vol. II, London, 1858–9, n.p. 204.
98. Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – Internet.
99. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857, p. 577.
100. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, pp. 29–30.
101. Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – Internet.
102. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 42.
103. Ibid., pp. 42–3.
104. D.C.J. Ibbetson, Report on the Revision of Settlement of Panipat, Tehsil and Karnal Parganah
of the Karnal District 1872–1880, Section 110; D.G. Karnal, 1892, p. 59.
105. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 181.
106. Ibid., p. 182.
107. Ibid.
108. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 32.
109. HSA HD Accn. No. 3560, File No. 69, p. 223.
110. Ibid., pp. 197–8.
111. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, pp. 30–1.
112. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 88.
113. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 32.
114. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 232.
115. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 32.
116. Yashpal Gulia, Haryana Ka Riyasati Itihaas (Hindi), Panchkula, 2006, p. 74.
117. Loharu State Gazetteer, 1915, p. 1.
118. Ibid., p. 2.
119. Pataudi State – Wikipedia – Internet.
120. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 23.
121. Ibid., p. 22.
122. Ibid.
123. Gulia, Haryana Ka Riyasati Itihaas, p. 49; Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 59.
124. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 27.
125. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858; HSA DD MD File No. 1/1858.
126. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, pp. 23–4.
127. Ibid.
128. Ibid., pp. 24–5.
129. Ibid., p. 104.
130. Ibid., p. 113.
131. Ibid., p. 110.
132. Ibid., p. 116.
133. Ibid., pp. 116–17.
134. Ibid., p. 114.
135. Ibid., p. 108.
136. Ibid., p. 111.
137. Ibid.
138. Ibid.
139. Ibid.
140. Ibid., p. 110.
141. Ibid., p. 106.
142. Ibid., p. 105.
143. Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – Internet.
144. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, 1859, pp. 23–4.
145. Delhi Gazette, 9 May 1857; Lahore Chronicle, 13 May 1857.
146. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 227.
147. Ibid., p. 228.
148. Kalika Ranjan Qanungo, History of Jats, p. 47.
149. D.G. Delhi, 1912, pp. 228–30; Qanungo, History of Jats, pp. 45–7; Gulia, Riyasati Itihaas, pp. 1–
9.
150. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 182.
151. Trial Papers of Raja Nahar Singh available with HSA: Metcalfe’s Evidence.
152. Ibid., Evidence of Captain John Hood of 49th NI.
153. Eric Stokes, Peasant Armed, Oxford, 1986, p. 130.
154. Ibid., p. 136.
155. Ibid., p. 123.
Chapter 3
Haryana in May 1857: Districtwise
Sequence of Events

Ambala
The banner of revolt was raised first at Ambala and not Meerut, although
bloodshed occurred in the latter station about eight hours after the events at the
former.
On the 10th May …. Rumour spread that the three native regiments, the 4th Light Cavalry and 5th and
60th NI had turned out without orders, and stood to their arms. General Barnard hastened to their lines
and found the infantry corps in open mutiny: some of the 5th NI had loaded, and were actually pointing
their muskets at their officers…. The sepoys were gradually quieted by their own officers, and peace
restored…. Simultaneously with the movement in cantonments, the guard of the 5th NI over the civil
treasury, some four miles off turned out in a similar manner, but were pacified.1
… the 10th of May, the ever-memorable day…. On that day the two sepoy regiments at Umballa,
probably by concert with their comrades at Meerut, rushed out of their lines, broke open the bells of arms
and began to form and load under the direction of their Native Officers. General Barnard acted with
promptitude, and ordered out the 9th Lancers and the Horse Artillery, and, while they were getting ready,
he rode down, attended by his staff, and succeeded in pacifying the sepoys.2
On Sunday May 10, my regiment, the 60th BNI, mutinied and broke into the bell of arms.3 My pay
havildar, or sergeant, appeared breathless at my bungalow at about 10 AM and reported to me that the
sepoys had mutinied.4

At this moment Colonel Drought appeared on the scene. Another regiment of

the Native Infantry, the 5th mutinied and seized their arms in the afternoon but
returned them.5 Since the Captain was on furlough to England, Lieut. Walker was
in charge of the Company No. 2 of the 60th NI. The Company No. 3 and the
Grenadier Company of the 60th NI had broken their bells of arms.6 According to
another eyewitness account, in the book of Robert Montgomery Martin:
 Last Sunday, after we had returned from church and just finished our breakfast, at about 10 AM, the
alarm sounded for the regiment to turn out. The men were lying in the barracks undressed, and most of
them asleep; but in an almost incredibly short time they were all on parade, mounted and fully equipped;
the artillery were nearly ready soon. When on the parade ground, we found that the 60th Native Infantry
had mutinied, and turned out with their arms; but we could not go down, because they had their officers
prisoners, and threatened to shoot them if we came down; but that if we did not they would return quietly.
If our men had had the chance to go in at them, they would have made short work of them, they are so
enraged at having had so much night-work lately, in consequence of the fires, which are all attributed to
the sepoys. They (i.e. our men) only get about two nights a-week in bed. At twelve o’clock (noon) we
were turned out again in consequence of the 5th Native Infantry having turned out; but we were again
disappointed.7

The Deputy Commissioner of Ambala in a cryptic telegraphic message to the

Chief Commissioner of the Punjab John Lawrence said:
This morning the 60th and 5th Regiments were in an excited state and under arms on their parade ground.
Cavalry and Artillery ordered out, but no actual row. The guard over the treasury turned out under arms
and were in an excited state. I ordered the Police Corps to be in readiness and in their own lines. I have
consulted with the General who has posted an officer of the 5th to the Treasury Guard to dismiss the
speoys to their lines, if necessary. The General will not give disarming orders without your sanction. This
step will not, I think necessary unless some further disturbance takes place. Lahore 10th May 4.45 PM.8

There is a report available, about the mutiny in the government record, which
confirms the revolt at Ambala in the morning of 10 May,
Early on the morning of the 10th of May the Kotwal brought information of the 5th and 60th Regiments,
Native Infantry having turned out and taken their arms, and simultaneously a man came from the
treasury with the news of the guard (a detachment of the 60th Native Infantry) having suddenly got
under arms. The Subadar was sent for and asked to explain his conduct, which he could not do, but
though ordered to dismiss his men to their lines, he kept them to their arms during the whole day, and then
in the evening denied having done so. It was too plain that he had acted on a concerted plan, which, if
carried out, would have caused the loss of our treasury.9

In this report there is an inaccuracy, the treasury guard was a detachment of the
5th NI, not of the 60th NI. On 11 May 1857, Brigadier Robert Dampier Halifax,
the station commander, sent a note to Thomas Douglas Forsyth, Collector and
Magistrate of Ambala, to seek his presence immediately. He had just received a
telegraphic message from Delhi containing brief information about massacre of
the Europeans. On that day George Anson, the Commander-in-Chief was in
Simla and George Carnac Barnes, the Commissioner Ambala division, was in
Kasauli. Henry William Barnard, Major General, commanding the Sirhind
division was, however, in Ambala. He immediately despatched Captain
Barnard, his ADC, he in passing Kasauli, warned the 75th Foot at Kasauli to be
in instant readiness to move down to the plains,10 and thus Barnes got the Delhi
news.11 Barnard delivered the message to Anson in the afternoon of 12 May.12
As the temper of the Ambala native regiments was more than doubtful,
immediate orders were issued to the 75th Foot to move down, and the 1st
Fusiliers at Daghsai and the 2nd Fusiliers at Sabathu to follow. The 9th Irregular
Cavalry detachment at Ambala was deployed to patrol the civil station on 11
May itself, and simultaneously the police was to do that duty in the city. In the
morning of 12 May, information about Meerut was received through Robert
Spankie, the Magistrate of Saharanpur.13 Forsyth sent an application to the
Patiala Raja for help the same day. On 12 and 13 May the British officials were
anxious as the regiment summoned from Kasauli had not arrived and the sepoy
regiments in Ambala were restless.14 An officer of the 9th Lancers wrote on the
14 May 1857,
For the last two nights the wives of married officers are sent down to the canteen for better security. An
officer remains at the Main Guard all night, and an artillery officer with the guns, which are loaded and
ammunition is served out every hour. Two patrols go out every hour; and all is alert. Yesterday (May
13th), three companies of 75th (H.M.) marched up from Kussowlee. They started at noon on Tuesday,
and arrived at about 2 PM on Wednesday. The distance is forty-eight miles – a wonderful march under
an Indian sun, when the thermometer was 92° to 94° in the shade; there was not a single straggler.15

THE FIRST AND SECOND WAR COUNCILS HELD AT AMBALA

In the afternoon on 13 May the Patiala Raja, within 18 hours of Forsyth’s letter
being despatched, arrived in a place some eight miles from Ambala, with 1,000
men horse and foot.16 On a proposal from Forsyth, the Raja despatched his
brother Dalip Singh to Thanesar at once with the force. He waited at his camp to
see Barnes and Anson. The same day Plowden was sent to Barnes and Anson
with correct reports and a council of war was held at the house of Halifax,
which was attended by General Barnard, Brigadier Halifax, Captain McAndrew,
and Forsyth. It was decided that McAndrew would accompany the Patiala and
Jind forces, to reach Karnal on 18 May, followed by the European force.17
Barnes reached Ambala on the night of 13 May and on 14 May he confirmed the
directions, written by Forsyth to the Rajas of Patiala, Jind, and Nabha.18 Barnes
directed the Raja of Jind to proceed to Karnal with all his available force on the
14th and McAndrew started at once with some Patiala sowars. The Patiala Raja
sent a detachment of all arms and three guns to Thanesar between Ambala and
Karnal. During the 15th and on the morning of 16th the Commander-in-Chief and
staff reached Ambala.19 In fact, Anson had left Simla on 14 May and reached
Ambala on the 15th morning and wrote a letter to Canning. The Ambala treasury
amounting to Rs. 3.5 lakh under the 5th NI detachment was shifted to the quarter
guard of the 1st EnBF.20 On 13 May, Lieut Colonel Thomas Seaton had been
ordered to take charge of the 60th NI and accordingly he went to Ambala to
replace Lieut Colonel Richard Drought.21 Similarly, on the 13th, 1st EnBF started
marching at 5.00 p.m. from Daghsai under Major George Ogle Jacob and
stopped for rest after 24 miles’ walk. On the 14th again started at 1.00 a.m. and
reached Chandigarh at 7.00 a.m. for rest till 5.00 p.m., then they started and
stopped at 10.00 p.m. at Mubaraqpur. Then after 7 hours during the night the
regiment arrived at Ambala on 15 May.22 The next day a council of war was held
at Barnard’s house, where Anson had taken up his quarters, in which heads of
departments and commanding officers participated.23 General George Anson,
Major General Henry William Barnard, Brigadier Robert Dampier Halifax,
Colonel Charles Chester, the Adjutant General of the army, and Brevet Colonel
John Lealand Mowatt of the artillery were present.
By this time the force at Ambala and its environs consisted of HM’s 9th
Lancers (Cavalry), one squadron of 4th European Light Cavalry (Lancers), the
native cavalry which had not mutinied; Her Majesty’s 75th Foot Regiment, 1st
EnBF, 2nd EnBF, two troops of the horse artillery (HA); 5th NI, 60th NI, 4th
(Surajmukhi) Police Battalion (200 sepoys), and detachments of the 4th and 9th
Irregular Cavalry. Two brigades were constituted out of that force. Halifax was
to command the first brigade of two squadrons of the 9th Lancers, HM’s 75th Ft,
1st EnBF, and 3rd troop 3rd brigade of the HA with 6 guns. Colonel William
Jones was to lead the second, with two squadrons of the 9th Lancers, one
squadron of the 4th Lancers, 2nd EnBF, 60th NI, and 2nd troop 3rd brigade of the
HA with 6 guns.24 The British thought that the native troops were simply an
incumbrance, so according to their calculations the disposable strength was
about 450 effective cavalry and 1,800 effective infantry with 12 light guns.25 The
2nd Fusiliers reached Ambala on the morning of 17 May, and the equipment
sufficient for a small detachment being ready, on that night two HA guns, a
squadron of the 9th Lancers and 4 companies of the 1st EnBF started for Karnal.
For the safety of Ambala, 4 companies of the 2nd EnBF (250 men) were ordered
to remain behind. Besides this, a native company of the artillery from Kangra,
one squadron of 4th Light Cavalry, and five companies of the 5th NI were
intended to occupy the station. A battery of nine-pounders had been ordered from
Phillaur and these were to be made over to Major Frank Turner as replacement
for guns which were to be left. An entrenchment was also thrown up round the
church, into which the Europeans could retire, if absolutely necessary. Families
of officers and soldiers were sent to the hills. Some of the troops of Patiala were
brought to the cantonments. Five companies of the 5th NI and a squadron of 4th
LC were sent into the district to punish some insurgents. Anson, the Commander-
in-Chief, paid a state visit to the Raja Patiala, when 4th LC were the personal
bodygaurd.26 The military authorities were asked to supply transport for
soldiers. Col. William Beveridge Thomson of the commissariat department
raised his hands to the effect that he could not fulfil the requirements.27 Then an
indent was sent in to Forsyth for 700 camels, 2,000 dolie-bearers and 200 carts;
and in less than a week he had collected about 2,000 camels, as many bearers
and 500 carts besides the elephants, camels and carts that flowed in streams
from the Patiala Rajah;28 and 30,000 maunds of grain were also stored.29 In the
meanwhile, the state of Ambala itself was by no means satisfactory.
Hodson wrote at Ambala in 15 May 1857, ‘Alarm was the prevalent feeling;
and conciliation of men with arms in their hands, and in a state of absolute
rebellion was the order of the day.’30
The 5th NI, who were believed to be the worst, were broken into detachments,
to neutralize in some measure their treachery. Two companies under Captain
Henry Murray Garstin were sent off with a squadron of the 4th LC under Captain
William Wyld with Plowden to Jagadhari on the 19th while two flank companies
were dispatched on the 21st to Ropar under Captain Herbert Calthorpe Gardner
of the 38th NI with full magistrate’s powers31 and one company was sent to
Thanesar.32 The native community, from the moneyed banker to the petty
tradesman, from the government contractor to the common coolie, stood aloof; no
help, no supplies were forthcoming; everyone seemed to be paralysed.33
On hearing of the outbreak in Delhi, the disaffection (or worse) shown by the
regiment on 18 May, was forgiven by the superior authority, and all proceedings
for investigation of the matter, the commanding officer, Major Fredrick Charles
Maitland had ordered, ceased; conciliatory measures were used towards native
infantry corps at this station. The above description of the events implies
nervousness of the authorities and prevalence of the chaotic conditions at
Ambala.
The leaders of the mutineers who had unsettled the British mind were:
subahdars Shaikh Faizullah Khan, Ananti Mishra, Pitamber Pande, Bhikhan
Khan, Parmeshwar Pande and Beni Mishra; havildars Gayadatt Pathak, Debi
Singh and Bishambhar Singh; and sepoys and others including Ramcharan Singh,
Ramkaran Singh, Rustam Khan, Ramharak Tiwari, Thakur Singh and Debiprasad
Singh; who later commanded the 5th NI which was deployed at Lahore Gate and
fought battles at Ajmeri Gate and Kishanganj. The first lot of rebels from this
regiment joined at Delhi on 28 May 1857 and the last batch of 200 men reached
there on 11 September.34
The first detachment of the advancing British army marched on 17 May and
was followed by the last on 23 May.35 On 23 May Anson wrote to Canning
regretting the delay in marching to Delhi.36 Then a ‘siege-train’ came from
Phillaur accompanied by a detachment of the 9th Irregular under Lieut. Herbert L.
Campbell of the 52nd NI.37 General Anson and his staff finally left Ambala for
Karnal on 24 May.38 On 26 May Barnes wrote to Thornhill complaining about
the behaviour of the 5th NI and his inability to punish the regiment.39 The five
companies of the 5th NI were disarmed on 29 May by Major Maitland; the two
mutinous companies that returned from Ropar were disbanded without pay, and
the native officers were tried by court-martial, sentenced to death, and hanged
without permission from the headquarters. A circular was issued by the
Commissioner on 30 May giving the police and levies of the jagirdars full
liberty ‘to attack and destroy any plundering band seen in the actual commission
of crime’. Not only would they be exonerated if fatal consequences ensued, they
would be handsomely rewarded.

Kurukshetra-Thanesar
The Deputy Commissioner Captain William McNeile received information about
the Ambala mutiny on 11 May. He then received news on 12 May about the
rebellion in Delhi. He immediately wrote to Halifax asking for European guards
and decided to send the women to Ambala. A tehsildar was deputed with money
to Pipli to look after the refugees from Delhi. The first batch of fugitives reached
Pipli after sunset and the second at 10 p.m. They came to Thanesar and at night
all the Europeans assembled in the residence of McNeile. At the daybreak
Captain Charles Dumbleton came with a squadron of the 4th LC carrying a note
from Halifax, and consequently shifted a treasure of Rs. 1 lakh to Ambala under
guard of the 5th NI men, though they were very disrespectful. The same day a
detachment of the Sikh guards from the jail unit were put to guard the treasury.
McNeile destroyed the stamp papers and got concealed the important record on
the 14 May. It was at 2 p.m. on the 14th, that the sowars of the squadron of 4th LC
picketed in the kutchery compound seized arms, saddled, and mounted. The
kutchery and revenue establishment fled in confusion, panic rose and shops were
shut, but nothing happened. The squadron went back to Ambala the same day.40

PATIALA AND JIND RAJAS COME TO THANESAR

In the evening of 14th the Patiala Raja arrived with 1,500 men and 4 guns.41 The
next morning McNeile got the information that the rebels were not coming from
Delhi.42 The same day Patiala Raja returned to his capital, leaving behind 1,100
men and 4 guns at Thanesar. Of them 150 men were sent to Karnal with
McAndrew. On 17 May Jind Raja arrived with 400 men, and was immediately
pushed to Karnal, followed by the Delhi Field Force from Ambala.43 McNeile
had, in the meantime, stored 8,000 maunds of grain in Thanesar. He sought 350
men from the jagirdars for the maintenance of law and order.
During this period rebels of the 45th NI and 57th NI came from Ferozepur and
the Deputy Commissioner made all out efforts to capture them. He exhorted
people to help in this case, but the people could not be induced to do so either by
rewards or threats. He could capture only 9 sepoys. Even in the city 2 out of 3
musketmen escaped through Kurukshetra tirath. On 24 May a company of the 5th
NI arrived at Thanesar. As precaution McNeile broke the company into parties
of eight each and distributed them in the district.44 On 26 May the company was
withdrawn and sent to the Jamuna bank with Levien. Ambala, Thanesar and
Kaithal were entrusted to the Raja of Patiala who was at Thanesar on 29 May.
The people of Panipat and Hisar planned to attack the jail to get the prisoners
released on 31 May, but the plan could not materialize and the prisoners were
shifted to Ambala.45 McNeile visited the Pipli camp daily from 12 to 31 May
1857. John Lealand Mowatt, commanding the artillery, died at Pipli on 30 May
1857. The peasants refused to pay revenue and practically there was no
government outside the city in May 1857.

Karnal
As soon as the Delhi was lost to the British authorities, Karnal became the
rallying-point for the Delhi fugitives; and while women and children were
passed on without delay to Ambala, those of the Delhi authorities, who had
survived, made their stand at Karnal. Brigadier Harry Meggs Graves and
Charles Theodore Le Bas, representing respectively the military and civil
authority of what was once the station of Delhi, here held on.46 Le Bas had left
Delhi at 7 p.m. on Monday 11 May, and arrived in Karnal between 3 to 4 p.m. on
Wednesday on 13 May 1857.47 He wrote that when he arrived his property
included a hat, a brown holland coat, a neck-tie, a shirt, a pair of trousers, a pair
of shoes, a pair of socks and a cigar case.48 Meanwhile the country around was
in a very disturbed state, and the villages were seen blazing at night.49 The
Nawab of Karnal threw his lot with the government and the Jind Raja too did the
same, even as the tide of rebellion was surging from below. So their position had
become critical, because the population around were turbulent and threatening,
and there was no sign of succour from Ambala.50 The two HA guns, one
squadron of the 9th Lancers and four companies of the 1st EnBF, which had left
Ambala on 17 May night, reached Karnal on the forenoon of 19 May. Le Bas
wrote on the 16 May that about 45 Europeans had escaped from Delhi out of
which 10 or 11 were at Karnal and the rest at Ambala and Meerut; the road from
this to Delhi was clear for fifty miles, and beyond that all in confusion. The
Patiala Raja was holding Thanesar, but 200 of his men were at Karnal as well.
The Mandals were very useful. On the 20th, Dr John Balfour, Civil Surgeon in
Delhi arrived.51
After 28 May Karnal was the most important station and hub of activity after
Ambala. The force at Karnal then consisted of 450 sabres of HM 9th Lancers
under Colonel James Hope Grant, 800 bayonets of HM 75th under Colonel
Herbert, 800 bayonets of 1st EnBF under Major G.O. Jacob, 6 companies of 2nd
EnBF under Colonel St George Daniel Showers, one troop of HA under E.K.
Money with six 9-pounder guns, one squadron of the 4th Lancers under Colonel
Henry Clayton; and 60th NI under Colonel Thomas Seaton.52 In the meantime, on
21 May the infamous Lieutenant William Stephen Raikes Hodson, who had been
made the AQMG and chief of the intelligence department, left for his Meerut
mission.53 The 4th Irregular Cavalry, which left Hansi on 20th May with one
Assistant Surgeon, 3 EnCOs, 5 NatCOs, 20 NatNCOs and 189 sowars too had
joined the camp.54 Thereafter the British force faced its first casualty.
George Anson, the Commander-in-Chief who had left Ambala on the 24th,
reached Karnal on the 25th and was billeted in relative comfort with General
Palmer, a retired sepoy general.55 Anson, a gambling man was renowned as the
best whist (kotepees) player in Europe; he had won 1842 Derby with a horse he
had bought for only £ 20.56 But he could not win against the May heat on the
plains of Haryana and died of cholera on the 27th.57 General Anson’s death
saved him from assassination, as he was hated by his troops and they burnt his
tent because he was quite unfit for his post.58 Henry Barnard had reached Karnal
on the night of 26th just before his death.59 Sir George Campbell CS, an ex-
Commissioner of Ambala, was also there.60 Theophilus John Metcalfe too had
reached the Karnal army camp on 23 May.61 In spite of being the Commander-in-
Chief, Anson was given no military honours, rather he was given quite a private
funeral in the burial ground in the evening, and Colonel Charles Chester read the
service.62
The Delhi Field Force officers were afraid of the Indian sepoys and sowars in
general, and the 60th NI in particular. The 60th NI had been ordered to march to
Delhi, and accordingly started on the 22nd afternoon, closely followed by HM’s
75th an hour later to monitor the intention of the former. The native regiment
reached Karnal on 24 May.63 At the earnest remonstrance of the officers and men
of the European regiments, the 60th NI was withdrawn from the Delhi Field
Force and sent off to Rohtak.64 Colonel Charles Chester, the Adjutant General of
the army, gave orders to that effect.65 Accordingly, the regiment started march on
the morning of 27 May towards Panipat.66 By that time camps had been
organized at Gharaunda, Panipat and Samalkha.67 By this time the Magistrate of
Panipat district in which the Karnal lay had lost control outside the city.68 ‘As
was to be expected at such a time, the more turbulent spirit among the people
took advantage of this temporary suspension of authority to give trouble both to
Government and to their neighbours.’69
The larger villages notably Assandh, Jalmana, Gondder, Salwan, Ballah and
Dachchar witnessed deeds of violence in general, and refused to pay the land
revenue.70 But in the city there were traitors like Haidar Bux, kotwal, who
enthusiastically helped the British force.71 The bulk of Barnard’s force set off
from Karnal in the evening of 30 May72 and by that time all had reached from
Ambala.73 On 31 May, Barnard camped at Gharaunda.74

Panipat
The incumbent Magistrate and Collector of Panipat district, John Peach
Macwhirter was in Delhi on 11 May 1857. He was with Le Bas, the judge in
Delhi, at about 4 p.m. near Flagstaff Tower where other Europeans had
gathered.75 He had been suffering from fever and either died or was killed
there.76 Charles James Haley Richardes, the Deputy Collector, immediately took
charge; and though every other European fled and the fugitives from Delhi
warned him that the rebel cavalry were following on their steps, and ‘burning
and pillage reached to his doors’, he stayed at his post, kept order, was active in
collecting supplies for the troops, and succeeded in recovering more than seven
lakhs of revenue.77 The Jind contingent reached Panipat on 19 May and restored
order in the town and its vicinity and cleared the GT Road.78 On 24 May the
vanguard of Anson’s force was 20 miles up the Delhi road to Panipat.79 The
rebels had seized Samalkha but it was recovered by the Jind contingent under
George McAndrew.80

JATS OF PANIPAT JOIN THE REVOLT

In Panipat Bangar, sixteen of the largest Jat villages of Naultha zail refused to
pay their revenue, drove out the government village watchmen and threatened to
attack the collector’s camp.81 The villages were Naultha, Jondhan Kalan,
Jondhan Khurd, Brahman Majra, Bhaupur, Karad, Pardhana, Israna, Sirsali (now
Bechirag Mauza near Israna), Didwari, Bhadaur, Mandi, Palri, Bandh, Balana
and Bijawa.82 Nineteen other villages, mostly in the Bhalsi and Kurana zails,
rioted, burnt some government buildings and refused to pay the revenue.83 On the
other hand, Sardara Jat of Palri aided some European fugitives from Delhi,84 and
Qalandar Ali Khan of Panipat gave material assistance to the Collector.85

Sonepat
The 11 May developments in Delhi had an immediate effect on the Sonepat area,
particularly villages. Whosoever wanted to escape to Karnal or Ambala had to
pass through Sonepat either on the GT Road or through the villages. Rai,
Bahalgarh, Ghasauli, Larsauli, Rohat, etc., find frequent references in the letters
or memoirs of the Europeans who were fleeing Delhi. Those who had collected
in the Rajpur cantonment mostly tried their luck through Haryana. Fanny Piele
wife of Captain Piele, Harriet Tytler wife of Captain R.C. Tytler, Florence
Wagentrieber daughter of George Wagentrieber of the Delhi Gazette and Le Bas
have written about their escape. There was great excitement in the Sonepat area,
some were there to loot the fugitives, while others were good enough to help the
helpless. Chaudhary Udmiram, who was active organizing landholders from
Alipur to Kami village on both sides of the GT Road against the exorbitant rates
of the land revenue in the 1842 resettlement, saw this opportunity to chase out the
British. He and his team of 24 comrades prepared to resist the return of the
Europeans from Ambala and the Punjab. In this process a sarvakhap army was
formed with Udmiram as the Chief and Sahajram as the 2IC, and platoons were
raised khapwise with headquarters at Rai (see Figure 3.1).
A large number of youth joined and attacked the British tehsils and thanas
including those at Alipur and destroyed the record.

Ballabgarh
Raja Nahar Singh was in Delhi on 11 May. He had gone to visit one of the
railway officers and returned to Delhi. An hour before sunset he took his wife,
brother and brother-in-law and Munro (in disguise) left for Ballabgarh.86 The
officials of East India Railway Company were at their bungalows and then left
for Mathura. They saw that about 150 sowars had been posted at Humayun’s
Tomb to prevent the Europeans escape, but they escaped anyway and caught up
with Taylor at Faridabad.87 About midnight the Rajah of Ballabgarh reached
there from Delhi and told them to change their clothes with their servants and get
on to his fort as soon as they could, to get his protection. He went ahead and sent
a sowar out to meet them near the fort and soon came out himself and took all
into the fort. Subsequently they were sent to a nearby village, Nangla, and after
five days’ stay, they went to Aherwan near Palwal. They were provided with
horses and 200 rupees before departure by the Raja.88 The Raja remained at
Ballabgarh and wrote letters to the King Bahadur Shah Zafar as well to the
British officers. In one letter the Raja explained the trouble caused by Pali
village and about Edward Burrow.89 In another letter he mentioned his enlistment
of new horse and foot levies for the efficient protection of the Delhi-
Figure 3.1: Index Plan: GT Road Section near Sonepat
Ballabgarh high road.90 In yet another letter his confidential agent Ahmad Ali
sought free passage to and fro Delhi.91 In his letter dated 20 May he wrote about
the Pali villagers. ‘I am engaged, night and day, raising new cavalry and infantry
levies.’92 He had sent some cavalry and infantry before 20 May under Risaldar
Qalandar Bakhsh Khan.93 On the 21st he again wrote about denial of entry to the
force under the risaldar. He again wrote and thanked the king for issuance of
orders to the guards at the gates, prohibiting their interference with the servants
of Ballabgarh and granting permission to his force to camp under the palace
window.94 He made suggestions about policing Hanuman station and Mehrauli.95
He also wrote to William Ford about the capture of Palwal.96 During this period
the Bahadur Shah directed him to send 20 horsemen to the police stations of
Mundka and Shahdari, the Raja promised to do so, and also mentioned sudden
attacks of Gujjars and Mewattis on Faridabad and Ballabgarh.97 On the 28th, he
sent 5 gold muhars as a token of congratulation on Id-ul-Fitr.98 By 30th May he
had sent 20 horsemen and his letter of that date promised to search for and trace
the property plundered at Badarpur.99 In fact, on the 20th May Palwal was taken
into possession and Mulla Qiani had arrived at Ballabgarh.100 Nahar Singh sent
150 sepoys to Delhi for law and order according Maulvi Mohammad Baker of
the Dilli Urdu Akhbar.101

Gurgaon
Since Gurgaon district was contiguous to Delhi with its headquarters nearest to
the morning scene of action, it was the first target. On 11 May about 300 sepoys
marched into the district.102 They probably hailed from the region and belonged
to the 38th NI, 54th NI and 74th NI stationed in Delhi. The local population
supported them. Some fallen nobles, Ahmed Mirza Khan and Dulla Jan, also
joined them. On 12 May more sepoys and horsemen moved towards Gurgaon,
and on advance information, William Ford, the Collector and Magistrate with
Pataudi sowars and his police tried to check them at Bijwasan but failed.103 Ford
was attacked on 13 May by a large party of the 3rd Light Cavalry but with the
assistance of a body of Pataudi sowars he drove them off,104 seized their 10 men
and 20 horses,105 and suppressed an outbreak in the jail.106 Eventually he was
compelled to leave the station, however, and it was thereupon plundered and
burnt.107 Ford fled and was accompanied by four or five clerks and others and
picking up customs officials at Bhondsi, Silani and Palwal, reached Hodal on 14
May.108 He then reached Mathura on 15 May.109 J.R. Colvin, the Lieutenant
Governor of the NWP wrote,
On the evening of 13th instant Mr. Ford and his assistant, Mr. W. Clifford having no support beyond their
police and a party of contingent of the Jhujjur horse, whose tone and conduct became rapidly menacing,
thought that no good object would be attained by their staying at Gurgaon. The Lieutenant-Governor
regrets the determination to quit the station on Mr. Ford’s part.110

The rebels occupied the district headquarters, seized Rs. 7,84,000 from the
treasury, destroyed the houses of Europeans and their loyalists, and released
prisoners from the jail.111 When the treasury was being shifted to Delhi escorted
by a company of the infantry and some troops, an attack was made by some 300
Gujjars and Mewattis. Maulvi Muhammad Baker was sent with a force to bring
the treasure.112 Similarly, on the 19th Rs. 17,000 were taken from Garhi
Harsaru.113 As soon as the news of Ford’s flight spread, Mewattis rose, and
under the leadership of Sadruddin Meo, a peasant of Pinanghwan, attacked the
government offices and loyalists. Ford returned to Hodal on the 20th
accompanied by four or five Englishmen and one hundred Bharatpur Horse.114
Here he came to know that on 24 May Raja Nahar Singh had taken possession of
Palwal. He remained at Hodal, then he proceeded to the large village of
Saundhad and recovered a gun which had been looted by the villagers from
Hodal.115 Around this time peasants of the village Aherwan about 12 km from
Palwal killed Taylor and Benn, two employees of the East India Railway, while
escaping from Delhi.116 Lieut. Young of the artillery wrote from Hodal,
We arrived here early this morning from Chatta, eighteen miles. Found town in a complete uproar. The
zameendars (Jats) of two adjoining villages having completely gutted it. You never saw such a scene –
great fat Buniahs roaring and crying as if they would break their hearts. Five or six of them have been
killed. They have, however, spared the bungalows and everything in them. You can tell this to Mr.
Bradford who is the owner: only his kutchery was broken into, but nothing, I believe, of consequence
taken.117

Another letter from Hodal dated 28 May said that ‘the Commissioner [George
Harvey] kept his camp standing, awaiting orders from the Commander-in-
Chief’.118
At that time there were 35 Europeans at Hodal.119 Out of the 6 railway
gentlemen who escaped from Delhi, two were murdered in a village about 10
miles on the Delhi side of Hodal and of the four who were safe, one received a
sword-wound in the head.120 The news read, ‘Hodul has been plundered, martial
law proclaimed and numerous offenders are said to be likely to meet with
summary punishment’.121
J. Hurst, Nunn, Sinclair, Pinson, Palmer, Kinloch and Wemyss were at
Hodal.122 On the 29th Harvey, Ford, et al. were compelled to leave Hodal by the
mutiny of some Bharatpur and Alwar troops.123 Bharatpur force was at Hodal
under captain Nixon where George Harvey, the Commissioner of Agra was also
present. The Bharatpur sepoys asked the Europeans to leave. The Europeans did
not, ultimately the sepoys turned their guns upon a group of some 30 Englishmen,
and forced them to leave. As soon as they left there was an open revolt. Scarcely
had they started, the tents of the English gentlemen were set a blaze. A few
bungalows which had been occupied by the customs’ officials were burnt and all
property was looted.124 With difficulty and after many perils, the officers
escaped to Bharatpur. Since Ford et al. had left before revolt, they had no
problem from the sepoys. This party, consisting of George F. Harvey CS, Elliot
Colvin CS, William Ford CS, H.W. Dashwood CS, J.G. Jenkins, Lieutenant 44th
NI; W.M. Gibbon, Lieutenant 44th NI; J. Goldsworthy, 72nd NI; W.E. Money,
Engineers; J.H. Glover, Engineers; J. Michel, A.H. Spencer, Roods and N.M.
Cummins, East India Railways; J.S. Kitchen, Deputy Collector Gurgaon; and C.
Lowdell, D.A. Vere, G.H. Eckford, C. Kinloch, J.H. Bradford, J. Wemyss, W.G.
Hurst, J. Lesson, C. Le Messurier, W.H. Curll, J.O. Pinson, E.C. Nunn, Sinclair
and Palmer and his family, all of the customs establishment125 reached Palwal on
29 May. On 30 May they proceeded to ferry over the Jamuna at village
Chhaensa, intending to cross over to Bulandshahar.126 Hostile demonstrations on
the other side of the river prevented this, and the party had to proceed to a
nearby village, Mohena, where they were hospitably entertained by one risaldar,
Hidayat Ali of the 4th Irregular Cavalry,127 then on furlough; though his regiment
had mutinied on 29 May at Hansi. Thus by 31 May, the complete district had
come under a wave of the rebellion.

Baden-Powell on the Land Revenue Policy

While settling the revenues of districts the British officers never realized the
peculiarity of Gurgaon, later highlighted by Baden-Powell in the following
words,
 There is much difficulty in dealing with districts – of which Gurgaon occurs to me as an example –
where, sometimes for three or four years together, if there is a sufficient rainfall, the qualities of the
prevalent soils are such, that excellent, and more than excellent crops are obtained. Then comes a series
of bad years: the rain fails and lands that were before fertilized by a deposit of soil washed down from
the low hills (dahri), are left untilled: or again if rain is in irregular excess, they may be overflooded or
water-logged. Unless we adopt variable or fluctuating rates, any fixed assessment can hardly work. If it
is very low, it will sacrifice revenue needlessly in good years; and in bad years, even then it will not be
easily, if at all paid. It seems hardly possible to manage such areas, except on the plan of allowing the
collector a power of immediate action in bad years. In this matter we should take a lesson from the best
Native governments. It will be seen that their principle was always to keep up the assessment pretty high,
but allow of an immediately-acting and thoroughly elastic system of easing off in bad years. Our system,
it is true, tends to make the land revenue partake, somewhat, of the nature of a tax; and rigidity and
certainty are the necessary features of a proper tax-administration: they have their advantage in
compelling thrift and habits of forethought. But land revenue is not wholly a tax, and cannot be effectively
treated wholly on the principle of one.128

The British government had not realized before 1857 that the flexibility of the
native government and the differentiation between the land revenue and tax were
required to be followed. The reaction of the peasantry was in proportion to the
severity of land revenue rates, and as seen in the previous chapter, every inch of
the village agricultural land had been settled by 1842; whereby peasants were
being fleeced mercilessly, so peasant groups such as Jat, Ahir, Gujjar, and Meo
turned against the British in a massive manner. The Meos were up at once and
plundered Taoru, Sohna, Ferozepur, Punahana, Pinanghwan, and Nuh. At Nuh
there was a long fight between the Khanzadas and the police defending the town
on one side, and the Meos on the other. A large number of Khanzadas were
killed.129

Farrukhnagar

THE NAWAB SIDES WITH THE KING

As soon as Nawab Ahmad Ali heard of the Delhi outbreak and revolt of the local
population, he decided to cast his lot with Bahadur Shah Zafar. He went to Delhi
on 12 May and presented nazar to the king.130 Though the Nawab wrote letters to
the king, he did not in the end play any significant role in the struggle.
Rewari

RAOS TAKE THE REINS IMMEDIATELY

On the outbreak of mutiny Rao Tularam at once assumed the government of

Rewari parganah. On 17 May, Raos Tularam and Gopaldev went to the tehsil
headquarters at Rewari with some four hundred men and deposed the tehsildar
and thanadar. They captured all the government buildings along with treasure
amounting to more than 8,000 rupees.131 Subsequently, with the sanction of the
King they proclaimed their authority over the parganahs of Rewari, Bahora, and
Shahjahanpur consisting of 360, 52, and 9 villages respectively. The
headquarters were fixed at Rampura, Rao Tularam became the Raja and Rao
Gopaldev his General and Commander-in-Chief.132 They collected revenue,
raised forces, cast guns and kept the country quiet.

Jhajjar

THE NAWAB RELUCTANT BUT ARMY LEADS THE FRONT

On 11 May some Jhajjar sowars were in Delhi. According to one writer, the
Nawab was in Delhi when the mutineers entered from Meerut, and he was
blamed for not aiding the people133 but there is no confirmation of his presence
by any other source. A small body of the Jhajjar sowars were in the attendance
upon Simon Fraser, the Commissioner at the Calcutta Gate when he endeavoured
to resist the entrance of the 3rd Cavalry troops, but not one of them supported
him, nor did they attempt to rescue him when he was wounded.134 Similar was
the behaviour of those who were attached to Sir Theophilus John Metcalfe’s
escort: when called to do their duty, not a man stirred.135 Fraser had, prior to
that, ordered one of his orderlies to gallop as hard as he could go to the house of
Durgaprasad, Agent of the Nawab Jhajjar, and directed to send a message to
Jhajjar at once about the outbreak and request him to send two regiments with
cavalry to Delhi without delay.136 Similarly, Hutchinson, the Magistrate and
Collector, taking with him a Jhajjar Risaldar Karim Bux Khan, went towards city
and was killed without defence.137 When Metcalfe was running for his life
towards the garden house of Madhavdass, he suddenly came across Risaldar
Mohammad Khan of the Jhajjar Cavalry. He called on this man to give up his
horse, but he refused. On this Metcalfe suddenly seized him by leg, tilted him out
of saddle, wrenched the reins from his hands and jumped on the horse.138 On the
15th Ghulam Nabi Khan, Agent for the Nawab of Jhajjar, accompanied by Akbar
Ali sowar brought information to Delhi that the Jhajjar forces had all mutinied
and 50 sowars had been sent for the King’s army.139 On 21 May, General Abdus
Samad Khan, the uncle and father-in-law of the Nawab Jhajjar arrived in Delhi
with 100 sowars.140
Abdur Rehman Khan at Jhajjar did not play any active role, though his
subjects rose en masse. He immediately established contact with Colvin and
sought directions. Colvin directed him to help George Harvey, the Commissioner
of Agra division. Accordingly, he contacted Harvey and promised full support
but did nothing.141 John Adam Loch, the Collector and Magistrate of Rohtak,
soon after the outbreak asked him to send cavalry but he did not pay any
attention. He did, however, send a detachment of cavalry to Gurgaon at the
request of Ford on 13 May.142 On 14 May, Bahadur Shah Zafar issued orders to
the Nawab to help him with men, money, and material.143 On the 15th an order
was issued to the commandant of the Jhajjar Cavalry to take up his quarters in
the Mehtab Garden, Delhi.144 On the 16th Theo Metcalfe, the Joint Magistrate
Delhi, an old friend of the Nawab, came to Jhajjar in the morning. But the
Nawab did not greet Theo as expected.145
On arrival at the palace of Nawab, Theo at once demanded an audience as a friend. The Nawab sent
back to ask his name, which he gave. He dismounted and was shown into a small room to wait his
audience. He was kept waiting some time and then sent a message, to which the Nawab sent the
answer, saying he was welcome to the shelter of his home but that he could not see him. During the
afternoon several messages passed between them, Sir Theophilus expressing surprise that his friend
should treat him in such a neglectful manner. Ultimately the Nawab sent his sarishtadar [secretary] with
a letter in which he said he could not possibly see Sir Theophilus or keep him in the house as he would be
attacked by the King of Delhi if he sheltered any European.146

The Nawab ordered for Metcalfe’s stay at Chhuchhakwas – his hunting resort
some seven miles off – and directed his men to take him there.147 He was put up
in a building which had not been in use for long. Tired and exhausted Metcalfe
went to bed that night but in the morning he was shown by darogah Bahadur Ali
Khan, a peremptory order from the Nawab that he should leave the place
immediately.148 Metcalfe was provided with a pony, a wretched tat and two
soldiers as guides and escort through the Jhajjar territory.149 At this the
Englishman greatly insulted, swore, that ‘If the British survived and he (Nawab)
was alive, he would account for this treachery.’150 Metcalfe made the soldiers
ride in front of him, and under cover of darkness, he turned his pony off the main
road, into the sandy jungle and went as fast as he could. His pony was soon
knocked up from fatigue and he had to walk on foot.151 He ultimately reached the
village of Bond Khurd in the Dadri parganah and was sheltered by Naurang
Singh Rajput and his brothers for three days.152 When the reaction of Metcalfe
was made known to the Nawab he felt very sorry and sent his sowars in search
of the guest in every direction.
Of his first order to the Nawab no notice was taken; but on a second demand
by Loch, the Deputy Commissioner Rohtak, sent on 18 May, for cavalry and two
guns, a few horsemen were despatched. These, however, proved unruly and
worse than useless, for they inflamed the villagers as they came along.153 During
this period shelter was provided to the Europeans in the Jhajjar territory by
villagers and Nawab. Mrs Nunn wife of Edward C. Nunn, Patrol Customs, and
her two children; and Eaton also Patrol Customs were among those who got
shelter, and no European was killed in the state.154 In spite of repeated messages
including some through Hasan Ali Khan, his brother, the Nawab sent no money to
the King in the month of May. His army was inclined towards rebels, so he sent
some soldiers under the pressure of Abdus Samad Khan and Ibrahim Ali Khan.
In fact, the Nawab was by nature a timid man, so remained in a fix.

Rohtak

News of the fall of Delhi reached Hisar on 13 May,155 it had reached Rohtak on
the 12th because a detachment of the 74th NI, which had revolted in Delhi on the
11th, was deployed as treasury guard. The Collector and Magistrate, John Adam
Loch, at once realized the gravity of the situation. At that time a large number of
soldiers in the 9th, 11th, 12th and 20th NIs; the Roorkee Engineers and the Punjab
regiments belonged to Haryana.156 Dominating the cavalry and the artillery, Meo,
Jat, Gujjar and Ranghar soldiers – of Gohana, Sampla, Palwal and Rohtak –
were considered particularly turbulent.157 Loch took steps to preserve order by
calling into headquarters all the soldiers who were on leave in the district and
by sending a message to the Nawab of Jhajjar to despatch some troops to Rohtak.
In fact, Meerut and Delhi incidents took the Rohtak authorities by surprise. A
large number of Jats and Rajputs belonging to the district were serving in the
army, but no excitement was visible.158 The Jhajjar Nawab did not respond to
the first notice but on the requisition of cavalry and two guns, on 18 May he sent
a few horsemen, who proved a liability.159 ‘Then as day succeeded day, and it
appeared that nothing was being done to reassert British authority, the
‘troublesome’ portion of the populace began to raise their heads and whole of
the once warlike people became profoundly stirred.’160
As described in the previous chapter, the district, had been settled by 1842
and land revenue rates were the main issue with the peasantry. The Ranghars,
living in the midst of the sturdy Jats, also rose in number. Babar Khan, a peasant
of Rohtak, emerged as their leader.161 A large number of Ranghars, whose
regiments had mutinied, came to their homes and joined them. Sarvakhap
Panchayats started organizing themselves on the army pattern and Meham
chaubisi, consisting of 8 tapas or tappas, emerged a strong force. The chaurasi
chaupal in the Jatwara Mohalla of old Rohtak town was one of nerve centres of
the khap activities. One Daulatram Jat of Madina was a prominent leader.
About 400 sepoys, 400 troopers, with 4 or 5 guns and encamped before the
Lahore Gate Delhi, proceeded on the evening of 22 May towards Rohtak; on the
23rd they halted at Bahadurgarh, which they did not sack.162 On 23rd May an
emissary of Bahadur Shah by name of Tafazzul Husain, entered the district by
Bahadurgarh, with a small force163 of 200 men.164 The tehsildar of Rohtak,
Bakhtawar Singh who went to face them, was beaten badly and fled to Rohtak,165
though the rebels were not high in numbers.166 Afraid of the rebels, Loch
accompanied by thanadar Bhure Khan fled at night, and reached Gohana on 24
May.167 The rebels were not opposed and as they proceeded attacked and
destroyed the customs’ bungalows at Mandauthi and Sampla. ‘Deserted by their
magistrate, the soldiers collected at headquarters naturally dispersed to their
homes, or, perhaps, joined the rebels, who arrived at Rohtak on the 24th, and
proceeded to set free the prisoners in the Jail and burn the Court buildings and
record office.’168
The Deputy Collector Misar Mannulal too fled that day. An attack was made
on the loyal townsmen by the rebels. after two days, Tafazzul Husain returned to
Delhi, carrying off nearly two lakh of treasure and after burning the Sampla
tehsil on their way (to Delhi).169 The customs’ officials from Mandauthi and
Sampla had reached Meham on the 23rd. Customs’ bungalows at Madina and
Meham were destroyed but no European was killed. Eleven Europeans namely
C.R. Blewitt, Wren, Ives, etc., along with some women and children were saved
by the Jats, motivated to do so by the cunning banias of Meham. Debi Singh, a
lambardar; Tokha Jat, Babarmal Bania, Mathura Prashad Bania, and Dayalal
Brahmin were among 30 villagers who provided shelter to the Europeans in the
Jat chaupal at Meham.170 The Europeans escaped to Hansi with the help of Debi
Singh, and on their way Totah son of Mehu and Mandrup son of Koulah
lambardars of Bhaini Maharajpur provided assistance to them.171 Loch fled to
Karnal without stopping at Gohana and tehsildar of that place too ran away, but
a chaudhary named Rustam Ali Khan with the aid of his clan people, saved
Gohana from destruction.172 The tehsildar of Meham, Lachhman Singh, made
over to the neighbouring villages such treasure as was in the tehsil, and
disappeared, and the buildings and records were destroyed.173 The district being
abandoned by all its officers, all outward signs of order and rule disappeared.
The arrival of the 60th NI under Colonel Thomas Seaton, accompanied by
John Adam Loch, on 31 May checked active disorder for a time.174 The regiment
that had mutinied at Ambala on 10 May were forgiven and included in the Delhi
Field Force, but due to pressure from the European officers and soldiers, a way
was found to get rid of them. The regiment started from Ambala on 22 May, as
ordered. They were closely followed by the purely European HM 75th Foot
regiment with a gap of one hour in march.175 They reached Karnal on the 24th and
orders were handed over to Seaton on the 25th for a Rohtak destination. On the
morning of 27th they started for Panipat and the next day, i.e. 28th turned off in the
direction of Rohtak. An officer commanding one of the ten companies says, ‘We
marched out of Paneeput at an early hour the following morning for Rohtuck – As
we marched through the city the British Officers were treated with jeers, and in
several instances with stones or brickbats’.176
After leaving Panipat they lost their way, crossed a canal and then re-crossed
the same and halted.177 On the next march some of the ‘camp followers’ were
murdered by the people of the country and sepoys indulged in insubordination en
route. The regiment ultimately arrived in Rohtak in the morning of 31 May after a
long march of 18 miles that night.178 Seaton writes,
We reached Rohtuck at sunrise and found that Hurrianah Light Infantry had passed through the day
before…. All the medical stores had been destroyed and the instruments carried off. The public buildings,
the judges’ court and offices, the collector’s treasury and offices had been burnt down, and, indeed were
still burning when we arrived. The rebels had torn up all the public records, papers and documents of the
judges’ court, all the voluminous revenue accounts and every paper they could lay hands on in the
collector’s office – vast rolls and piles of them – and after breaking up the chests and racks on which
 they had been kept, and piling all up in the centre of each building, they had made huge bonfires of the
whole, and then, dividing the treasure, had gone off to Delhi.179

What Seaton attributed to the HLI was not correct. The treasure had already
been carried off by Tafazzul Husain on the 24th and the HLI sepoys who had
marched from Hansi on the 30th had had no time to cause such a thorough
largescale destruction. It was the work of the public in general and the peasantry
in the particular. The anger against the revenue policy and high rates of land
revenue manifested in the destruction, espcially of the revenue record. The
Rohtak people wanted to erase every vestige of the British government and the
record which was according to them source as well as medium of exploitation.
Seaton encamped near district courts with an apprehension of the revolt by the
60th NI. The location has been shown in Figure 4.1 in the next chapter.

Hisar and Hansi

On 12 May 1857, the usual dak from Delhi was not received at Hisar, which
caused excitement at the station. The next day news of the fall of Delhi and the
great massacre of Europeans reached Hisar.180 John Wedderburn transferred the
treasury from the kutchery, and deposited it in the magazine within the fort. He
himself left his house which was situated at the site of present Jat dharamshala
and Rental Colony, and his office was in the eastern part of the Rental Colony,
touching double level-crossing (dabal phatak) area (see Figure 3.2). He started
living with his family in the fort with John Taylor.181 Edward William Barwell,
Lieutenant and Adjutant of the HLI and Mrs Margaret Barwell too stayed with
Wedderburns. The treasury was guarded by 100 sepoys of the HLI, and
subsequently eighty more sepoys were sent from Hansi to join the Hisar
sepoys.182 Barwell was sent from Hansi to Hisar on 17 May 1857.183 A person
at Hisar wrote on the 17 May,
We are cut out entirely from all parts of the country to the eastward of this station, and are most anxious
to glean even the most trifling information of passing events, which of course are most fully detailed in
your journal. A postal line is being established via Etawah, Behroom &c; &c; to Hisar. Everything of
course at the present moment is in a state of the greatest uncertainty, though I am glad to say that, at this
 Figure 3.2: Index Plan: Civil Station Hisar, AD 1857

time of mutiny, we are able to hold our own. Confidence is everything, and a bold front may prevent any
disturbance. There is something rotten in the present state of affairs, but the powers that be are, as usual
studying routine and formula while on the brink of a volcano.184

One hundred sowars of the Nawab of Dadri, under Risaldar Shah Noor Khan
were picketed in the fort garden.185 There was a guard at the tehsil, which was
then located in the walled town; and at the kutchery, the present old kutchery
complex. Wedderburn got fifty more sowars of the Dadri Cavalry on 17–18 May
under Risaldar Rajab Beg and these were picketed just outside the fort.186 Shah
Noor Khan had been at Hisar for about two years and he was a resident of the
Pathan Mohalla near Mori gate. Shah Noor Khan’s tent was 16 paces from the
gate within the fort.187 A chaprasi named Godhia, sent to Delhi on 6 May 1857,
saw Shah Noor Khan at Dadri after the Delhi massacre.188 Wedderburn had
raised an irregular cavalry of 96 persons but they were outside the fort on its
western gate.189 These arrangements were going on for the safety of the town and
the quietness of the district, till 28 May.190 On the morning of the 29th the gates of
the city and fort were closed, as bodies of Ranghars had been seen concealed in
the Beer. As usual Wedderburn went to the office at 10 a.m. Let us now go to
Hansi.
Hansi the military station had an early impact of events in Delhi. The 4th
Irregular Cavalry had marched on the 20 May to Karnal to join the Commander-
in-Chief, and on the same night some stacks of grass were set alight in Barwell’s
compound.191 Stafford collected as many sowars, on furlough as he could, but all
turned out rebels, with the exception of a few who were placed in the town for
its protection under a native officer of the 1st Irregular Cavalry.192 On 21 May
Theo Metcalfe arrived at Hansi and stayed in the haveli of Alexander alias Alex
Skinner, and he then marched away to Karnal.193 Just about this time, some
citizens began to wear green, as seen in the city of Hansi, but Tehsildar Ahmad
Nabi Khan did not give them any importance. Subahdar Sheikh Imam Bakhsh and
sepoys Shankar Tiwari, Shivlal Shukla and Sadhulal Tiwari of the HLI were
leaders of the rebels, Captain Stafford was watching their activities and
utterances but could not dare to lay hands on them.194 On 21 May night, was
raised an alarm in the town of Hansi; Stafford went up at a double pace, with a
company, and found that the towns-people had been scared by a large crowd of
men from the adjacent villages who, however, ran away.195 On the 23rd a party of
about 50 sowars came from the Dadri Nawab’s cavalry; denied entry into the
cantonments,196 they were given permission to stay in the town.
Let us leave Stafford at Hansi, and before narrating the story told by an
eyewitness, we return to Hisar where Wedderburn had been spending sleepless
nights. In his letter of 22 May he wrote,
Bindrabun the Inspector of Post Offices reports from Bhiwani, there seems little probability of its due
receipt at Agra. He says that the zamindars of the Coy.’s Territory thro’ which the dak was laid are so
hostile that he was forced to change the line from Rewari in Goorgaon, and send the dak round by
 Seekur and Jyepoor…. ‘I have got in safely all the money at Tehseels, about which the Tehseeldars were
in great alarm.’ … ‘I believe the Police and Tehseel Establishments are great alarmists, – No doubt, if
these Establishments have been oppressive, they are now in just fear of being paid off.’197

He truly speaks of the causes of the revolt and accepts the exploitation in the
above words frankly, he further says, ‘I have been grossly misled about the
facility of raising a body of Cavalry…. The dak from Rohtak is still
interrupted.’198
On the 23rd, he wrote,
This morning I hear from Hansi that they are in great alarm there, owing to the report of the Mutineers of
the 45th NI from Ferozepur about the country. The thanadar seems to have acted like an idiot, and quite
contrary to his instructions in the way of communicating with the people. This intelligence was directed to
be quietly communicated to the villagers, but that Dogberry seems to have beat a tom-tom in the town,
and frightened the Bunyahs out of their wits: such is the inconvenience of the Sudder Station being at the
smaller of these two large towns, and the cantonment at the other; this has been a source of the greatest
embarrassment from the beginning….199

This indicates that Hansi was a bigger town than Hisar in 1857. He writes
about the law and order situation, ‘The roads are unsafe now for small parties of
one or two, and the Bunyahs are all in panic.’200
Then again on the 26th he wrote about the chaotic conditions prevalent,
The police reports are now full of cases of petty plundering on the roads and even on a larger scale….
No confirmation of the state of things in Rohtuk yet, but the dak is stopped…. Nothing has reached me
from Agra yet; there is a capital dak from Lahore…. It is now a fortnight since we heard of the
outbreak, and a dreadful one of suspense it has been; we look for brighter tidings soon. There certainly
has been something wrong at Rohtuk, tho’ by whom or to what extent still uncertain.201

Let us now return to Hansi which we left on 23rd May. after Id on 25 May,
some detachments were sent off to Hisar to the treasury to bring in their pay,
which they did.202 The same day many a citizen of Hansi dressed as martyrs in
green and planted a flag of the same colour, calling on Hindus and
Mohammedans to join the Deen and make a Jehad against the English. This
incited the Hurrianah Battalion, 2 rissalahs of the 4th Irregular Cavalry, all the
civil and customs’ chaprasis and the budmashes of the city to rise.203 At this
moment, Subahdar Sheikh Imam Baksh, who had been an invalid, remarked to the
sepoys that it was a case of ‘now or never’.204 On 29 May pay was disbursed by
Stafford, at his quarters, and there was nothing whatever in the demeanour of the
men to create any suspicion in his mind of the impending danger.205 However, the
previous day hints had been given of danger and advising a shift in the fort for
safety, but no action was taken. On 29 May Gulab Tiwari, a sepoy, had warned
Stafford at breakfast of the intended mischief by the Mawattis.206 Soon after that
Havildar Poordil Khan along with a Mahajan named Morari Bania207 came to
see him when the latter repeated what Gulab Tiwari had said. Stafford
immediately sent for the havildar major with the intention of placing guards at
the bridges on canal between the city and cantonments (Figure 3.3). The
Havildar Major Shiv Shankar Shukla and his brother Jemadar Gauri Shankar
Shukla gave him specific information that the men would certainly mutiny
between twelve and one o’clock and implored him to flee.208 Those who
escaped from Hansi owe their lives to these two men.209 This Gauri Shankar
Shukla was later a leading spy for the British in Delhi where he was made major
of the Indian brigade and sabotaged the nationalist plan. Intimation was given to
the Europeans and in a few minutes a number of persons were on their way to
Hisar by a newly made ‘permit road’, the old being avoided on account of the
customs’ chaprasis posted along it.210 It was shortly after that the whole
regiment, drawn up in quarter distance column near the magazine, started firing
volleys on the European sergeants.211 By noon several houses were on fire. Then
there was full flight to Hisar, but realizing that the situation of that station too
would be similar, the English decided to go elsewhere from the Raipur bridge on
the Hisar Major Distributary, then called Feroze Shah Canal (see Figure 3.4).
after crossing the said bridge they took a northerly direction towards the village
of Mirzapur.212 Malcom writes,
Contemporaneous with the events at Seetapore, the military stations at Hansi and Hisar, situated about
eighty-seven miles to the north-west of Delhi, were also the scenes of military revolt and unprovoked
massacre. The troops … appear to have been excited to mutiny by some troopers that arrived at Hisar
from Delhi; … only twenty-three grown persons and twelve children, escaped a violent death at the
hands of their ferocious assailants.213

The party of 30 in total consisted of: Stafford, wife and child; Dr D. Scott;
Tapsell, Collector of customs; Rich, Patrol; C.R. Blewitt, Patrol, his sister-in-
law and two children; Wren, Assistant Patrol, wife and three children; Herdon,
Assistant Patrol; Hickie, Asstt. Patrol; Ives, Astt. Patrol; Tapsell Junior, clerk;
Quarter Master Sergeant Malone, Mrs and Miss Tapsell; Mrs Brown and two
children; Mrs Mackey and two children, and a child of Daniell; and after some
time Daniell too joined them.214 They reached Mirzapur where they were offered
protection, but that was not accepted
Figure 3.3: Index Plan: Hansi (Town and Cantonments), AD 1857
Figure 3.4: Index Plan: Hansi, AD 1854
because Hisar being very close to this village. They proceeded further towards
Kharkari but after going some distance were chased by the villagers and some
sowars. But being armed with weapons they were not harmed. In the afternoon
they reached the village of Singhwa Ragho, where they were not treated well.
Even water was not offered, and members of a marriage party (barat) hailing
from village Jandli Khurd (Fatehabad) abused them, and pelted stones and threw
dust at them.215 They had to continue onward and after travelling all the day and
all night, the party reached, a little after sunrise on the 30th, the village of Kharak
Punian in the Jind territory.216 In 1857, 12 villages namely Dhad, Bayana Khera,
Kharak Punian, Gyanpura, Sarsana, Sotha, Bhada Khera, Panihari, Sandlana,
Kapro, Banbhori and Chhan used to lie in the Jind Raja’s territory.217 At Kharak
they were hospitably treated and after rest they started at sunset and arrived at
Jind in the morning of 31 May.218 Stafford wrote from Jind on that day, about the
strength of HLI Battalion at Hansi. There was a total of 585 men including 4
Europeans. Captain G.B. Hall, commanding the 4th Irregular Cavalry, and 2IC at
the time of desertion and Atwell King Lake, Lieutenant and officiating Adjutant,
wrote on 9 April 1858 that there were ‘three European Officers, one Assistant
Surgeon, 5 Native Commissioned Officers, 29 Non-Commissioned Officers and
189 men present at Hansi, and marched to join his Excellency the Commander-
in-Chief’s camp, assembling at Kurnaul on 20 May 1857.’219
Hall narrated the story of mutiny of that regiment,
No intimation was received until the men had gone over the enemy. All the commandants except two,
deserted from their posts. There being no mutiny at the headquarters of the regiment, no further
information was required. The commanders only at a distance from regimental headquarters deserted.
The headquarters of the 4th Irregular Cavalry marched from Hansi on the 20th May to join the
Commander-in-Chief’s (General Anson’s) camp assembling at Kurnaul from which station two troops
were detached, one to Muzaffarnagar and one to Meerut; the former under the command of Lt. J. Smith,
who on his men mutinying, was murdered there, the latter under command of Capt. G. Hall, second in
command of the regiment, who having orders to leave a portion of his party at Meerut, did so, joining
Brigadier Wilson’s force, was present at the two battles on the Hindan near Ghaziuddinnagar, and
rejoined the regimental headquarters at camp Alipore, on 17th June 1857 without a single desertion. Of
the party left behind at Meerut only 11 remained staunch and those have been doing most excellent
service under Mr. C. William, C.S., Special Commissioner Meerut, and have been rewarded by being
promoted each to a higher grade. The headquarters of the 4th Irregular Cavalry, consisting of 94 men of
all ranks, were there throughout the whole siege of Delhi and though the men (not the native officers)
were dismounted and disarmed for a short time, as a precautionary measure, they did duty in the camp as
orderlies &c. &c. Two of these men have been promoted for gallant conduct, and one of them got the 3rd
Class Order of Merit for saving the life of Brigadier Grant commanding cavalry brigade before Delhi.220
 On 6 July Ahmad Khan, a risaldar of the 4th Irregular Cavalry with several
sowars, deserted the English camp. Then further details by J. Longfield, G.B.
Hall and N. Penny were as under:
One Native Commissioned Officer, 4 NCOs and 44 sowars at Hansi; 3 Native COs, 8 NCOs and 133
sowars at Sirsa; one EnCO, 2 Native COs and 11 NCOs and 93 sowars at Muzffarnagar; one Native
CO, 3NCOs and 28 sowars at Kasauli; and one NCO and 9 sowars at Ambala.221
The headquarters of the regiment were present during the siege of Delhi, from 8th June, 1857 to this
time; they were dismounted and disarmed on the 9th August last, as a precautionary measure, but did
duty as orderlies in the camp, and were remounted after the storming of city. Another party of the
regiment under Naib Resaldar Ghulam Nabi Khan, has done good service in the Meerut district under
Mr. C. Wilson C.S. and is highly spoken of by that officer; this party was neither dismounted nor
disarmed. The commanders entered in the 2nd column deserted one by one; no intimation was received at
regimental headquarters till they had deserted.222

Thus the total actual strength of the 4th Irregular Cavalry was 462, with 4
European officers. Now let us return to Hisar, where we had left a worried
Collector and Magistrate on 26 May.
‘About noon on the 29th May, three sowars, in green chupkuns, arrived at
fort’223 and at about 1.00 p.m. a customs’ peon came running to inform the
Collector Wedderburn and his staff in the kutchery.224 The Collector had already
sent a sowar to enquire about the episode. At the fort a sentry opened the gate
and three sowars dressed in green called out Subahdar Mangal Singh of the
Guard.225 At about 1.00 p.m. Taylor and Hallet, who were playing at chess in the
fort residence, were roused by a servant rushing in to say that some Delhi
sowars were outside the city gate, and that Lieutenant Barwell had gone down to
see what was wrong. Taylor and Hallet both got into the verandah and saw
sowars ride up to the sentry, and after giving him some instructions turn round
and dash off.226 Both of them then went down the gate, Taylor having no weapon.
When Taylor was inside the wicket and Hallet outside, the men of HLI in the fort
yelled and fired, one ball striking Taylor in hand and another knocking Hallet’s
hat off.227 In fact, the appearance of green sowars was the signal of the revolt.228
The wicket was immediately slammed shut by the sentry. The two Dadri sowars
on guard at the gate and their comrades picketed in the garden, rushed on to
Hallet who fled to the city wall (as shown in Figure 3.5), and ultimately reached
Jind on the 31st on foot. The injured Taylor ran through a volley of bullets and
was pursued and attacked by sowars with swords. He too succeeded in escaping
over the fort wall to Beer near Talwandi Rana village.229 Barwell, who was two
minutes behind, was cut down by the Dadri sowars, in front of the mob.230 The
force in Hisar, at the time of outbreak, was two companies of the HLI inside the
fort; 96 sowars of the irregular regiment being raised by Wedderburn and
Barwell, picketed outside the fort; and about 80 Dadri and Jhajjar sowars, 50 of
them picketed in the fort garden inside and rest outside the fort. The lines of Shah
Noor Khan’s cavalry were situated in the Pathan Mohalla close to Mori Gate.231
There was the usual guard at the tehsil adjacent to the thana in the walled city
and also at the kutchery (now old court Figure 3.2). An amount of Rs. 1,70,000
was in the magazine in the fort.232 Simultaneously at 1.00 p.m. sowars appeared
at kutchery in the civil station (see Figure 3.2) which was being closed. The
office staff namely head clerk Jefferies and 2nd clerk E.C. Smith were in their
buggies when they were followed by 4 or 5 sowars. They retreated and this
alarmed Wedderburn. He retreated by the havalat enclosure, and called upon the
kutchery guard to protect him, but in reply was shot through the head and he died
on the spot. Jefferies and Smith, separately managed to escape into the beer
(jungle) land which was the property of Stud Farm at Hisar on the western side
of the kutchery.233 In the city Tehsildar David Thompson locked himself in the
thana building (That site is located in the present Moti Bazar as shown in Figure
3.5), but the attackers dismantled the roof and shot him dead. Alice Wedderburn
and her son, Phaebe Hallet and Mrs Barwell took shelter on the roof of Taylor’s
residence. The HLI guard had left them alive but subsequently they too were also
killed by customs or civil chaprasis. Phaebe Hallet was the sister of David
Thompson and they were Eurasian.
Thus on that day, 6 Europeans and Eurasians were killed in the Hisar walled
city, whereas in the civil station Wedderburn, Mrs Jefferies near Radhanath
garden, Mrs Smith and her five children were also killed. In total 14 persons lost
their lives at Hisar.
The sowars and the customs peons together then plundered the house of
Daniell and set fire to it.234 They then returned to the kutchery and took away the
16 sepoys of the HLI, leaving a rabble to pillage every public article in the
building and public records were all detroyed.235 About the same time, the
remainder of the gang went to the old jail, demanded admittance, and asked the
jail guards whether they had ‘faith’ (or deen) or not. The guards replied in
affirmative and admitted them in the jail. All the prisoners were released.236 In
the city the HLI took possession of the treasure and magazine.237 Hisar thus stood
liberated on 29 May 1857.
At Hansi on the 29 May, the HLI set fire to the cantonments and commenced
murdering their officers and Europeans.238 Mr Paul, son of Lieutenant General
Paul, his wife Jane Paul and their six children were killed on Raipur bridge over
the Feroze Shah Canal (as shown in Figure 3.4),
Figure 3.5: Index Plan: Hisar (Town and Suburbs), AD 1857
and the Quarter Master Sergeant Henry Murphy was murdered near village
Mangali.239 Probably Murphy was following Alexander Skinner. Joseph Willams
and his daughter were at Hansi,240 they were also killed the same day. The canal
overseer, Sergeant Fitzpatrick was killed along with his child, and Mrs Malone
with her child also met the same fate. Mrs Milne and her two children were
killed at Skinner’s house the next day.241 She was a daughter of the Skinner
family and wife of Major Henry Milne, of the 21st NI. They were all reported to
be killed by the HLI soldiers and 4th IC sowars. In all 18 persons were killed in
two days at and around Hansi, the rest managed to escape to safety.

THE ESCAPE OF ALEX SKINNER

Alexander alias Alex Skinner with his elderly Muslim mother escaped to
Bikaner on the back of a single racing camel.242 His escape is an interesting
story. Skinner writes,
The first intelligence of tumult I received was that the whole crowd of these would-be martyrs were
collecting at the watermills, north-east of cantonment, and would soon be in cantonments, reported now
to have been some two hundred in number, all dressed in green garb and bearing a large pole mounted
with a bit of the same coloured cloth. This rabble I did not fear much, though I felt very anxious with
regard to the conduct of the Hurrianah Light Infantry Battalion and anticipating the worst from them, I
had taken the precaution, … did one of my two men come running back to inform me that the Regiment
was in a state of open mutiny in their lines. I then left my house and remained out amongst my men
whom I had collected in the front of my house, about forty in number, armed to teeth and relying upon the
assurances and faithful promises that they were continually making of standing by me, I was encouraged
by these hopes … but, strange to say, the appearance of the mutineers acted like magic upon them, and
they told me to mount and be off, or else they would not be answerable for my life…. So accompanied
by four sowars I came up with carriage in which my family were, … unfortunately there happened to be
only a pair of small bullocks.243

So due to weak bullocks Skinner was left behind. He writes,

… passing the village of Myher … we were all encouraged and cheered from the very willing way that
the whole village … turned out with pots of water…. However, we could not stop long for fear of … the
mutineers from Hansi, so we went again … the slow pace we were obliged to travel at and the powerful
rays of a noon day sun were more than we had ever endured … came up to a village of our own on the
high road, where we met a lot of released prisoners and being only a couple of miles from Hisar shortly
afterwards saw the Patrol’s bungalow … in a full blaze which made us alter our determination of
proceeding to Hisar, and village of Dabrah which we had just left was too close to Hisar to remain at
during the night, so we made for another village of our – named Kaimree where we found all the
villagers with the gates shut, upon house-tops and on every rising ground near the gates, matchlocks in
 hand and matches burning … so we went on to the next … village which was also about a couple of
miles distant. This village of Kaloowas stands on the ridge of a sand hill … our small party, consisting of
six sowars and myself with two … shootur sowars and the carriage between us to our horror, we saw
ourselves followed by a party of above seventy men all armed with lathees, pitch forks, a couple with
matchlocks, and the greater number with swords … now running and yelling, … their two matchlockmen
were upon each flank of the line, … I saw the right hand matchlockman systematically sit and take a
‘pot’, putting the bullet into one of the sowar’s horses, I turned round my horse and begged of them to
desert and retrace their step … this mild request of mine was answered by a shot from the
matchlockman on the left flank, striking the same horse about six inches apart from the first shot.244

The Pathan sowar killed the ringleader of the gang with a single shot. When
Skinner’s party reached the village of Kalwas, some of the villagers were
willing to give him shelter but the majority was against it. In the night, attackers
collected about four hundred men from the village of Mangali and threatened to
burn the village, but Kalwas did not yield. Then they started negotiation for
money in lieu of life, which continued till 4 a.m., when they returned to their own
village. At 9 a.m. they came back to Kalwas. They insisted that if sahib did
accompany them and they would escort him to Hansi. And thus after taking oaths,
Skinner came to Mangali. He writes, … where they made us get down in a large
enclosure with a huge gateway … for the purpose of murdering us. He continues,
… no sooner than the dinner came and swords began to flourish, this very man, whose brother had been
shot the evening previously, yoked the gharee, dragged us in, assisted by his father and a few others,
jumped on the driving seat and as hard as the bullocks could go, dashed through the closest street to the
gates of his own side of the village where he had sung out to the door-keeper to lock as soon as we left,
which fortunately for us he did, and thus kept the crowd in, with all my men, weapons, property and all
we possessed except the carriage and the clothes we had on our backs, keeping up the same rate of
driving as that at which he started out for full three miles from the village when he jumped off and ran
back leaving us to our fates….245

Next, Skinner reached the village of Bhojraj about which he writes,

and coming up to village of ours called Bhojeraj, where an influential villager … took us on to his field …
concealed us in a stock of ‘kurbee’, until such time he could bring us some food from his village, now
about a mile away, and made us alter our resolution of returning to Hansi, but told us that he would
provide us with camels and matchlockmen from the village, who would see us safe into the Bikaneer
district, the nearest point being a distance of 17 miles, … we left the ‘kurbee’ stock about 11 p.m., our
kind protector accompanying us on foot a portion of the way, when he left us he assured us there was no
fear…. We reached the village of Saidrah [sic] on the frontier of Bikaneer territory at sunrise, where a
villager of the name ‘Rao’ took us to his house….246

Thus Skinner stayed the night of 29 and 30 May at Kalwas; on 30th he came to
Mangali and on the same day left Mangali and reached Bhojraj, and effected an
escape during the night of 30 and 31 May, and reached the village of Sherda via
Dahya, Rawat Khera, Barwa and Gawar. Thus on the 31st we leave Alex Skinner
with his family at the village of Sherda or Sherra of Rajasthan.
Those who escaped from Hisar on the 29th were the Civil Surgeon Dr A.R.
Waghorn and Sergeant Shields on camels.247 They reached village Pahlwan near
Uchana on the morning of 30 May and they were escorted by one Roopram
lambardar of that village to Kaithal.248 A clerk, E.C. Smith, who had escaped to
the Beer, was sheltered by the Bishnois and the head clerk Jefferies found shelter
in the village of Dhansu, where he remained for a month. At Hansi Mrs
Fitzpatrick and her two children were given shelter by the villagers of Sultanpur.

THE FATE OF THE EUROPEANS KILLED AT HANSI AND HISAR

In total, with 14 at Hisar and 18 at Hansi, 32 Europeans were murdered during

the revolt. Among the killed at Hisar was the top district bureaucrat John
Wedderburn (1825–57), the Collector and Magistrate, the eldest son of Sir John
Wedderburn CS (1789–1862) second baronet of Balindrah, educated at Loretto,
Edinburgh Academy and Haileybury; who entered the BCS in 1844 and served in
Bihar; was transferred to the Punjab in 1849, and had joined at Hisar in October
1856.249 His wife Alice Wedderburn and son John James Wedderburn too met
the same fate with him, though in a different place. The others were: Edward
William Barwell, Lieutenant 13th NI, his wife Margaret Barwell; David
Thompson, tehsildar, Hisar; Phaebe Hallet sister of David Thompson and wife
of Hallet, Patrol customs; Mrs Jefferies wife of head clerk Jefferies, Mary Anne
Smith wife of 2nd clerk E.C. Smith, his four sons namely William Edwin John,
Henry Edward Smith, Thomas George Smith, James Charles Smith and daughter
Anne Margaret. Those who were killed at Hansi were: John Paul son of
Lieutenant General Paul, his wife Jane Paul, their four daughters Anny, Letitia,
Alice, and Evelyn, and two sons Agnes and Thomas; Mary Anne Milne wife,
Emily daughter, and James son of Major Henry Milne of the 21st NI; Henry
Murphy, Quarter Master Sergeant, HLI; Sgt Fitzpatrick, Canal Overseer and his
child; Mrs Malone wife of Sgt. Malone and her child; Joseph Williams,
Superintendent Customs and his daughter.
The District Gazetteer Hisar 1883–4 does not give any figure of the killed but
that of the year 1892 gives that in all 23 Europeans and Christians were
murdered; 12 at Hisar and 11 at Hansi. This figure is not correct, because no
names have been given, and there had lapsed 35 years when these figures were
written,250 whereas Second Supplement (No. 22136) of Thursday, 6 May 1858 to
the London Gazette Tuesday, 4 May 1858 contains names and identities of 30
persons killed at Hissar and Hansi except Mrs. Malone and her child.
In total 51 Europeans, 7 from Hisar and 44 from Hansi, could make their
escape to safety.251 Those who escaped from Hisar were: Dr A.R. Waghorn,
Civil Surgeon; John Taylor, Asstt.-in-Charge Cattle Farm; Sergeants Daniell and
Shields; Jefferies, Head Clerk and E.C. Smith, 2nd clerk; and Hallet, Patrol
Customs. Those from Hansi were: W.J.F. Stafford, Captain, commanding the
HLI, his wife and child; Dr D. Scott, Assistant Surgeon; Tapsell, Collector of
Customs; Tapsell Junior, clerk; Mrs Tapsell and Miss Tapsell; Holmes and Miss
Holmes, escaped to Fatehabad; C.R. Blewitt, Patrol Customs, his sister-in-law
and two children; Wren, Asstt. Patrol, his wife and three children; Rich, Patrol;
Scarden, his wife and three children;Vaughan and his two children; Mrs Brown
and her two children; Mrs Mackey and her two children; a child of Daniell;
Quarter Master Sergeant Malone and his child; Assistant Patrols Herdon, Hickie
and Ives; Mrs Fitzpatrick, wife of Sergeant Fitzpatrick and her two children
(sheltered in Sultanpur); and Alexander Skinner. His mother, a Muslim, too
escaped with him.
The famous Urdu poet Altaf Husain Hali Panipati too suffered the sudden
anarchy. He was a clerk in the Deputy Collector’s office at Hisar. He left for
Panipat on 30 May, was robbed on way and had to walk on foot.252
On 30 May, Shahzada Mohammad Azim made his entry into Hisar253 and he
declared himself governor of the province.254 A procession was taken out in the
city and the Shahzada alighted at the house of Maulvi Rukanuddin.255 Shahbaz
Beg, the Deputy Collector did not attend office on 29 May but the next day when
Shahzada came to the house of Rukanuddin, he was there.256 The previous day
both Shahbaz Beg and Rukanuddin went to the fort after the murder of
Wedderburn but before the murder of the women. Then Shahbaz had been sent for
by the rebel subahdar of the HLI and a message was sent to the Hindu
chaudharies to furnish supplies for the detachments. Both left the fort before the
murder of the women. Subahdar is said to have begged Shahbaz to take charge
of them but he declined. The mutineers had marched with treasure to Hansi by 10
p.m. on the 29th and on that evening Shahbaz Beg moved to the house of
Rukanuddin. Then the city was in the hands of Dogurs and Kasais.257 On the 30th,
when the procession was at the house of Maulvi Rukanuddin in Pathan Mohalla,
Maulvi sent for bankers in the presence of Shahzada and demanded Rs. 1,000 for
him. They went to the masjid of the Maulvi and the procession was adjourned.
That evening Chaudhary Kareem Khan, an ex-Deputy Collector, hosted the
Shahzada to a feast.258 On the 31st Shahzada Azim made official inspection of the
kutchery and fort when Shahbaz Beg accompanied him.259 In the evening Maulvi
Rukanuddin entertained Shahzada and sent dinner to his followers.260

PROCLAMATION AND DEVELOPMENTS AT HANSI

A proclamation was made at Hansi about which a newspaper reported, ‘by beat
of tomtom it was proclaimed by the sepoys that the rule of the British was over,
and the country belongs to the King or Emperor of Delhi, and anyone found
protecting the English would be put to death’.261
A guard of the Hurrianah’s confined the manager of Skinner, the tehsildar and
thanadar of Hansi, and took them to the cantonments; and Gauri Shankar,
jemadar and Shiv Shankar, havildar major, told them that they were proceeding
to Delhi, and asked the three aforementioned officials to watch over the city.262
The manager was allowed to take record of the Skinners and their property from
the cantonments to the city.263 The Tehsildar Nabi Ahmed Khan alias Ahmad
Nabi Khan was a son-in-law of Shahbaz Beg, the Deputy Collector of Hisar.

KABIR KHAN MEWATTI ASSUMES THE COMMAND

On 30 May, Jemadar Kabir Khan Mewatti, who had been for thirty years in the
late Colonel Skinner’s service, took upwards of 50 or 60 Mewatti sepoys from
the HLI and plundered all the treasure, silver and other valuable property which
had been removed to the city.264 He was joined by 35 Mewatti sepoys of
Skinner’s service.265 After the manager had removed Skinner’s property, and
office records, the plunder commenced of all the houses in the cantonments. ‘At
the night the villages of Oomrah and Sultapore two notorious Badmash villages
in the vicinity of Hansi came, unroofed all the houses, and carried all the timber
doors away, and left nothing but the bare wall of Skinner’s three houses and all
the other houses in cantonments shared a similar fate.’266
The following morning, the sepoys plundered and sacked the city from
daybreak to afternoon and in the evening the regiment marched for Delhi.267
Kabir Khan Mewatti, accompanied and took the regiment to Skinner’s fort at
Dhana, and set fire to the house and destroyed all the property, seized all
hackeries and bullocks, with which the regiment proceeded to Delhi.268 The
zemindars of the adjoining villages set fire to the large gate of the high walled
enclosure, in which upwards of 800 cattle were kept, and plundered them all, as
also a stud of most valuable horses consisting of walers, home bred colts, and
fillies.269 The office records, consisting of government notes, sannands, and
other valuable documents, which had been left unmolested by the sepoys, were at
the instigation of servants burnt and stolen by the zamindars of Lohari.270 The
whole district stood liberated on 31 May 1857.

Sirsa
At Sirsa the effervescence began as soon as the news of the mutiny at Meerut on
10 May and the subsequent capture of Delhi by the mutineers reached the
town.271 The Bunyas began to leave the place, and the doubtful expedient of
entrusting the defence of the place to the Bhatti Nawab of Rania was resorted
to.272 Rumours had reached Lt. Hilliard, commanding the detachment at Sirsa,
about the loyalty of his men, and he was ultimately convinced.273
Subsequently, however, he had reason to believe that the men had given up the
intention of mutinying, and on about 17 May he wrote to Captain W.J.F. Stafford
commanding the HLI, that sepoys volunteered to march against the mutineers.274
But all was not well at Sirsa. A European who was there wrote on 2 March
1858,
I told Lieut. Hilliard that the troops at Sirsa were disaffected. Captain Robertson had also been informed
that the cavalry had held nightly meetings. The customs establishment was not to be trusted. What was
to be done? A khureta was sent to the Raja of Bikhaneer, and the Puttiala Vakeel was sent off to
Puttiala.275

On 29 May about 4,000 badmashes collected at a neighbouring village to

plunder Fatehabad.276 It was considered advisable by Roderick Robertson, the
Superintendent of Bhatiana, that a small military force be sent out for its
protection.277 So, under the command of T.H. Hilliard a company of the HLI
battalion and 50 sowars belonging to the 4th Irregular Cavalry were sent out.278
Lt. Hilliard started early in the morning of 30 May at 1 a.m. and reached a
village called Jodhkan at 8 a.m.279 There he went to pass the day with J.
Goulding, Customs’ Patrol of that post, where J.W.A. Fell, Assistant Patrol of
Durbee – brother-in-law of Hilliard joined them.280 The news of outbreak at
Hansi and Hisar was conveyed to Sirsa by a shooter sowar (camel rider), who
arrived there at 4 a.m. on 30 May and Robertson got the news at dawn.281 This
news was confirmed immediately by Fatehchand Khazanchi who got it through a
qasid from his brother at Hisar.282 The news reached the European residents of
Sirsa a few hours before it was conveyed to the native troops.283 At about 5.00
a.m. of the same day two letters were brought, one for the subahdar of HLI
battalion, the other for the risaldar of the 4th Irregular Cavalry, by two camel
sowars from Hisar, containing information of the massacre, by the native infantry
regiments and Jhajjar troops, of all the European inhabitants of Hansi and Hisar,
and urging these men at Sirsa to adopt the same course.284 As soon as this
intelligence was received, all the women were sent out at 10 a.m. in great haste
to Sahuwala, a village ten miles away; Robertson, Wrottesley, Moore, and
Donald remained behind, anxiously watching the course of events.285 When,
however, the infantry sepoys had taken possession of the treasury, and troopers
were preparing for an attack; and a large body of the customs’ peons, who were
brought in by the Collector of customs for the protection of the town, refused to
open the gates at about 2 p.m. they considered it prudent to flee to safety.286 They
leaped over a ditch which was more than half full of water, and later joined the
members of their families.287 Robertson and family went their way towards
Fazilka. The remaining Europeans, about twenty in number, many of them women
and children, started under the leadership of Donald, Assistant Superintendent,
joined at Sahuwala by Bowels. They marched towards Doodal (now
Sardulgarh).288 Then information was received that a detachment of cavalry had
left Sirsa, in pursuit of the Europeans in different directions; and that the
customs’ peons were plundering the town. The men of the police battalion and
jail guards joined them, after setting the prisoners free.289 Without the loss of a
moment the following left Sahuwala:
A.J.S. Donald, 2nd Assistant Superintendent, his wife, three sisters and a
baby;290 Mrs T.H. Hillard, two children and a week old baby; Wrottesley,
Collector of customs and his wife; Dr P.A. Minas, his wife and a baby; W.H.
Bowles, Assistant Patrol Sahuwala; old Mrs Bowles, and two Misses Bowles;
and T.W. Moore, Junior Assistant Superintendent.291 All passed on without
meeting any disturbance except at the village of Bara Gudha where a cart, that
had been left a short distance behind containing Bowles’ property, was
looted.292 Again at village of Thiraj they were, at about 2 a.m., followed by
villagers shouting and yelling for upwards of two miles.293 Here a buggy was
destroyed by the villagers.294 However, when a few random shots were fired by
the fugitives they retired. On the morning of 31 May, the fugitives arrived at
village Rori, where the police establishment and the lambardars unanimously
assured assistance and protection, but as the day advanced they began to change
their tone.295 By 3 p.m., they showed definite symptoms of an attack on the
fugitives.296 At 4.30 p.m. the party was surrounded on every side by the people
armed with spears, gandasis, etc., in the old mud-built fort of Rori with high
loopholed walls and large bastions.297 On seeing the determination of the
villagers, the whole police establishment deserted the party, except for Beju
Singh, thanadar, and four or five faithful persons.298 The thanadar by his
courage kept the mob at a distance. The villagers were unable to use their
matchlocks, because on suspicion of their motive, the fugitives had cunningly
bought out all the gun powder from a baniya of that village.299 ‘The fugitives
could not procure food from the town and were prevented from getting water
from the well outside. But in the darkness of night, Baba Janki Dass, a fakir of
the place, brought them supplies of water and flour and passed them through the
aperture under the fort gates.’300
The fugitives sent a letter to the vakil of Patiala Raja at Dhudal.301 So, we
leave them at Rori on the night of 31 May and return to Sirsa.
The subahdar, Ranjit Singh, on hearing the disturbance had already
commenced at Sirsa, desired Hilliard to march back with detachment, and
J.W.A. Fell also accompanied, and thus they reached Sirsa. These two
Europeans were treated very respectfully the whole day.302 Even though
mutineers refused to obey Hilliard’s orders, he was not molested.303 In the
evening the subahdar presented to each Rs. 150, and desired them to go
wherever they wished.304 They naturally concluded, they would find their
families at Sahuwala, galloped towards that village, but being late, continued
onward towards Dabwali. They got as far as Odhan, where they were attacked
by some customs’ peons and compelled to return to Sahuwala.305 There they
came to know of direction of movement of their families, and they lay concealed
for a couple of days. They were entreated by the Tehsildar Joseph Francis not to
stir, but being very anxious to join their families, they set off.306 Here a son of the
lambardar of Chhatrian persuaded them to pass by his village, where they were
killed by a mob307 and their bodies were thrown in the village well.
The plundering of the Sirsa town started on 30 May. The customs’ peons 20 in
number led by Jahangir Khan took the lead.308 They were materially instrumental
in promoting rebellion.309 They were the first to plunder town and European
officers’ property.310 Then they burnt down the treasury house, which was
located at the site of old Sirsa jail, where customs record was kept. The sepoys
looted treasury and appropriated Rs. 7,749.311 The sepoys led by Hira Singh,
Khote Singh, Man Singh, Mana, Buddhu, Ghani Khan, Man Khan, Kaimuddin
Khan, Sahu, Durrab and others rose against the British rule.312 Wazira of Sirsa,
Lakhman of Neja Dela, Mangal of Ellen-abad, Khusia of Burj Bhangoo, Mewa
Jat of Kharia in Sirsa, Bhanee et al. were released from the jail on 30 May, they
along with 62 others were never apprehended.313 Rustam Ali, Mehmeh Khan,
Nabi Baksh, Sohna, Lalla, Jumma and Rassu, all servants of the Rania Nawab
took active part in the rebellion.314 The mutineers, when left to themselves,
plundered the treasury but without much other violence marched off to join their
comrades at Hansi.315 The population of the surrounding villages rose and
plundered the town. The tehsildar of Sirsa, the revenue sarishtadar and the
kotwali muharrir were murdered316 and the records of the district office were
torn and scattered about. Davis, a clerk in Superintendent Robertson’s office was
murdered and this was also the fate of Daniel, Patrol, while a brother of Davis
died in the jungle from thirst.317 In total five Europeans lost their lives at and
around Sirsa.
It needs to be noted that attacks on the revenue officers and offices, and
burning and destruction of revenue record was a common feature throughout
Haryana. Thus we see that by 31 May all Haryana was liberated. But the most
bitter struggle had started on the GT Road and in the contiguous area. The 1st
EnBF which started from Ambala had reached Rai camp on 31 May 1857.318

Notes
1. Rev. John Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi in 1857, vol. I, Edinburgh and London, 1861, p. 186.
2. Mutiny Report, Govt. of Punjab, 1911, p. 3.
3. Col. T.N. Walker, Through the Mutiny: Reminiscences of Thirty Years, London, 1907, p. 20.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid., p. 24.
6. Ibid., p. 33.
7. R.M. Martin, Indian Empire: History, Topography, Geology, London, 1861, vol. II, p. 177.
8. M.R. vol. VII-1, Telegram from D.C. to C.C., p. 15.
9. Mutiny Reports, p. 35.
10. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858, p. 78.
11. Mutiny Reports, p. 3.
12. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858, p. 78.
13. Mutiny Reports, p. 36.
14. Ibid., p. 37.
15. Martin, Indian Empire, p. 177.
16. Mutiny Reports, p. 37.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid, p. 4.
19. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858.
20. Mutiny Reports, p. 5.
21. Sir Thomas Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, London, 1866, p. 76.
22. George Dodd, History of Indian Revolt, London, 1859, p. 234.
23. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858.
24. G.B. Malleson, Mutiny of Bengal Army: Historical Narrative, Part 2, London, 1858, p. 201.
25. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858, Norman’s Narrative, p. 78.
26. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi in 1857, vol. I, p. 196.
27. Ibid., p. 203.
28. Ibid., p. 204.
29. J.W. Kaye, A History of Sepoy War-II, London, 1874, p. 161.
30. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi I, pp. 194–5; W.S.R. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life,
London, 1859, p. 183.
31. Mutiny Reports, p. 10.
32. Papers Relating to the East India/Indies Mutiny (PREIM), p. 44.
33. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 193.
34. NAIMP Coll. No. 92, Sr. Nos. 13 to 80.
35. Mutiny Reports, p. 6.
36. Kaye, A History of Sepoy War-II, p. 157.
37. Mutiny Reports, p. 7.
38. Saul David, Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 148.
39. Records of Intelligence Department (ROID), Delhi, 2012, II, p. 275.
40. Mutiny Reports, pp. 9, 11, 25–6.
41. Ibid., p. 26.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid., p. 28.
44. Ibid., p. 29.
45. Ibid., p. 30.
46. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, pp. 208–9.
47. Le Bas, How We Escaped Fraser’s Magazine, 57, 1858, p. 186.
48. Fraser’s Magazine, 57, p. 188.
49. Wagentrieber, Reminiscences of Sepoy Rebellion, Lahore, 1911, p. 28.
50. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, pp. 208–9.
51. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 July 1857, pp. 429–30.
52. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, pp. 211–12.
53. David Barlett, The Heroes of the Indian Rebellion, Ohio, 1859, p. 26.
54. PREIM, p. 47.
55. Saul David, Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 152.
56. William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, Gurgaon, 2007, p. 139.
57. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858.
58. Thomas Frost, Complete Narrative of Mutiny, London, 1858, pp. 61–2.
59. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858.
60. Campbell, Memoirs of My Indian Career, vol. I, London, 1893, p. 215.
61. Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, p. 230.
62. David, Indian Mutiny 1857, p. 152.
63. Sir Thomas Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel, II, p. 89.
64. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 222.
65. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel, II, pp. 89–94.
66. Ibid.
67. Supplement to the London Gazette, 10 February 1858.
68. Mutiny Reports, p. 9.
69. D.G. Karnal 1883–84, p. 47.
70. Ibid.
71. HSA HD File (Bundle), No. 59, pp. 47–52.
72. David, Indian Mutiny 1857, p. 153.
73. Kaye, History of Sepoy War, II, p. 158.
74. Ibid., p. 168.
75. Le Bas, Fraser’s Magazine, 1858, p. 186.
76. D.G. Karnal, 1883–84, p. 46.
77. Ibid.
78. Ibid.
79. David, Indian Mutiny 1857, pp. 148–9.
80. D.G. Karnal, 1883–84, p. 46.
 81. Ibid., p. 47.
82. Interview with Pt. Durga Datt, Ex-Tehsildar, resident of Naultha on 26 August 2015.
83. D.G. Karnal, 1883–84, p. 47.
84. Ibid., p. 48.
85. Ibid.
86. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, p. 153.
87. Ibid., pp. 204–5.
88. Ibid.
89. Pramod K. Nayar: Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, Hyderabad, 2007, p. 242.
90. Ibid., p. 243.
91. Ibid., p. 244.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid., p. 245–6.
95. Ibid., p. 247.
96. NAI: Trial Papers of Raja Nahar Singh available with HSA.
97. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, p. 247.
98. Ibid., p. 248.
99. Ibid., pp. 247–8.
100. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of Mutiny in Delhi, p. 100.
101. 1857: Itihas Aur Sanskriti, GoI Publication, p. 102.
102. K.C. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, Delhi, 1977, p. 57.
103. Ibid.
104. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 25.
105. Haryana State Gazetteer, vol. I, Chapter 2, Revenue Deptt., Online.
106. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 25.
107. Ibid.
108. Ibid.
109. Ibid.
110. Martin, Indian Empire: History, Topography-II, p. 185.
111. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 58.
112. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, p. 95; Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of Mutiny in Delhi, p.
97.
113. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, p. 97.
114. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 25.
115. Ibid.
116. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, pp. 205–7.
117. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 July 1857.
118. Ibid.
119. Ibid.
120. Ibid.
121. Ibid.
122. Ibid.
123. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 25.
124. Kaye, History of Sepoy War III, 1876, pp. 241–2.
125. Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 August 1857, pp. 464–5.
126. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 25.
127. Ibid.
128. Baden-Powell, Land Systems of British India, Oxford, 1892, vol. I, p. 370.
129. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 26.
130. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 94.
131. Ibid., p. 59.
132. Ibid.
133. Mrs. DD Muter, Travels and Adventures-I, London, 1864, p. 85.
134. Care-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 232.
135. Ibid.
136. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of Mutiny in Delhi, pp. 79–80.
137. Ibid., p. 43.
138. Ibid., p. 45.
139. Ibid., p. 91.
140. Ibid., p. 100.
141. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 89.
142. Ibid.
143. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, pp. 90–1.
144. Ibid., p. 92.
145. Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, p. 232.
146. Ibid.
147. D.G. Rohtak, 1910; p. 38.
148. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 89.
149. Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, p. 232.
150. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, pp. 89–90.
151. Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, p. 232.
152. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, File No. 59, Political Department Case No. 21 dated 21 May 1858, pp. 101–
2.
153. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, pp. 32–3.
154. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, File No. 59, Pol. Dept. Case No. 21, pp. 101–2.
155. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, p. 281.
156. Amresh Mishra, War of Civilisations-I, Delhi, 2008, p. 413.
157. Ibid.
158. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, pp. 32–3.
159. Ibid.
160. Ibid., p. 33.
161. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 61.
162. Lahore Chronicle, 13 June 1857, p. 372.
163. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 33.
164. Mishra, War of Civilisation-I, p. 415.
165. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 33.
166. Ibid.
167. Ibid.
168. Ibid.
169. Ibid.
170. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, File No. 59, pp. 11–15.
171. Ibid.
172. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 33.
173. Ibid., p. 34.
174. Ibid.
175. Sir Thomas Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, pp. 89–94.
176. Col. T.N. Walker, Through The Mutiny: Reminiscences of Thirty Years, Lonodn, 1907, p. 33.
177. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, p. 94.
178. Ibid., p. 98.
179. Ibid., pp. 102–4.
180. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, p. 281.
181. Ibid.
182. Ibid.
183. PREIM, p. 45.
184. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 July 1857; pp. 429–30.
185. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, p. 281.
186. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 2.
187. Ibid., pp. 2–3.
188. Ibid., p. 4.
189. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, pp. 281–4.
190. Ibid.
191. Ibid., p. 295.
192. PREIM, p. 45.
193. Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, p. 230.
194. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, pp. 705–6.
195. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857; Letter of Alex Skinner.
196. Ibid.
197. ROID-II, pp. 276–7.
198. Ibid.
199. Ibid., p. 278.
200. Ibid., p. 279.
201. Ibid.
202. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857.
203. Ibid.
204. Chick, Annals of Indian Rebellion, p. 706.
205. PREIM, p. 45.
206. Chick, Annals, p. 706.
207. D.G. Hisar, 1915, pp. 34–9.
208. Chick, Annals, pp. 707–8.
209. Ibid.
210. Ibid.
211. Ibid.
212. Ibid.
213. Malcom, India and Indian Mutiny, Philadelphia, 1858; p. 390.
214. Chick, Annals, p. 708.
215. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 115.
216. Chick, Annals, p. 709.
217. Lepel Griffin, The Rajas of the Punjab, Lahore, 1870, pp. 396, 400–1.
218. Chick, Annals, p. 709.
219. PREIM, pp. 45–7.
220. Ibid., p. 47.
221. Ibid., pp. 45–7.
222. Ibid.
223. Lahore Chronicle, 13 June 1857.
224. NAI: E.C. Smith’s Letter from Rajgarh, dated 7 June 1857.
225. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 3.
226. Chick, Annals, pp. 281–2.
227. Ibid.
228. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 3.
229. Chick, Annals, p. 282.
230. Ibid., HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 3.
231. Chick, Annals, p. 82.
232. Ibid.
233. Ibid., p. 283, E.C. Smith’s Letter from Rajgarh, dated 7 June 1857.
234. E.C. Smith’s Letter from Rajgarh, dated 7 June 1857.
235. Ibid.
236. Ibid.
237. Ibid.
238. Lahore Chronicle, 1 July 1857.
239. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 103.
240. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857.
241. Chick, Annals, p. 710.
242. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 234.
243. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857.
244. Ibid.
245. Ibid.
246. Ibid.
247. Chick, Annals, p. 283.
248. HSA HD File No. 82, pp. 277–87.
249. Charles Edward Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, London, 1906, pp. 447, 457.
250. Supplement to the London Gazette, Thursday 6 May 1858, No. 22136 vide page No. 2241 gives details
of those killed at Hisar and Hansi as per return furnished by the officiating Commissioner, Hisar as under:
J. Wedderburn, Collector and Magistrate; Mrs. Wedderburn and child, Lt. Barwell, Mrs. Barwell, Mrs.
Hallet (wife of Mr. Hallet, Customs Department), Mrs. Smith and 5 children (wife of Mr. Smith, 2nd
Clerk, Collector’s Office, Hissar), Mrs. Jeffries (wife of Mr. Jeffries, Head Clerk, Collector’s Office,
Hissar), Mr. Paul resident of Hissar, Mrs. Paul and 6 children, Mr. Thompson Tuhseeldar Hissar, Mr.
Murphy Serjeant Major Hurriana Light Infantry Regiment; Mrs. Milne and 2 children (wife of Major
Milne), Mr. Fitzpatrick and 1 child (Assistant Overseer Canal Department), Mr. Williams, Superintendent
 of Customs, Miss Williams. Other sources are: NAI, E.C. Smith’s Letter from Rajgarh, dated 7 June
1857 available with HSA; HSA HD Accn. No. 9356; The London Gazette 22 January 1858;
Supplement to the L.G., 11 March 1858; Chick’s Annals, pp. 281–4; PREIM, p. 45; M.R. VII-1; Irving
Miles: List of Inscription on Christian Tombs; and HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37.
251. Montalembert, Story of Indian Mutiny 1857–58; The Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857; NAI,
E.C. Smith’s Letter; PREIM, p. 45; M.R. VII-1, pp. 119–20; HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59,
Case No. 106, pp. 77–8, 259, 277; Chick’s Annals, pp. 281–4; Supplement to Bell’s Life in London, 9
August 1857; and the Bombay Times, 1 July 1857.
252. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 234.
253. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 42.
254. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 4, 890.
255. Ibid., p. 890.
256. Ibid.
257. Ibid., p. 877.
258. Ibid., p. 890.
259. Ibid.
260. Ibid.
261. Lahore Chronicle, 1 July 1857, p. 413.
262. Ibid.
263. Ibid.
264. Ibid.
265. Ibid.
266. Ibid.
267. Ibid.
268. Ibid.
269. Ibid.
270. Ibid.
271. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 42.
272. Ibid.
273. Chick, Annals, p. 706.
274. Ibid.
275. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
276. Chick, Annals, pp. 710–11; Lahore Chronicle, 22 July 1857.
277. Ibid., p. 711.
278. Ibid.
279. Ibid., p. 713.
280. Ibid.
281. HSA AD Accn. No. 1295, File No. 23/1857.
282. Chick, Annals, p. 711.
283. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 42.
284. Chick, Annals, p. 711.
285. Ibid., Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
286. Ibid.
287. Ibid.
288. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 43. The ancient name of Sardulgarh was Rori Dhudal.
289. Chick, Annals, p. 711.
290. Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 August 1857.
291. Lahore Chronicle, 22 July 1857; Chick, Annals, pp. 711–12.
292. Ibid.
293. Ibid.
294. Personal Interview at village Thiraj (Sirsa).
295. Lahore Chronicle, 22 July 1857.
296. Ibid.
297. Ibid.
298. Ibid.
299. Ibid.
300. D.G. Hisar, 1892; p. 43.
301. Chick, Annals, p. 712.
302. Ibid., pp. 713–4.
303. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 43.
304. Chick, Annals, p. 714.
305. Ibid., p. 710.
306. Ibid.
307. Ibid., p. 714.
308. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 194.
309. J.K. Gupta, History of Sirsa Town, Delhi, 1991, p. 78.
310. Ibid.
311. Ibid.
312. Ibid.
313. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 1425–32.
314. Ibid., p. 365.
315. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 43.
316. Ibid.
317. The London Gazette, 25 December 1857.
318. Dodd: History of Indian Revolt, London, 1859, p. 234.
Chapter 4
June 1857: The Return of the British
Forces

The month of May, as we have seen in the previous chapter, was a time of great
upheaval throughout Haryana; and except in the towns along the GT Road, the
British authority stood eradicated. A bitter and bloody struggle, however, had
started. Ambala having emerged the most important centre of the resurging
British force, let us start there.

Ambala

THE PRO-GOVERNMENT PERSONS VESTED WITH UNLIMITED

POWERS

Once the British officers started to move the Delhi Field Force on the GT Road,
they had some respite to think about the retribution, vengeance, and the
suppression of the rebels. The army men, the civil officers, the police, and even
fresh irregular levies were given unlimited powers to take life in order to
preserve peace, punish robbers, and suppress the rebellion, yet they were
themselves so terrorized that they thought the terror was the panacea.
As soon as this first difficulty had been overcome, the necessity for preserving the peace of the district
led Mr. Barnes to call on the commutation-tenure chiefs to furnish men instead of their usual tribute in
money…. By the operation of this order a force of 459 foot and 259 horse was soon at our disposal, but
the moral effect of these and other influential chiefs siding with us was of far greater value than even the
force they supplied.1
 Plowden with a squadron of the 4th Light Cavalry under Captain William
Wyld, and 2 companies of the 5th NI under Captain Henry Murray Garstin, was
already at Jagadhri on 1 June and then he went to Saharanpur. It was at the
residence of Magistrate Saharanpur, Robert Spankie that 17 men of the 5th NI
mutinied on 2 June.2
On 5 June summary martial law had been imposed in Ambala and Thanesar.3
The two companies of the 5th NI had come in from Ropar; five men in the revolt
at Ropar were identified, tried, and convicted by a so-called ‘civil commission’
consisting of T.D. Forsyth and G.C. Barnes. They along with Sardar Mohar
Singh, a kardar of the ex-Ropar chief, were sentenced and hanged on 5 June
1857.4 Mohar Singh was hanged 1½ miles south-west of the kali paltan pul
(black regiment bridge) of the Ambala cantonments – near the present central
jail.5 Four native officers were tried by court-martial for the military offence of
concealing mutiny and were also sentenced.6 George Campbell CS, who was at
Ambala even after handing over the charge of the Commissioner to Barnes,
happened to pass by when hanging was being carried out. He writes,
The only execution I think that I witnessed throughout the whole of mutiny was one that happened to be
going on while I was passing. It was an old native officer, a subahdar, who had been convicted by the
military authorities, and whom they proceeded to hang. He was very cool and quiet, and submitted to be
executed without remonstrance. But the rope broke, and he came down to the ground. He picked himself
up, and it was rather a painful scene for the spectators. But he seemed to feel for their embarrassment,
and thought it well to break the awkwardness of the situation by conversation, remarking that it was a
very bad rope, and talking of little matters of that kind till another rope was procured, which made an end
of him.7

The rest of the two companies were disarmed, disbanded, and dismissed
without pay on 5 June itself.8 The next day another draconian law in the form of
Act No. XIV of 1857 was promulgated.9 It gave absolute power to all officers.
That day, 67 men of the disbanded 5th NI went to Thanesar.10 It may be noted that
the Hisar killing report was confirmed at Ambala on 2 June.11 On the morning of
4 June the notorious Guides Corps arrived at Ambala12 and in the evening
marched towards Pipli.13 The 1st Punjab Cavalry reached Ambala in the morning
of 5 June and left at sunset.14 An English historian writes,
The force from Umballah was now in full march upon Delhi…. But as the English soldier marched …,
there was within him the turmoil and the bitterness of an avenging thirst for blood. It fared ill with those
against whom charges were brought of inflicting injury upon fugitives from Delhi.15
 In the meantime, ten rebels of the 54thNI were caught, tried at Ambala on 16
June, convicted, and blown away from guns.16
And a new Act, another terrible piece of legislation, was passed for the ‘trial
and punishment of heinous offences’ with effect from 13 June: the Act XVI of
1857.
The words “heinous offence” shall be deemed to include: an attempt to murder, rape, maiming, dacoity,
robbery, burglary, knowingly receiving property obtained by dacoity, robbery or burglary; breaking and
entering a dwelling house and stealing therein, intentionally setting fire to a village, house or any public
buildings, stealing or destroying any property for the conveyance or subsistence of troops, and all crimes
against any person or property attended with great personal violence, and all crimes committed with the
intention of assisting those who are waging war against the state, or forwarding their designs.17

Further, it was stipulated that the accused person might be tried by court-
martial appointed under Act XIV of 1857 or by the commission or the
commissioner(s) issued under the said Act, or by the courts of ordinary
judicature, but it was not applicable to English people.18 These laws gave
absolute and arbitrary powers to everyone who was on the British side after 13
June 1857.
Out of about 1,500 rebels of the 45th NI and 57thNI only 20 were captured and
sentenced to death on 17 and 25 June, and they were blown up by guns.19 The
commencement of disarming the population started on 17 June.20 A proclamation
was issued declaring the carrying of arms to be an offence.21 Then came the
rebels from the Jullundur native regiments, including 36th NI, but about them no
clue was given by the local people of the area, and thus most of them escaped to
Delhi. The 36th NI was now being commanded by Subahdar Drigpal Singh, the
same officer, who was in the escort of the C-in-C General Anson and had taunted
and insulted Havildar Kashiram Tiwari and Naik Jialal Dubey at Ambala on 19
March about their religion and caste after the use of a tainted cartridge. He was
an able commander and continued to command his regiment in fight against the
British in Delhi.22 The Magistrate Forsyth spoke about attitude of the district
people, ‘The district population had decidedly not enlisted themselves warmly
on the part of the Government.’23
Mir of Garhi Kotaha, some Pathans of Khizrabad and the headmen of the
villages of Ferozepur, Naraingarh, Thaska, and Govindpur helped the rebels24 to
escape across Jamuna at Khizrabad.25 Ambala was the most active centre during
the 1857 war as all movement from the Punjab had to pass through it. A big field
hospital had been established here for the sick and wounded soldiers under Dr
John Balfour.26 HM’s 61st Regiment arrived at Ambala on 23 June, the 1st Punjab
Infantry had left the same day, and the headquarters of the 9th Irregular Cavalry
reached here on 25 June.27 How people were being hanged under the pretext of
killing dacoits, can be gauged from this report in a newspaper, ‘There are a good
many highway robbers and dacoits in the district and that of Saharunpore. Four
dacoits were sentenced to be hanged on the 22nd and were sent out to Jugadree to
be executed, near the place where their crime was committed.’28
Was it a rule to execute or punish the convicted criminal near the site of
crime? No, it were terror tactics, as another report in the same newspaper
confirms: ‘One dacoit and one of the Jullundur runaway sepoys who was caught
with arms in his hands, were hanged at Umballa on 24th.’29
They were not taken to the site of crime!
At first the Indians were aghast at the enormity of the odds against us; but after the first shock, came the
desire to rebel, and it required the strongest determination to quell incipient insurrection. The police were
exhorted to use their arms freely against anyone…. Some were killed in pursuit, and 123 executed by
process of law, partly by the district officers sitting in commission and partly by Mr Barnes. Besides
these 258 mutineers were executed and 102 sentenced to imprisonment.30

It needs to be kept in mind that the jails of 1857 were not the jails of 2016. It
was then rare that anyone imprisoned even for a term of two years would come
out alive. Thus the above paragraph can be taken to mean that 483 fighters died.

Thanesar

Sixty-seven sepoys of the disbanded 5th NI reached Pipli and burnt the
government bungalow on the road, on 6 June. The whole Patiala force in the
district was off to Patiala by the Raja’s order on 9 June. The District Magistrate
lamented that he was left at the mercy of the company of 5th NI. He wrote, ‘I am
obliged to go into the Maharaja’s house as being the only one capable of
resisting … even a single man…. I wish you would order on the Co. of the 5th at
once. I cannot protect the various Government buildings or even myself.’31
He was helpless and wrote, ‘We will do our best but that won’t be much if the
sipahies rise – anyhow, they won’t stand by us if the mutineers come down….’
The Europeans took refuge in the Raja’s haveli on the skirts of the town. On
10 June, the Patiala force, withdrawn from the district, except on the GT Road,
returned. In the meantime Lieut. Parsons too came back from the rebel village of
Jalmana.32 The Jalmana village had lifted cattle from villages friendly to the
British. The Jullundur rebels had passed down the straight road to Hansi and
Hisar by 11 June. On the 13th evening Parsons moved to Kaithal neighbourhood
area to arrest unrest.33
Since the peasants refused to pay the revenue, McNeile had to use force. In
frustration he wrote from Ladwa, the tehsil headquarters, on 14 June: ‘I collect
the revenue from some villages of this (Ladwa) tehsil who have no intention of
paying till they are forced to do so.’ Radour was one of these.34
The villagers of Kalesara too raised the banner of revolt.
On the 17th he was at Gumthala and the Patiala force marched from Baghwali
near Radaur to Thanesar on 16 June.35 The guard at the Guhla tehsil treasury,
consisting of a detachment from the 60th NI, were sent to Kaithal with
instructions to disarm them.36 McNeile sought one more gun for Karnal on
demand from Le Bas on 23 June.37
There was no enquiry, no trial and no chance of appeal, such was British
justice in those days. McNeile said, ‘I marched from Indree to Bootana on the
night of the 21st instant having hanged a man for murder at the former place.’38
About response of the bankers towards loans to the government he wrote, ‘Not
a single mahajan or shroff in the whole district has signified his willingness to
subscribe to the Punjab Government 6% loan.’39
The campaign was being carried out to collect revenue: ‘Revenue is coming in
best from Ladwa, gradually from Goela (Guhla) and Thanesar and very slowly
from Kythul (Kaithal).’40
On the 26th, 1st Punjab Infantry regiment called Coke’s Rifles under Major
John Coke marched from Pipli, on the 28th Captain A.B. Fenwick with the
headquarters of 9th Irregulars Cavalry left that place for Karnal, and on the 29th
Captain P.R. Hockin was camped there with the 17th Irregulars.41 On the 29th
J.E.B. Parsons was at Kaithal with 150 sowars to control the situation.42
McNeile remained moving in the district throughout the month of June with a
heavy force and in twelve days from 19 to 30 June 1857 he personally executed
52 persons without trials.43

Karnal
Brigadier Robert Dampier Halifax, commanding the 1st brigade died in Karnal
on 1 June. As soon as the force left Karnal there started the dance of death.
Every English writer has taken pride in telling the story of brutalities and
destruction in Haryana by the Delhi Field Force and civilian officers. One writer
says, ‘For a time Barnard was as good as his word. The bulk of his force set off
from Karnal in the evening of 30th May and five days later was at Alipore, 11
miles north of Delhi. It left in its wake a trail of death and destruction.’44
‘We burnt every village’, wrote Lieutenant Kendal Coghill of the 2nd Bengal
Fusiliers, ‘and hanged all villagers who had treated our fugitives badly until
every tree was covered with scoundrels hanging from every branch.’45
The convicted persons were not the killers because neither any English nor
any European was killed by the villagers, the punishment was the result of
imaginary maltreatment in most of the cases. Some positively enjoyed this
gruesome task.
There were eleven more villagers hung yesterday, to the great delight of Fawcett, Blair and Evans who
nearly forfeited their dinner for the butchery, wrote an officer (Anson) of the 9th Lancers to his wife on
4th June.46 ‘Hope [the commanding officer] had to approve of their sentence, and gave directions about
a strong enough rope just before he sat down. All this is very horrid work, preceding as it does the
bloodstained horrors of the battle-field.47 … Trials were little more than drum-head court martial with
officers and men vowing to kill prisoners whether they were found guilty or not.48
A private in the 9th Lancers wrote on the 1st June: News was gained today that it was here that some
of the Europeans making their escape from Delhi were ill-used and a doctor, his wife and child killed. Mr.
Hodson went to the village where the guilty parties were and some eleven prisoners were brought in.
One among them, a young man who violated the lady and then killed her and also the infant child. They
were all lodged in the Provost Guard and the Provost had hard work from keeping (the members of the
guard) from taking the law in their own hands. As it was their heads were shaved and pork fat rubbed all
over them and then spat in their mouths; according to their beliefs this sent their soul to hell; and made
them unclean. About 4 o’clock in the afternoon these men were all tried and sentenced to be hung at
sunset. During the time their trial was going on a number of men assembled near to the tent armed with
sticks and swore by all that was good if this man, the murderer, was not sentenced to be hanged they
would beat his brains out on the spot. But when the Provost came out and announced their fate and
pointing to a large tree at the same time, all were satisfied…. At last they made their appearance under a
strong guard. On reaching the tree the villains called upon their countrymen to avenge their blood, but not
one dared to move. They were hung and buried under the tree.49
Sometimes trials were dispensed with entirely. Tales of atrocities against women and children, many of
them exaggerated, had infuriated the British soldiers and almost any Indian male was considered a fair
game.50

In spite of there being a large force, the local people could dare to loot them.
O.H.S.G. Anson, Major 9th Lancers, who marched from Ambala and reached
Panipat on 1 June, lamented, ‘Some rascals looted my buggy and servants about
2 miles out of Karnal’.51
In the early morning of the 4th, the Guides were at Ambala, and on the 6th they
were at Karnal. An English historian, J.W Kaye writes,
There they found Mr. Le Bas and Sir Theophilus Metcalfé, … were eager to punish some neighbouring
villages, which were believed to have harboured insurgents and to be full of people bent upon the plunder
of Feringhees. Eager as Henry Daly was to push on to Delhi and reluctant to destroy wholesale, in
retaliation for what might only be an offence of few, he for some time resisted the retributary eagerness
of the civilians, but at length yielded to their wishes and sent the Guides forward to the attack. The
villagers fled in dismay; some were killed on their retreat; others were made prisoners and soon the blaze
of their burning houses could be seen from many a distant mile…. Had not the civilians, in that great zeal
for the desolation of villages, which distinguished many, perhaps too many of them before year was at an
end, arrested Daly’s onward march….52

Ireland puts it in the most blatant manner, ‘One hair of European now weighed
more than the head of a native’.53 The scene on the GT Road at that time was
macabre. Ireland, an eyewitness describes it thus:
Along the road came the heavy roll of the guns, mixed with the jingling of bits, and the clanking of the
steel scabbards of the cavalry. The infantry marched on behind with a dull deep tread; long lines of
baggage camels, and bullocks with innumerable sutlers and camp servants, toiled along for miles in the
rear, while the gigantic elephants stalked over bush and stone by the side of the road. Yet our hearts were
full of bitterness.54

Such large scale force on the GT Road could have been sufficient to terrorize
the population, but there appeared to be no effect. On the 28th the rebels of
Assandh and Nardak area attacked and seized the police chowki in the fort of
village Assandh, where a muharrir and 8 armed men were deployed.55 They got
released one prisoner56 and looted two muskets.57 Then 100 men and 12
zamburaks were sent to re-establish it.58 The 9th Irregular Cavalry marched from
Karnal on the morning of 29 June to Panipat.59 Twenty Europeans from the
Landour depot, who had arrived at Karnal marched to Panipat.60

Panipat
In the city of Panipat open sedition was preached, especially in the shrine of Bu
Ali Qalandar; and an attack upon the Collector’s camp was prevented by some
Jind troops turning their guns on the town.61 Here hostages were seized and a
few men were hanged.62 But the rural people could not be suppressed and
sixteen of the largest Jat villages in the Naultha zail joined in the disturbance in
the Rohtak district and went to Delhi, whence they returned after an absence of
22 days. The tehsildar of Gharaunda, who was a resident of Panipat, helped the
rebels.63 Kakoda, Rold Latifpur, Garh Sanrai, Barsat, Urlana Khurd, Panipat
taraf Rajputan and many other villages refused to pay the land revenue.64
Samalkha was captured by the rebels in May 1857 and they could be evacuated
only after bitter struggle with the Jind contingent under George McAndrew.

Sonepat
This district along with adjoining villages of Delhi up to Alipur was an active
area where determined resistance was made against the British forces. The
British forces marched from Ambala and UP through Sonepat where huge camps
had been established at Larsauli, Rai, and Alipur in the early half of June. The
rebel regiments failed to check their movement in an effective manner in this
district, though Chaudhary Udmiram and his comrades made every effort to block
the passage of the British (see Figure 3.1). When they failed to prevent their
march to Delhi through Haryana, Indian freedom fighters started losing the war. It
is apparent that Haryana was ‘the first real and crucial battle-theatre’: nowhere
else did the British army movement start. Had we won in the first crucial
battleground here, Delhi would have never gone to the tyrants. In the following
passages we will see the scale of sacrifice made by the people of Haryana.
About the movement of Barnard’s column, an English historian writes,
His subordinates, however, bent on vengeance were far more anxious than he to punish the natives and
were none too scrupulous in determining guilt.65 We burnt every village and hanged all the villagers who
had treated our fugitives badly until every tree was covered with scoundrels hanging from every branch,
wrote Lt Kendal Josiah William Coghill adjutant of the 2nd EnBF who had earlier confessed himself in
such a rage at the slack notice taken of these mutinies and had expressed his opinion that, ‘it would have
been far better to blow mutinous regiments from guns rather than disband them’.
Holy men suffered with the rest ‘for these were the gentry’, as Captain Richard Barter of the HM’s
th
75 Foot regiment explained, ‘who acted as go-betweens to the native regiments and by their teaching
spread and encouraged disaffection’, ‘the meditative dodge’ did not save them. Barter saw one of them
being led away with a rope round his neck by some officers and men of his regiment and without loss of
time hanged on the branch of a (pipal) tree.66
 The night before the Field Force met up with Wilson, a particular bloody
incident had occurred at the village of Rhai (Rai) after a man of the 9th Lancers
found under the bridge of a small dried up watercourse, a little [British] child’s
foot still in the shoe, cut off at the ankle joint.67
Richard Barter, a twenty-nine year old lieutenant with the 75th Gordon
Highlanders, was asleep in his tent when the foot was brought in at the height of
day’s heat, around 2 p.m.68
Immediately after there arose the hum of voices, like the sound of some huge beehive disturbed. There
was a rush of many feet and in an incredibly short space of time every village within reach of camp [at
village Rai] was in a blaze. Several officers joined in this performance, and amongst others our
paymaster…. There was a parade of all hands in the evening and a lecture read to us by Colonel [Hope]
Grant of the 9th Lancers, for, as usual when things are done without consideration, more harm is done
than good, and the villages belonged to a native lady or Rani who had been most kind in aiding our
fugitives to escape from Delhi.69

The Rani referred to here was Mangla Devi Brahmin of village Bahalgarh
near Rai, where she gave shelter to many European fugitives despite opposition
from the villagers. ‘No doubt, though, but some of the villagers had committed
atrocities for nine of them were hung from a large tree by the roadside after the
parade.’70
The same day on which the child’s foot was found, Harriet Tytler wife of
Captain Tytler of the 38th NI saw, ‘a poor little man, a Mohammedan baker, in
clean white clothes dangling from the branch of an acacia tree. From what we
could gather, this poor man had been late for several days with bread for the
men’s breakfast, so Tommie Atkins threatened to hang him if it happened again
and so they did.’71 Hibbert writes,
The trials – when trials were held – were often mere formalities. Officers were heard to swear that they
would have the prisoners hanged whether or not they were found to be guilty; and, after being
condemned to death as a matter of course, prisoners, mutineers, rebellious villagers and escaped convicts
from the gaols were sometimes tortured before their execution by private soldiers whose officers did not
interfere. The bravery and resignation with which the prisoners died struck all who witnessed their
executions. They did not struggle or attempt to grab the rope when the carts were driven away from
beneath the trees.72

According to Holmes,
Many cruel deeds were wrought upon that march [Barnard’s march] on villagers suspected of complicity
in the ill-usage of the fugitives from Delhi. Officers, as they went to sit on courts-martial, swore that they
would hang their prisoners, guilty or innocent; and, if any one dared up to lift his voice against such
indiscriminate vengeance, he was instantly silenced by the clamours of his angry comrades. Prisoners,
 condemned to death after a hasty trial, were mocked and tortured by ignorant privates before their
execution, while educated officers looked on and approved.73

Charles E.P. Gordon, Captain HM’s 75th Foot (Highlanders), who was in the
column under Barnard when it was passing through Haryana, and who watched
scores of Indians being hanged, never saw one ‘care two pence about it’. ‘Often
and often have I seen natives executed, of all ages, of every caste, and every
position in society’, wrote Robert Henry Wallace Dunlop CS, ‘yet never have I
seen one of them misbehave. They died with a stoicism that in Europe would
excite astonishment and admiration.’ Felix A.V. Thurburn, Captain 14th NI,
reported that a native officer, in his regiment who was hanged as mutineer, called
out to him, ‘when you write to the adjutant remember me very kindly to him’.
Then springing from the platform he launched himself into eternity with the
greatest nonchalance and coolness.74
O.H.S.G. Anson was at Larsauli camp on 2nd June, along with Thomas Evans,
Smith, H.W. Norman, Hope Grant, Mrs Grant, he observed, ‘A low caste people,
going by the name of Goojurs, have been very cruel and mischievous….
Tomorrow we join Hope’s force at Raee, where we have to punish a village for
harbouring mutineers and disgraceful conduct to one of our poor ladies.’
He wrote from Raee (Rai) camp on 3 June, ‘Upton, Evans, Jone, Smith …
went to see the fun of village burning.’ Also, ‘The five men who abused and
stripped some of our women who were escaping from Delhi were hung upon a
tree here yesterday.’
From the Alipur camp he wrote on 4th June, ‘There were eleven more
villagers hung yesterday to the greatest delight of Lts Alexander Fawcett,
Charles Richard Blair, 2nd EnBF and Thomas W. Evans, who nearly forfeited
their dinner for butchery. Hope Grant had to approve their sentence….’75
The memoirs of Dr James Fairweather record,
When we got to Karnal 80 miles from Delhi … the road strewn with dead camels and oxen, the stench
from which was horrible … blackened and ruined villages which had been destroyed by our troops …
branchless trees; ruined and gutted bungalows, etc….76
Major General Henry Barnard marched his army carrying out a ‘scorched earth’ policy as he went.
Amongst his troops was the young and inexperienced Wynyard. The men, infuriated by the often
exaggerated tales of slaughter, rape and murder of European women and children, began to wreak
revenge as they marched, burning villages and summarily hanging the terrified and traumatized
inhabitants from trees, often after only the pretence of trial.77
If Barnard’s force was making frustratingly slow progress to the rendezvous with Wilson, one reason
was the number of Indians it casually slaughtered as it passed down the Grand Trunk Road: ‘I don’t
consider niggers in the same light as I would a white man’, one officer wrote to his brother from the
 march. ‘To be gracious or merciful to these cruel brutes, these cowardly monsters, is nothing more nor
less than to be absurd in their own eyes whilst you certainly don’t advance your own cause’.78
On the 3rd June five villagers were seized, who had grossly insulted two ladies escaping on foot from
Delhi. There was little doubt of their guilt and none of their condemnation, although some of the
witnesses had disappeared. They were all sentenced to be hanged. They deserved their fate, yet a few
regretted the fierce desire for blood, which began to manifest itself on every possible occasion….
Officers now went to courts-martial declaring they would hang the prisoners, whether guilty or
innocent, and the provost-marshal had his cart waiting for them at the tent door.
Some brought the names of offending villages and applied to get them destroyed, and plundered on the
strength of vague report. The fierceness of the men increased every day, often venting itself upon the
camp servants, many of whom ran away. These prisoners, during the few hours between their trial and
execution, were unceasingly tormented by the soldiers. They pulled their hair, pricked them with their
bayonets, and forced them to eat cow’s flesh, while officers stood by approving. The fury of one of the
peasants, a tall powerful young Jat, broke out in boasting and curses as he was led to execution…. The
village was burnt and plundered; they spared not even the house of old zumindarin, who in vain had tried
to save the ladies from insult.
Prudent and humane men began to fear, that our just vengeance on Delhi would be stained with a
general massacre of the inhabitants, and a course of judicial slaughter, which would surpass the horrors
of the reign of terror. But the slightest whisper of anything short of indiscriminate vengeance was
instantly silenced by twenty voices. How dangerous it is to entrust to mankind the power of taking even
the justest retribution.79

About Rai retribution every writer has written, one of these defending the
brutal actions tries to justify their position,
On the 2nd we marched from Panipat to Rai. At this place some of the poor fugitives from Delhi met
with most barbarous treatment. We burnt four villages on the road, and hung seven lumberdars. We
hung many other villains and burnt the villages as we came along.80

Even the Jind contingent was indulging in the killings of the Indians. On 8 June
it was reported, ‘Captain McAndrew continues to report most favourably of the
Jind Raja and his troops. He has been the means of apprehending and executing
several of the country people about Delhi, proved to have plundered and insulted
our women’.81
Ireland observed that the belief of being guilty, not the concrete proof, was
sufficient ground for execution, ‘Some villagers believed to be thus guilty, were
seized, tried, condemned, and executed amidst every possible indignity that
could be put upon them by our soldiers under the approving smiles of their
officers.’82
The British writers admitted the helplessness of the authorities to restrain
these inhuman criminal acts of the army.
 The fury and horror with which the recital of the massacres at Meerut and Delhi had been heard, were
stirred afresh by the news of the murders at Hansi and Hisar, which some who had escaped had brought
into camp. Many an oath was sworn that they would grant no mercy to a black face. The phlegmatic
nature of the British soldier disappeared under the burning desire of havoc and revenge.83

How Haryanvis were killed without any crime on their part is recorded in
memoirs of Ireland,
One day an officer at picquet caused seven harmless villagers to be shot as spies. Two men were hanged
because they said our ‘raj’ was at an end. An officer sent a note, saying he was suspicious of one of his
soldiers; the man was led away forthwith to be hanged. A courier ran forward to a European sentinel
holding up a letter in his hand, which he had brought at the hazard of his life. The soldier took the letter
from him, and then told him to fly; the man turned about to run, when the ruffian shot him through the
back.84

During their detention (at Ambala) many of soldiers were carried off by
cholera. Four companies of 1st EnBF were sent on towards Karnaul on 17th May
under Captain Dennis, while other companies did not start till 21st.
The notorious Hodson wrote on 1 June, ‘Raee under a peepul tree … and I
hope ere night to capture some of the rascals who stripped and ill-treated two
ladies near this the other day on their flight to hills.’85
On the 2nd he says,
All will be here [Raee] tomorrow. Headquarters 75th Queen’s, remainder of 9th Lancers and heavy guns,
and 2nd Fusiliers are only a short away behind … I trust, the retribution will be short, sharp and decisive
…. Another batch of half-starved, half-naked Europeans, men women, and children (a deputy collector
and his family), were brought into camp today, after wandering twenty-three days in the jungle.86

He admitted on the 9th that, ‘there is terrible confusion all along the road, and
we can get the daks carried at all by bribery, stage by stage’.87
June 1857 was a month of tremendous repression along the GT Road up to
Rajpur cantonments. The British force was able to capture the ridge after the
battle of Badli-ki-Sarai on 8 June, and thenceforth there was daily increase in
their strength. They incessantly raided and destroyed villages and hanged people.
Every new soldier wanted to show bravery by merciless killing. Hodson had
written to his wife as early as 16 May, ‘I never let my men take prisoners’, he
explained, ‘but shoot them at once’.88
The Meerut column, which had its camp near Baghpat on 6 June, along with
Hervey Harris Greathed CS crossed the Jamuna and reached Alipur on the 7th.
Theo Metcalfe was appointed assistant to Greathed on 6 June.89 A reporter saw
that on 2 June, ‘Between Panipat and Rhye, also on to Delhi, the police stations,
dak bungalows, telegraph poles and wires had almost everywhere been
destroyed.’90
The scenario of GT Road during the last week of May and the first week of
June was reported to the Deputy Commissioner of Jullundur, by three servants of
the Raja of Kapurthala who had left Delhi on 26 May. The DC wrote on 5 June,
They saw no troop from Delhi to Raee; the police station houses on the road were burnt as also a tehsil
or collection house, and the villages were being plundered. At Raee there was an advance guard of the
Jheend Rajah’s men. At Lursowlee there was a similar party. They then came to Paneeput, but met with
no annoyance. Troops, &c., were moving along the road. A number of European Horse Artillery were
there; very few native troops. In the evening four Europeans came to search all travellers in the
caravansaray. A man who had a quarrel on road with them told them to search two Sikhs with laden
cart. On searching it they found 4000 rupees, a number of weapons and silver dishes of European
gentleman, evidently plundered from Delhi. The deponents then came to Karnaul. It was all quiet. The
Putteeala Rajah’s people were in charge of the road. A European regiment was encamped there. They
heard in Kurnaul that the Commander-in-Chief had died there. In the caravansaray there were 50
Europeans, male and female, and about 40 children, who had escaped from Delhi. They then came to
Peeplee. There they met the siege-train from Phillour. A gun was in difficulty, and people were employed
in extricating. They met some of the European Lancers, about 16 miles on this side. They then reached
Shahbad. On arriving at Umballa arrangements were going on for disarming a corps, and at Dourahah
Serai, they met the Guide Corps. At Lushkuree Khan ke Sarai they met a detachment of Sikh and
Punjabee horsemen.91

On 2 June, there (Rai) had reached 1st EnBF, HM’s 9th Lancers and 4 guns;
roughly about 1,800 soldiers, all European excluding Jind Raja’s troops. On the
4th morning, headquarters of the Delhi Field Force had reached Rai, and on the
5th marched to Alipur within 10 miles of Delhi. On the 6th arrived the siege-train
which had the headquarters of 2nd EnBF at 20 miles from Ambala. During the
three weeks huge force consisting of 16 HA guns, 6 heavy battery(HB) guns(En),
9th Lancers, 75th Foot, 1st EnBF (10 companies), 6 companies of 2nd EnBF;
siege-train with eight 18-pounders, four 8”-howitzers, twenty-one 5½”-mortars;
a company of European artillery, i.e. 4th Coy of 6th Battalion, 100 European
artillery recruits, one squadron of 4th Irregular Cavalry along with its
headquarters, and a wing of the 9th Irregular Cavalry passed through the
Haryana. Then came, on 22nd, another detachment of 850 men and 6 guns at Rai
under Olpherts, Major of the HA.92 It consisted of 4 guns, 1st En Troop 1st
Brigade; 2 guns, 5th Native Troop 1st Brigade HA; a wing of the 2nd Punjab
Cavalry, a company of the 75th Foot, a detachment of the 2nd EnBF, and
headquarters of the 4th Sikh Infantry regiment.93 In spite of having such a large
force well supplied with weapons, the British authorities had to face attacks
from the local freedom fighters in guerilla warfare. So, Barnes wrote to
McAndrew at Larsauli on 30 June 1857,
You will make at Lursowlie, Raee and Alipur some sort of entrenched enclosures where the convoy can
take refuge in case of apprehension of attack. A quadrangular space capable of holding 250 carts with
room for troops and guns should be marked out at each of these stages and a deep ditch all round.94

The army was being used to effect recovery of land revenue regularly but the
Commissioner wanted it occasionally and the recovered amount was not to be
deposited in the treasury. He wrote, ‘The labour should be supplied by the
Tuhseeldar &r. Force should be employed occasionally in realizing the
recovery. These funds can be expended at your discretion in forming these
fortified enclosures.’
He knew that traffic particularly in Sonepat district was not safe, so he
explained, ‘I will write the Magistrate of Paneeput & desire him chalk some
such place at that halting ground. The scheme will be useful hereafter for
protecting traffic along the G.T. Road.’95
John Scarlett Campbell, CS (on 20 June); Morrieson, Political Agent
Bharatpur (on 28th); and George Palmer, CS (on 29th) too had converged at the
camp through Sonepat.96 On the 22nd a party of Nabha and Patiala Horse and
Foot with Campbell and McAndrew was beaten on the bridge of boats opposite
Baghpat.

Ballabgarh

RAJA NAHAR SINGH’S HELP AND POSITION: VIRTUAL GOVERNOR

OF DELHI

According to Maulvi Muhammad Baker, wali of Ballabgarh Raja Nahar Singh

had sent 150 sepoys to restore law and order in Delhi.97 At the same time he was
hoodwinking the British. Here is a glimpse of the diary of Munshi Jiwan Lal:
3rd June 1857, Maulvi Ahmad Ali Mukhtar of the Raja of Ballabgarh came to me, and said that the letters
of Messrs William and Murphy from Meerut, which I had forwarded, had been duly received by the Raja,
and that the Raja was busy in devising means for sending his motmid with troops to the sahibs at the
Dumdameh (cantonment)….98
 On the other hand, Muinuddin Hassan Khan says the Raja of Bullubghur was
‘virtually Governor of the city during the siege’.99
On 8 June, the King received report about murder of Munro at Ballabgarh.100
When William Ford and other Europeans passed through the Ballabgarh state on
8 June, on their way to Sohna from Mohena, the sepoys of the Raja did not
oppose the party, rather they escorted them in the territory of Nahar Singh.101
Prior to that the King had received a letter from Nahar Singh on 1 June intimating
that he had imprisoned eleven soldiers found deserting to their homes, with gold
muhars to the value of 2,000 rupees.102 Raja Nahar Singh sent a servant to the
British camp at Delhi around 16–17 June, whom Metcalfe took to Greathed. after
that the Raja sent his vakil to the camp on orders of Greathed. The vakil
remained there till the end of June, and when he was suspected of spying, he was
dismissed from there.103 On the other hand, he wrote a letter to the King, which
was received by him on 29 June, seeking permission for carrying all the property
of his cousin Nawal Singh from Delhi to Ballabgarh, and the King granted
permission.104

Gurgaon
On 1 June William Ford along with 30 other Europeans was at Mohena village,
but as soon as he got information of Eden’s entry into Mewat he thought of
regaining the district. In fact, Jaipur had agreed to help the British maintain law
and order in the Gurgaon area and it was eventually resolved on 17 May that
political agent captain William Fredrick Eden with five thousand troops should
march towards Mathura and Gurgaon to maintain and aid in the establishment of
a civil government.105 He went to Gurgaon with 6,000 men and 7 guns106 in the
first week of June 1857. First, he attacked the town of Taoru in Mewat. He
managed the release of Edward Hall, his wife, Mrs Barry and her three children
with the help of the Jaipur Force, led by Faiz Ali Khan.107 He proceeded
towards Sohna from Taoru, there he had to face stiff resistance and was
surrounded by the Mewattis.108 He destroyed properties of the Meos but could
not succeed in reducing them. ‘Had he not been in possession of artillery, he
would have suffered heavily.’109 He reached Sohna probably on 7 June and
encamped in jama masjid at Sohna on Delhi-Alwar Road.110 Ford along with
other Europeans started from Mohena and met the Jaipur force already at
Sohna.111 George Harvey, the Commissioner of Agra, and Ford along with Jaipur
Force, came to Palwal.112 According to a letter of W.F. Eden, the Political Agent
addressed to Colonel Becher QMG of the army; George Harvey, William Ford
and W.F. Eden were at Palwal from 18 to 20 June along with the Jaipur Force.113
Greathed then received letters from George Harvey and Captain Eden. The
letters came late and were delivered to Greathed on the 19th, when he was
expecting some force of Jaipur occupying Agra road 40 miles from Delhi.
Harvey appeared to have lost all his clothes. Harvey, Eden, Ford and all
Europeans needed beer and tobacco and they were badly crying for that.114 The
officers were compelled to leave Palwal on 21st and finding no way to Delhi,
went towards Hodal. But seeing the hopeless condition, Ford decided to join the
British camp at Delhi; however, had to stay there until 29 June. The full and
interesting details of Eden’s movements in Palwal and then his flight have been
given in Chapter 12.
Donald Stewart, Captain 9th NI headquartered at Aligarh, came to Agra and
met Colvin. He decided to join the Jaipur camp at Hodal, so he left Agra on 18
June and reached Hodal via Mathura and Kosi where Eden and Ford were
present. Here appears slight confusion about the date of Stewart’s arrival at
Hodal because Eden was at Palwal on the 20th. Stewart and Ford left the Jaipur
camp on the 29th and arrived at Palwal soon after dark. On the 30th morning they
reached Badshahpur near Gurgaon. From there they took a guide named Jamuna
Dass and started for the camp. In the morning mist of 30th they could see the
minarets of Delhi and soon reached Hansi Road. Here Jamuna Dass refused to
go further115 but both of them continued and ultimately reached Delhi camp on 1
July. Thus no British officer was left in the district, but the Jaipur force was still
at Hodal.
It appears that during this period Sarots of Hodal chaubisi, allied with Seoli
Pathans and Chhirklaut Meos of the adjoining villages made an attack on the
Anglophile Rawats and Hathin Rajputs.
Eventually a British force came to the assistance of the Rawats, who were supposed to be on the part of
the Government; but at first the only result was a heavy loss to them, as, having advanced with a small
English force and relying on its protection, they were engaged in plundering the Meo villages, when
suddenly a strong hostile force of mutineers appeared; our troops had to retreat, and many Rawats were
surprised and killed.116

Thus the district was liberated in the month of June 1857, and a large number
of Mewattis moved towards Delhi.
Jhajjar
On 8 June a regiment mutinied and attempted to kill dewan Syalu Singh but he
managed to escape. It was also rumoured that the rebels intended to kill the
Nawab. Abdus Samad Khan of Jhajjar attended in answer to summons from the
King Bahadur Shah on the 10th. He agreed to attack the English, if placed in
command of the troops. The King made him the Commander-in-Chief and ‘a
proclamation was issued to the army to muster and advance under the
generalship’ of Samad Khan. A force of 1,800 sepoys and 12 horse artillery guns
issued from the Lahore and Kashmiri Gates, and when they came before the
English position, the General sent a message that he had been sent by the Nawab
to join the English force.117 But the enemy could not be fooled and an attack was
made in which about 100 English soldiers were killed.118 During this month
Nadar Baksh came to Jhajjar; initial response of the Nawab was not enthusiastic
but subsequently he was given usual honours meant for a prince of Delhi and
chief of high rank.119 The prince remained a guest of the Nawab for several days.
By 21 June the Jhajjar Nawab had sent 300 sowars under the command of Abdus
Samad Khan, his father-in-law and uncle.120 On the 28th 100 sepoys of the
Nawab joined the rebels.121

Rohtak

Thomas Seaton, the commanding officer, of the 60th NI, who had arrived here on
31 May, described what transpired,
For three days after my arrival at Rohtak nothing occurred of any moment. I had daily evidence of the
disaffection … but I seized every opportunity of ingratiating myself with them … even the grenadiers, the
mutinous heart of the regiment were one and all very civil and respectful … but I could see that
something was smouldering in their hearts and only wanted a breeze to fan it into a flame.122

The grenadier company, out of 10 companies of the regiment, was the leader
of rebels. This company along with company No. 3 had mutinied at Ambala on
10 May. On 4 June, Robert H. Shebbeare, Lieutenant and Adjutant of the
regiment, intimated to Seaton at about 5.00 p.m. that the regiment would mutiny
the coming night. Seaton writes, ‘how, with this small body of officers, in the
midst of a wild country, and surrounded by an inimical population, was I to meet
and grapple with reckless and determined mutineers?’123
He warned all the officers to be vigilant and at sunset went on parade where
the native commissioned and non-commissioned officers were assembled in
front of their respective companies, though at some distance. There he censured,
charged and accused them of intended treachery. The rebels were confused
because their secret had been leaked and Seaton succeeded that day in
preventing revolt. But it would follow.
The catastrophe, however, was not delayed. On the 8th a curious circumstance occurred. As I was going
in the evening to visit hospital as usual, I went along the front of the tents, and when I was about to cross
the deep ditch just beyond the flanks of the Grenadier Company, the young (sepoy) I before mentioned as
having misbehaved towards his Captain, came out of the tent of his company, and gave me a hand to help
me down. As he was stooping, he whispered to me in a low but distinct voice, ‘Colonel Sahib, when your
highness’s people shall have regained the empire, I will make my petition to your highness.’ … I had only
twelve English officers with me and one English sergeant; and to attempt a show of opposition with these
would be folly.124

The officers were Lieutenant Colonel Richard Drought, Captains James

Charles Hay and William Charles Green; Robert Haydon Shebbeare, Lieutenant
and Adjutant; Thomas Nicholls Walker, Lieutenant and Orderly Officer;
Lieutenants Stuart Hare Jackson and Thomas Cadell; Ensigns Patrick Carfrae
Dalmahoy, Charles Dayrell, Thomas Dayrell and Allen Murray; Surgeon Major
Dr William Keats and John Adam Loch CS, the incumbent Deputy
Commissioner.125 The regiment then consisted of 13 British officers, one
European sergeant major, a number of Eurasian bands-men, 20 subahdars and
900 rank and file.126 Seaton says,
My position, ever since we marched for Rohtuck, had been terrible, … I received orders whilst at
Rohtuck to send notice to the troopers on leave in the district, from the regiments of irregular cavalry to
rejoin their regiments at once. A few came and reported themselves and set off to join their regiments.
The majority either made excuses or positively refused to go. The people of the country turned against
us, refused to send in supplies and stopped our dak runners (postmen), so that to get letters sent through
the country to the Commander-in-Chief’s camp was most difficult; nor should we have succeeded but for
the energetic assistance of Mr Loch, the collector and magistrate of the district who was in my camp….
Figure 4.1: Index Plan: Rohtak Town, AD 1857.
We received one or two mail-bags, but no news of any success against the rebels; indeed, we could
not expect it; for we had heard that the force could not reach Delhi until the 7th or 8th at the earliest.127

But what was in these bags?

On the morning of the 9th a mail-bag was brought in; there were several letters for the sepoys, which
with misplaced confidence, were at once given to them. They now learned that the 5th whom they had
 left behind at Umballa had been disarmed. This piece of news turned the scale; they resolved to break-
out and murder their officers.128

It is true that the officers of the 60th NI were sacrificed for gain at Delhi.
Seaton continues, ‘The night of 9th passed off quietly enough. I was up and about
several times, but all was perfectly still.’129
The morning of the 10th too appeared calm, and the usual activities were going
on. Five of the young officers namely T.N. Walker, P.C. Dalmahoy, Charles
Dayrell, Thomas Dayrell and Allen Murray went out shooting. It was in the
afternoon that the sepoys decided to execute their plan. Seaton says,
At 4 p.m., when I was in the usual hot-weather deshabille shirt, loose white cotton drawers, shoes and
stockings, all at once I was startled by a loud explosion, like that of a musket bursting…. The grenadiers,
warned by their late failure, had conducted matters so secretly that no intimation of their design had been
allowed to ooze out.130

But the private servants got the scent, enough to be ready for flight. ‘But one of
the officers’ servants overheard them discussing the plot and hastened off to put
his master on his guard on his way warning all the syces to have their masters’
horses saddled.’131
Here is what happened then, in the words of Seaton,
I ran out to see what was the matter … when the havildar major…, and several of the sepoys came
rushing up to me. The former, catching me in his arms, replied ‘biggur geea, our kya’ (they have
mutinied; what more can be said?). The hour for which I trembled had come at last.

Seaton still tried to save the situation by calling out the native officers, but no
result.
I instantly called out for the native officers, especially for one Gungah Persaud, who had been profuse in
his vows and protestations, but not one was forthcoming. I saw at once that the game was up.

The havildar major and sepoys entreated Seaton to be off whilst there was
time. When he was putting on clothes and his horse was being saddled the
sergeant rushed past him.
A dozen musket-shots were fired at him from the right of the tents, and immediately the whole body of
the grenadiers burst out of their tent, firing their muskets as they ran towards us and shouting with all
their might, to rouse the regiment and hurry it into mutiny…. The hubbub increased every moment. The
shouts of the officers for their grooms and servants, the cries of terror from the camp followers – some
of whom were wounded – the galloping of horses, the rush of the people to get out of the way, the fierce
shouts of the mutineers, the sharp and frequent reports of the muskets and the whiz of the balls, may be
better imagined than I can describe them. The sergeant-major was wounded, but Dr Keats took the man
 up into his dog-cart and drove off at a gallop, in the midst of a shower of bullets and imprecations, for the
sergeant was thoroughly hated.132

Some ran on foot like Shebbeare and Drought, while lucky ones got horses but
no brave Englishman looked back until they reached the bend of road to Delhi!
All the properties of the officers including swords were left behind.133 Then the
brave commanding officer accepted the truth, ‘We started accordingly, not in a
very happy frame of mind, but glad enough to have escaped so far with our
lives.’
What was the state of country around Rohtak? Let Seaton speak for it himself,
Was the country about Delhi as ill-disposed as it was about Rohtak? and that was very bad indeed…. Let
it be borne in mind that the people of this part of the country had cut off some of our stragglers and
intercepted our posts, and that from this district came number of our irregular cavalry soldiers, who were
one and all thoroughly disaffected…. Mr. Loch, the Collector of Rohtak, accompanied me from
Paneeput; and shortly after our arrival at Rohtak; on sending to some of his villages for arrears of
revenue, the people replied they would pay it when they saw our power re-established.134
Loch fled on foot to Sampla, and thence on horseback to Bahadurgarh, from which place he was
escorted to Delhi by Risaldar Sandal Khan of Kalanaur and his father…. But from the exposure of the
day he never recovered; and he went blind due to midsummer sun’s effect subsequently.135

All of them reached Delhi on the 11th June 1857. The 60th NI led by Subahdars
Gangadeen Tiwari and Faizullah too reached Delhi and took part in the battle on
14 June. An amount of Rs. 1,00,000 was reported to have been brought to Delhi
by the troops by June 1857.136 Thus there was left no British rule or officer after
10 June 1857, and the district was fully liberated.

Hisar: Hissar-E-Feroza
A proclamation was cried through the town that the Emperor of Delhi was
paramount and every European was to be slain whenever found. The fate of
Hansee is not known … there were no trustworthy troops to make a stand.137
This proclamation was made on 1 June, both at Hansi and Hisar. At Hisar the
administration was taken in hand by Shahbaz Beg, Maulvi Rukanuddin and
Chaudhary Karim Khan. The Dogar Muslim residents came out to protect the
town from plunder. Now let us go to the more important town of Hansi. What
happened with Alex Skinner, whom we had left at a Jat village named Sherda in
Rajasthan, just close to the boundary on 31 May?
 The Mangali people got scent of the village where Skinner had been
concealed and they surrounded the village but the villagers did not allow them to
enter. The villagers put up guards at the gates to prevent strangers from coming in
during the day, and at night the whole village patrolled as long as he was there.
In the meantime Coleridge, who was encamped at Rajgarh fort with Bikaner
troops along with a couple of guns, heard of a British subject being in that
village. He sent a couple of sowars to verify, and on confirmation sent 50
sowars on 3 June, who took Skinner and his mother safely to Rajgarh. The
Mangali men could not enter the village.138
Another fugitive from Hisar, E.C. Smith,139 too arrived there. Ram Rattan,
Moti, Bisna, had helped him escape from the beer (jungle) Hisar.140 On his way
to Bikaner, Skinner met the Raja; he reached the fort and wrote a letter about his
escape on 20 June.141
Stafford and party were at Safidon on the 2nd and at Panipat on 3 June. At
Panipat they joined Brigadier H.M. Graves and reached Alipur. Dr. A.R.
Waghorn and Sergeant Shields had reached Karnal from Kaithal.142 Barnes
wrote, ‘The population along Sirsa, Hissar, Khytul &c. is very turbulent. There
are the Pachhadas, a race of looters, Jats with a bad character for predatory
habits & there are the Bhuttees, robbers by profession, tho’ under our rule they
have taken to peaceful….’143
The detachments of the HLI and 4th Irregular Cavalry reached Delhi by the
first week of June.144 In Hansi, the administration, with the consent of the sepoys,
was in the hands of tehsildar and Munir Beg, but certainly not on behalf of
Bahadur Shah Zafar. There was no friendship between Munir Beg and
Hukamchand Jain then, but individually both were influential personalities. It
was only in the second week of June that a gathering of the citizens of Hansi
managed to make them friends.145 And on 17 June, the day when Van Cortlandt
attacked Odhan in Sirsa, and unaware of the situation, they wrote a petition to the
King Bahadur Shah placing the country at his disposal and pledging support to
him. Neither of them led any delegation or detachment in favour of the King or
against the British. Their sole aim, at that stage, was to protect Hansi.
The petitions of Gauri Shankar Shukla, an officer of the HLI, a risaldar of the
cavalry, and Shahzada Mohammed Azim were received by the Emperor on 21
June. They stated that they were proceeding to Delhi from Sirsa with all the
money of the customs department, and shortly afterwards the troops arrived,
bringing with them about Rs. 30,000 treasure, 2 bullocks and 50 or 60 sheep.146
For his part Van Cortlandt despatched Lieutenant George Godfrey Pearse from
Sirsa, and he reached Hisar on 25 June via Bhadra.147 ‘Lt. Pearse has reached
Hisar with 400 of the Bikaneer troops by a forced march, at the earnest request
of the inhabitants, just in time to prevent an attack by Rangurs on the town, which
the Dogurs have herebefore protected.’148
Pearse recovered Mrs Fitzpatrick and her children in the village of Sultanpur
near Hansi. A newspaper reported, ‘It has been ascertained that a Mrs Fitzgerald
(Fitzpatrick), widow of a sergeant who was killed at Hansi, is in safety with her
children at a large village, called Sultanpore, where she is well treated.’
It was also reported that by June an amount of Rs. 1,10,000 had been
deposited in the King’s treasury.149 Thus Hisar fort was re-occupied by the
Bikaner force, an ally of the British, on demand from the baniahs of Hisar.

Sirsa
We had left the fugitives from Sirsa at Rori in the evening of 31 May confined in
a mud-fort. On 2 June they were safely escorted to Dhoodal [old name of
Sardulgarh, its full name was Rori Dhudal] by one hundred horse-men sent by
the Patiala Raja’s vakil. Then they went to Sunam where Le Fevre met them and
all ultimately reached Patiala on 10 June.150
The villagers of the area around Sirsa, after plundering the houses of
European residents, sacked the town for fifteen days. On 1 June, intelligence was
received at Ferozepur of the events at Hisar and Sirsa.151 F.C. Marsden, the
incumbent Deputy Commissioner was to proceed on leave and his place was to
be taken by Henry Charles Van Cortlandt of Khalsa fame, who had been a
General in the Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army.152 Major Marsden, was on the
point of leaving for England on account of his health and was making over civil
charge to General Van Cortlandt, who had been in civil employ ever since the
annexation of the Punjab.153 Instead of taking charge from Deputy Commissioner
Marsden, Van Cortlandt was directed to raise an irregular regiment of the Sikhs
and to proceed towards Sirsa and Hisar to quell the disturbances. About 300
Dogras, of Jawahir Singh, the estranged Raja of Jammu, were the nucleus of his
force. Then 200 disciplined Katarmukhis of Tronson’s Multan Regiment along
with his 100 police sowars were added, and they were accompanied by G.G.
Pearse, Lieutenant of the Madras Artillery from Gugera. To these were added a
regiment of raw levies raised by Cortlandt himself along with some Peshawari
sowars.154 Though the Hisar District Gazetteer 1892 says that the General
marched on 8 June to Sirsa with a force of 550 men with two guns and he was
accompanied by Robertson as political officer,155 other sources differ. Cortlandt
marched on 7th morning from Ferozepur expecting to be joined by Bahawalpur
troops at Muktsar.156 He had with him two 6-pounder guns and was accompanied
by selected European officers. According to another source Cortlandt collected
500 Sikh Levy and 200 Dogras, then available at Lahore, and joined them; 2 six-
pounder guns were added, and 50 sepoys of Surajmukhi Police Battalion too
reached there; and then Van Cortlandt accompanied by Robertson marched for
Sirsa. The four officers namely T.J. Sadlier, Lieutenant HM 61st Foot; G.C.
Bloomfield, Captain and J.V. Hunt, Lieutenant 45th NI; and E.Y. Walcott,
Lieutenant 57th NI were placed at his disposal. When he arrived at Malaut in
Bhatiana he was joined there by Pearse from Gugera with 50 Punjab Mounted
Police sepoys and few barkandazes to assist J.H. Oliver, Assistant
Superintendent Bhatiana still holding at Fazilka.157 The force was larger than that
given in the Gazetteer, it was 1,000 strong at least. At Malaut a reinforcement of
120 men of Patiala horse and foot was received on 12 June.158

THE O DHAN BATTLE: 17 JUNE 1857

About the attack (see Figure 4.2) the Gazetteer says, ‘The first encounter with
rebels took place at Odhan on June 17th, when some 5, 000 Bhattis attacked the
advancing force but were decisively routed’.154 Another source gives some
details as the force proceeded,
without meeting with any hindrance, until they arrived at Oodha, where the Bhuttees under their
scoundrelly leader the Nawab of Ranneeah, a Government pensioner, who had collected three or four
thousand men, with a determination to make a strong resistance, but they were routed with about 530
killed; the loss in the General’s small force was one killed and one wounded.159

The British had a policy of exaggerating the number of enemy and their
casualties and concealed their own numbers. The gazetteer gives a figure of
5,000 whereas the above report shows them to be 3,000 or 4,000, as if one or
two thousand soldiers make no difference! They do not speak of the superiority
of their fire power due to artillery and better weapons but always try to depict
the pluck and prowess of the British. Remarked another source, ‘Van Cortlandt
defeated upwards of 1,000 Bhuttees killing and wounding 40 of them on 17th
June.’160
 It appears that figure of 5,000 given in the Gazetteer is incorrect; and that in
the mutiny records is realistic, accordingly number of killed at Odhan was not
530 but only 40 killed and wounded or may be 53 only. Let us turn to the Odhan
Battle on the 17th as narrated by a journalist:
When the force arrived at Odhan, intelligence was there received, that the rebel
Figure 4.2: Index Plan: Sirsa, AD 1857
 Bhuttees, some 5000 strong, were in a position about 5 miles off. Lt Pearse, with his mounted police was
sent to reconnoitre, and an attack was arranged for the following morning; but the rebels, apparently
gaining confidence from the small number of police, left their position, and boldly followed the
reconnoitring party to the camp. The force turned out with alacrity; the village was occupied by a part of
the new Levy under Capt Bloomfield, and the guns flanked by the Dogras and Surajmukhi sepoys, were
pushed forward to meet the enemy, who advanced on our front and flanks, in considerable numbers. after
a few round shots had come amongst them, the enemy moved to the right and left, with the supposed
idea of getting to the rear of the camp, but the mounted police were sent round the village, to the right,
and gallantly charging, put the enemy to flight, following them for three or four miles, and cutting up about
80. The Dogras under Lt Sadlier, also advanced on the left and drove the enemy back, who fled now in
all directions. Our loss was one sowar killed, two sowars and two horses wounded.161

Here even the eyewitness accepts that the total loss of their adversaries did
not exceed eighty. Then Van Cortlandt reached Sahuwala from where he made a
sudden attack on another village, Chhatrian (see in Figure 4.2), without warning
on the 18th. A large number of men, women and children were killed in the
surprise burning and destruction of village, an act of avenging the murder of
Hilliard and Fell.
No figure of the killed is available but strong tradition and folklore hold that a
very large number of the residents perished in fire and those who tried to escape
were shot dead. Van Cortlandt halted at Sahuwala and then proceeded towards
Sirsa, but not without resistance.

KHAIREKAN BATTLE: 19 JUNE 1857

Khairekan was the first village (see in Figure 4.2) in Haryana where the patriots
fought a battle from an entrenched position and made not only a bold stand but
caused a significant loss to the British even though they lost that day. A reporter
accompanying the British column writes, ‘At the daylight, on the 19th, the force
marched for Sirsa; but about half way, the advance guard reported that the enemy
were taking up a position on the road.’162 Van Cortlandt himself writes,
When within a short distance from the village of Khyracka, through which the road runs, each portion
forming a separate entrenched village, my suspicion of an attack were aroused by a large number of
cattle being driven down on my line of march, so great that it was with difficulty the road could be kept
clear….
I immediately threw out cavalry skirmishers to the front and both flanks, and obtained intelligence that
the village of Khyracka above named, and the village of Saharuni on the left, both of which are situated
on the (right) bank of the dry bed of the Guggur river, were strongly occupied by the Bhuttee rebels….
3. I accordingly detached the sowars of the mounted police, under Lt Pearse, to the left to prevent that
portion of the enemy which occupied the village of Saharuni from entering and reinforcing the village of
 Khyracka, and formed my small force in order of battle as follows:
Jawahir Singh’s troops, under Lt Sadlier, on the left; my two guns under Lt Walcott, in the centre; and
the new levies, under Capt Bloomfield, with Lt. Hunt as second in command on the right; with about
twenty irregular horse entertained by me on the extreme right, and baggage in the rear….
Jawahir Singh’s force was thus facing that portion of the village of Khyracka on the left of the road;
my two guns were so placed as to keep the road clear, and prevent the enemy going from one portion to
the other; the new levies were opposite the right portion of the village; while the few irregular horse were
ready to cut off any of the enemy attempting to escape across the low bed of Guggur river to the village
of Mirpoor on the further bank.
4. Khyracka, like all villages in this part of the country, is very strong, each portion being surrounded by
a deep ditch with a strong embankment and having but one gateway.163

The newspaper report says that the village had a ditch, the earth from which
was piled up for a parapet. According to Van Cortlandt,
5. Having made the disposition of my force as above described, I advanced on the village; when about
350 yards from it the enemy opened fire upon me with their matchlocks, from under cover of their
embankments. I then directed Lt Sadlier to take half of Jowahir Singh’s force, and enter the extreme left
of the left portion of the village, and Lt Hunt with a company of new levies, to attack in a like manner the
right flank of that on the right. Both officers carried out my instructions with the most praiseworthy zeal
and ability.
6. The main body advanced simultaneously with those detached, a portion of Jowahir Singh’s troops
and the new levies protecting the guns, and the remainder, under Capt Bloomfield, advancing directly on
the portions of the village to which they were respectively opposite.
7. The embankments of both portions of the village were taken possession of at once, the enemy,
though fighting bravely, being driven back into the villages; they fought from house to house and fired
from every available cover, and in many instances our men had to remove the roofs of the houses to
enable them to get at those of the enemy who were firing on us from the interior. Some of the houses,
too, were fired to drive them out. Twice the men from the left village made a rush into that on the right,
and were fired into with canister, from the artillery under Lt Walcott, with good effect, several being
killed.
8. There was good deal of hand to hand hard fighting, but after the lapse of about two hours from the
first shot being fired, we had gained possession of both portions of the village. Only nine men managed to
escape over the village embankment towards the village of Meerpoor; these were immediately pursued
by the irregular cavalry on the right, five killed and four taken prisoners.
11. Not a man of the rebels escaped; about 250 were killed and 18, all of whom were wounded made
prisoner.
12. My own loss, considering the position, was slight, consisting of 6 killed and 33 wounded!

This is only one side of the story, and there is no corroboration, but we have
to rely upon it, and the wily General states,
13. I burnt the village on the right, and encamped on the left of the left village, facing Saharuni, so as to
attend to my wounded, and if necessary, attack that village and others which Lt Pearse had been
watching.164
 It is evident that Van Cortlandt had concealed his loss. Could the hard hand-to-
hand fight and difficult position cause a loss of only 39 killed and wounded? It
may be true that Indian loss was 268, but the description given by the General
does not match his own loss. The General has neither given the strength of his
force nor that of his enemy, which was actually involved in the fight. However, a
news reporter claims that ‘the rebels fled in disorder, leaving 200 men dead
upon the field, besides many prisoners in our hands’.165 A newspaper report may
be quoted:
The fire of our guns being useless against an earthen embankment, the Dogras were ordered to the front
against protection of the village facing our left. Lieut Sadlier led his men in skirmishing order to within
fifty yards of the ditch, and then dashing forward with a shout, the ditch was passed and the enemy fled
to the other half of the village, received a well-directed shower of grape as they crossed the road with
the exception of 20 men, who defended themselves in a house for some time, but were at last all cut to
pieces. The General had, in the meantime, advanced a company of the levy under Lieut Hunt against the
village from our right, to create a diversion, and Lieut Sadlier again assembling his men, led them against
the other half of the village, entering by the gate. after a determined resistance, the enemy were
completely annihilated; out of 400 picked men, only 10 or 20 made their escape from the village and these
were cut up by the cavalry. In this action, the Dogras lost six killed and 22 wounded, the rest of the force
had only 10 wounded amongst them.

Soon after the action the force was joined by a small party of Bhawalpur
horse, part of a contingent promised by the chief of the Daodputras.166 The
Dogras created an unheard of havoc, killing 300 of the enemy; the Dogra
regiment had nine killed and twenty-seven wounded.167 Thus after halting at
Khairekan the force reached Sirsa on 20 June, and on the same day the Bikaner
contingent of 800 men and 2 guns marched in as a reinforcement.168 On 21st June,
a force of 400 Bikaner horse and two guns, under Pearse, were sent on to
garrison Hisar which had been threatened by the insurgents. He marched via
Bhadra in Bikaner thus avoiding the disaffected country about Fatehabad through
which lies the direct road.169 By 25 June, 2,700 men of all arms from Raja
Bikaner had joined General Van Cortlandt.170 A strong body of these had been
sent on to Mirza Jan Bux Beg, the Deputy Collector of Hisar. Messrs Goulding,
Le Fevre and Bowles, Patrols of the customs, were the first to return and resume
their respective duties; J. Goulding was made the officiating Collector. A.J.S.
Donald and Dr P.A. Minas arrived at Sirsa on 30 June from Ambala via Patiala.

Notes
 1. D.G. Ambala, 1923–24, p. 31.
2. Henry Dundas Robertson, District Duties During the Revolt, London, 1859, pp. 69, 77.
3. Mutiny Report: Govt. of Punjab, 1911, p. 11.
4. Rev. John Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 225.
5. Tejinder Walia, Haryana The Torch Bearer of 1857, Ambala, 2010, p. 76.
6. Mutiny Reports, p. 11; M.R. VII-1, p. 117.
7. Sir George Campbell, Memoirs of My Indian Career-I, 1893, p. 228.
8. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 225.
9. J.W. Kaye, History of the Sepoy War-III, pp. 661–4.
10. HSA AD G&P File No. 29/1857.
11. HSA AD G&P File No. 20/1857.
12. Younghusband, The Story of Guides, London, 1908, pp. 65–75.
13. Ibid.
14. The Lahore Chronicle, 8 July 1857.
15. Kaye, History of the Sepoy War-II, p. 170.
16. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 August 1857.
17. Ibid., p. 509.
18. Ibid.
19. Mutiny Reports, pp. 11–12.
20. Ibid., p. 17.
21. Ibid.
22. NAIMP Coll. No. 81, Sr. No. 44.
23. K.C. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, Delhi, 1977, p. 71.
24. Ibid.
25. HSA AD Accn. No. 1319, File No. 47/1857.
26. W.W. Ireland, History of the Siege of Delhi, Edinburgh, 1861, p. 129.
27. Lahore Chronicle, 27 June 1857, p. 405.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. D.G. Ambala, 1923–24, p. 30.
31. HSA AD G&P Accn. No. 1305, File No. 33/1857.
32. HSA AD Accn. No. 1311, File No. 39/1857.
33. Ibid.
34. HSA AD Accn. No. 1319, File No. 47/1857.
35. HSA AD Accn. No. 1321, File No. 49/1857.
36. Ibid.
37. HSA AD Accn. No. 1331, File No. 59/1857.
38. Ibid.
39. HSA AD Accn. No. 1330, File No. 58/1857.
40. Ibid.
41. HSA AD Accn. No. 1330, File No. 58/1857 & Accn. No. 1333, File No. 61/1857.
42. HSA AD Accn. No. 1333, File No. 61/1857.
43. Mutiny Reports, p. 32.
44. Saul David, The Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 153.
45. Ibid.
46. Ibid.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid., pp. 153–4.
49. Ibid., p. 154.
50. Ibid.
51. Maj. O.H.St.G. Anson, With H.M. 9 th Lancers, During the Indian Mutiny, London, 1896, p. 1.
52. Kaye, History of Sepoy War II, pp. 467–8.
53. Ireland, History of Siege of Delhi, Edinburgh, 1861, p. 201.
54. Ibid., p. 58.
55. D.G. Karnal, 1918, p. 41; HSA AD Accn. No. 1333, File No. 61/1857.
56. HSA AD Accn. No. 1333, File No. 61/1857; Mutiny Reports, p. 32.
57. Mutiny Reports, p. 32.
58. HSA AD Accn. No. 1333, File No. 61/1857.
59. Lahore Chronicle, 4 July 1857.
60. Ibid.
61. D.G. Karnal, 1892, p. 57.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid., pp. 56–7.
64. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 68.
65. Christopher Hibbert, The Great Mutiny of India 1857, Delhi, 1980, p. 122.
66. Ibid.
67. William Dalrymple, Last Mughal, Gurgaon, 2007, p. 246.
68. Ibid.
69. Hibbert, Great Mutiny, p. 122; Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 246.
70. Hibbert, Great Mutiny, pp. 122–3; Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 246.
 71. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 247.
72. Hibbert, Great Mutiny, p. 123.
73. T.R.E. Holmes, History of Indian Mutiny, London, 1904, pp. 119–20.
74. Hibbert, Great Mutiny, pp. 123–5.
75. Anson, With H.M. 9 th Lancers, pp. 4–6.
76. William Wright, Through the Indian Mutiny: Memoirs of James Fairweather, Delhi, 2013; pp. 119–20.
77. Jane Bush, The Warner Letters, Delhi, 2008, pp. 62–3.
78. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 246.
79. Ireland, History of the Siege, pp. 59–60.
80. Charles Ball, History of Indian Mutiny-I, London, 1858–9, pp. 105–6.
81. M.R. VII-1, p. 118.
82. Ireland, History of Siege, p. 170.
83. Ibid., p. 72.
84. Ibid., p. 150.
85. W.S.R. Hodson, Twelve Years of a Soldier’s Life, Boston, 1860, p. 241.
86. Ibid., pp. 241–2.
87. Ibid., p. 246.
88. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 203.
89. H.H. Greathed, Letters Written During the Siege of Delhi, p. 15.
90. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858.
91. Thomas Frost, Complete Narrative of the Mutiny in India, London, 1858, p. 48.
92. Lahore Chronicle, 3 February 1858.
93. Lahore Chronicle, 6 February 1858.
94. HSA AD Accn. No. 1334, File No. 62/1857.
95. Ibid.
96. Greathed Letters, p. 28.
97. 1857: Itihaas Aur Sanskriti, p. 102.
98. Shamsul Islam, Jeewan Lal: Traitor of Mutiny, Delhi, 2008, p. 99.
99. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of Mutiny, p. 73.
100. Ibid., p. 116.
101. NAI, Trial Papers of Raja Nahar Singh, available with HSA.
102. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, p. 110.
103. NAI Trial Papers of Raja Nahar Singh.
104. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, p. 131.
105. Kaye, History of Sepoy War-III, 1876, p. 357.
106. Haryana State Gazetteer vol. I Chapter 2: Revenue Department (History) – Internet.
107. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857: Mewation Ka Yogdan, Nuh, 2006, p. 53.
108. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 58.
109. Ibid.
110. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 61.
111. D.G. Gurgaon, 1910, p. 24.
112. Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 August 1857, p. 465.
113. Young, Delhi – 1857: The Siege, Assault …, pp. 74, 76, 77, 96, 99.
114. Greathed, Letters Written During the Siege of Delhi, p. 28.
115. F.M.F.S. Roberts, An Eyewitness Account of the Indian Mutiny, London, 1896, pp. 544–5.
116. D.G. Gurgaon, 1910, p. 24.
117. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, pp. 118–19.
118. Ibid., p. 119.
119. Ireland, History of Siege of Delhi, p. 287.
120. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, pp. 194–5.
121. M.R. VII-1, p. 176.
122. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, pp. 105–6.
123. Ibid., pp. 106–7.
124. Ibid., pp. 108–113.
125. Walker, Through the Mutiny: Reminiscences of Thirty Years, pp. 33–9.
126. Ibid.
127. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, p. 114.
128. Cave Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, pp. 329–30.
129. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, pp. 114–15.
130. Ibid., pp. 115–16.
131. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, pp. 329–30.
132. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, pp. 115–18.
133. Walker, Through the Mutiny, p. 52.
134. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, p. 122.
135. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 35.
136. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 80.
137. HSA AD G&P Accn. No. 1292, File No. 20/1857: Barnes’ Letter dt. 02.06.57.
138. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857: Alex Skinner’s Letter.
139. E.C. Smith’s Letter dt. 7.6.1857.
140. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59.
141. Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857.
142. Chick, Annals, p. 709.
143. HSA AD G&P Accn. No. 1295, File No. 23/1857.
144. Kaye, History of Sepoy War-II, p. 523.
145. Lahore Chronicle, 27 February 1858.
146. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, pp. 191–2.
147. Lahore Chronicle, 1 July 1857; Lot 348-Dix Noonan Webb-Internet Site.
148. Ibid., Allen’s Indian Mail, 31 August 1857.
149. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 80.
150. Chick, Annals, pp. 712–13.
151. D.G. Hissar, 1892, pp. 43–4.
152. Smith Bosworth, Life of Lord Lawrence, 2 vols., London, 1883, II, p. 5.
153. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 106.
154. Chick, Annals, p. 250.
155. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
156. M.R. VII-1, p. 119.
157. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
158. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
159. Chick, Annals, p. 14; Gupta, History of Sirsa, p. 78.
160. M.R. VII-1, p. 156.
161. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
162. Ibid.
163. London Gazette, 24 November 1857: Cortlandt’s Report.
164. Ibid.
165. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 August 1857.
166. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
167. Chick, Annals, p. 714.
168. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
169. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
170. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 August 1857; Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 22 August
1857.
Chapter 5
July 1857: Struggle and Merciless
Vengeance

From July the British authorities with the fullest cooperation of the Patiala and
Jind chiefs and jagirdars steadily consolidated their position and accelerated
the move for the recapture of Delhi.

Ambala: The Base of Operations against Delhi

George Campbell CS writes, that he was for some days with troops to Delhi,
but had to return to Ambala, and stayed there at the ‘centre of intelligence,
Umballa being practically the base of operations against Delhi, and the point
of connection between Delhi and the Punjaub, where troops came continually
marching down.’1 That was the exact position of Ambala during the first battle
of ‘the first war of independence AD 1857’. The disarming of the general
population had started vigorously from 17 June and by 1 July 16,000 weapons
had been seized.2 The population was watching the situation with interest, and
had developed message codes like white sugar, gur, red pepper, black
pepper, etc., to describe the position. If some said white sugar was increasing
that meant English men were increasing, and if said gur was decreasing or
increasing that indicated the decrease or increase of strength of the Indian
sepoys or soldiers. Similarly red pepper meant European soldiers whose
dress included the red coat.3 In Ambala tehsil 900 carts, 1,800 camels and
500 coolies were collected.4 George Vaughan, Extra Assistant Commissioner,
was assigned the duties of treasury. Captain David Briggs took charge of the
military transport train on 17 July, his jurisdiction extended from Ferozepur to
Delhi, 265 miles.5 A train of 30 wagons each day from Ambala, Ludhiana,
and Karnal respectively, and 14 wagons per diem from Ferozepur, was soon
organized. The same number was employed for the return journey. Stores of
every description, especially the enormous demands for ordnance
ammunition, were safely and regularly supplied to the army. This was very
unfortunate for the Indian fighters; had they been able to disrupt that line the
British camp in Delhi could have been successfully suffocated. The sick and
wounded were comfortably conveyed from camp to Ambala, the train was in
full swing from 22 July. Mir Akbar Ali Khan of Kotaha, who fell under grave
suspicion of giving assistance to the bands of rebels passing through
Naraingarh,6 was severely punished and his forts at Garhi Kotaha in the plains
and Morni in the hills were destroyed. Henry Dundas Robertson, the Joint
Magistrate of Saharanpur too depended on the Ambala authorities. He says,
‘Seikhs [Sikhs] of Ferozepur and Ludhiana regiments under a European
officer (were) stationed at Jugaduree, on the right bank of Jumna in the
Umballah district, which force had been placed at my disposal by the
Commissioner of Umballah.’7
Of Captain Henry Murray Garstin’s detachment, 17 men mutinied on 2 June
in Saharanpur; then he called out the rest of them, and opened fire on these
mutineers; when one was killed, the rest decamped.8
The detachment continued to perform its duty in the Saharanpur district and about Jagadhari till 12th
July, when being ordered to return to cantonments, they mutinied, 122 men went off from Jagadhari in
a body during the night, having first fired a volley over the tent where the European officers were
seated; on Captain Garstin’s going out and calling to them, one man turned and fired at him, missing
Captain Garstin, he killed a faithful havildar standing by him; Captain Garstin returned to
cantonments with 20 loyal soldiers.9

Meanwhile, 900 Europeans and three regiments namely Punjab, Biloch and
Gurkha were on way to Delhi by the third week of July.

Thanesar-Kurukshetra
DISARMING AND COLLECTION OF THE REVENUE AT THE POINT
OF THE BAYONET

The first act in this district was to disarm the population. The towns of
Ambala, Thanesar, and Jagadhari were searched under the personal
supervision of European officers.10 Restrictions were imposed on the sale and
purchase of sulphur, lead and saltpetre and the police were directed to
ascertain and register the amounts in store, to prohibit the removal of any
portion, or the importation of fresh supplies, without a pass. The public
money (land revenue) in the Thanesar district and generally along the River
Jamuna was collected at the point of the bayonet.11 Deputy Commissioner
McNeile himself disarmed people in Thanesar.12 Levien at Shahbad, Parsons
at Kaithal and tesildars and thanadars did so elsewhere. By the year end they
had seized 7,000 weapons! What were these weapons? Mostly agricultural
tools such as jellies, gandasis, ranparis, and axes. On 14 July the company of
5th NI deployed at Thanesar was disarmed by a detachment of HM’s 8th Foot
sent down from Ambala and the same night nearly all the sepoys went to
Delhi.13 McNeile attacked Dhatrath a village with large arrears of revenue,
and with the help of Patiala army extorted the money14 after imposing a
considerable fine. He then went to the village of Chhattar and repeated the
story. Till the end of July three activities continued: disarming the population,
extorting taxes and fines, and collection of the 6 per cent loan.

Karnal

KARNAL PARGANAH ANNEXED TO THANESAR DISTRICT: THE

BALLAH BATTLE

After Ambala, Karnal was the centre of operations against Delhi. The then
Lieutenant Governor of Agra suggested that Karnal be annexed to Thanesar.15
But the freedom fighters were also active. Amir Ali Khan, son of Dalel Khan
and grandson of Nawab Nijabat Khan wrote a letter to the Emperor which
was received there on 12 July.16

THE BALLAH BATTLE: 14 AND 15 JULY 1857

The village Ballah, inhabited predominantly by Maan or Mann Jats, lies in the
Nardak tract. This village is situated about 25 km south-west of Karnal and
lies to the west of Gharaunda. Figure 5.1 shows the location of streets and
residences, but in 1857 the abadi was located within four gates namely
Munak alias Holiwala gate on the north-east, Padha gate on the north-west,
Golli gate on the south-west and Math gate on the south-east. The pucca
houses were located within this area, while there were kachchi jhonparies
(mud huts), chara-koops (forage stacks), bitoras (dung cake stacks), mariras
(fuel wood heaps) and khattis (manure pits) in the suburb area around the
abadi. The village including the suburbs was enclosed by a 5 foot mud wall
alongside a ditch. On the south-east was a canal flowing from north-east to
south-west called purani nadi (old river) which, in fact, is the old alignment
of Hansi branch canal. This canal still exists and now people call it the ganda
nallah (dirty nullah) as shown in Figure 5.1.
In the year 1857, this village under the leadership of Chaudharies Ramlal
Maan, Bhoop Singh Maan, Sultan Singh Maan, Lal Singh Maan, Fateh Singh
Maan and Pandit Ramlal defied the colonial power and refused to pay the
land revenue because revenue rates were not only very high but were double
than those of the adjoining villages, according to the villagers. (This fact has
been highlighted in the second chapter of this book.) So, the British authorities
planned to attack and sought help from the army. The 1st Punjab Cavalry
regiment, which with the 9th and 17th Irregular Cavalry, had been sent out from
Delhi was readily available.17 William Templer Hughes, Lieutenant,
commanding the 1st Punjab Cavalry, writes from the camp at Ballah on 16
July,
Figure 5.1: Index Plan: Village Ballah (Karnal), AD 1857

For the information of the Provincial Commander-in-Chief, I have the honour to report that on the
evening of the 13th instant I received from Mr. Le Bas, Collector of Karnaul, a requisition, without
date, for the assistance of troops in the collection of revenue from the village of Bulleh, in the Karnaul
district, a copy whereof is annexed.
2. In compliance with the instructions contained in your letter of the 11th instant, I, at 1 AM on the
14th, marched from Karnaul upon the village of Bulleh, a distance of 29 miles [sic], taking with me a
detachment numbering 244 sabres, of the regiment under my command.
3. On arrival at Bulleh, I found the place walled-in, and the gateways barricaded on all sides. The
town itself, substantially built of pukka bricks, stands upon an eminence, and is, or was surrounded by
suburbs, enclosed by a low wall and ditch. The entrance to each street leading into the town from the
suburbs was also strongly barricaded; but of this circumstance I was not aware until I attempted an
entrance.18

Hughes had come from Munak side and he halted in front of the Munak alias
Holiwala gate on the side of mauza Bassa. The Ballah was actually a twin
village namely Ballah and Bassa. Hughes says,
4. Halting my detachment near the principal entrance, behind the barricades of which were some
hundreds of matchlock men, I rode forward, and explained that I had come to demand the
Government revenue. The announcement was received with yells, and a volley from the matchlocks
which wounded three horses, and killed a trumpeter. I was informed by the jamadar of police who
was with me, that a gateway, some two hundred yards to my left, although barricaded was less
strongly defended; and knowing that the place, if to be taken at all by us, must be at once carried by a
rush, I wheeled up my men and dashed at the last named gateway, sending a troop to the opposite
side of the town, to attempt to force an entrance from that direction.19

Hughes left the Munak gate and rushed to the Math gate, and ‘a troop which
he had sent to the opposite side of the town’ was to enter through the Golli
gate. But the freedom fighters had made full preparations and were ready to
fight till the last. That day he was squarely beaten. He writes, ‘5. My men
dismounting, tore down the barricades and we swept through the suburbs,
under a brisk fire, to one of the entrances to the town, but the pieces of timber
with which this had been barricaded, were too heavy for us to move quickly,
so wheeling about, we cut our way back again.’20
They had just reached the Math gate when they were forced to fly back,
badly defeated and losing his men. He says, ‘6. In the performance of this
service, I lost one sowar, and one horse killed, 2 native officers wounded
severely (one, Jemadar Azim Khan, since dead), and 9 sowars and 12 horses
(including my own charger) wounded’.21
 Even after being defeated he bragged of the gallantry of his soldiers and felt
satisfied! He further boasts, ‘7. Nothing could exceed the gallantry with which
the sowars tore down the barricade and attacked its defenders; and I have
since had the satisfaction of hearing, from the villagers themselves, that 20 of
the insurgents were killed and 22 wounded in our charge through the
suburbs.’22
The force retreated and that day camped on the open ground on the east of
the village, now known teep zameen (the steep land). They were afraid of the
night attack by the rebels, so a distance was chosen to get protection from the
intermediate jungle. ‘8. I directed my camp to be pitched in the most open
ground I could find near the village, and sent to Karnaul, for some guns, one
belonging to the Puttiala Rajah, and the other to the Nawab of Karnaul. I also
requested Mr Le Bas to send me any Infantry he could.’
Since the villagers wanted to get more time to collect fighters from
adjoining villages, they sent an emissary with some money to Hughes in the
name of reconciliation, but the Englishmen would not be hoodwinked.
The defeat of the British force was unthinkable, so this news spread like a
wild fire, consequently the rebels were encouraged, and gathered during the
night in and around Ballah, which is a Nardak village surrounded by turbulent
population. So, did it happen, says Hughes, ‘10. During the night,
reinforcements from all the neighbouring villages were poured into Bulleh,
and, on the morning of the 15th, the insurgents could not have numbered less
than 2,000 men, armed principally with the matchlocks.’
But the rebels again made a mistake, like so many Indians during that year;
that they came out to attack, leaving a strong position, without realizing the
superiority of the British fire power. Hughes continues,
11. About 8 AM on the 15th the insurgents moved out of the village to attack us. They occupied
the jungle (intersected by deep ditches) in my front and the banks of the canal, which runs along my
left flank. I gradually retired, hoping to draw my opponents into the open, but they stuck to the jungles
and canal, from which they could do no harm.23

By that time Hughes had only cavalry with him along with his adjutant,
Lieut. Hugh Ley Millet, and Dr John Edward Tuson, but soon came the
reinforcement with Edward M. Martineau, Lieutenant 10th NI; and if you
remember the instructor at the musketry depot at Ambala. Hughes writes,
My men had been about half-an-hour in the saddle when the guns I had sent for arrived, under the
command of Lieutenant Martineau, 10th Native Infantry accompanied by some fifty men of the
 Puttiala Rajah’s Infantry. The guns I immediately pushed to the front, and with them attacked the
principal entrance of the town, whilst I at the same time sent a troop, under Lt H. L. Millet, my
adjutant, to cut off the retreat of those who had extended themselves along the canal on my left
flank.24

Thus Hughes himself led the attack on the Munak gate, whereas Millet
crossed the purani nadi from the village side to face the rebels on the left
bank (see attack route of Millet in Figure 5.1), who could not now come
towards village due to being cut off from that side. ‘The troops dashed across
the canal, near the town, and then charged the insurgents, whose retreat they
had thus cut off. The latter were obliged to take to the open country, and they
were pursued, for at least four miles, with great slaughter.’
12. after a short cannonade, the town was carried by the Infantry and a party of the 1st Punjab
Cavalry. The pukka-built houses I could not easily fire, but the suburbs, containing large quantities of
stacked forage, were completely destroyed. Large stores of grain, ghee etc.; which were found in
the town itself, were confiscated to Government, and made over to tehsildar of Gurroundah.

According to folklore one of the gunners was a bhanja (son of a daughter of

this village) who hailed from the Punjab; he in an attempt to save the village
misdirected the gunfire, and thus one bomb fell on a bari (ficus benghalensis
tree with smaller leaves) and other in a pond.
13. Four of the lumberdars and some other influential men of the place, who are prisoners in my
camp, have begged to be allowed to redeem the confiscated property, and I have agreed to their
doing so, on payment of 1000 rupees over and above the balance of revenue due. I fully expect this
money to be paid in the course of today.
14. The loss of the insurgents cannot be estimated at less than 130 or 140, and of these, I should
say, some 70 or 80 were cut up by the troops under Lieutenant Millet.
15. I beg to enclose a numerical statement of the troops under my command together with a return
of killed and wounded.
Artillery: two 6-pounder guns, 1 European Officer, E.M. Martineau; 1 Native Officer, 3 NCOs, 19
gunners, 20 bullocks.
1st Punjab Cavalry: 3 European Officers, Lts Hughes and Millet, and Dr Tuson; 9 NatCOs, 31
NCOs, 3 trumpeters, 198 sowars, 248 horses.
Punjab Mounted Police: 1 NatCO, 2 NCOs, 31 sowars, 34 horses.
Killed in action: 1st Punjab Cavalry: 1 NatCO, 1 trumpeter, 1 sowar and 2 horses.
Wounded in action:
Artillery: 1 NCO 1st Pb. Cavalry: 1 NatCO, 2 NCOs, 14 sowars and 23 horses.
Pb. Mounted Police: 2 sowars, 2 horses, and 3 horses missing.
Lt. Hugh Ley Millet was wounded severely.25
 The Ballah battle is a glorious chapter in the history of Haryana. Untrained
peasants dared to challenge the mighty British force consisting of more than
300 soldiers of artillery, cavalry, and infantry; and 140 of them died. Among
the dead were:

(1) Bhoop Singh of Pema Panna, who had come from village Malikpur and
settled here; Ram Mehar, son of Randhir is among his descendants.
(2) Sultan Singh of Rustam Panna, his family descendants are known by the
name of Sultania family; and Kharak Singh, son of Lehna is one of his
descendants.
(3) Fateh Singh, son of Hariram of Sukkhan Panna.
(4) Lal Singh of Ramchand Panna, and
(5) Ramlal Maan of Ramchand Panna.
(6) Pandit Ramlal, his son was Jugal Kishore, patwari, and Pandit Hariram
Bhardwaj is one of his descendants.
(7) Sujan and his father were amongst the martyrs who were shot dead.
Rajpal and Daulat, sons of Khajan Singh are some of their descendants.

The people of this village fondly remember the battle, and they say there
were seven leaders who provided leadership in the struggle. The village was
totally destroyed and declared a rebel village.
Prior to the year 1857 the British authorities had assumed that the Jat, ‘the
pillar of the state’, would stand by the British, since no group had benefitted
more obviously from the pax Britannica and the extension of canal
irrigation.26 When Ballah and other well-to-do Jat villages of Karnal and
Panipat openly defied the authorities, they were baffled and overwhelmed. Le
Bas, Magistrate of Karnal, wrote,
The Bulleh zemindars are a remarkable instance of wanton and causeless recusancy. They did not
care a straw for the mock royal family of Delhi. They did not pretend to have anything whatever to
complain of. It would be difficult to find a more thriving and prosperous set of agriculturalists. Their
revenue is 6,500 rupees, they could easily pay double the amount. The land is watered by a branch of
the canal. The crops are magnificent…. When the village was entered by our men, tons upon tons of
grain were found, and great quantities of ghee, sugar, etc…. Yet these men wantonly refused to pay
their revenue, and expelled the sowars sent to collect it. Bulleh had waxed fat, and now kicked. If
Exter Hall should maintain that such of the country people as have joined the rebellion have been
driven to despair by poverty and oppression, let the Bulleh be quoted to refute the assertion. Of
smaller zamindars the most prosperous have often been foremost among the disloyal. The Bulleh
people believed that the Government was paralysed, and they thought we could not compel them to
pay their revenue. They were speedily undeceived.27
 Le Bas was silent about the more glaring examples of resistance to the
British. after the Ballah battle McNeile marched upon Jalmana and coerced
the people into submission. after that Assandh was attacked, the people ran
away into the jungle and their village was bombarded and burnt down, as its
inhabitants had been conspicuous in their disloyalty. Heavy fines were
realized from the recusant villages. During this period Munak was also
reduced and coerced at the point of bayonet. Ultimately, the general
misconduct of the Kaithal and Assandh parganahs brought on them a fine of
10 per cent.28

Panipat: Revenue Recovery

Hervey Harris Greathed appointed Charles Burslem Saunders as his principal
assistant and Superintendent of Panipat district on 12 July.29 Richardes, the
Deputy Commissioner was successful in arresting Ahmed Ali Khan along
with his twenty-eight followers at a village on the Jamuna about 20 miles
from the Karnal.30 Revenue recovery continued at the point of the bayonet. It
is apparent that Haryana was passing through the most tragic time in the
history.

Sonepat: Repression Unabated

A squadron of the 5th Punjab Cavalry under Younghusband, Lieutenant at

Alipur had to run towards Rai. The repression continued and the British
forces continued to converge at Delhi through Sonepat area. On the 6th came
Edward Campbell, on the 9th came Lewin and on 11th came Saunders. On the
31st the Kumaon (2nd Gorkha) Battalion of the Gorkhas, about 400 strong were
at Rai with a large store of ammunition and treasure. This regiment remained
in the Mewat-Palwal area for a long time after the recapture of Delhi and
squeezed the Meos and Jats.
Ballabgarh: Raja Nahar Singh Welcomes Neemach
Force
On 7 July a letter was received by the King from Raja Nahar Singh seeking
instructions about the demand of Neemach force. That force had asked the
Raja to keep in readiness 700 maunds of attah (flour), gram (a pulse for
feeding horses) and other articles of food.31 Mirza Ahmed, the vakil of Raja
reported that provisions were ready at Ballabgarh for twenty thousand men of
the Neemach force.32 Ahmed Ali Khan, Faiz Ali Khan, a noble; and Maulvi
Ahmed Ali of Ballabgarh attended the King.33 On the other hand several
landholders of Ballabgarh complained to the King against Nahar Singh.34 On
the 30th a letter was received from Nahar Singh, through General Bakht Khan,
praying that whatever fault he might have committed, he might be pardoned.35
The arrangement made by the Raja for the Neemach force depicted that he
was fully committed to the cause of freedom fighters, whereas persons like
Abdul Haq Khan always tried to show him in poor light before the King.36

Gurgaon: Revolt in the Jaipur Contingent

Four hundred men went to Delhi from Gurgaon and Hisar.37 The Jaipur
contingent started its return on 14 July38 but were still in strength at Bamni
Khera (between Palwal and Hodal) and Hodal. The details of movements and
condition of this contingent have been described in Chapter 12. There
occurred a rebellion in the Jaipur force, Shivnath Singh, an ex-minister led the
rebels and a serious attack was made on Eden on the 20th.39 Thus no British
force was left in the district including Mewat. A detachment of the Neemach
contingent soon reached Hodal.40

Rewari
On 22 July a letter from Rao Tularam was read in the durbar requesting
Bahadur Shah to hear his messenger. The next day the agent of Rao Tularam, a
nobleman of Rewari, presented a nazar of one gold mohar on his master’s
behalf, and five rupees on his own, and transacted some business connected
with the estate of Bahora. Rao Tularam and his uncle Ram Singh met Bahadur
Shah in Delhi on the 26th, and discussed several issues. Then he wrote a letter
on the 28th in connection with the Bahora parganah.41 Rao Tularam organized
the revenue department and collected revenue and taxes. He took donations
and loans from the mahajans of Rewari to the tune of Rs. 1.5 lakh. He raised
his force and set up a large workshop in the fort of Rampura and started the
manufacturing of guns, gun-carriages, and other arms and ammunition; and he
maintained law and order efficiently.42

Jhajjar
On 2 July the King Bahadur Shah Zafar ordered the darogah of the Nawab to
vacate his Kala Mahal in favour of the troops in Delhi and the orders were
implemented immediately. On the 21st letters were sent to the Nawab warning
him of the King taking other steps if he failed to send the money demanded
from him. The previous day Ghulam Nabi Khan, representative of the Nawab,
explained the latter’s inability to collect revenue, but promised to pay Rs. 3
lakh. Azim Ali Khan, risaldar, reported to the King on the 22nd that the
Nawab had promised to send Rs. 3 lakh but on the 25th the same risaldar
‘petitioned the King that the demand for money from his master, … might be
withdrawn, but said he would send a few thousand rupees, which was all he
had, some of this would be sent in the course of few days, and the rest a little
later.’ Consequently, the King ordered that Ghulam Nabi Khan, representative
of the Nawab, should be excluded from the durbar, as his master had not sent
the money demanded from him. On the next day General Bakht Khan ordered
Hasan Ali Khan brother of the Nawab to go and realize Rs. 3 lakh from his
brother at Jhajjar, otherwise he would send a force to compel the Nawab to
pay. It is apparent that the Nawab, a rich chief, was deliberately delaying the
payment committed by him.43
Bahadurgarh–Dadri
Nawab Bahdur Jang Khan who used to reside in Dadri, remained drowned in
debt. He had sent a nazar of four gold mohars (worth 68 rupees) to the King
on 29 May but did nothing else.44 He borrowed a sum of 6,000 rupees from
the Nawab of Jhajjar on 1 July for the salary of his troops.45 On the 7th, an
order was issued to Lachhmi Narain, vakil of the Nawab, to send two maunds
of opium at once into the city; payment was promised.46 What happened of the
order is anybody’s guess!

Rohtak
There was a serious law and order problem and Bahadur Shah Zafar was
aware of it. Tension was building up particularly on the town versus village
line. The King tried to stop violence through a proclamation, because in the
town pro-British baniahs and Kayasthas had become targets of all the
freedom fighters. Bahadur Shah addressed all the inhabitants of town of
Rohtak on 23 July:
Proclamation is made that one man is not to stretch out the hand of violence against another, and that
all are to continue in full subjection to the authority of principal land-holders, who are known to be the
well-wishers of the State. Civil establishment and a sufficient military force will very soon be sent to
make all necessary arrangements. Anxious concern for the welfare and comfort of his subjects is
cherished by His Majesty; but all such as shall be guilty of acts of the turbulence or disobedience
against lawful authority, will be most severely punished. This proclamation is therefore issued for
public information.47

Landholders of Kalanaur (Rohtak) brought to the Emperor an elephant

belonging to the English which had fallen into their hands; Bahadur Shah after
inspecting the animal, ordered it to be taken to the elephants’ stables. No
European officer was ready to come to Rohtak and the administration had
been handed over to the Raja of Jind. But he too could do nothing as people
refused to recognize that British protégés and stooges held any authority.
Sirsa
As reported, Pearse with 400 Bikaner horsemen and two guns had taken
possession of Hisar Fort but he was confined to the town. He sent his reports
to Van Cortlandt, still holding out at Sirsa. Although Van Cortlandt had a very
large force consisting of Sikhs, Bilochs, Patiala’s men, Bahawalpur’s men,
Dogras, Faridkot’s troops and to add to these 2,700 men, mainly Rajputs from
Bikaner alone (thus exceeding 4,000 men in all) yet he was not sure of the
suppression of Sirsa. During his stay he had attacked Jodhkan and carried out
mass slaughter and destruction.48
Then came Arthur George St John Mildmay, Lieutenant of the Bombay
Army, from Mount Abu with a force of 800 men and two guns of the Bikaner
Raja and the same day John H. Oliver from Fazilka.49 Mildmay was Assistant
Agent to the Governor General for Rajputana; he came especially to induce
the Raja of Bikaner. On 8 July Van Cartlandt left Sirsa, having restored order
there and leaving Oliver as the Superintendent of Bhatiana,50 while Mildmay
too left on the same day for Bhadra.51

Hisar
Cortlandt marched towards Fatehabad via Bhattu where he visited and
destroyed the office of Prince Mohammad Azim, though it was government
property. Having reached Fatehabad on the 9th he camped there.52
The Bhuttees sacked and burned the houses of wealthy mahajans in it, and murdered some of the
people of the small village without the town. During the evening of 9th, intimation was brought that
some of the rebellious Bhuttees intended making an attack on the camp during the night, half of our
force was therefore placed under arms; but the information proved false, as no enemy appeared, nor
were any collected, as stated in the village Bighar, some three miles south of our camp.53

BISHNOIS REHABILITATED DURING STAY AT FATEHABAD

Cortlandt remained at Fatehabad until the middle of July to rehabilitate the
Bishnois, who it was said had fled ‘in the most cowardly manner.’54 The
rebels made a desperate attempt at Fatehabad to lure the native levies of the
Cortlandt’s force, but the Sikhs sabotaged their plans.
At this place (Futtehabad) was made the first attempt to tamper with the fidelity of the troops, and a
fanatical Mussulman paid the penalty of his rashness: he had endeavoured to enlist the patriotism of
the Sikhs against the hated ‘Feringhee’, by telling them that the General they were then serving, was
the man who betrayed the ‘Khalsa’ while eating their salt in 1845.55

Van Cortlandt marched from Fatehabad; his march was not easy as he had
to face resistance at Dhangar and Gorakhpur. Ultimately he reached Hisar and
Roderick Robertson assumed charge as Deputy Commissioner.56
On the other hand, Shahzada Mohammad Azim Khan Durrani, son of
Shahzada Jehan Akbar, asked for armed assistance from the Emperor on the
8th, to bring his family from Hisar as the English were marching on that place.
General Bakht Khan was instructed to render this assistance.57
Several relatives of the Governor of Kabul were presented by Shahzada
Mohammad Azim before the Emperor on 12 July.58 Over at Hisar, as soon as
Van Cortlandt reached there he despatched Nabi Ahmed alias Ahmed Nabi
Khan, tehsildar and a few sowars to restore civil power at Hansi.59 This
town had been saved from plunder by a few raees of the place assisted by
Risaldar Ghulam Ali; and a few sowars of the 1st Irregular Cavalry. And who
were these raees? These included Hukamchand Jain and Mirza Munir Beg.
The Commissioner of Hisar wrote subsequently,
It was held by a Mahomedan of the name of Mooneer Beg – who was to all appearances at the time
a sincere well-wisher of the British Govt. He organized a force for the protection of the town,
refused to open the gates to the Shahzadeh.60

The fort contained eight old iron guns, which had been left there, when the
rest of the stores were removed, some years back. At Hisar the reports say,
the General distributed the awards to the headmen of Dogur tribe, who had prevented the spoliation
of the town by the Ranghurs…. The Deputy Magistrate (Shahbaz Beg) also presented himself….
This worthy remained in the town and claimed credit for its preservation, though he made no efforts
to save the unfortunate ladies and children who were cruelly murdered by the chuprasses on the
mutiny of troops.
 When Mildmay, who had left Sirsa for Bhadra, joined Van Cartlandt at
Hisar with a further reinforcement of Bikanerees (increasing their contingent
to 3,000 men and 10 guns), the British officers in general were doubtful of
their intention.
Had these men proved trustworthy, they would have been a valuable addition to the General’s little
army; but the difficulties they invariably threw in the way, when any duty was required of them, and
their evident coolness in our cause, rendered their numbers rather a source of weakness than of
strength.

The objective of the rebels in Hurrianah was to get possession of Hansi

fort, and to wait there for reinforcements from Delhi.
On the 20th July, therefore, the Ranghurs of Jumalpore and its neighbourhood, headed by about 100
sowars, and as many sepoys of the Hurrianah Light Infantry, proceeded to attack the town; they
were, however, boldly met by the Tehsildar Ahmed Nubhee Khan, assisted by Ressaldar Gholam Alli
and the sowars, who, having inflicted some slight loss on the enemy, succeeded in driving them off.61

By the time the British official version was given in the newspapers, both
Hukamchand Jain and Mirza Munir Beg had been hanged, so their role was
not publically accepted. But Brandreth, the Commissioner Hisar, wrote to
Thornton,
Muneer Beg …, is said to have attacked and defeated one or two parties of rebels who had come
forth to proclaim the rule of the King of Delhee, kept the town from being plundered, and finally made
it over to the General Cortlandt who was so pleased with his apparently loyal conduct that he at once,
invested him with a dress of honour and made him kotwal of the place.62

When the news of the attack reached Hisar, Cortlandt directed Mild-may
and Sadlier, with 1,000 Bikaner’s men and two guns, to proceed to the town’s
relief. A portion of this force was, with great difficulty, persuaded to start the
same evening, and reached Hansi soon after daybreak. The Thakurs were
afraid of the rebels, so they approached the place carefully. The officers
returned to Hisar from Hansi, leaving 400 infantry to defend the town. They
were hoping to share a meditated attack on rebels of the Jamalpur. The
principal lambardar of Jamalpur had gone on a mission to Delhi, offering
rupees 10,000 on behalf of the people of the district, to the troops who would
come and assist them in annihilating the detested feringees.63
On the 23rd William Ford, present at the Delhi camp, was sent to Hisar, and
since the troops were being supplied by the Punjab, he was put under John
Lawrence.64 It was confirmed that Ford had started for Hisar, temporarily
made over to the Punjab and reported in Delhi camp that Cortlandt’s force
was tranquilizing the country. Yet people were giving trouble.65 A risalah of
Esakhailli horse under Sarfraz Khan and a detachment of the Punjab Mounted
Police, and 50 sappers arrived at Hisar.66
Tremendous efforts were made in late July to consolidate both pro and anti-
British forces to confront each other in the Hisar district. Repression and
bitter struggle continued simultaneously.

Notes
1. George Campbell, Memoirs of My Indian Career-I, London, 1893, p. 215.
2. Mutiny Report, Govt. of Punjab, 1911, pp. 41–3 (para 30). (Generally known as Mutiny Reports.)
3. Ibid., p. 41 (para 27).
4. Ibid., p. 42 (para 28).
5. D.G. Ambala, 1923–24, p. 29.
6. Ibid., p. 70.
7. Henry Dundas Robertson, District Duties During the Revolt, London, 1859, p. 166.
8. PREIM, p. 44.
9. Ibid.
10. Mutiny Reports, p. 17 (para 25), p. 32 (para 14).
11. Ibid., p. 18 (para 26).
12. Ibid., p. 32 (para 14).
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid., p. 33 (para 15).
15. ROID-I, p. 62.
16. Pramod K. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, Hyderabad, 2007, p. 152.
17. Cave Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, London, 1861, p. 144.
18. Supplement to London Gazette, 15 January 1858, pp. 183–4.
19. Ibid., p. 184.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid., pp. 184–5.
22. Ibid., p. 185.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid., pp. 185–7.
25. Ibid., p. 187.
26. Eric Stokes, The Peasant Armed, Oxford, 1986, p. 129.
27. Ibid., p. 134.
28. D.G. Karnal, 1918, p. 41.
29. H.H. Greathed, Letters Written During the Siege, London, 1858, p. 114.
30. Lahore Chronicle, 14 October 1857.
31. C.T. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, Delhi, 1974, pp. 141–2.
32. Ibid., p. 147.
33. Ibid., p. 148.
34. Ibid., p. 159.
35. Ibid. p. 173.
36. Ibid., p. 150.
37. Ibid., pp. 137–8.
38. Greathed, Letters Written During the Siege, p. 119.
39. K.C. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, Delhi, 1977, p. 59.
40. ROID-I, p. 438.
41. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, pp. 163–70.
42. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 59.
43. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, pp. 134–72.
44. Ibid., p. 107.
45. Ibid., p. 133.
46. Ibid., p. 142.
47. NAIMP Coll. No. 199 Sr. Nos. 200, 201; Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, p. 229.
48. J.K. Gupta, History of Sirsa, Delhi, 1991, p. 78.
49. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
50. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
51. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
52. Allen’s Indian Mail, 17 September 1857.
53. Ibid.
54. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
55. Ibid.
56. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
57. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, p. 143.
58. Ibid., p. 148.
59. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
60. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 744.
61. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
62. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 744.
63. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March, 1858.
64. ROID-I, p. 438.
65. Ibid., pp. 439–40.
66. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
Chapter 6
August 1857: Balance Tilting towards the
British

Ambala
The tallest British hero of the recapture of Delhi, John Nicholson, was at
Ambala on 6 August 1857, whence he wrote, ‘I am just starting by post for
Delhi by General Wilson’s desire. The column should be at Karnaul the day
after tomorrow, and I shall, perhaps rejoin at Paneeput.’1
The Kumaon (2nd Gorkha) Battalion had joined the camp after marching
from Ambala. Regular trains were soon established for the conveyance of
stores, from Ambala.2 Barnes wrote to Lawrence supplying a list prepared by
the traitor Rajab Ali, wherein the strength of rebel troops was given. It
included the HLI and the 4th IC from Hansi; 60th NI which joined in Delhi, and
800 sowars of the Jhajjar Nawab.3 There appears to be a mistake about the
figure of Jhajjar sowars, the archival files show this to be only 300.

SEPOYS AND NATIVE O FFICERS BLOWN FROM THE CANNONS

A letter dated 20 August written from Ambala is be of historical interest:

Of the 5th NI of this station, there remain here but two or three companies; but they can do no harm,
having been all disarmed. The 4th Lancers, native cavalry, have been all disarmed and sent away;
only twenty men have been kept to work as sowars to carry about letters &c…. There are a few
hundred of the cavalry and infantry belonging to the Rajah of Puttealla; but our only dependence is on
the three companies of the 8th Queen’s regiment about 250 men. There are about ninety more
 Europeans of this and other regiments here, but most of them are sickly and wounded men returned
from Delhi. We have had fortification erected round the new church, and four guns have been
mounted on the towers of the new fortification. We have six guns new, and a few European
artillerymen. The authorities have hanged a great number of sepoys, and numbers of the native
officers and sepoys have been blown from the mouths of our cannons. [italics are mine –
author.] Eli Bux, a rich, noted merchant, a vakeel, and some others, were publically whipped by order
of the authorities, for using seditious language, which had the good effect of quieting and frightening
the natives in our bazaars, city and neighbouring villages. The mutinous regiments that openly broke
out in Jullundur and elsewhere, passed close to Umballa, and got into Delhi, but none dared to come
into the station.4

This reveals that the British were very frightened and the repression was
because of fear. The siege-train arrived at Ambala on the 21st.5 On the 28th,
the remainder of the 5th and 60th NIs mutinied; out of 200, 130 were killed in
pursuit.6 The news conveyed by Greathed was on 30 August: ‘The disarmed
Native Infantry at Umballa had been deserting in numbers, so Hartley ordered
the remnant (140) to be taken to jail; on their way they tried to escape, and 8th
Foot killed 100 of them.’7
The Mutiny Reports say something like this,
In the beginning of September desertions became frequent among the disarmed sepoys of the 5th and
the depot of the 60th NI left at Ambala. They were ordered to the Ambala Jail; on being paraded for
the purpose, a voice from the ranks called out, ‘fly’, and they instantly broke and fled. The Europeans
fired and pursued them. In 10 minutes 135 were killed, 33 were made prisoners and the rest, about 40
men, made good their escape.8

Three sources give different dates and figures of these cold-blooded

murders. The correct date appears to be 28 August. The news was covered by
the Lahore Chronicle of 29 August along with some other news received from
Delhi.
Thirteen of the 10th Light Cavalry hanged at Loodianah on the 28th, and 13 of 26th and 46th hanged
on 28th at Jullundur…. 200 of 5th and 60th at Umballa ordered into confinement. In attempting to
escape 100 (a note says 130) were killed, 25 seized and rest being pursued.9

On 28 August the remainder of 5th and 60th NI mutinied – out of 200, 130
were killed in pursuit.10 However, the prisoners were never released to live,
since that was a war of no mercy; everywhere they were killed, or hanged
after fake trials. So, here not 135 but 168 sepoys attained martyrdom. In the
end of August, 75 men had deserted from the disarmed 5th NI.11
Karnal
John Nicholson’s column including 1,100 Europeans arrived at Karnal on 8
August. McNeile, the Deputy Commissioner of Thanesar took residence at
Karnal on 20 August and became commanding officer of the Nabha and
Patiala contingents.12 Captain W.J.F. Stafford and his Sikhs left Karnal that
day for Meerut, to relieve HM’s 60th Rifles. En route, the 8th, 52nd and 61st
Foot regiments halted at Karnal.

Panipat
The supply line of the British force at Delhi could not be cut but, the freedom
fighters persisted. When George Bourchier came to Panipat, he came to know
the gravity of situation. He writes,
At 7 a.m. I again started, and found myself two hours afterwards at Paneeput with my old comrades,
chattering round the mess table of my battery, after travelling 168 miles in the preceding twenty five
hours; sixty four miles had been done on horseback, the remainder on the mailcart…. There were to
be seen the first signs of deadly struggle we were about to enter upon. The town was held for us by
the Jheend Rajah, who had undertaken to keep open our communication towards the Punjab. Across
the road and extending far right and left were field works furnished with guns. The Rajah’s force
being encamped within this line of defence.13

In spite of the best efforts of the freedom fighters, the British were able to
maintain their supply line with the help of traitors like Sarup Singh and
Narender Singh. Richardes, the Deputy Commissioner, had been successful in
collecting the land revenue to the tune of Rs. 2.5 lakh.14 The Nicholson
column, highly praised and advertised, was on the GT Road from 6 to 14
August.15

Sonepat
The scenes at the camps in Sonepat district and on the GT Road were
unprecedented. ‘Then came the huge guns, drawn by twenty pairs of bullocks
each, and the sort of smothered row that ensued beggar’s description.’16
However, a thrilling but concocted story of Hodson’s victory at
Kharkhauda was projected as the biggest achievement of the British
detachment. The newspapers, the London Gazette and all the English writers,
contemporary or otherwise, have glorified it to a magnitude unimaginable.
The truth was never brought by anyone before the public. The Haryana
expedition comprising battles at Kharkhauda and Rohtak has been explained
by Hodson in two similar reports dated 24 and 25 August. Hodson started
from Delhi camp on the evening of the 14th, accompanied by Captain George
Ward; Charles Macdowell and Dacres William Wise, Lieutenants 3rd ELC;
Charles John Stanley Gough, Lieutenant 5th ELC and Hugh Henry Gough,
Lieutenant 1st ELC along with 355 sowars. Hodson writes,
I have the honour to report the proceedings of the cavalry detachment [European officers, 6; Guide
Cavalry, 103 sabres; Hodson’s Irregular Horse, 233 sabres; Jheend Horse, 25 sabres; – total 361
sabres] which left camp under my command on the night of 14th and 15th instant, under verbal
instructions from Major General Wilson commanding the Field Force.
2. My instructions were to watch a party of the enemy who had moved out from Delhi by the
Nujufgurh road, with the avowed purpose of threatening our communications with Soneput and Grand
Trunk road, or if marching to attack Hansi and the Rajah of Jheend, to ascertain their precise object
and direction, and to afford support to either Soneput or the Jheend Rajah as might be necessary. I
was also to examine the state of the roads and country, with a view to the probable necessity of a
larger force taking the field.
3. On reaching Boanah by way of Azadpoor and the Canal Bank, I ascertained that the enemy had
passed the 14th at Samplah, and were said to be moving towards Rohtuck. I therefore pushed on to
Khurkowdah, on the road from Boanah to that town, reaching it about noon on the 15th.
4. Having been informed that a number of Irregular Cavalrymen, whose homes were in the village,
had arrived the day before from Delhi at Khurkowdah, I took measures for securing the several
entrances to it and attempting their capture, sending a small party of the Guide Corps to surprise and
arrest the leading man named Bisharut Ali, a Resaldar of the 1st Irregular Cavalry. Both objects
were accomplished, only two sowars having had time to effect their escape before the village was
surrounded. I then entered the village with a party of dismounted sowars. From information received
from the villagers, I was able to seize several of the mutineer sowars before they had time to arm. A
large party, however, took refuge in the upper story of a house belonging to one of the lumberdars of
the village, and defended themselves desperately. They were eventually overpowered and destroyed
but not without considerable difficulty and several casualties on our side, Lieutenant H. Gough and
seven men being wounded. I subsequently caused those of the captured who were proved on inquiry
to have been in the service of Government, and to have joined the rebels, to be executed.17
THE REAL STORY OF W.S.R. HODSON’S TREACHERY AT
KHARKHAUDA

What was the real story? Hodson was a thoroughly corrupt man. He was the
commanding officer of the Guide Corps some years prior to 1857; and there
were allegations of misappropriation of the regimental money against him.
Historian Holmes writes,
As time passed the officers and many of the men who remained came to suspect him of
misappropriating public monies which passed through his hands. These suspicions were soon
confirmed. An officer, after returning from leave of absence, asked for his pay, which had fallen into
arrear. Hodson coolly replied that he had spent it. Naturally indignant the officer threatened to expose
him unless he refunded the money within twenty four hours. Driven to his wits’ ends, Hodson went to
Peshawur and asked the banker of a native regiment to lend him the required amount. The banker
refused to do so unless Hodson found a surety; whereupon an officer called Bisharut Ali, belonging to
the same regiment, generously offered to undertake the responsibility. Thus Hodson was saved from
the immediate exposure.18

The officer demanding pay arrears was C.J. Godby and money was taken
from the banker of 1st Punjab Irregular Cavalry, the commanding officer of
this regiment was Crawford Trotter Chamberlain; a brother of Neville
Bowles Chamberlain; and the money obtained was £ 400 or £ 500. When
Hodson was suspended Godby took temporary charge of the Guides. Meer
Barkat Ali, brother-in-law of Bisharat Ali, was the woordie-major (native
adjutant) of the 1st Punjab Irregular Cavalry and out of 586 men on its roll
only 25 were Hindus.19 When Chamberlain came to know of the execution of
Bisharat Ali, he conveyed the news to Barkat Ali.20 Holmes is quoted,
‘His – Burkut Ali’s – first remark, … was, you will see that it is Shahaboodeen and Hodson Sahib
who have done this. Hodson Sahib has done it to wipe out his debt….’ When I first read this remark
of Burkut Ali’s I was exceedingly puzzled. It was true, of course, that Hodson could have had not
interested motive for sparing his surety; for if he proved insolvent and his surety died, not he, but his
creditor would suffer. He has got his loan; and that was all he wanted. But neither could he have had
any motive for killing his surety, as such! I asked General Chamberlain to explain. ‘I used the word
security’, he writes, ‘but in fact Bisharut Ali arranged the loans with my banker.’ He goes to speak of
monies lent to Bisharut Ali and by him lent to Hodson.
‘In the following November I took leave to visit Delhi, then a centre of interest. Accompanied by
Burkut Ali, I purposely took the route through Hurreeana, in order to visit Khurkhouda (Bishrat Ali’s
village), being anxious to gather there on the spot all the information I could. Hindoos and
Mohamedans unanimously asserted that Bisharut Ali had never been away from the village since his
arrival; that neither he nor anyone else there had been in rebellion; and on the sudden and unexpected
 arrival of the troops, he had at once sent out milk and fruit to the camp, and gone himself by one way
while Hodson and a party had entered the village by another, led, as they subsequently came to know,
by one Shahaboodeen, a native of the place.’
‘This man had formerly served in my regiment, but had forfeited the service consequent upon a
sentence of imprisonment (hard labour for two years) for violence to a superior officer. The principal
witness against him had been the Ressaldar Bisharut Ali, with whom he had been in deep enmity ever
since his release from jail, and upon whom he took the opportunity of the times to have his revenge.
With this object in view he laid false information before the authorities at Delhi, and, bringing Hodson
to the spot, succeeded in carrying out his design to his heart’s content.’
‘To return to the villagers’ story. A party under Hodson’s leadership was taken to a cluster of
houses occupied by Bisharut Ali, his relations, and friends, where they demanded admittance. As is
well known, the natives of India (and throughout the East) are scrupulously averse to admitting
anyone into their houses, on account of their women. They not unnaturally objected to having their
houses entered by troops, and resisted when forcible entrance was attempted. Fighting ensued; lives
were lost; and prisoners made. On Hodson’s return to camp, Bisharut Ali was made prisoner; he
asserted his innocence and asked to be taken to Delhi to be tried, but without avail; he was sentenced
to be shot, and according to the testimony of eye-witness, Hodson, on seeing some hesitation on the
part of the firing party, fired at Bisharut Ali himself. The latter did not fall at once, but said, ‘If I had
expected this treachery, I would have fought it out instead of being killed like a dog.’ His throat was
cut as he lay on the ground.’
‘With respect to Burkut Ali’s brother, Surufraz Ali, the villagers asserted that they made the most
strenuous efforts to save his life. He had never been in the Government employ, and passed his life
as the family land-agent…. His denial of rebellion and assertion of innocence were quite unavailing,
and on the statement of Shahaboodeen that he was Kote Duffadar (Pay Sergeant) of regiment of
Oudh Irregular Cavalry, he was sentenced to death and executed. His nephew, a lad of some
twelve or fourteen years of age, who ran and clung to him, hoping thus to shield him and save
his life, was shot on him. This last circumstance was stoutly maintained! …’

Thus was slain Bisharat Ali, an outstanding officer lately decorated with
order of merit, along with 5 other.21
As a matter of fact, Bisharut Ali was a brave and honourable man; he had been sent by his
commanding officer, Major Crawford Chamberlain, to his village, on sick leave; and some of his
relations, who were represented by Shahaboodeen as mutineers, had never for a single hour, been in
the Government employ. But Hodson was in no mood to ask himself whether the unsupported
statement of an ex-convict deserved to be regarded as evidence.

The man who had helped Hodson in the hour of need was killed to clear off
his debt because that was the easiest way of doing so in those days of no
mercy, though it was a very cruel one. Hodson took possession of Bisharat
Ali’s horses, ponies and some of his personal property and rode off.22 That
was the real story. The government later admitted it to be a case of
misapprehension.23
 The struggle at Kharkhauda was bitter: not only were seven sowars
wounded in action, C.J.S. Gough got the Victoria Cross for saving the life of
his brother H.H. Gough who was seriously wounded. Daffadar Gujjar,
Darogah Jairam Singh and Sowar Sultan Singh of the Guide Cavalry; and
Naib Risaldar Hukam Singh, Jemadar Ahmed Beg and Sowar Sultan Singh of
the Hodson’s Horse were wounded in action.24 On the other side Bisharat Ali,
Sarfraz Ali, his nephew and about twenty residents of Kharkhauda were
killed. Let us now return to Hodson, encamped at Kharkhauda. He reported,
During the afternoon of the 15th, the enemy broke up from Samplah, and marched to Rohtuck, where
they gave out that they were going to remain for two or three days. I marched after them on the
morning of the 16th towards Rohtuck by Sussaineh (Sisana), Hamaioonpoor (Humayunpur) and
Balout (Bhalauth).25

Hodson wrote from Kharkhauda that he had killed 17 sowars with Risaldar
Bisharat Ali of the 1st Irregular Cavalry at their head; three of his troopers
were slightly wounded.26 His onward march we will see while describing
events of the Rohtak district. Hodson returned to Sonepat camp and from there
rode to Larsauli to see C.B. Saunders and Colonel H.F. Dunsford. On the 23rd
he was again at Sonepat camp.27
In the fourth week of August, the English ordered the residents to clear out
the town, but the men refused. The English sent a force, and there occurred a
skirmish, with loss to both the sides. Then the English made the Tehsildar
Fazal Hassan Khan prisoner and had him hanged. He was hanged at Ganj
Bazar of the old town of Sonepat. Gulab Singh the Commissariat Collector
and Kandar Singh were provided guards by the Patiala Raja during collection
of the land revenue.28

Ballabgarh
On 9 August Raja Nahar Singh sent a letter and a nazar (present) of five gold
mohars to Bahadur Shah. The King accepted the money, and ordered these
words to be written on the back of the letter: ‘I have accepted the money on
account of your bad name!’ On the 16th one more letter was written to the
King and he returned reply as an autographed letter of pardon.29 The Raja
again through Mir Fateh Ali Khan made professions of heart-felt fidelity, zeal,
and goodwill.30

Gurgaon
In the first week of August, Alwar Raja Banne Singh had sent a 1,200 strong
force with four guns towards Agra to assist the British authorities, but the
daredevil Meos, in unison with the Neemach and Nasirabad brigades,
attacked them fiercely. The attack was so sharp and planned that the Alwar
force were taken aback and overwhelmed.31 Consequently, the Alwar Raja
suffered huge loss of life and property which he could not bear and died in
August 1857 at the age of 52.
It was a liberated district and remained so during the month of August. On
the 15th information was received by the King that Shahzada Mohammed Azim
had collected Rs. 8,000 from Gurgaon and had gone to Pataudi. On the 19th
Abdul Haq Khan, son of Maulvi Fazal Haq and Maulvi Faiz Ahmed left for
Gurgaon to collect revenue.32 In the meantime, chaudharies of Mewat sent a
petition vouching full support for the Emperor.33

Pataudi
In the first week there commenced a revolt in this tiny state when Risaldar
Mohammad Sher Khan abused and attacked the Nawab Muhammad Akbar
Ali, who fled.34 There followed a rebellion by the zamindars who killed the
above named risaldar and plundered the property of Nawab. In the
meanwhile, Risaldar Shamsher Ali Khan of Lucknow with 50 sowars came
from Delhi to demand Rs. 3 lakh on behalf of the King and threatened the
Nawab of arrest if money was not paid. On 7 August the fugitive Nawab sent
a petition to the King and complained against Shamsher Ali.35 The King
responded on 9th and ordered the risaldar to return but simultaneously
directed the Nawab to send Rs. 3 lakh to him immediately.36 But before the
receipt of the King’s orders the risaldar arrested the Nawab’s son and again
demanded Rs. 3 lakh, then the Nawab sent another petition.37 He was advised
to return to his residence which he had left in consequence of the oppression
of the neighbouring zamindars.38 The King reprimanded Shamsher Ali for his
ill-treatment of the Nawab and directed him to leave Pataudi at once.39 That
was the position of this great Nawab who was in league with the British.

Rewari

RAO TULARAM BUSY IN RAISING ARMY

On the 2nd a letter was received from Rao Tularam with a nazar of five gold
mohars.40 On the 10th came another letter from him mentioning the activities
of Ghulam Mohammed Khan and Nawab Ahmed Ali Khan of Farrukhnagar.41
Later more complaints were received against Rao Sahib. Rao Tularam’s force
looted 300 maunds of sugar and two camel-load of goods belonging to the
Alwar Raja but these were released on a payment of Rs. 1,400.42 On the 24th
an order was sent to Rao Sahib to send opium for the use of soldiers.43 When
3 camels arrived from Rewari, the King in reply urged Rao Tularam to send
money as soon as possible.44 The above correspondence shows the
dependence of Delhi on Rao Sahib, who was for his part busy strengthening
his military power and streamlining the administration.

Jhajjar: The Defiant Nawab

On 2 August, the Hall of audience was filled and among those present were
General Abdus Samad Khan and Risaldar Ghulam Nabi Khan.45 Two hundred
cavalry were sent to Jhajjar to bring in three lakh of rupees.46 On the 7th
British sources reported this to be a strong force to get Rs. 5 lakh out of the
Nawab.47 On the 16th Nawab sent in only Rs. 7,000, with a petition stating
that he had tried to raise Rs. 3 lakh, which the King demanded for the pay of
army. But he had failed to raise the sum within his territory; he had, however,
raised Rs. 1 lakh, of which he was sending only Rs. 60,000 now, and would
send the remaining 40,000 within fifteen days; in the meantime he asked the
King to send him an autograph letter, that he might show the purpose for which
the money was wanted. In a petition he asked the King to have his house
vacated, occupied by the soldiers as barrack; also he begged that Mohammed
Azim, who had been sent to plunder his territory, should be immediately
recalled and no one again be sent without his prior permission.48 On the 17th
four troopers were again sent from Delhi to Jhajjar with letters demanding the
payment.49 Ahmed Ali, risaldar, returned from Jhajjar and complained that he
had gone to the Nawab for bringing payment; but whilst there, a letter had
come, purporting to be from His Majesty, that money was not to be entrusted
to him (Ahmed Ali). The King said that he had no knowledge of such a letter.
He was again directed on the 22nd to go and realize the money, and in case of
default the troops had orders to attack the Nawab’s fort. A further force of one
hundred cavalry and a company of infantry were sent on the 23rd but no result.
Late in August Khuda Bakhsh of Nusapur, was directed to proceed to Jhajjar
to bring Rs. 7,000, and to take an escort of five hundred cavalry with him.50
Thus passed the full month of August but the Nawab did not oblige his
overlord even with a single pie.

Bahadurgarh

It was reported on the 20th that Bahadur Jang Khan had arrived at Dadri. On
the 29th it was reported that fourteen camels belonging to the Dadri Nawab
had been stolen from the rear of the English camp, so a letter was sent to him
to trace out and send back the camels, which were attached to the Neemach
column.51

Rohtak: Hodsons’s False Claim

We had left Hodson on 16 August at Bhalauth, now we turn to him. He says,
 On reaching Bohur, five miles short of Rohtuck, I ascertained that the rebels had suddenly marched
early in the morning towards Medinah, on hearing of our movements; I therefore halted for the day,
the rain being very heavy. 6. On the morning of 17th, we moved on Rohtuck. On approaching the
town, and riding on to reconnoitre with a small party, I found a large body of armed men drawn up at
the old fort in front of the place, accompanied by a few sowars. They immediately opened fire on us,
and as we withdrew to bring up the detachment, followed us up the road, firing and yelling in
derision…. The instant the head of the column arrived, they were charged, dispersed, and driven into
the town, leaving thirteen of their number dead. They subsequently turned out to be Rangurs, Kusais,
and other turbulent inhabitants of the town, headed by Babur Khan, the chief of the Rangurs.
7. after riding round Rohtuck, and reconnoitring the surrounding country, and the approaches to it, I
encamped in the open space in rear of the kutchery buildings, at the junction of the road, by which
we had marched from Bohur, with the main road to Delhi. Some of the zemindars and Hindoos of
Rohtuck came out to me immediately afterwards, and through their instrumentality the detachment
was amply provided with all necessary supplies; no further attempt was made to annoy us.52

Hodson too encamped at the same site where Seaton had stayed in June
(Figure 4.1). Hodson was not only a corrupt person he was also a liar of a
high order. He tells us of Hindoos coming to his side, it was not true; only
Banias and Kayasths, as was the trend throughout the country, had come to
provide him food.
8. At about 7 o’ clock the next morning I received information that Babur Khan had gone, during the
night, to the camp of rebels, on the Hansi road, and brought back three hundred Rangur horsemen
belonging to different irregular cavalry regiments to assist him in an attack upon us.53

Again he tells a white lie. Wherefrom could Babur Khan, a peasant, bring
Ranghar horsemen? The rebel detachment from Delhi did not have Ranghars,
and if it were so, Mohammed Azim had already gone to Hisar where a bitter
struggle occurred on the very next day. So, the fighters were all from Rohtak
area itself, and could be the sowars on leave who did not join their regiments.
Three or four minutes afterwards a large body of horsemen dashed up the roads from the town, at
speed, followed by a mass of foot-men, armed with swords and matchlocks, certainly not less than
900 or 1000 in number. At the moment of attack a party of twenty five Jheend-horsmen, who had
come from Gohanah, on hearing from me of our approach, were crossing the road towards our camp,
and found themselves suddenly charged by and intermixed with the enemy’s horse.
They defended themselves with their carbines, and thus checked the attacking party, two of their
number being wounded. The whole of the horses of the detachment having been kept saddled, no
time was lost in turning out, and the instant the twenty leading men were on their horses the enemy
was charged and driven back in confusion towards the town, their flight being covered by the
matchlockmen who had occupied some buildings and compounds between the kutchery and the
town. Directly the whole of the detachment was ready and formed up, I sent what little baggage and
followers we had to the rear, under a sufficient escort, and prepared for a further attack. I formed the
 main body on the road in three lines, the Guides in front, sending the troop out to the right front under
Lieutenant Wise, and one to the left under Lieutenant Macdowell, ready to take the enemy in flank
should they again charge up the roads (of which there are three) leading from the town to our
position. These movements were covered by skirmishers and by the excellent fire of the Jheend
horsemen, armed with matchlocks, whom I desired to dismount and drive back by their fire any party
of the enemy who might come from under shelter of the buildings. This service they performed
exceedingly well and most cheerfully.

It will be relevant to mention here that Hodson was one of the most
educated soldiers (including officers) of the British army, so he could narrate
things from his imagination suiting to his requirements, though these never
occurred on the ground.
9. Finding that our ammunition was nearly exhausted after some time had elapsed, and that there
appeared little chance of the enemy coming from their cover to attack us again, I determined to draw
them out into the open country behind our position and endeavour to bring on a fight there. Everything
turned out as I had anticipated. My men withdrew slowly and deliberately by alternate troops (the
troop nearest the enemy by alternate ranks) along the line of the Bohur road, by which we had
reached Rohtuck, our left extending towards the main road to Delhi, the Jheend horsemen protected
our right and a troop of my own regiment the left. The enemy moved out the instant we withdrew,
following us in great numbers, yelling and shouting and keeping up a heavy fire of matchlocks. Their
horsemen were principally on their right, and a party galloping up the main road threatened our left
flank. I continued to retire until we got into open and comparatively dry ground, and then turned and
charged the mass who had come to within 150 to 200 yards of us…. The Guides, who were nearest
to them, were upon them in an instant, closely followed by and soon intermixed with our men.
The enemy stood for a few seconds, turned, and then were driven back in utter confusion to the
very walls of town; it being with some difficulty that the officers could prevent their men entering the
town with the fugitives. Fifty of the enemies, all horsemen, were killed on the ground, and many must
have been wounded.54

Whatever the claims of Hodson, he was afraid of the freedom fighters. He

had already made the excuse of non-availability of the ammunition.
11. after their defeat, as I subsequently ascertained, the Ranghur horsemen evacuated the place the
same evening, carrying away their wounded with them. The whole of the Ranghurs and Kussaies of
the town also fled during the night for refuge to the neighbouring villages. As soon as I had
reassembled the detachment on our original ground and ascertained personally that no parties of the
enemy remained outside Rohtuck, I moved round by our right to the northern side of the town on the
Gohana road and encamped at Dusseea, the first village sufficiently large to furnish us with
supplies.55

The Rohtak fight was not just one sided. The freedom fighters had
information of an impending attack, so they had dispersed on 17th to
reorganize themselves. There were only a few whose defeat was relished by
Hodson. He thus could enter the town. A writer Amresh Mishra says,
Then entering chamar quarters, Hodson discovered that the men had fled. Rounding up women and
children, he ordered them to march towards a field well; there he asked his soldiers to burn all the
prisoners…. The cold blooded killing of women and children sent shock waves throughout Haryana;
soon Jats began gathering strength…. Hodson continued killing women and children in a general
massacre – unable to take the atrocities, at least two officers left his force and made their way to
Delhi saying ‘there is no honour in such killings’.
Till now Hodson had not encountered any sustained resistance; the few snipers that came his way
were quickly shot down. Lulled into complacency, he abused Rohtak residents, called them ‘sons of
eunchs’ and the men ‘not worthy for the manly calling of warrior’. When the mohalla men pointed
out the atrocities, Hodson brushed aside their objections saying that it was an ‘Indian custom that
victor can kill and pillage with impunity’.56

Here at Rohtak he wanted to set an example of the British severity so that

people could be prevented from supplying provisions to Delhi. But on the 18th
large bands of the peasants began arriving. According to Mishra,
Reporting a bad omen, Hodson’s Indian orderly advised him to take the punitive expedition back to
Delhi…. For the 18th August battle all Dahiya and Hooda families sent one member of their family;
these men had sworn to die. Old fathers sat in their houses with cocked rifles and swords ready to kill
their sons if they returned alive and frightened.57

Hodson’s force was on the move. The advance party was burning the
villages.
When coming upon a third, they noticed two smiling children. Before the force could bolt, peasant
fighters lunged from all sides…. Hodson was still unaware of the advance party’s defeat. Lounging
carelessly on his horse he was stunned to find men pouring in suddenly from all directions. Many of
them were on horses and carried swords and spears; several had matchlocks.58

THE KHAPS DEFEATED HODSON

The peasant rabble had caught Hodson in an open field and he saw men
streaming from the villages and killing his soldiers with precision. He could
not understand the mechanism of the khaps who had organized themselves to
fight.
Unaware that village chaudharies owing allegiance to the Haryana Sarvakhap Panchayat led
separate but interlinked bands, Hodson kept encouraging his men by telling them that the peasant
 masses had no leader and were bound to disintegrate. after twenty minutes he had to revise his stand;
junior officers reported that instead of disintegrating, the fighters continued to reform; the attack had
been planned in detail and effective, tactical management of superior numbers was neutralizing the
superiority of British fire-power. The battle went on for a full day till sunset; Hodson’s force was
defeated completely and decisively; … he began retreating.59

As he had ‘sent what little baggage and followers he had to rear, under a
sufficient escort,’ he could flee without being looted. He was shrewd enough
to realize that he had to take refuge somewhere nearby where he could get
reinforcements from Jind. In the late evening another unit of the khap made an
attack. ‘Just then another band of Jats from Singhpura, Sundarpur and Titauli
launched a counter attack – the back of the British force was broken.’60
Thus he ran away to Jassia. Hodson’s expedition was subsequently
described as under. Having left Delhi,
and having executed justice on rebels and deserters whom he found at Kharkhauda (where also he
shot Risaldar Bisharat Ali under misapprehension), reached Bohar on the 16th, and moved on to
Rohtak on the evening of the 17th. A few of the city rabble, who were bold enough to attack him
then, were easily dispersed and some slain, and for the night little force of 400 horsemen rested by
the old Court-house, and was furnished with supplies by the well-disposed portion of the townsmen.
By the morning, however, the city Sheikhs and butchers had taken heart again, and as a large number
of Ranghurs had gathered from the neighbourhood during the night, the united forces advanced to
attack Captain Hodson after sunrise. By feigning to retreat, he drew them on for some distance, and
then turning upon them with his cavalry, distributed into five bodies, he cut up about 100 of them, and
scattered the rest in the wild flight to the city. The walls of the city and fort were manned with a
number of matchlockmen, and Captain Hodson did not therefore consider it wise to make any further
attack, and after riding round the city he drew off to the north and encamped at Jassia.61

This official version negates the braggart’s reports, but still conceal the
truth of his defeat. His Kharkhauda story was totally rejected and the
government had to compensate the Bisharat Ali family, and thus the hero
proved villain. But in the August 1857, his failure was projected as a glorious
victory; his tyranny was publicized as achievement. When he reached Delhi
camp in the early hours of the 24th he lamented it was, ‘with eight wounded
men plus two officers with fever but no doctor and no medicine!’62
The sowars Sher Mohammad of Guide Cavalry and Bahun Singh of
Hodson’s Horse were severely wounded in action at Rohtak. Also, sowars
Fateh Dogar, Zuman Shah, Issur Singh and Sheo Dass of the Guides; Doola
Singh of Hodson’s Horse and 2 sowars of Jind were wounded, some of them
severely. In total one European officer (Lieutenant Gough), 2 NatCOs, one
NCO and 10 sowars excluding those of Jind were recorded as wounded in
action.63 But the hero could not maintain his integrity for long.
With just thirteen casualties, Hodson returned to camp a hero. But his victory was slightly tarnished
when word leaked out that, en route to Rohtak, he had executed a ressaldar named Bisharat Ali
who had absconded from the 1st Punjab Cavalry. As Ali was caught leading a party of deserters
from his regiment, Hodson had a good excuse to kill him. Nicholson and others would have done the
same. Unfortunately for Hodson Neville Chamberlain was an old friend of Ali and not convinced of
his guilt.64

As we have already seen the version of this story, it would be relevant to

mention that Neville Chamberlain’s younger brother Crawford Trotter
Chamberlain was the commanding officer of the 1st Punjab Irreglar Cavalry
(not the 1st Irregular Cavalry) to which regiment Risaldar Bisharat Ali
belonged. So, Neville Chamberlain got the real story from his brother and
concluded that ‘Hodson had shot Ali for reasons of personal animosity, rather
than summary justice. Nothing came of it, but the mud stuck, leaving Hodson
open to more serious allegations of impropriety.’65

Hisar: Preparations for the Battle at Nagauri Gate

We had left Hisar on 31 July, both parties preparing for the defeat of their
enemies. On 3 August Francis Boileau, Lieutenant 16th NI (Grenadiers),
arrived at Hisar with 100 Dogras and two additional 6-pounder guns.66
The artillery had previously been placed under Edmund Yeamans Walcott,
Lieutenant 57th NI; who having enlisted some old Sikh artillerymen was now
able to show a very respectable body of golundazes. About this time,
however, the rains had set in with unusual severity, rendering the district
roads almost impassable for the artillery, and Van Cortlandt considering his
troops too young to bear the chance of a reverse, deferred his intended attack
upon the rebels. He marched on 8 August to Hansi, leaving a garrison of 700
Bikaneris and some newly-raised Sikh barkandazes in Hisar.67 Another
newspaper reports ‘Hansi, August 8 – General Van Cortlandt’s field force
arrived here yesterday.’68
 About 200 sowars and sepoys of the 4th, 9th and 14th Irregular Cavalry and
Hurrianah Light Infantry had entrenched themselves in the village of Jamalpur,
about 11 miles south-west of Hansi. They were expecting aid from Delhi
because Shahzada Azim had started from that place on 13 August with a force
and three guns.
Shahzada Azim had brought out from Delhi two guns, some 300 irregular
sowars, 120 Hurrianah battalion sepoys and about 600 customs’ peons.69 Part
of his cavalry were engaged in the action of 19–20 July at Hansi, but only a
few of them were slain and captured; Shahzada’s brother was also there.70 Yet
the official version gave exaggerated figures about the Azim’s contingent. In
the meantime, on the 10–11 August, William Ford, the fugitive Deputy
Commissioner of Gurgaon, arrived at Hansi and took charge of the civil duties
of the district.71 The date of joining of Ford is 11th in the Lahore Chronicle of
29 August 1857, and 10th August in the same of 24 March 1858. Ford joined
at Hansi on the 11th along with J.S. Kitchen, E. Nunn, F. Hardy and 400 of
Tiwana Horse. Kitchen and Nunn having left their families, previously
rescued from Jhajjar, at Karnal. He was accompanied by Fateh Sher Khan’s
risalah of 400 strong Tiwana’s Horse, but very badly armed, and still worse
mounted.72 A reinforcement of Patiala troops was also daily expected, and
similarly were expected the 100 Sikhs of the Katarmukhi police battalion and
a risalah of Multani Horse. However, the mission of the lambardar of
Jamalpur was successful, and the Shahzada Mohammed Azim Durrani, a
noble from Kabul related to Bahadur Shah Zafar and in 1857 he was posted as
Asstt. Patrol Customs at Bhattu (Fatehabad), marched from Delhi on 13
August with 1,500 cavalry, and 500 infantry and 3 guns, to assist the rebels.73
The figures are conspicuously inflated. On the otherhand H.H. Greathed wrote
to Colvin on the 18 August that ‘The detachment that has gone towards Hansi
consists of 150 horse artillery, 900 horse and 2 guns. They are inhabitants of
Hisar, and are on their own hook.’74
The three sources give three different figures of the contingent with
Shahzada; the sowars varying from 300 to 1500, infantry varying from 120 to
500, and the guns from 2 to 3. But the general tendency of inflating the figures
on the part of British suggested that the lowest figures may have been the
correct ones. On the other hand, there were further additions to the British
contingent on 18 August when Kunwar Dal Singh with 500 ghorecharras, 300
infantry, 100 zamburasks and 2 guns joined the camp at Hansi.75 Thus from 3
to 18 August, 1,000 men were added to the Van Cortlandt’s force. When Van
Cortlandt heard of preparation of the Jamalpur people and the early arrival of
Azim’s detachment, he thought of preventing their junction but he was not
aware that Shahzada had already reached Mangali with some of his followers.
So, the intention of averting the meeting of the two forces was frustrated by an
attack in the other quarter, for the villagers of Mangali and its vicinity, elated
at the prospect of succour from Delhi, determined to effect the rescue of the
family of Shahzadah, then under surveillance at Hisar.76
The Bikaner Thakurs hearing of the intended attack, sent for aid to Hansie,
declaring their inability to defend the town, which they would evacuate unless
reinforced.77

THE HISAR BATTLE: 19 AUGUST 1857

A decisive battle at Hisar was fought on 19 August 1857 when Lt. Mildmay
Assistant Agent to Governor-General Rajpootana (AAGG Rajpootana) was
commanding the British force. He writes from Hansi, ‘I proceeded to Hissar
on the 18th instant accompanied by the officers and the troops noted in the
margin, which force was augmented on the morning of the 19th instant by a
company of the Katarmookee regiment and 43 Punjab burkundazes.’78
Figure 6.1: Nagauri Gate Hisar where the battle took place on 19 August 1857
In the Hissar battle, fought at the famous Nagauri Gate (Figure 6.1), site
plan of the battle shown in Figure 3.5, there were six European officers
namely Arthur George St John Mildmay, Lieutenant 3rd Bombay European
infantry and AAGG Rajpootana, commanding the British contingent; James V.
Hunt, Lieutenant 45th NI; Francis William Boileau, Lieutenant 16th NI
(Grenadiers); Dr Martin Brydon Lamb, Assistant Surgeon; John Taylor,
Superintendent Government Cattle Farm; and Jackson volunteer, Sikh artillery.
The strength of various detachments* were as hereafter:
(1) Gugera Mounted Police under Risaldar Sher Mohammad Khan: 100, (2) Tiwana (Shahpur)
Irregular Horse under Malik Fateh Sher Khan: 350, (3) Esakheli Horse under Sarfaraz Khan: 100, (4)
Kasuri Horse under Kamaluddin Khan: 75, (5) Maharaja Bikaner’s Body Guard: 50, (6) A company
of Katarmukhi Police Regiment under Minnat Khan: 100 and (7) Punjabi barkandazes: 43. Thus
total force were 818, mostly cavalry.

Mildmay narrates,
2. At about 10½ a.m. on the 19th instant the town was suddenly attacked by a large assembly of
Ranghur villagers, whose number I estimate at 2000 with a good many sepoys of the Hurriana Light
Infantry and 400 sowars, for the most part Irregular Cavalry, all led by Shahzada Muhomud Azeem,
whose family were in Hissar at that time.79

The British officers were afraid of the Hurrianah Light Infantry battalion
sepoys – wherever they had a fight in the Hisar district they always mentioned
their presence, whereas in reality the latter had gone to Delhi to guard its
gates mostly the Kashmiri Gate.80
Mildmay continues,
The rebels attacked the Nagoree Gate, firing through it, and trying to break it in with their large axes,
so unobserved had been their approach by the Bickaneerees on the top of the gate. The Kuttar
Mookees, whom I had at once sent down, returned the fire through the gate and from the parapet,
and the rebel Infantry were driven from before it to the cover of bridge, the buildings in the Dogur
Mohulla, and the canal banks.

The index plan of the Hisar town (Figure 3.5) shows the location of the
bridge on the Ferozeshah Canal, later known as the Hisar Major Distributary.
On this plan different gates, city walls, and fort walls have been depicted
along with different mohallas that existed in 1857. Mildmay had ‘meanwhile
strengthened all the gates by Towana Horse at each, and secured the gate of
the fort, in which was Bhag Singh’s [Bagh Singh Kandhal’s] force of 380 men,
by the Punjab Burkundazes, on account of the suspicion of the good faith of
that chief, of which I had already informed you, thereby weakening my
available force; but I was helpless under the circumstances.’81
Bagh Singh Kandhal was the chief of Bhadra thikana of Bikaner State and
he had some sympathies with the freedom fighters. He was favourably
disposed towards Shahzada’s family and those who wanted to rescue, but
Sitaram Bania informed Taylor about this, and thus their secret plan could not
materialize. Mildmay then ‘disposed the several bodies of Cavalry in order
from the Nagoree and Bhadra Gates, so as to be ready to issue forth at once,
under their several chiefs, when the time came for action’.82
6. The enemy’s Cavalry, seeing the repulse of their Infantry from the gate, commenced a retreat.
Upon which Lt. Hunt, at my desire, taking Gogeira and Kussooree Horse, issued from the Bhadra
Gate, and coming round under the wall drove the rebels across and into the canal and over the bridge;
and Lt. Boileau with Esa Khailees advanced from Nagoree Gate and over the bridge and charged
with Lt. Hunt down the road, the rebels both horse and foot flying in the direction of Mungalee; many
of the latter, however, taking the cover of the houses in the Dogur Mohulla, from whence they
continued their fire on the town.83

It was here in the Dogar Mohalla that the desperate and bloody struggle
continued for a pretty long period, and hand to hand fight took place, though
athe Dogars were on the British side.
7. I then sent out the Kuttar Mookees, under Mr. Jackson, to dislodge them, which they did most
effectually, and myself accompanied by Mr. Taylor, Superintendent of Government Farms, took out
the reserve of Towana Cavalry to aid in the pursuit of the flying enemy; they were followed up and
cut down for three miles, the line of their flight being marked by their numerous corpses, a great
number lying in the broken ground at the back of kutchery.
8. I then fearing that the disaffected part of the people of the town, and our allies of whom I
entertained suspicions, might have risen, and attempted to take possession of the gates, and that the
enemy’s Infantry, of whom the numbers appeared very large, might still be occupying the Dogur
Mohulla, returned by Dehlee Gate, detaching part of the Cavalry to the left thro’ the mohulla; the
enemy’s Infantry, however, had been completely overpowered by the Kuttar Mookees under Mr
Jackson.84

It was not a one sided affair, the patriots fought bravely and even the
invincible European officers were wounded severely. Mildmay writes, ‘It is
with much regret I have to report that Lt. Boileau … was badly wounded by a
sword cut through both jaws in single combat with one of the rebels near the
kutchery compound.’85
 This was a good example of the Punjabis and Sikhs fighting against the
Haryanvis, and the firangi taking credit for victory. A victorious commander
writes, ‘upward of 300 bodies were counted on the field after the action by
persons sent out for the purpose.’86
It is strange that the British could kill only 300 out of a force stated to be
2,000, and Shahzada Azim did not fire a single shot from the three guns he had
brought from Delhi, and here there were only 400 sowars whereas according
to the British claims 1,500 sowars had come with Azim! These are some of
the points which question the trustworthiness of the British reports, but we do
not have the Indian version, so we have no options except to carry these
untruths with us till today. Had the British lost, their hypocrisy would have
been exposed. ‘Reports from the surrounding villages,’ claims Mildmay, ‘give
the number of enemy killed at from 400 to 500, and their wounded at 260, and
state the panic to have been so great that five sowars’ horses died before they
reached Mungalee, and the Ranghurs returned to their respective villages
instead of this their rendezvous.’87
If it were so, why should the British attack Mangali the next month? At
Hisar the rebels were not Ranghars alone, Deshwali Jats were equally
enthusiastic; the subsequent punishments after the failure of rebellion, prove
their participation beyond doubt. The British deliberately targeted Ranghars
to give a communal tinge to the freedom struggle. ‘Twenty-eight prisoners
were taken during the fight; of these two were a duffadar and sowar of the 1st
Oude Irregular Cavalry and three sepoys of the Hurriana Light Infantry. These
being mutineers were shot by my order; the remainder I have brought for
trial.’88
The return of killed and wounded in action at Hisar on 19 August 1857:

Late 16th Grenadiers: Lt Boileau, attached to the Dogras, dangerously wounded.

Gugera Mounted Police: 2 men and 2 horses wounded in action, 1 missing.
Tiwana Horse: 5 men and 2 horses wounded in action.
Esakheli Horse: 4 men and 1 horse wounded in action, 1 missing.
Kusuri Horse: only 1 horse wounded in action.
3rd Company Katarmukhi: 4 men wounded in action.89

So, only 16 men of the British contingent were wounded in action.

Is it believable that only 16 men out of 818 were wounded whereas they
killed 400 men and wounded another 260? Certainly not. The Indians were
not hired mercenaries, rather a determined lot. All figures of the report appear
to be fictitious even to a layman.
A slightly different story about the Hisar battle appears in a newspaper
report:
On the 19th instant, the Ranghurs of village Jamalpore, Mungalee, Sewanee and Chaudreewas who
were numbering, some seven thousand men came upon Hisar, for the purpose of rescuing the family
of Prince Mahomed Azim Dooranee…. Now within the last two days he was reported to be close to
Hisar, having with him a considerable force of the enemy and some guns from Delhi … made their
appearance before the gates of Hisar, at about 11 AM, when two officers with a thousand Horse, a
company of Sikhs and the Bikaneer force, turned out to meet them. These dispersed … killing some
three hundred of them, wounding sixty or seventy, and taking a number of prisoners … this gallant
little body routed them in all directions, leaving the field strewed with their dead…. Another writer
says, the Ranghurs who attacked Hisar were only 600 in number, both horse and foot. The Sikhs first
engaged them, being joined immediately afterwards by a party of three hundred Bikaneer horse under
Sewjee Ram and Bhag Singh of Bhadra and Jiwanjee, the whole under the command of that gallant
officer Captain Mildmay, whilst the Bikaneer Foot under Ropee Ram peppered the enemy with their
match-locks from the walls of the town.90

What was the general report in the British circles about the Hisar battle on
19 August?
Mahomed Azeem, Assistant Patrol of Bhuttoo, in Hurrianah Customs, taking advantage, like others of
the same creed, of these disturbances, and assuming the dignity of Shahzada, went with a body of
Custom’s establishment in Delhi, and returned from the King, with a further reinforcement of the
Ranghur mob and three six-pounder guns. As his wife was being, by General Cortlandt’s order
conveyed from Hisar to Hansie, Azeem collected his men and made a desperate attempt to recover
her, but was obliged to fly from Hisar with a loss of 300 killed. The loss on our side was fifteen killed
and wounded. On this occasion Captain Mildmay, Lieutenants Hunt and Boileau headed the
successful attack.91

There is yet another account by one of the participants.

Captain Mildmay, Lieutenants Hunt and Boileau, Dr Lamb, Mr Taylor and myself had just
breakfasted, and enjoying our cigars … when we heard firing at the Nagowree gate. In a moment we
all got ready together with our force, and repaired to the scene of action. The doorway was, of
course, closed upon the besieging insurgents, and the company of the Kutarmookee regiment
mounted upon the ramparts, and while they were exchanging shots with the besiegers, we went to
another gateway, and sallied out with the cavalry to take the besiegers in flank. On our appearance,
the insurgents, amounting to between 3000 or 4000 foot of Ranghurs, and about 300 irregular cavalry
sowars, fled leaving, however, a considerable number of foot concealed in the houses of suburub.92

It is apparent that he has raised the number of foot from Mildmay’s 2,000 to
4,000, but has simultaneously lowered the number of horsemen from 400 to
300. How could he claim that all of them were Ranghurs? A deliberate
attempt to isolate Ranghurs is conspicuous.
Captain Mildmay, Lieutenants Hunt and Boileau and Mr Taylor, with the Cavalry, went in pursuit of
the runaways, and cut up upwards of 250 of them. I had such a kicking rearing brute of a horse, that
I could do nothing with, so dismounting led the company of the Kuttars among the houses where the
insurgents had hid themselves. They of course fought desperately, but the Kuttars polished them off
right well, they, however, had four of their men wounded. While congratulating ourselves upon this
victory, we cannot but regret that poor Lieutenant Boileau should have received a most dangerous
sabre wound, on the left side of his face; both the lower and upper jaws have been laid open. He is,
however, in the hands of Dr. Lamb, and, I doubt not, will survive.93

Mildmay has given the British strength to be only 818. But Jackson says,
On the night of 17th instant, General Van Cortlandt received intimation that the rebels of several
villages intended plundering Hissar on the morning of 18th. The General therefore sent a force of
about 700 Cavalry to its relief. We started about 3 a.m., that morning, and reached Hissar about an
hour and half after the rebels had decamped as they had intimation of our coming. They expected we
would return to Hansi this morning, but they were regularly let in for such a thrashing as they richly
deserved.94

The detachment of 700 arrived on the 18th morning would mean that there
were only 118 men at Hisar prior to their arrival! Mildmay was telling a lie to
conceal the real number. At the same time, Hodson at Rohtak was claiming
that Babar Khan had brought 300 sowars from Azim’s contingent during the
night of 17–18 August, but how could he deny that Azim was already at
Mangali on the 17th, about 85 km away? On the 19th, Jackson claims,
Our loss is trifling, some fourteen men wounded, while that of the enemy actually counted exceed
300. We have also about 30 prisoners, among whom have been identified several sepoys of the
Hurrianah Battalion and Irregular Cavalry sowars. The insurgents were led on by some Shahzadah –
Hissar, 19th August 1857 – Lahore Chronicle.95

The ‘so called civilized British men’ had kidnapped the family of
Mohammed Azim from Hisar. A correspondent from Hansi said on the 22nd,
‘We … have the whole of the Shahzadah’s family in our possession, and they
have given us not a little trouble in deporting them from Hissar to this.’96 They
were helpless women confined in the military camp, and included Azim’s
wife, who was in a state of advanced pregnancy. Another report says,
The attack on Hissar was to procure the release of Mirza’s family in that city, fortunately the whole
of the cavalry from Hansi (700 sowars), under Lt Mildmay had been sent on the 18th to meet a
 company of the ‘Kuttar Mukhie’ regiment escorting treasure, and which latter arrived most
opportunely before the attack commenced. While the enemy were endeavouring to force the Delhi
Gate, the Cavalry took them in rear and they fled precipitately. A large number took refuge in the
‘Doogur’ Mohulla under the city walls, and were there cut to pieces by the ‘Kuttar Mukhies’, and
some dismounted sowars of the Esa Khail Ressala. Our cavalry followed the flying enemy four or
five miles, and their loss is estimated not less than 200 killed and 300 wounded. On our side none
were killed, but seven wounded; but amongst these, we regret to say is Lieutenant F. Boileau,
severely. The family of Mirza was taken to Hansi from Hissar on the 20th.97

The official account about the Hisar battle is as follows:

On the 15th [sic 18th], therefore, Lieuts. Mildmay, Hunt and Boileau with all the available Cavalry
(about 700), marched to Hissar with instructions, that, in case the information was incorrect, they
were to march back on the following morning with the Shahzada’s family as prisoners. Finding there
all quiet and no signs of an attack, Lieut. Mildmay prepared to obey his orders, but to his surprise, the
Bikhaneer Thakoors opposed the removal of the rebel’s family; perplexed at this unexpected
opposition, he referred to Hansie for further instructions, and this delay proved of ultimate advantage;
for, on the morning of the 17th [sic 19th] the expected company of the Kuttar Mookhee Battalion, and
some additional Sikh burkundazes, arrived there, and a few hours afterwards the Ranghur rebels,
believing the cavalry to have returned to Hansie, advanced to attack, supported by about 100 Cavalry
from Jumalpore. So sudden and unexpected was their appearance, that the burkundazes had barely
time to close the [Nagauri] gate, when attacked it with hatchets, &c., endeavouring to burst it open.
The Cavalry instantly mounted, and one party issuing from the Delhi [sic Bhadra] gate under Lieut.
Hunt, and a second from the [Nagauri] gate under Lieut. Boileau, surprized the enemy on each flank
and threw them into confusion: their Cavalry fled on the first appearance of our Troops, who, being
joined by Lieut. Mildmay and the Mounted Police, pursued the flying enemy for upwards of three
miles, cutting up 250 of them. Many had taken refuge from our cavalry in the Dogur Muhulla, under
the walls of town, but here they were followed by the Kuttar Mookhees, who killed upwards of 50
and took many prisoners, amongst whom were some sepoys and sowars who were immediately
executed. In this affair, we had only 12 men wounded, in addition to Lieut. Boileau, whose gallantry
was conspicuous.98

In the above report the dates given are 15th and 17th. They should be the
18th and 19th respectively; the name of the Delhi Gate is given in place of
Bhadra Gate, and the names of two gates had been omitted, which have been
correctly incorporated. The spokesperson further says,
The Puttialla force of 400 Cavalry, 300 Infantry and 2 Guns, arrived on the same day at Hansie, and
immediately, on hearing of the attack on Hissar, Lieut. Sadlier was dispatched with 300 of the Cavalry
to endeavour to take the enemy in rear; but so rapid was their flight, that not one was found within
ten miles of Hissar. This party reached Hissar at 12 at night, and finding that Lieut. Mildmay was still
uncertain of the disposition of our Bikhaneer allies, the troops were got under arms, and the Kuttar
Mookhee Company being posted to prevent the egress of Bikhaneerrees from the enclosure they
occupied, the family of Shahzada and their protector, the Moolvee Rukunoodeen, were carried off
 prisoners to Hansie, escorted by the Puttialla Cavalry who accomplished their ‘dour’ of 40 miles in 15
hours. The conduct of Bhag Singh of Bhadra on this occasion, decided the General to dispense with
his services, and he was ordered back to Bikhaneer. On the 20th Lieutenant Mildmay leaving an
additional force of Burkundazes and 150 of the Towana Horse at Hissar, returned with the rest to
Hansie.99

It can be concluded from the aforementioned news reports that the British
force consisted of more than 1,200 fighting men whereas Shahzada Azim’s
contingent was smaller, with only about 300 irregular cavalry and equal
number of sepoys, though he had a rabble of about 1,500 in aggregate. His
force consisted of many untrained fighters, mostly bearing traditional weapons
and matchlocks, whereas all the soldiers on the British side were trained and
had with them superior weapons. The battle was fought by the Haryanvi
patriots with determination and bravery; about 200 of them gallantly achieved
martyrdom, and about equal number were wounded in that decisive battle.
In addition to these, there were three Irregular Cavalry sowars and two Hurrianah Battalion sepoys
shot by musketry at Hissar on the evening of the 19th.100

Of the prisoners taken at Hisar, 4 were hanged on the evening of 21st and
another 8 on the 22nd.101 On the day of battle at Hisar the 10th ELC mutinied at
Ferozepur. A body of them made their way to Delhi through Hansi.102 On the
22nd a risallah of 112 men was sent to Hisar under Mustafa Khan
Khakwanee103 from Hansi.

THE TOSHAM BATTLE: 22 AUGUST 1857

What did happen after the Hisar battle? A news report says,
… whilst writing, another letter, received from Hansi, dated 25th, says, that whilst the force under
General Cortlandt was engaged in burning and sacking the pretty village of Hajimpore, and after they
had successfully and effectually accomplished that portion of the business and had returned to Hansi,
the Maharaja’s forces in all 250 in number were in charge of the village of ‘Tosham’ only six miles
[sic] further on from the one the General’s force has just destroyed. This gallant little handful (body)
of men were opposed to the enemy; the force the Shahzada had brought with him from Delhi
numbering fully two thousand horse and foot, with twelve guns; of course, they were overwhelmed,
but every soul of this brave body fought until not one remained to tell the tale…. after every one of
these 250 men fell fighting, then the Shahzada’s villains turned upon the village killing first the
 Tehsildar then the Tanadar and finally cut up almost the whole of villagers who remained, and
destroyed and plundered the village itself.104

That is what appeared in the official newspaper, but seems to be incorrect,

if the mutiny records were to be relied upon. The record says,
In the Hansie District, the insurgent Ranghurs aided by the mutineers of Irregular Cavalry and
Hurrianah Light Infantry of that district attacked a considerable body of Bickaneer Troops, who with
the friendly Hindoo inhabitants of town of Tosham were holding that place, killed between 50 or 60 of
them and put the rest to flight. The Bikaneer troops kept a bad look out and appear to have been
surprised…. Tehseeldar and Kotewal were killed with a number of their police.105

The village of Hazimpur was burnt and destroyed by the British force on
the 22nd August, and the same day the Indian freedom fighters retaliated by
killing a large number of Bikaneri troops and police at Tosham. The official
account reads:
On the 22nd August, the mutineers and rebels at Jamalpore attacked the Tuhseel at Tosham which
250 Bikhaneers protected; these worthies, however, offered a very faint resistance, though their
entrenched position would have been impregnable if properly defended; but the Ranghurs of the place
persuaded them to open the gates to the enemy, when the Tuhseeldar and Thanadar were both
murdered. On hearing of the attack, General Van Cortlandt marched out with his whole force, and
had the Bikhaneerees defended themselves for a few hours, they would have been relieved, but they
shamefully abandoned their post on the first sign of an attack. One Thakoor only attempted to make a
stand, and with a few of his followers was killed. On this day our cavalry destroyed the village of
Hajumpore, half way between Hansie and Jamalpore, and where a strong picquet of the enemy was
generally posted; it was on the occasion found deserted.106

It needs to be noted that the Hissar District Gazetteer has given a wrong
date for the attack on Tosham, according to it the date was 2 September, but
records of the intelligence department have reported the news of attack from
Peshawar on the 30th, so the date had to be prior to that. The Lahore
Chronicle has given it specifically as 22nd August. But the Gazetteer speaks
otherwise to inform that it was on September 2nd that the Jamalpore rebels
attacked on the tehsil at Tosham, where they killed Nand Lal, tehsildar;
Piyare Lal thanadar and Khazan Singh kanungo.’107
By [a] letter from General Van Cortlandt’s force, we learn that all is quiet as far as Bhiwani and
arrangements are being made for the establishment of posts between that place and Hissar, which
owing to the importance of Bhiwani, as a main emporium of trade, is a matter of great importance.
 The post on portion of line between Ferozepur and Hansi is also being improved, horses being
substituted for camels.”108

However, in September too Van Cortlandt was still at war.

Sirsa: Hangings and Fake Trials

A report from Sirsa, written by a European, shows that repression was in full
swing in July and August.
… Sirsa, 11th August – Tranquility prevails in the district, almost all the revenue has been collected;
the villagers very prudently are now toiling with their ploughs; the thanadars report all the deserted
villages are being settled; plundering and marauding are now entirely forgotten and cultivation is
industriously and eagerly attended to. The plunderers and the plundered villages are also settling
amongst themselves about the restoration of property. As far as the properties of the Europeans are
concerned none is forthcoming. Some of the leading scoundrels of the outbreak have been hung,
which has produced the most wonderful effect. Such confidence, within so short a time has been
restored, that the timid bunniahs with their families and the peasants that have been plundered are
now settling down in the city, and the court, where formerly few men were seen scattered is now
densely crowded.109

The reporter seems to be very enthusiastic, but keeping in mind the

proximity of the Bikaner frontier on the western and southern side and the
Punjab on the northern, the people could not do much to continue their struggle
against the huge military force deployed in the district, and the leading figures
had either been killed or apprehended. A large number had been shot without
trials. But the authorities were still not sure of their security. A report says,
Mr. Oliver besides attending to his onerous duties, is now engaged in organizing a new levy of sowars
and foot soldiers. The fortified cutchery of this place is being strengthened, a lunette opposite the
gate has been thrown up, and a small temporary well has been excavated inside the ditch to the rear
of fortification, so covered by masonry, as not to be perceptible from outside; a narrow way from
inside through the scarp to the well has also been made up. Mr. Oliver, I may also mention, preserved
his own district of Wuttoo, a sub division of Bhutteeana, by indefatigable courage, from the boiling
surf of insurrection and mutiny, which raged so fearfully in the contiguous villages and districts. When
he was appointed to officiate here during the memorable months of July and August, he wielded his
scepter of discretion fortitudine et prudentia, that reorganization was established and tranquility
restored. The germ thus planted by him he alone knew how to nurture, and thus enabled us and
Government to reap the harvest of peace, security and serenity. For further protection of this district
we have about twelve or fifteen hundred of Nawab of Bahawalpur troops, with six brass guns; about
200 Patteealah Rajah’s sowars, 100 Bhutteeana Infantry and Sikh Police Infantry, and 100
 Bhutteeana Mounted Police Levies, besides three guns mounted on the bastions of the fortified
cutchery, and one brass light field gun of small calibre.110

It is apparent that there was a force of 2,000 men and 10 guns in the district
and still further recruitment was going on. At the same time hangings and
shootings were going on unabated. It is not possible to estimate the figure
now, because large number of freedom fighters and innocent men were hanged
and shot dead without keeping record of the fake trials. The Deputy
Commissioner J.H. Oliver and his two assistants, A.J.S. Donald and T.W.
Moore were members of a so-called ‘commission’ who announced sentences
in an arbitrary manner.
Gohar Ali, an uncle of Rania Nawab Noor Mohammad Samad Khan, was
hanged on 21 August, and his nephew too had been seized.111 His other
relatives and allies namely Nawab Wazir Khan, Amir Ali Khan, Suba Khan
and Umrao Khan were hanged at Hisar. A large number of persons sentenced
and under trial were languishing in the jails at Ferozepur and Agra. Thus
ended the month of August in Haryana. Captain Robertson was relieved from
Hansi on the 10th by William Ford and the next day i.e. on the 11th August he
resumed the charge of Sirsa district and J.H. Oliver returned to Fazilka, but
for a short period.112

Note
* It may be noted that the spellings have been altered according to the current usage. Gugera is a
district now in Pakistan, Esakhel is a village, Tiwanas of Shahpur were famous warlords, Kasur is
also a district in Pakistan and barkandaz is an Urdu word for armed man.

Notes
1. J.W. Kaye, History of Sepoy War-II, London, 1874, p. 646.
2. ROID-II, p. 110.
3. HSA AD Accn. No. 1382, PMF No. 110/1857.
4. Allen’s Indian Mail, 29 October, 1857.
 5. ROID-I, p. 488.
6. M.R. VII-2, p. 4.
7. H.H. Greathed, Letters Written During the Siege, London, 1858, p. 237.
8. Mutiny Reports, p. 20 (para 27).
9. ROID-I, p. 503.
10. M.R. VII-2, p. 4.
11. PREIM: Report of F.C. Maitland, C.O. 5th NI, p. 45.
12. Mutiny Reports, p. 33.
13. Colonel George Bourchier, Eight Months’ Campaign Against Bengal Sepoy Army, London, 1858,
pp. 32–3.
14. ROID-II, p. 110.
15. Lionel Trotter, Life of John Nicholson (8th edn.), London, 1900, pp. 254–60.
16. J.G. Medley, A Year’s Campaigning in India, London, 1858, p. 76.
17. L.G. 4 December 1857 & Supplement to L.G., 15 January 1858.
18. T.R.E. Holmes, History of the Indian Mutiny (5th edn.), London, 1898, 1904, p. 593.
19. Rev. John Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, London, 1861, pp. 120–1, 125.
20. Holmes, History of Indian Mutiny, pp. 604–10.
21. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 145.
22. T.R.E. Holmes, History of Indian Mutiny, pp. 603–4.
23. D.G. Karnal, 1910, p. 36.
24. G.W. Forrest, The Indian Mutiny, vol. 1/4, p. 356.
25. L.G., 4 December 1857 & Supplement to L.G., 15 January 1858.
26. M.R., VII-1, p. 419.
27. W.S.R. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, Boston, 1860, p. 312.
28. C.T. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, Delhi, 1974, p. 206.
29. Ibid., pp. 191–6.
30. Pramod K. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, Hyderabad, 2007, p. 104.
31. Siddique Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857: Mewation Ka Yogdan, Nuh, 2006, p. 51.
32. Maulana Abdus Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, Nuh, 1974, p. 471; Metcalfe, Two Native
Narratives, pp. 195–200.
33. Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 52.
34. NAIMP Coll. No. 69, Sr. Nos. 49–51.
35. NAIMP Coll. No. 196, Sr. No. 1.
36. Ibid., Sr. No. 3.
37. Ibid., Sr. No. 2.
38. NAIMP Coll. No. 69, Sr. Nos. 49, 50, 51.
39. NAIMP Coll. No. 196, Sr. No. 4.
40. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, p. 177.
41. Ibid., pp. 192–6.
42. Ibid., p. 209.
43. Ibid., p. 206.
44. Ibid., p. 211.
45. Ibid., p. 177.
46. Ibid., p. 183.
47. ROID–I, p. 453.
48. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, p. 196.
49. Ibid., p. 197.
50. Ibid., p. 213.
51. Ibid., pp. 211–12.
52. L.G., 4 December 1857 & Supplement to L.G., 15 January 1858.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid.
56. Amresh Mishra, War of Civilisations: India AD 1857-II, Delhi, 2008, pp. 921–2.
57. Ibid., p. 922.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid., p. 923.
60. Ibid.
61. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 36.
62. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldiers Life, p. 313.
63. Forrest, The Indian Mutiny, vol. 1/4, p. 357.
64. Saul David, The Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 288.
65. Ibid.
66. Lahore Chronicle, 10 March 1858.
67. Ibid.
68. Allen’s Indian Mail, 16 October 1857.
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid.
 71. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. ROID-I, p. 471.
75. Lahore Chronicle, 29 August 1857.
76. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
77. Ibid.
78. M.R. VII-1, p. 435.
79. Ibid., p. 436.
80. Sir Edward Talbot Thackeray, Reminiscences of the Indian Mutiny, London, 1916, p. 44.
81. M.R. VII-1, p. 436.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid., p. 437.
85. Ibid.
86. Ibid.
87. Ibid., pp. 438–9.
88. Ibid., p. 439.
89. Ibid.
90. Supplement to Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857.
91. Chick, Annals, pp. 714–15.
92. Madras Spectator, 7 October 1857 and Lahore Chronicle, 29 August 1857.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid.
95. Ibid.
96. Lahore Chronicle, 29 August 1857.
97. Lahore Chronicle, Extra 24 August 1857; Allen’s Indian Mail, 16 Oct 1857.
98. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
99. Ibid.
100. Lahore Chronicle, 29 August 1857.
101. Ibid.
102. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, pp. 107–9.
103. Lahore Chronicle, 29 August 1857.
104. Supplement to Lahore Chronicle, 9 September 1857.
105. M.R. VII-2, p. 4; ROID-I, p. 503.
106. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
107. D.G. Hissar, 1915, p. 38.
108. Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 29 August 1857.
109. Chick, Annals, p. 715.
110. Ibid.
111. M.R. VII-1, p. 409.
112. M.R. VII-2, p. 127.
Chapter 7
September 1857: Recapture of Delhi –
Fall Out

With the passage of time and by the end of August the British administration
had been able to control the situation and resistance was practically
insignificant in the Ambala area. The Punjab government’s 6 per cent interest
loan from the bankers had been successful in Ambala where the subscription
was Rs. 10,72,193, and in Thanesar where it stood at Rs. 2,38,700. But in
Hisar and Sirsa it was meagre, amounting to Rs. 51,330 only.1 That indicated
that Ambala, Thanesar, and Karnal had been coerced, but that there existed
defiance and resistance in the Hisar and Rohtak districts. In Hisar there was
a huge force under Van Cortlandt but he was not secure outside his
headquarters in the fort of Hansi.

Panipat
The English levied a tax of one maund of wheat flour and one rupee in cash
on every head of the population of the town of Panipat on 7 September
1857.2 The administration of Delhi division was being carried on under John
Lawrence since July, and they wanted to continue the arrangement. By the
first week of September the besiegers at the Ridge had obtained all the
necessary equipment, guns and ammunition to make an assault on the fort and
city. The siege-train had reached Rai on 3 September.3 It was accompanied
by 350 European soldiers.4 Wilde’s regiment of the Punjab infantry
followed.5 In addition, the 3,000 strong Kashmiri contingent was also with
the Wilde’s regiment, consisting of 4 battalions, 6 guns and some cavalry.6
They were accompanied by a brother of John Lawrence, Captain Richard
Charles Lawrence alias Dick Lawrence. But the British opinion about them
was that ‘Goolab Singh’s force was not to be waited for. They were
marching leisurely, and probably had no great inclination to be on the front of
action.’

Hisar

VAN CORTLANDT BATTLING RESISTANCE FROM THE

PEASANTRY

There was a revolt in the Patiala detachment at Hisar on 1 September and the
British officers termed it a conspiracy of the Muslims.8 However, the loss
was contained and the unit was sent to Patiala immediately. A newspaper
report says,
The Patiala Infantry then with the force, … they were Pathans, whose long residence in the Cis-
Sutlej Provinces had engaged their sympathies with the Delhi rebels and their cry of ‘Deen’. They
were suspected of communicating with the enemy, and our spies reported that they had actually
offered their guns to the rebels, if they attacked us; they also sent emissaries amongst the Sikhs and
Dogras, telling them that bones were mixed with the atta, and endeavoured, in various ways, to sow
dissension in our ranks. Although their efforts were fruitless to this end, yet the presence of treason
in our camp was a source of constant annoyance; they were accordingly sent back to the Puttiala
district, many of them deserting on the road.9

Greathed noted on 3 September that ‘Van Cortlandt at Hansi cannot do all

he wishes and has not yet attacked Jumalpore, the strong-hold of rebels. The
Bikaneer troops are not worth much. The town of Tosham has been
plundered.’10

THE BHATOL BATTLE: 6 SEPTEMBER 1857

The villagers of Bhatol Khurd [or Bhatol Rangharan] had challenged the
British forces and a fierce battle was fought on 6 September 1857 with
considerable losses on both sides. A report says,
A few days afterwards, the village of Buttowl (Bhatol) in the Hurrianah district – became
obstreperous, and was subdued by General Van Cortlandt’s force with thirty killed, and only one
killed and nine wounded on our side.11 To the north-west of Delhi, in the Hurrianah district General
Van Cortlandt is still busy repressing disturbance and resetting the country. On September 6th an
insurgent village near Hansi was surprised and its occupants driven out and dispersed, with loss of
one of the ring leaders in the mutiny of Hurrianah Battalion and 25 of his men.12

It was not that simple a matter because the Bhatol battle was fought
bravely by Subahdar Gurbakhsh Singh and his comrades and severe losses
were caused to Pearse’s cavalry detachment. The official spokesperson says,
Reconnaissances were now made daily in different directions as much as to keep the enemy’s
cavalry in check, as to keep them on the qui vive and harass them. In one of these, Lieutenant
Pearse succeeded in destroying the Ranghur village of Bhatoul Khoord and shooting Goorbuksh
Singh a pensioned Soobahdar and a noted man in the district; to effect this, however, he was
compelled to dismount part of his men and storm the village, in doing which he lost one man killed
and 17 wounded.13

The village was burnt and a large number of innocent people were killed
so they could boast of murdering 25 men but according to tradition they were
mostly children. There was another newspaper reporting the battle at Bhatol
Rangharan, which says,
General Van Cortlandt reports from Hansi, on the 6th instant, that an insurgent village in the
neighbourhood had been successfully surprised that morning by a party of horsemen, under Messrs
Ford and Pearse, and that a pensioned Subahadar, name Goor Baksh, one of the chief instigators of
the mutiny in Hurrianah regiment, and twenty-five of his party, were killed and wounded, after a
stout resistance. Our loss, one killed and sixteen wounded, two severely.14

It is obvious that 25 were not killed but the figure included those also who
were wounded in action whereas the casualties on the side of attackers too
were large.

The Force at Hansi

A very large force was being maintained at Hansi by the British authorities
and from amongst such a large number of levies, new irregular regiments
were raised to accommodate the growing number. The spokesperson admits
that reinforcements from all directions had joined General Van Cortlandt
since his arrival at Hansi, and the Sikh Levy, 700 strong, was named the 23rd
Punjab Infantry.15
The total force at Hansi must have exceeded 5,000, because about 2,500
men had been furnished by the Punjab alone. The Bikaneris, Patialawalas and
Jindias were present in large number.
The total force, furnished by the Punjab, amounted to about 1500 Infantry, 800 Cavalry and 4 Guns;
and after weeding about 100 of the Tiwanna Horse, this force was as good and compact a one as
any General could wish for, to act against an undisciplined foe, though, it must be confessed, it
presented a motley array when paraded. These were Sikhs of the Majha and of Malwa, Pathans of
Mooltan, Peshawar and even of Candhar; wild looking horsemen from the banks of the Indus, as
well as from the Sutlej; fierce looking Rajpoots and quiet Dogras, together with a few Goorkhas, but
all animated with a common feeling of hatred against the ‘Poorbea’, and chafing at the delay, which
kept them sharing in the anticipated assault on and plunder of Delhi.16

The British officers had lured these bhare ke tattoos (hired ponies) to gain
unlimited loot from Delhi, though they were never to be taken to that city.
These disillusioned and armed greedy men never knew that they would be a
blot on their future generations. The British officers were not happy with the
Bikaneris because of their seeming cowardice but actually sympathy for the
rebel cause. Another report about the situation of forces and preparations
being made to attack the rebels is also interesting, which reads,
The Bikhaneer troops were also so reduced by sickness and desertion, that they could barely turn
out 200 men; but though weaker in numbers, our force was actually strengthened by these
reductions, and active preparations were now made for assaulting Jumalpore which was reported to
be strongly entrenched; scaling ladders and portable bridges were prepared, and the first fine
weather was to be signal for attack. As the enemy’s force consisted principally of our own mutinied
Irregular Cavalry, better armed and better mounted than any we could then raise, General Van
Cortlandt applied to General Wilson for 2 Horse Artillery guns, and 2 six-pounders captured at Delhi
were accordingly placed at his disposal, but without drivers, as General Wilson could not spare a
man.17

Whatever the claims of the British officers, they were afraid of the
freedom fighters pestering the hired soldiers with a rare voluntary zeal. To
quell this the General had to procure additional guns from Delhi and he sent
Robertson there for this. It was during this period that the rebel village of
Mangali was attacked.

THE MANGALI BATTLE

A news reporter writes, ‘Captain Robertson, therefore, left Hansie on the 6th
September [for Delhi] with a few volunteer Sikhs to fetch them [the guns].
During his absence, it was determined to attack and destroy Mungalee, the
rebel village, from whence the attack on Hissar was organised.’18
It appears that Shahzada Azim had again come from Delhi by the end of the
first week of September and was in the vicinity of Hansi, busy preparing for
another attack, because a large number of 10th ELC sowars, after revolting at
Ferozepur on 19 August, had come to this area and were active in villages
like Mangali and Jamalpur. A report mentions, ‘On the night of the 10th
September a detachment, under Lieutenant Pearse, left Hansie for this
purpose. The whole of cavalry was sent with this party, as it was believed
that the enemy at Jumalpore would attempt a rescue, if they heard of attack.’19
The total cavalry prior to arrival of 400–500 sowars from Patiala was
700, sent to Hisar on 18 August under Mildmay. So, on 10 September the
number was higher than 1,000 sowars. Thus in the attack on Mangali there
were at least 1,000 cavalry and 500 infantry with 3 guns having not less than
100 artillerymen; the total being more than 1,500, whereas the total
population of the village at that time could not be more than 2,500 including
old men, women and children. The then abadi area, now lying about a
kilometre east of the present location, indicates that there must not have been
more than 500 total houses in the village in 1857. According to the official
version,
The appearance, therefore, of our troops at Mungalee, soon after daylight on the 11th September,
caused evident surprise and consternation. Two 3-pounder guns with Sikh (Puttiala) gunners and
about 500 Infantry under Lieutenant Sadlier, composed the attacking force, which (as the enemy
always procured early intelligence of our movements) was said to be intended against Jumalpore,
and there they expected us.
The cavalry surrounded the place and cut off all hope of escape. The guns fired a few rounds,
and the Infantry advanced to the assault. Lieutenant Sadlier led his Dogras against the gate of the
village, sending Lieutenant Hunt, with a portable bridge, to cross the ditch of entrenchment on his
right [All villages in the Hurriana and Sirsa Districts are surrounded by a deep ditch and bank, to
 prevent cattle-lifting]: an entrance was speedily effected at both points, and the guns being moved to
the left, took the enemy in flank. A second gate was charged by Esa Khailee Ressala under
Abdoola Khan, who succeeded in effecting an entrance, when the enemy’s Cavalry endeavoured to
escape from the opposite side of the village, but were almost entirely cut up.20

This is only one side of the actual story, nothing can be said about the
bitter struggle in that war of no mercy. However, there is slight hint of the
resistance. ‘The rest fought desperately, and their loss could not have been
less than 400, amongst whom were many sepoys and sowars. A large number
of cattle fell into the hands of our troops, who lost only one sowar killed and
13 of the Infantry wounded.’21
Can we believe that the spokesperson was speaking the truth? They
admitted that their officers too had been wounded. Robert Anderson
Hamilton, Lieutenant 10th ELC, attached to the Tiwana Horse, who had
joined the force only three days before, was wounded here.22 Dr Martin
Brydon Lamb, 45th NI, who had performed the medical duties of the force
since leaving Sirsa was also wounded in action.23 There is another
description of the Mangali battle with some minor changes, where the
reporter says,
The village of Mungallah [Mangali] next became troublesome, Mahomed Azeem’s force being
augmented by more Ranghar villagers, and troops that had fled from Delhi having joined, besides
some of the 10th Light Cavalry men then lately mutinied and fled from Ferozepore, and a number of
Jhajjer sowars; whilst these bodies were concentrating General Van Cortlandt ordered a portion of
his brigade to move at 11.00 PM of the 10th September; the whole was placed under the command
of Captain G.G. Pearse, a brave and dashing officer; Lieut. A. Hamilton, a second in command in
charge of the Cavalry; Lieut. Hunt in command of 23rd Punjab Infantry; four guns and Sergeant-
Major Jackson, Messrs Tapsell Junior and Nunn, volunteers. The village was taken and burnt after
half an hour’s desperate fighting; 400 mutineers were cut down; the rest fled and were pursued for
upwards of three-miles.24

The official version did not give the actual figures of their killed, here too
the reporter has twisted it by placing two of their men wounded mortally.
Those who are wounded mortally always die. So three men were killed in
the fight but to lighten the causalities, two were placed in the category of
wounded.
Our loss was only one killed and sixteen wounded, two mortally. Dr Lamb received a slight wound
behind the right ear. Dr Minas having reached that day at Hissar, and the force after fight returned
to the same place, the sick men were immediately placed under his charge. When Dr Lamb was
 obliged to go away, Dr Minas was placed in medical charge of the whole of General Cortlandt’s
Hurrianah Field Force.25

Yet another news report about Mangali says, ‘I read, too, of what appears
to be destruction of another village at a later date, when a number of the
mutinied 10th Cavalry fell, and several prisoners, formerly of the same
regiment, were forthwith executed. On this occasion a large amount of booty
in horses, cattle and money fell into the hands of the General’s men.’26
Chief Commissioner Office Lahore 16th September 1857 – No official accounts have yet been
received of the successful attack by a portion of General Van Cortlandt’s force on the rebel village
of Mangali, but a number of the 10th Cavalry men have been killed, and thirteen of them, with some
others made prisoners were immediately executed on the spot. About rupees 20,000 worth of
plunder is said to have fallen into the hands of our men, and 80 horses and some 2000 head of other
cattle – Sd/- J.D. Macpherson Military Secy.27

THE JAMALPUR BATTLE

Thus patriots were defeated at Mangali but struggle did not end there. There
were some villages like Umra and Sultanpur which were pro-British and had
been helping their war efforts; obviously this was an eyesore for the freedom
fighters. The British media and propaganda machinery tried to impress that
the rebels were Ranghars alone but how could they ignore the Boora Jats of
Rohnat, located between the Sultanpur and Jamalpur? The villagers who
were fighting the mighty European-led conglomerate of the Sikhs, Dogras,
Gorkhas, Multanis, Tiwanas, and Bikaneri Rajputs wanted to teach the pro-
government elements a lesson. They planned to attack Umra, though it had
been termed a badmash village of looters by the English in the Hansi
episode.
On the 12th, the … detachment returned to Hansie, and were still accoutred, when news was
brought in, that the Jumalpore rebels were advancing to attack the … village of Oomrah. General
Van Cortlandt immediately marched with all his troops to its assistance, and the cavalry, under
Lieutenant Pearse, were sent in advance to reconnoitre. This officer reporting that the enemy
showed only in small numbers, and seemed disinclined to attack, and the greater part of our troops
being fatigued from their previous long march, the General returned in the afternoon to Hansie,
where we had scarcely arrived, when the sound of heavy firing told us that the enemy had taken
advantage of our absence to carry out their meditated attack. Our Cavalry having scarcely tasted
food for 36 hours, another move that day was impossible; but messengers were despatched
 promising aid, and before daylight the force was once more on its way to Oomrah. The enemy had
failed in their attack …, and had taken up a position on some rising ground in front of Jumalpore.28

Thus on the 13th, a British force numbering some 2,500 with four guns
confronted the patriots at Jamalpur. The folklore says that it was a long
battle, lasting all day, and Shahzada Azim led the Indian forces; in the
evening he escaped with his followers and guns. The British sources do not
give any detailed account of this battle. ‘At Jamalpur the mutineers
reassembled, stood in a line, fired four round shots towards the General’s
Battery and then fled. It is surprising how their three guns were carried off;
when they were put to such a flight. The village was quite empty.’29
In the government record there is only passing reference to the Mangali
and Jamalpur battles. ‘On the 11th an attack was made on the village of
Mangali which was carried by storm and burnt. This was followed up on the
13th by capture and burning of the village of Jamalpur which was defended
by the rebel Ranghars and the Delhi troops under the Shahzada.’30
There is some detail available from the other British sources. For
instance,
General Van Cortlandt reports the destruction on 13th September, by a portion of Hurrianah irregular
force, under his command, of the insurgent village of Jumalpore. The rebels drew up a force of from
700 to 800 horse, from 400 to 500 infantry, and some guns to defend the village; but after the
exchange of few shots, they broke, and fled with the most rapidity, leaving their camp in our hands
just as it stood, some ammunition, and five cart loads of Sepoys’ things; such as coats, pantaloons, &
c. & c.’31

According to government sources the destruction of Jamalpur was the

conclusive act of suppression of the rebellion in the Hisar district, but
Hurriana Field Force was not broken until the beginning of May 1858
becuase the struggle had not really ended.32
The field force of General Van Cortlandt has had some hard work lately. On the 11th September
Mungalee was taken and plundered. On the 12th they moved out to the assistance of Oomera, a Jat
village, threatened by the Jumalpore rebels in revenge for destruction of Mungalee. On seeing the
cavalry, the enemy retired; in the evening the force returned to Hansi; the enemy then came on with
their guns; but the Jats stood firm and beat them off. On the 13th, the field force moved to attack
Jumalpore, the mutineers fired about ten shots at long distances and then bolted, and their cavalry,
about 800 strong, protecting their rear. The cavalry of the field force was so tired to continue the
pursuit beyond Jumalpore, which was plundered and burnt to the ground. The whole of the cavalry
and 600 of the infantry have marched a distance of eighty miles in three days. Latest accounts say
 that the force was to move on the 16th towards Bowany (Bhiwani) to destroy several rebel Ranghur
villages in that direction, it will remain out in the district for some days.33

ROHNAT DESTROYED

After the destruction of Jamalpur, the force turned on Rohnat, a Boora Jat
village, and camped there. The next day a large number of persons were
hanged from the bar (Ficus benghalensis) trees near a functioning well on
the bank of the pond to the west of the village. Swami Birardass was blown
by gun in front of the villagers, while Nondharam Jat and Roopa Khatti along
with many prominent persons were brought prisoner to Hansi. According to
tradition many women along with their children jumped into the village well
to save their honour. The village was destroyed most probably on 14
September.

PUTTHI MANGAL KHAN DESTROYED

Similar was the fate of Putthi Pyadgan most probably on 15 September.

Mangal Khan and his son Qaide Khan were prominent leaders of its revolt.
These prisoners were brought to Hansi and were crushed under heavy stone
rollers. The road on which they were crushed became red with their blood
and the people named it lal sarak (red road), famous till date by this name.
after the martyrdom of Mangal Khan the people started calling this Putthi by
the name of Putthi Mangal Khan and since then it has been the official name
of this small village.
The Delhi Field Force made a final assault on Delhi on 14 September and
Harriana Field Force chief Van Cortlandt was waiting for the outcome. So,
when it became almost clear on the 20th that the Delhi had been recaptured,
Van Cortlandt started for Rohtak via Bhiwani with his sahibba.
At this stage Van Cortlandt had an impressive caucus of the European
officers or sahibs, and their collective movement became a new
phenomenon. The sahibba or sahbba or sahabba, a group of sahibs or
sahabs, had its origin in these moveable columns containing many European
officers or ordinary Europeans, because every one of them was a sahib in
India. A sahibba’s only language was sword and fire, its motive was death
and destruction. It gave no chance, no mercy. The European officers with Van
Cortlandt at this stage who constituted a sahibba were:

1. The fugitive Deputy Commissioner of Gurgaon, William Ford CS, the

then Deputy Commissioner of Hisar, who had been censured by the
Lieutenant Governor of the NWP at Agra on his flight from Gurgaon, but
had joined work at Hisar on 10–11 August to relieve Captain Roderick
Robertson who was to resume charge of the Sirsa as Superintendent;
2. J.S. Kitchen, the fugitive Deputy Collector of Gurgaon;
3. George Godfrey Pearse, Lieutenant of the Madras Artillery and
Assistant Commissioner of Gugera, commanding the cavalry component
of the Hurrianah Field Force;
4. Robert Anderson Hamilton, Lieutenant of the 10th ELC, second in
command (2IC) to G.G. Pearse;
5. James V. Hunt, Lieutenant of the 45th Native Infantry, commanding the
23rd Punjab Infantry Regiment;
6. Arthur George St John Mildmay, Lieutenant of the Bombay European
Infantry, Assistant Agent to the Governor General Rajputana, and
commanding the Bikaneri contingent;
7. Thomas John Sadlier, Lieutenant of HM’s 61st Foot Regiment, who later
became famous for seducing Augusta Corbett wife of his Brigadier
Corbett, commanding the Dogra Infantry;
8. William Joseph Fitzmaurice Stafford, Captain of the 22nd NI and
commandant of the late Hurriana Light Infantry Battalion, and brigade
major of the Hurriana Field Force;
9. Edmund Yeamans Walcott, Lieutenant of the 57th Native Infantry,
commanding the artillery wing of the HFF;
10. Francis William Boileau, Lieutenant of the 16th Native Infantry
(Grenadiers), who was wounded in action at Hisar;
11. Peter A. Minas, doctor and Sub-Assistant Surgeon, medical in charge of
the Hurriana Field Force;
12. Martin Brydon Lamb, doctor and Assistant Surgeon of the 45th Native
Infantry, who was wounded in action at Mangali slightly;
13. S.H. Jackson, Sergeant Major;
14. John Taylor, in-charge of the Cattle Farm Hisar,
15. Jackson, volunteer with the Sikh Artillery;
 16. F. Hardy, Patrol Customs Department;
17. Tapsell Junior, volunteer; and
18. Edward Charles Nunn, Patrol Customs, a volunteer.

Thus there were about 20 Europeans present in Hansi and Hisar at a time.

Banias and Rajputs welcome Van Cortlandt

General Van Cortlandt sent one detachment to Rohtak directly from Hansi via
Meham and himself started for Bhiwani. But he faced resistance. Ireland
writes,
General Van Cortlandt showed an equal ability in crushing armed opposition, and in employing the
more difficult arts of diplomacy and conciliation. Many attempts were made to seduce his native
troops, whom nothing but fidelity restrained from marching into Delhi. The resistance he met within
these districts was both determined and prolonged, and it was not before the fall of Delhi that he
succeeded in completely pacifying them.34

Ireland himself knew that fidelity had been purchased by Van Cortlandt
with the money, he had in abundance, otherwise the Sikhs would have gone to
plunder elsewhere. Van Cortlandt’s march to Bhiwani was not hassle free.
He had to face tough opposition at Baliali where Sheikh Mardan Ali and his
comrades fought against him. It was at Baliali that Risaldar Shamsuddin
Khan, an Anglophile resident of Khan Sahib Street in Sirsa, was killed in
action. He was the first person in Sirsa who had requested the Raja of
Bikaner to send troops. However, Van Cortlandt was greeted by the Banias
and Thakurs of Bhiwani where he bestowed honour on some of them.

Rohtak

LIBERTY LOST AFTER FOUR MONTHS

This district remained liberated for four months and in some of its parts there
had been chaotic conditions until the arrival of Van Cortlandt on 26
September.
The authority of Government was not restored openly and permanently until twelve days after the
memorable 14th of September, on which Delhi fell. On the 26th of that month, General Van Cortlandt
with a force of Punjab levies and contingents from the Patiala and Bikanir States, and accompanied
by Mr. Ford and Misr Mannu Lal, marched into Rohtak and proceeded to distribute justice among all
concerned in the late disturbances. The actual money loss to Government had been the plundering of
about 3½ lakhs of treasure and Rs 9000 worth of stamps, and the destruction of all Government
buildings and records except at Gohana: the canal, however, had not been injured.35

On the same day a part of his column was at the village of Madina on
Rohtak-Meham road, where Dr A.P. Tomkyns, joined the Field Force, and
the medical duties were equally divided between him and Dr P.A. Minas. As
already mentioned Van Cortlandt had marched to Bhiwani and from there he
had gone to Rohtak. ‘General Van Cortlandt and his force arrived here on the
26th after having visited Bhiwani which was illuminated on the occasion.’36
On 30 September Ford writes from Rohtak,
Since my arrival here I have re-established the Tehseel and Thanahs, and laid the dak to Delhi. I
have also hung thirteen highway robbers who were taken with arms in their (hands) and attempted
to escape, firing on our sowars…. The large villages have tendered their submission, and my
collections are going on very well indeed. The roads are now opening for travellers. In addition to
this I have assumed the office of officiating Customs Commissioner, and am laying down the line,
which will soon be completed to Rohtuck. Several of the officers have joined.37

He stressed that the presence of the military was necessary in the district.
He says, ‘This part of the country is now pretty quiet, but it will require a
Military Force for some time to keep the people down, the Mahommedan
population having been particularly opposed to us’.38
The status of the six districts of Delhi on 23 September was: Gurgaon in
the hands of rebels, Hisar and Sirsa re-conquered by Van Cortlandt, Sirsa
managed by Oliver under the supervision of Major Marsden, the Deputy
Commissioner of Ferozepur vested with the powers of Commissioner for
Sirsa; and Rohtak also in the state of rebellion,39 Panipat and Delhi
suppressed fully. But within a week Rohtak too was in the list of suppressed
districts.

Sonepat and Panipat

The peasants of the area adjoining Delhi were ready to the last to prevent the
siege-train from reaching the Delhi. Greathed wrote to Colvin on 4
September, ‘The zemindars of Sonepat and Paneeput appeared yesterday at
the Durbar and apprised the King of the approach of the siege-train and
offered with assistance to capture it. The project was referred to General
Bukht Khan’.40
So even on the 3rd, efforts to save Delhi were being made by the people of
Sonepat and Panipat who were in Delhi. On the other hand, Raja Jind was
sending his troops to assist the British until the moment of assault. Colonel
H.F. Dunsford reached the camp on the 7th with Jind contingent and several
officers.41 The Jammu-Kashmir contingent of 3 regiments, some cavalry and
4 guns; a well-equipped and efficient body of men; and led by Dick
Lawrence arrived at camp on the 9th.42

Gurgaon: Still Free

Nothing special happened in this district. Thus ended the month of
September, taking away the liberty, particularly of the peasantry, who had
now to pay the arrears with large amount of fines.

Notes
1. Rev. John Cave-Brown, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, London, 1861, p. 352.
2. C.T. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, Delhi, 1974, p. 225.
3. ROID-I, p. 504.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid., pp. 147, 508.
6. Ibid., p. 504.
7. Ibid., p. 147.
8. Ibid., pp. 148, 509.
9. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
10. ROID-I, p. 505.
11. Chick, Annals, p. 716.
12. Bell’s Life in London, 1 November 1857.
13. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
14. Allen’s Indian Mail, 29 October 1857.
15. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Chick, Annals, p. 716.
26. Bell’s Life in London and Sporting Chronicles, 11 November 1857 (Town Edition).
27. Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs (INCEA), 29 October 1857.
28. Lahore Chronicle, 24 March 1858.
29. Chick, Annals, p. 716.
30. D.G. Hissar, 1892, p. 44.
31. Allen’s Indian Mail, 29 October 1857 (Issue no. 327).
32. D.G. Hissar, 1892, pp. 44–5.
33. Allen’s Indian Mail, 16 November 1857.
34. W.W. Ireland, History of Siege of Delhi, Edinburgh, 1861, p. 205.
35. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 36.
36. Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 December 1857.
37. ROID-II, pp. 275–6.
38. Ibid.
39. M.R. VII-2, p. 69.
40. ROID-I, p. 509.
41. Ibid., p. 515.
42. Ibid.
Chapter 8
The Sahibbas

The first moveable column in the shape of the Bhattiana Field Force,
subsequently renamed Hurriana Field Force, had entered Haryana on 14–15
June 1857, and remained active in Sirsa, Fatehabad, Hisar, Hansi, Bhiwani
and Rohtak until the end of September 1857. But it was a column with twin
objects: to recapture and to punish. The recapture of Delhi was important and
so the supply of provisions to the rebels had to be prevented. However, after
the fall of Delhi, sole purpose was to punish and plunder so that people
could be terrorized to such an extent that they could never dream of getting
rid of the British rule. Thus there was no limit to the perpetration of crimes
on the population. But the brave people of the Gurgaon, the Meos, Ahirs,
Jats, and Gujjars along with Pathans and Sayyeds had resolved to hold the
fort. So, when hangings were the order of day in the rest of Haryana, the
people of district Gurgaon were fighting against the arrogant English elated
at their victory in Delhi (with the help of traitors like Narendra Singh, Sarup
Singh and Sardar Singh). Under these circumstances, the first sahibba started
at the end of September 1857 under the most tyrannical Brigadier St George
Daniel Showers, saint in name but Satan by nature.

Showers First Moveable Column: A Short-Term

Sahibba
The first moveable column started on 27 September 1857 from the Delhi
camp and returned on the fourth day. Major General Nicholas Penny wrote
about the foray on 20 October as under:
 I will now detail, in a few words, the operations conducted by Brigadier Showers on the western
side of the Jumna. A small column consisting of the following troops:
4 Horse Artillery guns, 300 Irregular Cavalry, 200 Her Majesty’s 52nd Regiment, Light Infantry;
200 Guides Infantry, and 300 4th Sikh Infantry; was dispatched towards Furreednugger, for the
purpose of restoring order among the disaffected Goojur villages, as well as with the view of
destroying any detachments of rebels that might be encountered. after executing this duty, Brigadier
Showers returned to Delhi.1

So went Showers with 1,000 men and 4 guns towards Faridabad. The sole
purpose was to burn villages of Gujjars and Jats around Faridabad. He burnt
and destroyed all the villages starting from Humayun’s Tomb to Qutab to
Faridabad. The column marched on 27 September and encamped on 28th at
Humayun’s Tomb, and on 29 at Qutab and was back in Delhi on the 30th.2 Its
success was doubtful as no achievement was reported even 20 days after its
return.

Showers Second Moveable Column: The Gigantic

Sahibba
Before sending the second moveable column, the British government had
made up their mind to arrest particularly Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan and
Raja Nahar Singh. This intention was made clear by William Muir to G.F.
Edmonstone in his letters dated 10 and 12 of October. Muir writes, ‘Hardly a
native State in Upper and Central India escaped the contagion; and against
some of the more nearly situated States, like Jhujjur and Bullubgurh, the
correspondence discovered is of a character to implicate their rulers most
thoroughly.’3
‘It is urgently,’ Saunders writes, ‘to restore peace and tranquility in the
neighbourhood of Delhi, and to prevent the possibility of the mutinous
Irregular Cavalry and the numerous defeated but not yet entirely disbanded
adherents of the King once more gaining head in this part of the world.’4
The second sahibba set out from Delhi on 2 October 1857, the object
being to occupy the parganah of Kot Qasim; to seize Rao Tularam of
Rewari; and to seize the Nawabs of Jhajjar and Dadri, and other individuals
of lesser note, known to be rebels.5 Showers started the campaign with the
following dreaded officers:
(1) William Neville Custance, Lieut. Colonel commanding HM’s 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers),
(2) Herbert Edward Stacy Abbott, Major commanding 2nd European Bengal Fusiliers, (3) Edward
William Stacy Scott, Brevet Major commanding No. 14 Light Field Battery of the Artillery, (4)
Robert Anderson Ramsay, Captain commanding Kumaon (Gorkha) Regiment Infantry, (5) Charles
Ayshford Sanford, Captain commanding Guide Corps Cavalry, (6) William Stephen Raikes Hodson,
Lieutenant of 1st European Bengal Fusiliers commanding Hodson’s Horse Irregular Cavalry, (7)
Henry Le Poer Trench, Captain of 35th NI, and ADC to Showers was the Brigade Major, (8)
Theophilus John Metcalfe CS, Joint Magistrate Delhi, (9) Wigram Clifford CS, Assistant Magistrate
Gurgaon, (10) Dr Fredrick Freeman Allen, Assistant Surgeon, (11) Robert Elphinstone Boyle,
Lieutenant of 46th NI attached to 2nd EnBF, (12) Thomas Cadell, Lieutenant and Quarter Master of
2nd EnBF, (13) Charles Henry Cantor, Lieutenant of 2nd EnBF, (14) Kendal Josiah William Coghill,
Lieutenant and Adjutant of 2nd EnBF, (15) Thomas Alexander Hunter, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF, (16) Sir
Atwell King Lake Bart, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF, (17) Webber D. Harris, Captain 2nd EnBF, (18) E.J.
(Jilly) McNair, 1st Lieutenant 2nd EnBF, (19) George Mitchell, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF, (20) Aylmer
Vivian, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF, (21) Augustus Willes, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF, (22) Malcom George
Clerk, Captain 4th European Regiment (EnR), (23) George Farquhar Irving Graham, Lieutenant 4th
EnR attached to 23rd Punjab Infantry (Pb I), (24) Alfred Robert Davidson Mackenzie, Lieutenant
1st ELC attached to the Guide Cavalry (GC), (25) Henry C. Evelyn Ward, Lieutenant 5th EnR
attached to the GC on 23.9.1857, (26) A.W.J. Montgomerie, Lieutenant 2nd ELC, (27) Charles John
Stanley Gough, Captain 5th ELC, (28) Charles T. Macdowell, Captain 2nd En BF attached to the
Guides, (29) L.F. Wells, Lieutenant 2nd ELC, (30) John Angelo, Lieutenant 59th NI, Commissariat
Officer; (31) Robert Byng Patricia Price Campbell, Captain 59th NI, (32) T.R. Davidson, Major and
a volunteer attached to 1st Punjab Infantry, (33) Hugh Grant, Lieutenant 74th NI, (34) John
Cockburn Hood, Captain 49th NI attached to 4th Punjab Infantry, (35) Alexander McLeod Stewart,
Lieutenant 64th NI joined at Jhajjar, (36) Thomas Nicholls Walker, Lieutenant 60th NI attached to
2nd EnBF, (37) Robert Cunliffe Low, Major Bombay Army, (38) Charles Metcalfe MacGregor,
Lieutenant 68th NI attached to Hodson Horse, (39) W.J. Morris, Lieutenant, (40) Henry T. Oldfield,
Lieutenant 9th NI, (41) Thomas Reid, Lieutenant 49th NI attached to 16th Irregular Cavalry, (42)
Robert Groves Sandeman, Lieutenant 14th NI, (43) Algar Bowdoin Temple, Lieutenant and Staff
Officer 49th NI attached to Kumaon Battalion, and (44) Edward Daniel Hamilton Vibart, Lieutenant
54th NI.

When he started he had with him three field officers (2 majors and 1 lieut.
colonel), 5 surgeons or assistant surgeons, 1 veterinary surgeon, 6 captains
and 33 subalterns (lieutenants, 1st & 2nd lieutenants, coronets and ensigns),
48 in total.6 The following joined him subsequently:
 (45) Richard Charles alias Dick Lawrence, Captain and Political Officer, Kashmiri Auxiliary Force
(KAF) joined the column at Dadri on 16th October 1857, (46) Henry Arthur Dwyer, Captain 59th NI
and 2 IC KAF joined at Dadri, (47) Daniel Mocatta, Lieutenant attached to KAF joined at Kahnaud
(Mahendragarh), (48) Robert Anderson Hamilton, Lieutenant 10th ELC attached to Hurriana Field
Force (HFF) joined at Dadri, (49) George Godfrey Pearse, Lieutenant attached to HFF joined at
Dadri, (50) Godfrey Colpoys Bloomfield, Captain HFF joined at Dadri, (51) Edmund Yeamans
Walcott, Lieutenant HFF joined at Dadri, (52) James V. Hunt, Lieutenant 23rd Punjab Infantry
attached to HFF joined at Dadri, (53) William Wroughton, Lieutenant 54th NI joined at Delhi, (54)
Rowland Smith, Lieut. Colonel joined at Jhajjar, (55) William Joseph Fitzmaurice Stafford, Captain
and Brigade Major of the HFF joined at Dadri, (56) Peter Drummond, Captain 22nd NI attached to
the Kumaon Battalion joined near Delhi, (57) Joseph White Orchard, Lieutenant attached to
Kumaon Battalion joined near Delhi, (58) P.C. Dalmahoy, Lieutenant 60th NI remained with
Showers in Delhi district, (59) Dr Peter A. Minas of HFF joined at Dadri on 16 October1857, and
(60) Sergeant Major J.H. Jackson of HFF joined at Dadri on 16 October 1857.

In total there were at least 64 officers with Showers.7 The moveable

column or sahibba headed by 65 goras under the command of Showers was
composed of:
No. 14 Light Field Battery, two 18-pounder guns, two 5½-pounder mortars, two companies of
Sappers, Her Majesty’s 6th Dragoon Guards, Guides Cavalry, Hodson’s Horse, 2nd European
Bengal Fusiliers, Kumaon Battalion and 1st Punjab Infantry.8 The strength of the men fit for duty
was as under:9

One field officer, 5 subalterns, 1

Artillery:
Europeans: surgeon, 10 NCOs, 41 rank and
(162)
file: total - 58.
2 subahdars, 2 jamadars, 6
Natives: NCOs, 94 rank & file; total -
104.
2 subalterns, 1. subahdar, 2
Engineers: jamadars, and 16 N CO s, and
(147) 126 rank and file: total - 147. (2
Coys of Mazahabi Sikh Sappers)
1 field officer, 2 captains, 8
Infantry: subalterns, 2 surgeons, 30 NCOs
(929) 2nd EnBF and 277 rank and file: total =
320.
Kumaon 1 captain, 6 subalterns, 1
 Batt surgeon, 4 subahdars,
Ajamadars, 14 NCOs, 249
rank and file: total = 279.
1st Punjab 3 subalterns, 4 subahdars, 4
Infantry jama da rs, 18 NCOs and 301
(Coke’s
ranks and file: total - 330
Rifles)
1 field officer, 1 captain, 4
subalterns, 1 surgeon, 1 vety
Cavalry:
H.M’s 6th: Dragoon Guards surgeon, 9 NCOs, and 67 rank &
(408)
file: total = 84, No. of horses
was 97.
1 captain, 5 subalterns, 3
subahdars, 4 jamadars, 29
Guide
NCOs, 115 rank & file: total -
Cavalry:
157 They had with them 153
horses.
2 subalterns, 3 subahdars, 2
Hod sons
jamadars, 4 NCOs and 156
Horse:
rank and file: total = 167.

The total strength of the column was 1,646 men of all arms, who were fit
for duty on 19 October. This was the number of combatants; the camp
followers were in huge numbers, so that the first moveable column (sahibba)
was a huge fire-emitting demon. Its head was European and tail was native,
because more than 480 people including all the 65 military officers were
European. ‘Brigadier Showers Column was to proceed from Humayun’s
Tomb and Kutab towards Rohtak or Gurgaon, to restore confidence and
enable us to reorganize our Police and Revenue establishments in those
districts’.10
The column left Delhi on 2 October and camped in the rural area; although
originally it was to go to Ballabgarh, the plan was changed. Hodson who
joined them turned to the right about 4 kos from Ballabgarh. The Raja came
out in his carriage but no interference was allowed.11 The next morning they
marched towards Gurgaon.
THE S AHIBBA AT GURGAON: EXECUTION OF CHAUDHARY
BAKHTAWAR SINGH

Early on the 4th the column left the camp in the Delhi district and arrived in
Gurgaon at 9 a.m.12 Here Showers wanted information about some mufsids
(rioters) and to punish some refractory villages a few miles off. A
detachment with Hodson was sent to Dhankot where, according to them, they
polished off a goodly number of rebels from the irregular cavalry
regiments.13 Chaudhary Bakhtawar Singh, a prominent leader of the
liberators, was caught and hanged on this day from a tree near the present
civil hospital, where Showers had encamped. Ball wrote,
At Goorgaon – a small fortified town, about twenty miles west from the (Delhi) city – a leader of
the rebels Buktar Singh, was captured, and forthwith hanged out of the way of further mischief; and
the same process was adopted wherever fortune threw the insurgent leader into the hands of the
troops, although not actually in the field.14

THE S AHIBBA AT PATAUDI: SKIRMISH WITH RAO TULARAM’S

SOLDIERS

The column left Gurgaon for Pataudi and camped there on 5 October.15 There
were some soldiers of Rao Tularam also. At Pataudi there was a skirmish
between the advance guards of the column and soldiers of Rao Tularam.16 A
message was sent to Rao Sahib to surrender but he refused and vacated
Rewari. Muir writing to Sherer on 13th says with reference to Saunders,
He had heard from Metcalfe, who was with Showers Column, when our troops reached Putowdee,
Rao Toola Ram ‘sent messengers with petitions expressing his great attachment to our Government,
and the preparations which he had made for the reception of our troops.’ It would appear, however,
that these latter had been entirely of a hostile character.17

About the state of country Hodson observed, ‘There is no chance of my

regiment being stationary this cold weather, I imagine, for the country is still
in a very unsettled state and will be so for a long time to come.’18
THE S AHIBBA AT REWARI: RAO TULARAM’S PREPARATIONS

On 6 October the column arrived at Rewari. Muir writes, ‘Rewari was found
almost deserted. Rampoorah, Toola Ram’s Fort was in a complete state of
defence—12 loaded guns and mortars on walls.’19
The British officers were surprised to find that ‘He had a gun foundry, in
which two new brass guns just made and very neatly turned out were found.
He had several muskets in store and also a capital mistree-khana
[workshop] in which several were being made, and he had a large supply of
iron bars, round shot, and other ordnance store.’20 Hodson too was
impressed; he wrote from the camp at Rewari on the 6th,
We arrived here, after a tediously protracted march, at eleven this morning, only to find my
prediction verified that the birds would be flown and the nest empty. Mr. Toli Ram bolted yesterday
and left only an empty fort and his guns behind him; in good hands it would have given us
considerable trouble and he was evidently a clever fellow, and had adroitly and promptly contrived
so as to be first in the field, should our power have ceased…. We found extensive preparations, and
large workshops for the completion of military equipments of all kinds, guns, gun-carriages, gun-
powder, accoutrements and material of all kinds. He had already done much and in a couple of
months his position would have been so strong as to have given him the command of all the
surrounding country, as well as the rich town and entrepot of Rewaree, close to the walls of his fort.
Had our empire fallen, he would have mastered all the surrounding villages and districts, and
probably extended his power on all sides, and founded a “Raj” like that [of] Puttiala or Jheend, to fall
in its turn before the [then] newly aroused energies of the Sikhs.21

About the message and consequent reaction of Rao Tularam he says,

Showers yesterday sent to tell him that if he would come in and give himself up, as well as his guns
and arms, he should be treated on his merits. This he would not do, and has eventually sealed his
fate by bolting. The extent of his warlike preparations is too obviously the result of his really hostile,
than of his professedly friendly, intentions.22

The column remained at Rewari and organized raids on the villages and
destroyed some of them, until 12 October. During these seven days the
detachments had wandered all the day. Hodson laments, ‘Wandering about
distant villages all the day in saddles … but no enemy are found…. They
were here till 5th October.’23
On 11 October the column was still at Rewari24 and arson, destruction,
burning and looting of the villages affiliated to Rao Tularam, was the order
of the day.
THE S AHIBBA AT JATUSANA: THE JHAJJAR REBELS

On the 12th the column moved to Jatusana, again an important village in the
Ahirwal or Heerwal, the abode of Ahirs or Heers a sturdy ancient race,
equally proficient in war and agriculture. Saunders writes on the 13th,
We have received letters today from Showers Column, reporting that they were then at Jatusana
and had made several of the Jhujjur sowars who had come across them lay down their arms without
resistance…. We are gradually apprehending some of the chief offenders, the Nawab of Jhujjur and
others being anxious now to testify their loyalty and affection for the British Government, by
apprehending for us parties who have been concerned in the rebellion.25

On 13th the column was at Jatusana when the report was received that
rebels had been plundering the provisions and ammunition at Rampura, so
Hodson was ordered to proceed there. He did so but the rebels had
escaped.26 On the 14th he wrote to his wife from Jatusana, ‘Yesterday I went
to Rampura near Rewaree where grains etc. had been looted by rebels …
when we reached there after dark.’27 But there occurred a fight in which 30
or 40 freedom fighters were killed.28

THE S AHIBBA CAMPS AT NAHAR AND DADRI

At 2 a.m. on 14 October, the column marched to Nahar on the Dadri road and
set up camp. Hodson was left behind because he had returned only two hours
earlier at Jatusana. The next day, Showers marched to Dadri. From there he
wrote on the 16th, ‘I reached Dadree yesterday, where I found the following
guns, of which I have taken possession:- 2 Brass guns and 4 Iron guns. The
brass guns I propose to take with me; but the iron guns I have directed to be
destroyed.’29 Nawab Bahadur Jang Khan was taken prisoner on the 15th.
Showers writes,
Sir Theophilus Metcalfe will have reported the arrangements that have been made with respect to
the Nawab of Dadree; but it will be satisfactory to me to hear that the Nawab received the
moveable column under my command with the utmost respect, coming himself on the istakbul [sic],
and expressing his readiness to submit to any inquiry that the Government intended to institute into
the conduct during the period of the late insurrection, and to afford his assistance in arresting any
mutineers and insurgents who might take refuge within his jurisdiction.30
TWO S AHIBBAS MARCH AND MEET AT BHIWANI

Showers was not sure of his success, so John Lawrence ordered

augmentation of his column before proceeding to Jhajjar to arrest Nawab
Abdur Rahman Khan. The Hurriana Field Force which had returned to Hansi
in the first week of October were ordered to join Showers column. On the
13th the following detachments under the command of W.J.F. Stafford, were
ordered to join R. Lawrence’s Irregular Force at Bhiwani: ‘450 sabres of
Pearse’s Horse, 700 bayonets of 23rd Punjab Infantry, 300 Patiala Irregulars,
and 4 guns of Walcott’s Battery. Dr P.A. Minas was in medical charge’.31
Accordingly, they marched and encamped at Bhiwani on the 14th, where
Dick Lawrence’s contingent consisting of: 2,000 men of the 3 KAF
regiments, 100 men of Punjab Mounted Police Corps and 3 guns32 joined
them.

COMBINED HUGE S AHIBBA MARCH FROM BHIWANI: JOIN

SHOWERS AT DADRI

On the 16th this combined contingent of more than 3,500 men and 7 guns
marched to Dadri where they arrived in on the same day. There they were
incorporated in the already remaining 1,600–1,700 strong column. A reporter
with the sahibba says, ‘Dadree is a nice flourishing town. The Nawab
yielded himself most submissively. The Political Officers, Mr. W. Ford CS
of Goorgaon and Sir Theophilus Metcalfe took charge of him. Two guns
were removed from an old fort.’33 Showers wrote in Jhajjar on the 18th:
to prevent the Nawab from effecting his escape, I detached the Guide Cavalry and the Punjab
Mounted Police to Nahur on the 17th, with orders that they should be on look-out for fugitives from
Jhujjur. Captain Sanford, who commanded, reports having seen a number of armed men proceeding
in the direction of Nahur, of whom he had cut up all whom he could overtake.34

Another news reporter noted that:

A cavalry force, which when advancing from Dadree on Jhujjur, Brigadier Showers sent forward to
cut off fugitives, from Jhujjur towards Kunoond (Kahnaud), was eminently successful. From 300 to
400 were destroyed and the Jhujjur forces are believed to have been irretrievably dispersed.35
GIGANTIC S AHIBBA MARCH ON JHAJJAR

The Showers moveable column, always said to comprise only 1,500–1,600

men, and claimed to settle the Jhajjar and Gurgaon districts, was in fact,
more than 5,500 strong with at least 15 guns besides those captured at
Rewari (12) and Dadri (2). This 5,000 strong sahibba left Dadri on the 17th
for Jhajjar. Showers writes,
from Dadree I proceeded with my column to Chhoochhakwas. On the road a deputation from the
Nawab of Jhujjur came out to meet me, to intimate that the Nawab was at a short distance from
Chhoochhakwas, and that he awaited instructions to come into my camp. I communicated to him, on
his arrival, the instructions of Government, and after the delivery of the perwannah from the
Commissioner, he was arrested, and has since been under the charge of Captain R. Lawrence.36

Thus tamely surrendered the chief of the biggest state. Had he participated
actively in the rebellion, with his 5,000 strong army, the British would have
been prevented from their movement on the GT Road and their plan to
recapture Delhi would have been thwarted. Showers while reporting to
Penny wrote,
The Nawab was frank on his communication regarding the state of his troops, and of the objections
that he suspected his father-in-law Ubdool Sumund Khan, would make to giving himself up. Having,
therefore, some reason to apprehend that some opposition would be made to my taking possession
of the fort and of the arms and ammunition and horses of the troops, I moved forward my forces,
prepared to attack them if there should be some opposition.37

THE S AHIBBA AT JHAJJAR

But the troops visualizing the size of the column and consequent result of the
attack and cowardice of the Nawab, left the cantonments and fort during the
night. Some of them were killed about Nahar and Kosli in their fight with the
detachment of Sanford and Pearse. Showers reports,
During the night, however, all the troops both sowars and footmen – fled, and, on my reaching the
cantonments, I found the whole deserted; the only horses remaining in the cavalry stables were
those which belonged to the Nawab. A very few men remained, and those that did give up their
arms without opposition.38
 A large number of men present at the capture of Jhajjar were shot dead. In
folklore and tradition it is held that on that day such a large number of
persons were shot and cut down by the column that the famous laal diggi
(red reservoir or tank) was filled with their blood, and thus earned this name.
He continues, ‘I afterwards entered and took possession of the fort, with
about 21 guns and a large quantity of powder and ammunition….’39
A news reporter writes, ‘… A large number of his horses, 3,000 stand of
arms, 23 guns of heavy and light calibre, elephants, and some treasure fell in
the possession of the Brigadier.’40 Showers encamped at Jhajjar on the 17th.
The news report continued,
The next day 17th, after twelve hours march, we found ourselves on the parade ground of Jhujjur.
To cut down from flying from this place any fugitive mutineers from Delhi, and the rebel army of
Jhujjur, Guide’s Cavalry, and 120 of Pearse’s Horse made circuitous march by Nahur. They, of
course, had a very busy morning, as those who were sought for, took that very road. 600 of the
enemy were cut; they consisted of magazine classies, fugitive Pandis of Infantry, Sappers, Light
Cavalry and Jhujjur sowars. The loot with them was found to consist of English ladies’ articles of
dress, ornaments, &c. In this pursuit only six or seven on our side were wounded.41

The figure of mortalities at Nahar was given neither by Sanford nor by

Showers, but Allen’s Indian Mail’s correspondent put it at 300 to 400 which
was increased to 600 by the Annals’ reporter. These were helpless peons,
tent pitchers, women and children who had escaped from Jhajjar, afraid of
the atrocities committed by the column men. Showers further writes,
I have heard from other sources that the fugitive soldiers were making towards Kanoud. I have,
therefore, detached today a force, consisting of the 6th Dragoon Guards under the command of
Colonel Custance and Hodson’s Horse, to Nahur, for the purpose of overtaking them and of the
obtaining possession of the Fort of Kanoud and of the treasure said to be deposited there, before the
place can be reinforced.42

AN ADVANCE DETACHMENT AT NAHAR

Colonel Custance along with his Carabineers and Hodson with his cavalry
left for Nahar at noon on the 18th and reached the destination after a forced
march of 24 miles at sunset. Here a party of rebels attacked their force but
were defeated. The rebels lost 40 of their men, 50 cavalry horses and a few
nine-pounder guns.43 Then they marched on Kahnaud and Colonel Custance
finding the gates closed, called upon the place to surrender, on which they
were opened, and the fort taken possession of, with eighteen guns (eight of
which were mounted on the bastion), a quantity of military stores, and nearly
five lakh of treasure. Only about 60 men, who laid down their arms, were
found in the fort.44 Another 500, said to be sepoys, fled in the night and some
of them were cut up by Hodson,45 who was in advance of the detachment.
None of the fugitives from Jhujjur had succeeded in reaching Kahnaud. Both
these Nawabs Bahadur Jang Khan of Dadri and Abdur Rehman Khan of
Jhajjar were sent from Jhajjar under a strong escort of Lieutenant
Mackenzie46 and in charge of Sir Theo Metcalfe to Delhi.47

The Sahibba again at Nahar: Mackenzie admits Arbitrary

Killings

On the 18th Showers started for Kahnaud48 and halted at Nahar, and then after
a march of about 20 miles in the night of 19th reached there in the morning of
20th.49 Mackenzie, Lieutenant of 3rd ELC, which had revolted on 11 May at
Meerut was with the Guide Cavalry in the Showers moveable column. He
was with the escort which took the Nawabs to Delhi. He has narrated the real
happenings during the movements of such columns, the merciless and
arbitrary killings, and crimes perpetrated by the European officers at their
whims. He writes in a frank and forthright manner,
During the suppression of Mutiny, a campaign which was unique and unlike other, the iron bands of
discipline were, in some respects, not so tightly drawn as usual, and many things happened which
would now be impossible. For instance, it was not at all unheard of for an enterprising officer, with
no other sanction than that of his Commanding Officer, to take a small party of mounted men and
start off on the prowl in search of adventures. Very frequently he found them, and took good care, in
view of irregularity of his proceedings, that no report of them reached the General.50

Here Mackenzie speaks about the notorious Hodson as he writes,

On some such occasion, a captain who was doing duty with us, and who was well known for his
eccentricity, almost verging on insanity, his fearlessness, and his unsparing thirst for vengeance
against the mutineers, found himself, with the squad of sixteen or twenty men, many miles from
camp, in front of the gateway of a walled enclosure, inside which were about forty rebel sepoys
 who, relying on their distance from danger, had taken no precautions against surprise, and were
quietly cooking their dinner.51

This is probably incident of village Dhankot in the vicinity of Gurgaon.

Hodson took in the situation at once ‘Halt!’ he shouted in a stentorian voice, to his men, adding in
Hindustani, ‘only twenty men follow me into the gate. Let the rest of the regiment remain outside’.
Throw down your arms in that corner,’ he roared … to the sepoys. ‘Gather together in the opposite
corner, and be quick about it, or I will slay you all.’ He was immediately obeyed. ‘Now’ said he, ‘I
see among you a number of men older than the others, whom they have probably led astray. Drive
them out from among you, then I may destroy them.’ The miserable cowards of young men instantly
thrust out the older ones, struggling and fighting for dear life: and Hodson and his party fell on them
and killed them. Then turning to the … remnant, ‘What dirt have you eaten! Oh children of owls!’
and he smote them also, hip and thigh.52

Such was the treachery of the British officers whom the English writers
depict as their heroes. ‘Before utterly and unreservedly condemning this
undoubtedly savage action, I would beg the reader to remember that in this
mutiny war no quarter was given on either side,’53 says Mackenzie.
However, Jats and Meos in Palwal and Mewat were defiant. ‘The country
north of Muthra, on the confines of Goorgaon District, is yet disturbed by the
unruly Jats and Mewattis, who need chastisement, but we have not the means
of chastising them.’54

THE S AHIBBA AT KAHNAUD/MAHENDRAGARH

Now let us return to the movement of the column which reached the Kahnaud
fort, about which the report says,
The Brigadier marched into it on the morning of the 20th October. Thus without the slightest
molestation the fort of Kanoude, one of the strongest, best planned, and best kept forts of India, fell
into our hands with 21 guns, two of them 24 pounders with the Government stamp on them, one
eight-inch mortar, large piles of twenty-six pounder shots, innumerable ten-inch shells of English
manufacture, a large quantity of ammunition, grain and supply of all sorts for a long siege, and what
was the best of all 7 lacs and 2563 rupees which they were sending to Delhi.55

A reporter who was fascinated by the Kahnaud Fort, writes,

The fort is particularly strong and beautifully constructed, it is as it were, five forts-wall within wall-
with massive gates to each wall, three large ditches all round, each about eighty feet deep and 50
 wide, having nearly perpendicular banks outside. Were the outer walls once gained, it would be
found that entrance to the first courting has been gained, and so through all, each partition is
defended very strongly. All the apparatus were lying about showing their recent use, and the walls
of the fort were still wet with fresh repairs. This was the stronghold of the Nabob (Nawab) of
Jhujjur who gave himself a prisoner.56

In fact, General Abdus Samad Khan had taken possession of the fort soon
after he left Delhi and he had made preparations to confront the British force
here, but on the advice of Rao Tularam, Mohammed Azim and Rao Krishan
Gopal alias Kishan Singh he had to leave it suddenly, so he could not remove
the huge treasure and ammunition as well as arms particularly guns. It also
indicated the weakness of the intelligence system of the Indians. When
Showers marched from the Jhajjar, Richard Lawrence was left as political
agent in charge of the whole district57 and H.A. Dwyer as his 2IC doing civil
duty. William Ford with an escort of Pearse’s Horse, and a detachment of the
Kumaon Battalion, conveyed the treasure to Gurgaon.58

A Hasty Retreat

The Showers’ moveable column left Kahnaud on the 24th and proceeded
towards Delhi via Rewari.59 At this stage Showers was aware of the
presence of Rao Tularam, Rao Kishan Singh, General Abdus Samad Khan
and Shahzada Mohammed Azim in the vicinity of Kahnaud (Mahendragarh),
but he was not sure of his own strength, presuming that to be not-enough to
face them or pursue them. There is sufficient evidence to show this. A
reporter writes, ‘Abdool Summund Khan, father-in-law of the Nawab of
Jhujjur; Tooleeram, a petty chief of Rewaree; Mahomed Azeem, a pigmy
Assistant Patrol of Bhuttoo, and the Kutwal (Kotwal) of Meerut – as some
suppose – are the brutes that served as a nucleus to the mutinying of these
districts.’60
Yes, it is true they were the main leaders and driving force behind the
freedom struggle being waged even after the fall of Delhi. ‘These hellhounds
with their few followers fled a day before on hearing of our approach to the
Kanoude fort – to the villages of Singhanah and Kettree (Khetri) in the
Jeypore district, where the Jodhpore Legion joined them.’61
 Is it possible that Showers was not aware of the likely scenario within
next few days? He left Kahnaud for others to face them.

Plan to Chastise the Mewattis

The column reached Rewari on 26th October. When the column was at
Mahendragarh (Kahnaud) itself, Showers got information of the plundering of
Sohna by Mewattis, consequently it was planned by him to go to Mewat.
Hodson writes,
Rewari … from thence a part goes to Goorgaon, and waits the arrival of the larger portion of the
troops which are to go into the Mewattee country, and punish some rascals who have plundered the
large town of Sonah. The Brigadier is planning a series of manoeuvres, by which he intends to
surround and capture 4000 Mewattees. I shall be very much surprised if we see one of that
interesting race!62

But unfortunate Hodson never got a chance to see this interesting race,
because his leave was sanctioned and from Pataudi he went to Delhi and
from thence he reached Ambala on 2 November, never to return to Haryana
after 15th November. Anyhow, when the Showers column was at Rewari the
news of Jodhpur Legion was confirmed. An officer who was in the column
wrote, ‘I wrote to you last from Kanoond; from that place we returned to
Rewaree, where we found a subahdar and a company of the Guides in
charge of the town. Some report about the Jodhpore legion being at Nand
[Narnaul] was current in the camp and this was the reason assigned for our
looking-up Rewaree.’63
So, the brigadier was not ready to counter the force of Rao Tularam and
his comrades and thus marched back towards Delhi with the excuse of
refitting his column.

THE S AHIBBA AGAIN AT GURGAON: NAWAB FARRUKHNAGAR

CAPTURED

On 27 October the column was at Pataudi. The next day the column reached
Gurgaon and halted. From Gurgaon, Showers wrote to Penny about the state
of his column. He reported, that his
men ‘were greatly knocked-up, and many completely ineffective from sickness and fatigue, and
required rest.’ The horses of Scott’s Battery hardly able to drag the guns. The infantry portion
musters not more than between 500 to 600. ‘One regiment Kemaonies, have only 90 effective men
out in camp.’ ‘It will be necessary,’ Saunders adds, ‘for the whole column to march into Delhi to
refit, or to have other regiments substituted for those that are unable to march’.64

While at Gurgaon, Custance was ordered to attack and capture the Nawab
of Farrukhnagar and twenty of the Nawab’s sowars were shot.65 The Nawab
was evidently imprisoned and brought to the camp and sent to Delhi.
Showers wrote to Delhi to say that he considered it necessary that the column
should march in force against the Mewattis. ‘They are’, he says, ‘in numbers
on the hills and in the villages near Sonah. Some Pandies and horsemen are
associated with them, and if I were to leave this part of the country without
going in among them they would come forward again and give a great deal of
trouble. I have therefore decided on going to Sonah via Kasun and Taoroo’.66
However, he had first priority to arrest Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh,
so planned to march a portion of the column towards that direction and
himself went to Delhi on 30 October and then rejoined his column at
Gurgaon.

Killing of Assistant Magistrate Wigram Clifford CS

On the 31st, a detachment was sent to a village named Raisina in Mewat,

about which Muir wrote to Edmonstone and Sherer on 2 November,
Showers’ Column is still engaged with the Mewatees in Goorgaon district. A portion of Force
attacked a body of the insurgents who had taken up a position on the hill. They were dislodged and
driven away; 60 to 100 including several sepoys, being killed. The only casuality was a very
lamentable one, poor Wigram Clifford – the same whose sister was one of the first victims in the
surprise of Delhi. He was killed by a shot from a Mutineer Sepoy; he died almost immediately on
being wounded as the ball passed through his head. He had apparently ridden in advance of the
party.67

The tyrant Clifford had reached Raisina when the fighters of that village
killed him. It was the famous battle of Raisina, details of which have been
given in Chapter 10. On 2 November, Muir wrote to Edmonstone, ‘The
column is to go on in force, via Kasun and Taoroo, to Sonah, effectually to
put down these insurgents.’68

Continued Campaign and Destruction

A detachment had been sent to Raisina, the main column remaining at

Gurgaon until 2 November; on 3 November it moved; it attacked Kasan and
destroyed it. Showers sahibba moved on, burning the villages of Saidpur,
Milakpur Gujjar, Santhalka, Harchandpur, Khori Nizampur, and Didara on
the way and reached Taoru. An officer who was in the column observed,
After this we entered quite a new style of country. Instead of skirting the hills, we entered them;
indeed, crossed a tract of hills running without order and at a range from 200 to 300 feet high, with
here and there a peak of 500, until we quitted them again at Sonah. Our object to punish the wild
devils of Mewattees, who inhabit these hills, and whose natural trade is plunder. Mewar, the district
after which they are called, is far away to the west and south-west; but these people cling to the
irregular range of hills in all its length and breadth. As we found every town had been burnt and
gutted by these scamps, we returned the compliment by setting their villages on fire; and at Taroo,
as I set smoking my weed in the evening; I counted no less than five huge bonfires, whose lights
stretched almost round the horizon.69

The villages around Taoru, Gwarka, Raheri, Bawla, Bharangpur, Didara,

Kalarpuri, and Chundhika, were all burnt. The officer continues, ‘At Taroo,
among the ruins of what was a substantial stone-built town, only seven
months ago, and which we were ordered to clear, we found and shot thirty
fair-skinned Delhi fellows.’70

From Taoru to Sohna

After halt at Taoru, the next morning the column marched towards Sohna, and
they had to face stiff opposition at every village from the brave Meos. The
British officer tries to dilute the theme when he writes,
One day was spent between Taroo and Sonah (five miles) in hunting the hills for Mewattees; we
were fired upon by one village – less, I believe, because those gentlemen like fighting, than they
were anxious to cover the removal of their cattle. Here is the only point at which they are
 vulnerable; catch them you cannot; burn their village you may; and in a week they are rethatched.
All this is idle; seize their cows and goats, if you want to bring them to their senses.71

The British officers subsequently adopted this strategy, mentioned in the

last sentence above. When Peter Drummond, during his attack on Rupraka on
19 November, burnt the villages en route, his action was not appreciated.
The tragedy was that the Indians were fighting against each other for the
victory or defeat of the British force. The narrator praises the soldiers of the
Guide Corps, ‘The guides – such active fellows! – beat for the Mewattees up
the khuds, down the khuds, and over the most dangerous ground, just as we
should for chikore, in a way which Europeans could not have done.’72
It was not an easy task to reduce Meos on their home turf. They caused
immense losses to the British, however, loss on the Indian side too was
considerable as about 60 of them attained martyrdom.73

Narrative of a Hand-to-Hand fight between a Mewatti

and a British Soldier
The Meos had only talwars to attack and defend whereas the soldiers of the
column had rifles as well. Yet, how daringly fought the Meos says the officer,
A hand-to-hand fight took place, which excited a good deal of fun. A Mewattee, a huge fellow,
armed with a shield and sword, was put up half-way down the khud at our feet. Twenty shots were
fired; but no, the bold fellow held steadily on, springing from rock to rock, descending to the bottom
of dell and then mounting the opposite face. He was so close that we could distinguish the rope
fastened round his body, which these people use in climbing about the ravines in which they live. Just
as he was reaching the crest of the khud, a man of the guides suddenly came round an elbow of the
ravine, and five words explained to him the proximity of the Mewattee. There was not four yards
distance between them when they met. The guide fired – down ducked his friend, the shot missed,
and then followed the sweep of the Mewattee’s sword upon the guide’s head – at the same moment
the guide giving him the bayonet. A second flash of the sword, and down went the guide, as we
thought – a howl of rage rose from the lookers-on. In another minute the guide was seen standing
over his foe. His head had been saved by a thick puggree; and the second cut was, thanks to his
lunge of the bayonet, of no great strength: when he stooped it was to pick up his puggree.74

Had there been no rifle, the Meo would have won hands down.
HUNTING AT SOHNA

The next day, after halting at Sohna on the 4th, they hunted for the Meos in the
hills around Sohna. The narrator says, ‘From Sonah we had another days
hunt; such hard work I have never had in the hills. Falls I had at least a
dozen.’ The column halted at Sohna on 5 November and left for Ballabgarh
the next day, leaving behind the 2nd Battalion of Gorkhas (Kumaon) to keep
the district quiet.

LOOTING OF BALLABGARH AND CAPTURE OF RAJA NAHAR

SINGH

Showers reached Ballabgurh on 6 November and imprisoned Raja Nahar

Singh without any opposition. On the 11th, Muir writes to Sherer, ‘Showers
in a letter of the 6th mention that he had arrested the Rajah of Bullubgurh that
morning and taken possession of his fort, in which he was leaving a force. He
states that Mr. Ford had annexed the pergunnah to Goorgaon’.75 Raja Nahar
Singh was arrested before the arrival of the column at Ballabgarh, having
come out some distance to meet Showers.76 On 7 November an officer of the
column wrote from Ballabgarh, ‘The rajah of this place has been sent a
prisoner into Delhi. The fort here is full of sepoy uniforms; uniforms too, of
the poor fellows of 32nd Foot and officers of the 6th native infantry, have
been found…. Twenty fellows, some of them Pandies, some of them Delhi
court men, were shot yesterday.’77 On 12 November, a news report said,
In the same way the Bulubghur Rajah, at the last moment, on the approach of our troops, came out
of his fort and gave himself up a prisoner. In this fort were found several of King’s relations, and the
old Kotwal of Delhi, who was so active in murdering our women; also, hanging on the pegs in the
barracks of his troops, were found the grey jackets of the 3rd Cavalry, and a number of other
mutinous regiments; and yet this Bulubghur Rajah is also spared, and his fort untouched. Brigadier
Showers would have shot him without hesitation on such evident proof of his guilt, and for
harbouring our worst enemies; but the civilians here, who exercise such an unhappy influence,
prevented the Brigadier from punishing him.78

Brigadier Showers returned to Delhi, having taken the forts of Rewari,

Jhajjar, Kahnaud, Farrukhnagar and Ballabgarh; and with four princes of
states, about 70 guns and Rs. 8 lakh, besides a large quantity of grain and
ammunition; with a number of horses.79 He had severely punished the Meos,
burning 50 of their villages80 and killing in hundreds. Thus ended the biggest
sahibba, a hydra-headed demon who caused extensive destruction in
Haryana. This moveable sahibba (column) was the instrument of organized
loot, and much controversy was generated by its dark deeds; those who got
no share were aggrieved and turned out to be the complainants pretending to
be the justice-seekers on the grounds of morality or government interest. C.B.
Saunders, officiating Commissioner of Delhi wrote to Major General
Nicholas Penny, commanding the Delhi Field Force, on 11 November 1857,
It is with considerable regret that I feel it to be my duty to bring this prominently to your notice the
fact that on the arrest of the nawabs of Jhujjur and Furuknuggur and more especially of Bullubgurh
by the force under the command of Brigadier Showers, no efficient measures were taken to prevent
the plunder of their effects by the troops employed on the occasion…. On the occasion of the arrest
of the Nawab of Furuknuggur the whole of his property, horses and cattle were indiscriminately
subjected to plunder and I am not aware that a single anna or article of property has been
recovered…. At Bullubgurh the similar scene was enacted. The Rajah was arrested before the
arrival of the troops at Bullubgurh, having come out some distance to meet the Column.81

The Plunder of Raja Nahar Singh’s Palace

It appears that the Raja had surrendered on some conditions, he had been
offered something that is not clear from the files which are not legible now.
But the hint is clear about a deal that was not fulfilled by the British
authorities. Saunders writes,
no opposition whatever having been offered – his fort and palaces were subjected to indiscriminate
plunder, as though the place had been assaulted and carried by besieging army after desperate
resistance on the part of the besieged. The Rajah’s zenanah was entered by the troops and his
women were deprived not only of their cash & jewels but even of their clothes…. A great number
of Rajah’s horses, bullocks, raths and other property were also carried off and appropriated by the
force and the amount of property which now remains under attachment forms but a very small
fraction of what actually belonged to the Rajah at the time of his arrest.82

Showers’ Fear
These being allegations against the Brigadier Showers, so he submitted his
explanation on 13 November. It is not only revealing but also depicts, inter
alia, the state of the country through which he had passed with his sahibba
when he marched back from Ballabgarh. He explains,
1. I think it necessary to bring to the notice of Major General N. Penny CB, Commanding Delhi
Field Force, that from the time I entered the Goorgaon District I was in the enemy’s country, that in
all my encampments and during every march I was exposed to the enemy’s horsemen. I had not
only to plan the capture of the prescribed rebels and their forts, but I had to anticipate an attack
from every village that I passed when I had to be so continually on the alert against an enemy, it
may well be understood that the protection of captured property was of secondary consideration.83

He succeeded in capturing four chiefs, but the freedom fighters of the area
he had visited were not cowed down, and he had to confess the reality. About
Farrukhnagar he blamed Custance and Ford who had attacked and arrested
the Nawab.84 Then about Ballabgarh he says,
It was reported to me that the only woman found in the Nawab’s house had complained of having
been plundered of her nose ring and other property by an officer in a red jacket; but after every
enquiry I could not learn that any man so dressed had been seen and the report that has been made
to the Officiating Commissioner that the fort and palace were subjected to indiscriminate plunder….
Till 12 o’clock only Carabineers were allowed to enter the fort.85

The response was evasive and again blame was put on Custance’s
regiment, but it proved that there had been content in the allegations. The
sahibba had only been partially successful.

PREPARATIONS AT MAHENDRAGARH (KAHNAUD)

Only those regiments had returned to Delhi which had gone with Showers
from there, and not all of the forces returned to their headquarters. The fort of
Kahnaud was being strengthened even after Showers had left it on 24
October. Bloomfield reached there on the 28th, with the left wing of the 23rd
Punjab Infantry, and relieved Tozer who returned to Ferozepur.86 On the
morning of 7 November, Richard Lawrence accompanied by Dr Joseph
Christian Corbyn and Daniel Mocatta, Lieutenant 26th Light Infantry, visited
Kahnaud fort, to put it in a state of defence, and returned to Jhajjar on the next
evening.87 On the same day Pearse with his Esakhaily resala; and on the 11th
Stafford with 300 Patiala Infantry and Walcott with his four HA guns, arrived
to strengthen the fort.
Pearse with his usual activity, having acquired all the information requisite
to guide him, visited the city, selected three good positions, where he posted
a number of sepoys sufficient for its protection from any sudden attack.88 It is
apparent that they were afraid of the patriotic forces despite massive
repression by the gigantic sahibba.

Rohtak: Deployment of the Huge Force

We had left Van Cortlandt at Rohtak distributing justice, but he had to leave
soon to relieve William Ford to join Showers column. On 1 October, 23rd
Punjab infantry regiment with 777 men was at Rohtak.89 As soon as, John
Scarlett Campbell arrived on 2 October, he took charge of the district.90 On 4
October the 23rd Punjab Infantry left Rohtak for Hansi, but Campbell had a
considerable force at his disposal, consisting of Patiala and Kashmiri troops,
300 Multani Horse and a portion of Van Cortlandt’s force.91 On the 6th Van
Cortlandt marched back, at Sir John Lawrence’s desire, to Hansi, to take up
temporarily the civil charge of the district in addition to his military duties,
with a view to relieve Ford and enable him join Showers column.92 On 10th
John Lawrence wrote in a letter to Fraser, Chief Commissioner Agra,
At General Wilson’s request, I had taken on myself to look after the Delhi Division. We had
previously to the fall of city re-conquered Hissar, Hansi, and Sirsah and occupied Rohtuck just
afterwards. I will do whatever you like, viz., go on managing it, pending the orders of Government
for which I applied at the time, or make it all over to you. We have an Irregular Force of about 2500
under General Van Cortlandt in Rohtuck and Hissar. I can look after the Division without much
difficulty, having served some thirteen years in it, but I have no wish to interfere unless you desire
it.93

Hisar
Van Cortlandt returned to Hansi on 8 October, and then he returned to Hisar
with a battalion of Raja Ranbir Singh’s troops, with 2 HA guns and some
Multani Horse from Delhi. Ford left Hansi on the 8th, handing over charge to
Van Cortlandt to join Showers column at Rewari. James Guthrie arrived at
Hansi on the 21st and took over charge from Van Cortlandt. The position of
British force in Haryana in the month of October was as under:
S. Date on which No. of all
Regiment/Contingent Place/Location
No. it was counted ranks

Raja Jawahir Singh’s

1. 1 October 1857 613 Hurriana
Contingent
Multani Irregular under J.B.
2, 1 October 1857 250 Delhi
Lind
Hafizullah Khan 170
3, 1 October 1857 Hurriana
Hazirkhanee 1.03394
Raja jawahir Singh’s
4. 1 October 1857 14 With Cortlandt
Contingent
Sarfraz Khan and Abdullah
5. 1 October 1857 114 With Cortlandt
Khan Esakhail Horse
6. Mustafa Khan Khakwanee 1 October 1857 116 With Cortlandt
Door Mahomed Khan
1 October 1857 38 With Cortlandt
Khakwanee
Hafizuliah Khan Hazir-
8. 1 October 1857 63 With Cortlandt
khanee
Usraan Khans Resala from
9. 1 October 1857 60 With Cortlandt
Ferozepur
44
10, Sarfraz Khan Lakkuzai 9 October 1857 With Cortlandt
44995

Thus we see, there were a large number of private contingents present in

Hisar in the month of October.
Ambala: Peace Again

In the month of October, 13th Regiment of the Punjab infantry with 727 men
was at Ambala. But after the fall of Delhi, the city and cantonments remained
peaceful. The nerve centre of political activities and more interest was now
Delhi. It is by now clear that, repression was going on in full swing in the
month of October 1857, in all of the districts except southern part of the
Haryana. In the month of October and November, the rebels had been
confined to the district of the then Gurgaon.

Notes
1. G.W. Forrest, The Indian Mutiny 1857–1858, vol. 3/4, Calcutta, 1902, Appendix G, pp. xiv-xv.
2. W.S.R. Hodson, Twelve Years of a Soldiers Life, Boston, 1860, p. 330.
3. ROID-I, p. 187.
4. Ibid., p. 191.
5. Forrest, Indian Mutiny 1857–58, vol. 3/4, Appendix G, p. xv.
6. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858.
7. War Services of the Officers – Online, Bengal Army List 1859.
8. Forrest, Indian Mutiny 1857–58, vol. 3/4, Appendix G, p. xv.
9. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858, pp. 903–4.
10. ROID-II, Letter dt. 5 October 1857, p. 193.
11. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, p. 330.
12. Ibid., pp. 366–7.
13. Ibid.
14. Charles Ball, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 58–9.
15. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, p. 367.
16. Ibid.
17. ROID-I, p. 193.
18. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, p. 368.
19. ROID-I, p. 193; Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 December 1857.
20. Ibid.
21. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, pp. 368–9.
22. Ibid., p. 369.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 December 1857.
26. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, pp. 369–70.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858, p. 906.
30. Ibid.
31. Chick, Annals, p. 717.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858.
35. Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 December 1857.
36. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858; M.R. VII-2, p. 192.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. Chick, Annals, p. 717.
41. Ibid.
42. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858.
43. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 114.
44. ROID-I, p. 225; Allen’s Indian Mail, 15 December 1857.
45. Ibid.
46. A.R.D. Mackenzie, Mutiny Memoirs, Delhi, 2008, p. 136.
47. Chick, Annals, p. 717.
48. M.R. VII-2, p. 192.
49. ROID-I, p. 225.
50. Mackenzie, Mutiny Memoirs, pp. 124–5.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. ROID-I, p. 205.
55. Ibid., p. 231; Chick, Annals, p. 178.
56. Chick, Annals, p. 718; Allen’s Indian Mail, Tuesday, 29 December 1857.
57. Chick, Annals, p. 718.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid., pp. 718–19.
62. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, pp. 375–6.
63. Charles Ball, History of Indian Mutiny-II, London, 1858–9, pp. 58–9.
64. ROID-I, pp. 243–4.
65. Ball, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 58–9.
66. ROID-I, pp. 243–4.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid., p. 244.
69. Ball, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 58–9.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. ROID-I, p. 258.
76. HSA DD Pol. D. Accn. No. 8115, File No. 7/1857, pp. 5–12.
77. Ball, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 58–9.
78. Allen’s Indian Mail, 29 December 1857.
79. Ibid.
80. ROID-I, p. 260.
81. HSA DD Pol. D. Accn. No. 8115, File No. 7/1857.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid., p. 15.
84. Ibid., p. 16.
85. Ibid., p. 17.
86. Chick, Annals, p. 719.
87. Ibid.
88. Ibid.
89. M.R. VII-2, p. 181.
90. Lahore Chronicle, 14 October 1857.
91. ROID-II, p. 290.
92. Ibid., p. 291.
93. Ibid., p. 272.
94. M.R. VII-2, p. 182.
95. Ibid., pp. 184–5.
Chapter 9
Towards the Final Struggle: The Nasibpur
Battle

We have seen that after the fall of Delhi on 20 September no organized

resistance remained in northern, central or western Haryana. Yet southern
Haryana had not yet accepted defeat. Rao Tularam had left Delhi on 13
September, a day before the assault, and had arrived at his headquarters at
Fort Rampura.1 Shahzada Mohammad Azim too left Jamalpur on the same day
after his defeat at the hands of Van Cortlandt’s forces. General Abdus Samad
Khan with his cavalry too came into the region and slipped into Rajputana.
Rao Krishan Gopal alias Kishan Singh of Nangal Pathani had by that time
come from Meerut, where he was naib kotwal, and all of them were in contact
with each other. In the meantime, the Jodhpur Legion had mutinied at Mount
Abu and Irinpura on 21 August and had marched towards Delhi, but before it
could do anything, Delhi had fallen; it was thus held up in the Khetri-Singhana
area. A massive campaign had been started by the British forces to eliminate
any resistance, and capture or kill each and every rebel. The forces in the
shape of moveable columns, these sahibbas could be seen everywhere; now
starting from Delhi on 2 October, now from Rohtak on 6 October and then
again on 13 October; first towards Hansi and later towards Bhiwani; from
Hansi to Bhiwani on the 13th; the Rohtak and Hissar columns converging at
Bhiwani on the 14th and then arriving in Dadri on the 16th. Brigadier Showers
we have already seen moving from Gurgaon to Pataudi, Rewari, Jatusana,
Nahar, Dadri, Jhajjar, Mahendragarh, Taoru, Sohna and Ballabgarh leaving a
trail of burnt villages, dead bodies in the battlefields at many a place, and men
hanging from the trees. The Haryana had, of course, been put to a great
churning to weed out rebellion, and in this process numerous innocent lives
had been taken even without verifying the identity of the accused. Even then
Showers column could not smash the spirit of liberty. A correspondent writes,
It is now 10 p.m., and we are all done up by the hard day’s work; but I must write to tell you, that
about 11 a.m. we met the Jodpore Legion with no end of mutineers and budmashes from Delhi and
its neighbourhood, whom Brigadier Showers let off, because they dropped their arms or hid them in
the fields and jungles, whilst his Brigade remained in their vicinity, but shouldered them the moment he
was out of sight.2

Showers was not successful to the extent the authorities claimed. Although
he had taken in custody the helpless Nawab of Dadri, the indecisive Nawab of
Jhajjar, a petty ineffective chief of Farrukhnagar and the manly Raja of
Ballabgarh, there were already reports in circulation about the convergence of
freedom fighter groups when Showers was at Mahendragarh between 20 and
24 October, and at Rewari on the 26th. Thus an even bigger ‘moveable
column’ was again planned to sweep out the rebellion. This culminated in the
famous battle of Nasibpur on 16 November 1857 near Narnaul.

LT. COLONEL JOHN GRANT GERRARD’S MOVEABLE COLUMN

Even before the Showers moveable column had started from Delhi, the
fugitive Deputy Commissioner of Gurgaon had warned of trouble to be faced
from Rao Tularam and the Meos. He writes from Rohtak on 30th September,
I had intended to have proceeded from this to Delhi to assume charge of the Goorgaon District, but
Sir John has ordered me back to Hansie…. This will retard my arrival in the Goorgaon District, of
which Mr. Clifford, my Assistant, could assume charge after Rao Toolaram, who is in the arms
against our Government, has been put down. It would also be necessary for anyone taking charge of
the district to be supported by a Military Force, since the Meos of the District are likely to give a good
deal of trouble.3

Then came and went Showers column. Soon after that the Jhajjar and
Haryana territories were under threat. On 9 November, Muir writes,
Saunders has just sent us a copy of message by him to Sir J. Lawrence (but without date), from
which it would seem that the Joudhpoor Legion is somewhere south of the Jhujjur Territory, and is
supposed to be moving up the western border of Sheikhawattee, ‘with intention of going into Hurriana
through a portion of Bikaneer.’ General Lawrence had heard that they were in the neighbourhood of
Khetree, some 30 miles S.E. [sic] of Kahnoud.4
 Here the location given of Khetri is not correct; it is located south-west of
Kahnaud (Mahendragarh). In the meantime a report came that
… the Jodhpoor Legion, having formed a junction with the force of Rao Toola Ram (of Rewaree),
the Jhujjur Irregular Cavalry and our own mutineer Ranghur horse, had actually invaded the Jhujjur
Territory. They were encamped at Narnaul on the 8th and 9th, and were threatening the fort of
Kahnoud. In that Fort we had one of the newly raised Sikh Corps.5

Again the inflated figures about opponents are visible when Muir says, ‘It
is to be hoped that the Jodhpoor Army, which has got from 9 to 12 guns, may
be intercepted before it gets down into that region.’6 A corps that had only
two 9-pounder guns, was shown to have 9 to 12 guns!

THE MARCH OF THE BIGGEST S AHIBBA FROM DELHI

When on the morning of 10 November the sahibba marched from Delhi,7 John
Grant Gerrard, Lieut. Colonel of the 1st EnBF, commanding the same, was
accompanied by the following officers:
(1) John Palmer Caulfield, Captain of the 9th NI commanding 1st EnBF & 2 IC of the column, (2)
Thomas Gilbert Kennedy, Lieutenant 62nd NI commanding Guides Cavalry, (3) Colin Cookworthy,
Captain Artillery commanding 3rd Troop 1st Brigade Horse Artillery, (4) Alexander Gillespie,
Lieutenant Artillery commanding Battery of 18-pounder heavy guns, (5) Robert Ffarmerie Godby,
Captain 35th NI commanding 7th Punjab Infantry, (6) James Burnie Lind, Lieutenant 24th NI
commanding Multani Horse, (7) Edward Wood Humphry, Lieutenant Bengal Engineers and Staff
Officer 2nd EnBF, (8) Angelo Edward Osborn, Captain of the 45th NI attached to 2nd EnBF and
Orderly Officer to Colonel Gerrard, (9) Gerard Noel Money, Lieutenant 1st EnBF, officiating Major
of the brigade; (10) Newton Howarth Wallace, Lieutenant 1st EnBF and Orderly Officer of Caulfield,
(11) Charles McFarlane, Lieutenant and Interpreter to 1st EnBF, (12) Wiliam Dinwiddie Hogg,
Lieutenant 41st NI, Commissariat Officer attached to 2nd EnBF, Staff/Orderly Officer to Gerrard,
(13) Thomas Adair Butler, Lieutenant 1st EnBF, (14) Wynyard Huddleston Warner, Lieutenant 1st
EnBF, (15) Nelson Ellis, Lieutenant 1st EnBF, (16) A.R. Chapman, Lieutenant 1st EnBF, (17) Francis
David Millet Brown, Lieutenant 1st EnBF, (18) Dr James Peter Brougham, Senior Surgeon 1st EnBF,
(19) Charles John Stanley Gough, Captain 5th ELC attached to Guides Cavalry, (20) Charles
Ayshford Sanford, Captain 3rd ELC attached to Guides Cavalry, (21) Arthur Wellesley Craigie,
Lieutenant 36th NI doing duty with Guides Cavalry, (22) George Ward, Captain 5th ELC doing duty
with Guides Infantry, (23) Llewellyn Wavell, Lieutenant 45th NI, (24) Edward Daniel Hamilton Vibart,
Lieutenant 54th NI, (25) Charles Metcalfe MacGregor, Lieutenant 57th NI, (26) James John Russell,
 Lieutenant 46th NI doing duty with Multani Horse, (27) Henry M. Caulfield, Lieutenant 9th ELC
doing duty with Multani Horse, and (28) Henry Charles Evelyn Ward, Captain 5th EnR doing duty
with Guides Cavalry.

They were joined by the following officers on the way:

(29) William Ford CS, Deputy Commissioner Gurgaon joined at Gurgaon on the 11th, (30) J.S.
Kitchen, Deputy Collector Gurgaon too joined them,8 (31) George Wardlaw, Captain commanding 6th
Dragoon Guards (Carabineers), (32) John Hudson, Lieutenant commanding one squadron of the
Carabineers, (33) Henry Charles Anderson, Captain 54th NI and Interpreter to the Carabineers, (34)
Sydney Vyse, Lieutenant Carabineers, (35) William Baker Russell, Lieutenant of Carabineers,9 and
(36) Thomas Hardy, Ensign unattached, joined the column at Rewari on 13 November.

The following officers joined the column either between Rewari and
Kahnaud or at Kahnaud:
(37) William Joseph Fitzmaurice Stafford, Captain 22nd NI and Brigade Major of the Haryana Field
Force (HFF) commanding the detachment of the HFF, (38) Godfrey Colpoys Bloomfield, Captain
45th NI commanding 23rd Punjab Infantry, (39) James V. Hunt, Lieutenant 45th NI and 2IC 23rd
Punjab Infantry, (40) John Balsir Chatterton, Lieutenant and officiating Adjutant 23rd Punjab Infantry,
(41) George Godfrey Pearse, Captain Madras Artillery commanding the HFF Cavalry, (42) Robert
Anderson Hamilton, Lieutenant 10th ELC commanding the Tiwana Horse of HFF, (43) Henry Arthur
Dwyer, Captain 59th NI and 2IC Kashmir Auxiliary Force, (44) Edmund Yeamans Walcott,
Lieutenant 57th NI commanding the HFF Artillery, (45) Dr P.A. Minas, Sub Assistant Surgeon HFF,
(46) J.H. Jackson, Sergeant Major HFF, and (47) Montagu Hall, 1st Lieutenant joined at Kahnaud
with 40 sowars from Kanpur.

Thus Gerrard with a large team of his 47 officers was present at Kahnaud
on 15 November 1857 to fight against the Jodhpur Legion, their ‘dreaded
enemy’. That is what every British official claimed, but they knew that the
reality was something different and some of them had mentioned in their
letters as well.

THE STRENGTH OF THE COLUMN

Let us see the numerical strength of the force John Grant Gerrard had when he
started from Delhi. According to Vibart who was with the column, it was
2,500. He says,
 A day or two after my return from Meerut, the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, forming part of a
mixed column, 2,500 strong, marched from Delhi under Colonel Gerrard (who had been appointed to
the command of the regiment on the death of Major Jacob), to attack the mutinied troops of the
Jodhpur Legion, which had recently invaded the district of Rewari to the south [sic] of Delhi….10

Yet another source writes, ‘The Moveable Column reached Kanoude …

consisting of the 1st European Fusiliers; Detachment of 6th D.G.
(Carabineers); Detachment of 7th Punjab Infantry; and one company of Guides
Infantry’.11
A third source gives the following composition of the column: … the 1st Fusiliers, under Captain
Caulfield; the 7th Punjab Infantry, under Godby; a troop of Horse Artillery – the 3rd Brigade – under
Colin Cookworthy; a heavy battery of 8-inch howitzers and 18-pounders under Gillespie; a portion of
the Corps of Guides, under Kennedy and Sanford; and the Multani Horse under Lind, was ordered on
this duty.12

The strength of the Hurrianah Field Force according to another report was:
‘Punjab Mounted Police Corps, 70 sabres; Esakhaili Horse, 90 sabres;
Tiwana Horse, 90 sabres; 23rd Punjab Infantry, 500 bayonets; and Patiala
Infantry, 260 bayonets with 4 [four] 6-pounder guns.’13
In this report strength of the artillery troop has not been given, and thus
strength of 1,010 men is exclusive of the artillerymen. Normally an artillery
troop consisted of around 100 men, so the overall strength of HFF detachment
was 1,100 men of all arms.14 The strength mentioned above was exclusively
of combatants and numerous camp-followers gave an enlarged appearance.
Still another source says,
Our column consisting of the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, some Sikh Infantry, Guide Cavalry; 3rd
Troop, 1st Brigade Horse Artillery and a company of Sikh Artillery, with three heavy guns, under the
command of Colonel Gerrard, left Delhi on the morning of the 10th instant…. Our second morning
march brought us to Goorgaon where, during the day, we were reinforced by two companies of
Muzbee Sappers, who had that morning left Delhi…. reached Rewari on the 13th, and reoccupied the
fort without opposition. Here he was joined by two squadrons of the Carabineers.15

Since all these regiments had been taking part in the war before Delhi, their
number had been depleted due to a large number of men killed or wounded in
actions and sick fellows. So, on an estimate it can be said that 1st EnBF had
about 600 bayonets, 7th Punjab Infantry 600 bayonets, Horse Artillery Troop
100 men; Heavy Battery 150 men, Punjab Maz’habi Sappers 200; Guides
Infantry company 100 bayonets, Multanis 300 sabres,16 Guides Cavalry 250
sabres, and Carabineers 200 sabres. The total comes to 2,500 men. That
means the figure given by the Vibart was correct; the column had a strength of
2,500 men, before it arrived at Kahnaud; and with the incorporation of 1,100
men of the Hurriana Field Force, it had become 3,600 strong.
As for Rao Tularam and his warrior comrades, the combined forces of Rao
Tularam, General Abdus Samad Khan, Shahzada Azim and Jodhpur Legion
were in the proximity of Kahnaud fort, and at one stage it appears they had
decided to fight there against the Showers column, but ultimately decided to
change the battlefield; so, when the column came to the fort, they slipped
away around 17 or 18 October into the Jaipur territory. A reporter says,
Besides having collected as many followers they could persuade, and being strengthened with five
guns, they became sure of victory…. Nimbly and cautiously they wended their course, and reached
Narnoul, … on 8th November. They first entered the tehseel, which is square pucka building,
capable of holding a couple thousand of men; the surrounding wall is strong and loopholed…. Two 12-
pounder guns were there, but Captain Tozer had sent for them with all the ammunition, long ere the
arrival of enemy there. Summund Khan on taking possession of this place sent for the post office
moonshee, imprisoned him, took the bag containing dak letters, tore them all up, and by beat of tom-
tom proclaimed himself master and owner of the place.17

However, the tehseeldar, the thanadar, and about 23 peons, lately

appointed to Narnaul escaped with all their property.18 At this time Rao
Tularam was in the field making last minute efforts to strengthen the patriots’
army. But it is difficult to assess the strength of Samad Khan’s army. Caulfield
writes,
About two miles before arriving here, we passed a small village on our right, and some of the Guide
Cavalry who were sent to reconnoitre brought back with them the jemadar of the village, who
informed us that the enemy numbering 1000 infantry and 2500 cavalry, with 8 guns….19

There is no evidence to corroborate or contradict this information of the

commanding officer of the whole column who led at the battle after the death
of Gerrard. Most probably this village under reference might be Lehroda.
Before we critically examine this contention let us see some other sources as
well. A correspondent from Delhi says, ‘The news from Colonel Gerard’s
Column is that they have taken all, viz., nine guns from the Joud-pore Legion
who were about 9,000 strong and killed some say 200, others 400, of them’.20
Still another version says,
 By the last accounts received, it is reported that they have placed three guns on the two roads, and
two on the third, and are quite ready either to fight desperately or what they have hitherto done,
disperse and fly with the speed of lightning. Their number is estimated now to be about 5000 Cavalry
and 1000 Infantry, and seven guns.21

The tendency to exaggerate the figures of Indian fighters was a permanent

feature. It would, however, be realistic to assume that figure of 1,000 infantry
might be correct with a 10 per cent error; the reason being that a large number
of villagers from the adjoining area had joined the army of Rao Tularam, but
his Cavalry could not be 2,500 strong. Rao Tularam had practically no
cavalry, it was all infantry. The cavalry was from Jhajjar, with General Abdus
Samad Khan, with Azim, again 4th Irregular Cavalry men or Ranghar
horsemen from Hisar area; and sowars of the 10th ELC from Ferozepur, the
best fighting component. There was a fair number of Mewattis fighting in
consonance with the Jats from the Hurrianah. So, the maximum strength of
cavalry of all constituents could not have exceeded 1,000 or 1,200. The myth
about the Jodhpur Legion can be cleared by the figures given in Prichard’s
book.22 Their strength has already been illustrated in the very first chapter, but
is again reproduced here for the convenience of readers.

The Jodhpur Legion

Artillery: Two 9-pounders drawn by camels and manned from infantry.

Cavalry: Three troops, each consisting of: 1 resaldar, 1 naib resaldar, 1 kote
duffedar (pay sergeant), 6 duffedars, 1 standard bearer, 1 trumpeter, 72
troopers; total: 249, say 250 sowars or sabres. Out of these some must
have been absent, on leave or on furlough. So, net strength was only about
200 sabres.
Infantry:* Eight companies of Poorbeeahs or Hindustanis, each company
consisting of: 1 subahdar, 1 jemadar, 12 NCOs and 80 sepoys, thus
totalling to 752, out of which some must have been absent on leave or
furlough; leaving a net strength of only about 700 bayonets.

Thus the total effective strength of the Legion could not have been more
than 900 men and 2 guns.23 Some were absent on furlough at the time of
mutiny; some never joined, though a few of the sowars gave themselves up to
General Cortlandt in the Hissar district.24 Yet another source, an officer of 1st
EnBF who was in the column, writes from camp Rewari on 20 November,
‘When we arrived at Kenaron [Kahnoud] we had news that the enemy
consisting 1000 infantry and 2000 cavalry and 8 guns were 18 miles off and
had advanced 3 miles on the road to meet us’25 – the total strength is 3,000
men. However Muir, on 19 November, wrote, ‘The enemy had 5,000 to our
1,300, but they had only 5 or 6 guns, and we had troop of Horse Artillery and
2 [two]18-pounders.’26
The strength was reduced from 3,600 to 1,300, without realizing that the
column when started from Delhi was 2,500 strong! Again, Muir says on 21st
‘the enemy was reinforced the day before the action by three thousand men’.27
It would appear logical to infer from the above sources that the British
column’s strength was not less than 3,500 men of all arms, better equipped
with superior weapons, and very strong in artillery. The Indian patriotic
front’s forces too were equally strong in numbers, perhaps somewhere
between 3,000 and 4,000, including the Jodhpur Legion. Their cavalry
strength was more than that of enemy, but their infantry and artillery were
weak and ill-equipped. A large number of them must have been untrained
villagers with poor matchlocks. The strength of the Jodhpur Legion was not
more than 700, when the joint front was formed.
* Three companies were composed of the Bhils who did not participate in the revolt.

THE MARCH OF GERRARD S AHIBBA

The column commanded by Gerrard marched on 10 November to Qutab, ‘…

we marched on the 10th November at 1 a.m. to Kootub about 12 miles from
Delhie, where there is the most beautiful pillar erected in the memory of some
swell I forget his name, and also a wonderful well, which of course I went to
see.’28 On the 11th morning the column then marched from Qutab and arrived
at Gurgaon. An officer says,
Goorgaon showed traces of the visit of the mutineers, not a single house being left intact. The jail that
was, is being put into as defensive a condition as possible. Not far from it, and just outside my tent,
stood that great mark of civilized life – the gallows. I’m only sorry that its proximity to our camp
cheated it of seven of the greatest villains that ever breathed. They were hanged on a tree some
distance from camp.29
 This indicates that this column was not exclusively to confront the Indian
fighters at Narnaul. The column officers were witness to the hangings going on
and seven fighters were hanged during their stay in Gurgaon on the 11th and
12th November. From Gurgaon the column marched on. ‘Some more marching
brought us to Rewarree, which is a very large, and evidently wealthy town.
Near it is a mud Fort in which some loot, in the shape of an elephant and some
horses, was made. The houses in its immediate vicinity were fired by our
Muzbees.’30
So the biggest sahibba was indulging in the dance of death and destruction.
The people who treat gallows as a mark of the civilized world had little
respect for innocence. He adds, ‘During the day two of Tooly Ram’s
emissaries, Brahmins, were brought in. Their faces blackened and mounted on
asses, they afforded no little amusement to the Europeans in camp, but
whether they were hanged (which they ought to have been) or not, I am unable
to say’.31
Alas! Lives of respected Indians were a fun for the column, and they could
take that without remorse. On 12 November, Pearse and Hamilton with the
Tiwana and Esakhaily ressala, and Mounted Police, left Kahnaud at 4 p.m. to
join the moveable column (on its way between Gurgaon and Rewari).
Simultaneously, part of the force under Dick Lawrence, viz. Kashmiris,
Dogras, and Multanis under the command of H.A. Dwyer, Lind and Russell
arrived at Kahnaud on the 12th evening.32 The traitors too had come forward
to help the British forces and so called loyal troops of the Jodhpur and Jaipur
chiefs had reached in the near vicinity of Mahendragarh even before 11
November. A correspondent reports, ‘The Thakoors from Jodhpore and
Jyepore, with their men numbering upwards of 4000 with about 8 or 10 guns,
have arrived within 8 or 10 miles to aid us, but their assistance is not much
needed, they may be allowed to remain to protect their own district.’33

PREPARATIONS BY THE INDIAN PATRIOTIC FRONT

While the sahibbas were moving, the combined forces of Rao Tularam,
General Abdus Samad Khan, Shahzada Azim, Jodhpur Legion, 10th Light
Cavalry, Hurriana Light Infantry remnants, Mewattis of 4th Irregular Cavalry
and a lot of others from the adjoining villages namely Nasibpur, Kirarod
Afghanan, Lehroda, Bakroda, Mandlana, Nuni Awwal, Bargaon, Hudina,
Rampura, Nangtihari, Lisan, Nangal Pathani et al led by chaudharies Sitaram,
Gobindram and Rambax were entrenching themselves at Narnaul. General
Abdus Samad Khan, Rao Kishan Singh alias Krishan Gopal and Rao Ramlal
were the leading commanders and they were busy in chalking out strategy and
making preparation for the coming battle. A correspondent writes on 13
November from Kahnaud,
I have just heard that Summund Khan has commenced collecting revenue, because he finds his reign
will soon terminate, and so long as he continues to be the master, his chief object is to make the most
of it; he has twenty-five carts load of articles with him, consisting of ammunitions, plundered property,
including a very large sum of silver coins – these will be very good rewards to those that have been
troubled to march in haste from Delhi.34

This European reporter makes a very interesting observation about the

determination of Abdus Samad Khan in the following words,
The mutinous chief, since he heard of the movement of the column, and our reinforcement in the Fort,
had bent in his neck, drew few deep sighs, looked at his followers with a mournful countenance and
exclaimed, that ‘I have now been obliged to tie the turban on my head with kuffun (shroud) cloth’.35

Though it seems to be the imagination of the writer who explains, ‘I think,

that he has heaped over his head every sorrow and difficulty, or that whilst
alive, he is a dead man or it may be that he has already prepared himself to
die desperately?’36
Yes, every man of the patriotic conglomerate and coalition was ready for
the do-or-die battle, not the General alone but all the leaders had been
preparing for that moment, and that is why the British authorities were afraid
of them.
On the 14th the column camped somewhere near Bhojawas, and the next
morning arrived at Kahnaud.37 The marching of the column was so arranged
as to keep the day free so that villagers could be caught and punished in
public, to terrorize the masses. Warner gives the following details:
On the 15th we arrived at Kenscou [Kahnoud], about 70 miles from Delhie after some very hard
marching over very bad roads of heavy sand, which was very distressing to our men, who one half of
them hardly recovered from their wounds and sickness and it is no joke marching 18 and 20 miles
beginning at 1 or 2 in the morning. I will give you a little account of the sort of thing march is in this
country. At 1 a.m. the bugle sounds and you (are) pretty soon woke up by the horrible noise of the
camels and the row the niggers kick up stacking the tents and loading them. Well you have to turn out
of your warm bed and dress shivering with cold and have a cup of coffee and a cheroot and then the
 regiment marches off in total darkness and up to your ponies knees in sand … we go on for about 8
miles till the sun rises and then we halt for about half an hour while the men have their grog which
has a wonderful effect on them and they go on afterwards as jolly as possible. We arrive on the
encamping ground about 9 where we get under some trees if there are any, and for the mess doolies
which is a conveyance carried by four niggers containing some cold breakfast and is able to keep up
with the column…. after breakfast we wait patiently till the camels come up with the tents and as
soon as they are pitched, I generally turn in and have a good sleep.38

That was how these terrible columns moved on the surface of Haryana, not
once in a while but for months. An officer lamented, ‘We are now at Kunoud
where, notwithstanding the beastly road and late and cold breakfasts, we
arrived on the morning of 15th and encamped outside the Fort.’39

THE NASIBPUR BATTLEFIELD

So, on the morning of 15 November, there was the moveable column with
more than 3,500 combat men and double that, non-combatants. The next
morning the convoy comprising of soldiers and camp followers with a total
number of 10,000 men with a large number of animals including camels,
bullocks, elephants, ponies and horses started for Narnaul at 1 a.m.40 As
shown in Figure 9.1 village Nasibpur was located at the foot of Nasibpur Hill
on the north-west end of the hill, and at about a distance of 600–700 yards in
the north-western direction is situated a very large village pond called the
Jetthu Baba Johar. It had a high paall (embankment) as the earth excavated
from within was deposited there and the embankment around the pond was
densely wooded. The pond still exists in its splendour, and the villagers have
built a temple in the name of their local deity, Jetthu Baba. Still further north-
westerly is another hill about 1½ miles distant which is called Kirarod
Afghanan Hill. The rain water from the Nasibpur Hill used to come to the
Jetthu Baba Johar through a rivulet shown in Figures 9.1, 9.2 and 9.3 as ‘dry
rivulet’ locally called johar ka khalla. The patriotic army had camped near
the Narnaul fort (Figure 9.3) at a distance of about 2 miles from the Jetthu
Baba Johar, south-west of the town. Their front however was about 600–700
yards away from the johar (pond) on the southern side,
Figure 9.1: Index Plan: Battle Site Nasibpur (Narnaul)
Figure 9.2: Index Plan: Nasibpur Battlefield and Martyr’s Memorial
Figure 9.3: Index Plan: Village Nasibpur & Narnaul Town

thus lying between the town and the village. The ground around the north, west
and south of the pond was plain but close to the Nasibpur Hill it was broken.
Malleson, while describing the location, confuses the town Narnaul with the
village Nasibpur, and says,
Narnaul was a very strong place. It lay under a hill about four hundred feet high, which formed part
of a ridge extending some miles to the south east. It was covered in front – the front facing the road
by which the British force would have to advance – by low walls, forming admirable defensive cover.
A large and well-filled tank with steep banks, standing much above the surrounding plain, distant
about 200 yards from the village, and commanding the road to it, afforded another strong position,
which infantry might advantageously have occupied. The ground to the left was broken and uneven,
but the plain on the front was level and broad, admirable adopted to the movements of cavalry in
which arm the rebels were very strong.41

This description fits Nasibpur, because when we proceed to Narnaul from

Mahendragarh, we first come to the village on our left, at the foot of hill and
Jetthu Baba Johar at a distance of about 600–700 yards from the village on
our right. The tank that Malleson has mentioned was none other than the Jetthu
Baba Johar, but its distance from the village is not 200 yards as given by him,
rather it is triple of that. No doubt this was strategically a strong location. The
ground lying between Jetthu Baba Johar towards the hill of Kirarod Afghanan,
presently enclosed by the Narnaul Distributary Canal towards town; and the
plot, where martyrs’ memorial and water works have been constructed, was
all plain, with a wooded area at the northern end. The position of the Indian
Patriotic Front’s forces has been shown in the Figures 9.1 and 9.3.

DID ABANDONMENT OF THE JETTHU BABA JOHAR

EMBANKMENT EVEN FOR A SHORT PERIOD PROVE A BLUNDER
FOR THE PATRIOTIC FRONT’S FORCE?

In the morning of the 16th, the Indian Force, particularly its infantry, had
positioned itself along the wooded steep paall of the Jetthu Baba Johar and
the outhouses of the village Nasibpur. Malleson says,
Such was the position occupied early on the morning of the 16th November by the rebel army, flushed
with recent victory over the Rajput levies of Jaipur. It was clear that their leader, Sannad [Samad]
 Khan, a new relative of the Nawab of Jajhar, was well aware that a British force was moving against
him, for he had specially selected the strong position of Narnul as one against which that force would
spend its strength in vain. But with the country people well disposed towards him, he made no effort
to procure information regarding his enemy’s movements. He posted no vedettes, he sent out no
scouts. Wielding a numerous cavalry, he trusted entirely to his own eye-sight to learn when and in
what manner the British would advance.42

Though Malleson attributed this lapse to General Samad Khan, we cannot

be sure. He further says,
It would appear that he expected the British early on the morning of the 16th. But when the clock
struck eight, then nine and when then the hands began to point towards ten, and not a single speck of
dust was visible on the horizon, he gave them up for the day, and retiring to his camp, near a
dilapidated fort of the same name, about two miles in the rear, there gave orders to his men to
dismount and eat. He thus deliberately abandoned, though for the short space of only one hour, a
position which it would have required all the dash, all the energy, all the exertions of the small British
force, numbering all together about two thousand five hundred men, to carry. That hour was fatal to
him.43

What actually transpired cannot be authenticated now, but older people of

village Nasibpur admit that to be a mistake. Octogenarian Rao Kanwar Singh
of Nasibpur told the author that his forefathers used to say, ‘Rao Tularam lost
the battle because his army had abandoned the paalls of Jetthu Baba Johar
before the arrival of the British force, and that proved a blunder. The reasons
behind that decision were not known.’
Again the English historian concealed the strength of the column, he
deliberately did not add the 1,100 strong Hurrianah Field Force’s constituents
to the ‘small British force.’

MOVEMENT OF THE BRITISH COLUMN

Caulfield reports, ‘The Moveable Column under command of the late

Lieutenant Colonel Gerrard marched from Kanoude at 1 a.m. on the morning
of the 16th instant. Owing to slow progress made by the heavy guns, the
Column did not reach this place till 11 a.m.’44
Malleson explains the reasons behind this slow march,
The fact was, that, the impediments in the road between Kanaud and Narnul had terribly … delayed
Gerrard’s advance. The distance of the fort of Narnul was but fourteen miles, and Gerrard had
 started at 1 o’clock in the morning. Yet in the first instance, the enormous difficulty experienced by
the artillery in the traversing the narrow and sharp-angled streets of Kanaud, and, in the second, the
depth of the sand in the road which followed, so hindered the advance, that in ten hours they were
only able to accomplish twelve miles!45

The English writers, including the commanding officer who succeeded

Gerrard, were confused about Narnaul and Nasibpur. Caulfield writes,
‘About two miles before arriving here, … jemadar of the village, …
informed us that the enemy … were encamped to the left of the village of
Narnool on the other side of a nullah, and that they intended to come out to
meet us.’46
He continues, ‘The jemadar came with us willingly to point out their
position, and brought us to the edge of a very large plain, with hills on either
side, and at opposite end slightly wooded…. Here we halted until the heavy
guns came up.’47
Here the story of Malleson runs, ‘At Narnul (read Nasibpur), I have said,
Gerrard saw no signs of enemy. The difficulties of the march had greatly
fatigued his men. He therefore halted while a dram was served out, and the
men devoured the small store of food which each had carried with them.’48

THE NASIBPUR BATTLE

Formation of the Attack Line of the British Force

It was here that Gerrard formed up the column. The positions on the
battlefield have been described here with respect to the left or right of the
Indian forces who were facing the British coming from Mahendragarh in the
north. The formation was as under (Figures 9.1 and 9.3):

1. At the western end or opposite the extreme left of the Indians were 2
squadrons of the 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers), commanded by
George Wardlaw, one squadron commanded by John Hudson with Henry
Charles Anderson, Captain 54th NI and Interpreter to them; and 200
strong. The Carabineers were clearly on the right of the ‘Jetthu Baba
Johar’ and in front of the cavalry of the Indian force.
 2. To the right of Carabineers were deployed the Guide Cavalry; 250
sabres led by Thomas Gilbert Kennedy, Charles Ayshford Sanford and
Arthur Wellesley Craigie. These too were almost clearly in front of the
Indian Cavalry and on the north-east side of ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’ as
shown in the Figure 9.1.
3. Then on the right of Guides Cavalry, were the 7th Punjab Infantry led by
Robert Ffarmerie Godby, Captain 35th NI. They were also on the north-
east of the ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’.
4. Further on the right were, 6 horse artillery (HA) light guns of the 1st
Troop 3rd Brigade, commanded by Colin Cookworthy of the Artillery
and on the right (eastern) side of Narnaul-Mahendragarh road. These
were on the north-east, clear of the ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’.
5. Then on the right were 1st European Bengal Fusiliers commanded by
John Palmer Caulfield, leading in front but behind Gerrard, who was
leading their left flank, just on the northern edge of plain; the Indians and
British being almost equidistant from the johar ka khalla. The various
companies were commanded by Gerard Noel Money, Lieutenant and
acting Adjutant of the 1st EnBF, Newton Howarth Wallace Orderly
Officer 1st EnBF, William Dinwiddie Hogg, Commissariat, Staff/Orderly
Officer to Gerrard, and Wynyard Huddleston Warner.
6. Then further on the east of 1st EnBF were deployed three heavy 18-
pounder guns and an 8-inches howitzer commanded by Alexander
Gillespie.
7. To the southeast of Gillespie were deployed a company of the Guides
Infantry commanded by Captain George Ward.
8. Further right on the south-east of Guides Infantry were the 23rd Punjab
Infantry now commanded by James Hunt, because Bloomfield, not being
well, had been left at Kahnaud. Hunt was supported by John Balsir
Chatterton, officiating Adjutant of the 23rd Punjab Infantry.
9. Close to them in the east of 23rd Pb.I. were 6-pounder guns of the HFF
Artillery commanded by Edmund Yeamans Walcott, with Sergeant Major
Jackson as his 2IC. This light horse artillery was called by the name of
Sikh artillery as well.
10. Then on the right of the HHF Artillery towards hill on the south-east
were deployed 260 strong Patiala Infantry.
 11. Still further on the right towards south-east near the Nasibpur hill were
the cavalry of HFF commanded by George Godfrey Pearse, Captain of
Madras Artillery, his 2IC Lt. Robert Anderson Hamilton commanding the
Tiwana Horse, Punjab Mounted Police and Esakhaili Horse, and Lt.
Sydney Vyse of Carabineers doing duty with Hamilton.
12. Between the cavalry of HFF and the north-eastern end of the Nasibpur
hill were placed 300 strong Multani Horse commanded by Lt. James
Burnie Lind along with Lt. James John Russell of the 46th NI and Lt.
Henry M Caulfield of the 9th ELC, and
13. On the extreme right between Multani Horse and the hill were placed
100 zamburaks.

The total column force were divided into two wings. Their right wing
comprised, Carabineers, Guides Cavalry, 7th Punjab Infantry, Horse Artillery
(1st Troop 3rd Brigade), then 1st Fusiliers and the 3 heavy guns, was placed
under the command of John Palmer Caulfield, Captain of the 1st Fusiliers, thus
facing the left wing of the Indian Cavalry; the other wing or the left wing
consisting of Guides Infantry, 23rd Punjab Infantry (a component of the HFF),
the HFF (or Sikh) Artillery, Patiala Infantry, the HFF Cavalry and the Multani
Horse including zamburaks was placed under the command of HFF brigade
major W.J.F. Stafford. The remaining force with other officers were kept in
reserve. Thus the British line consisted of cavalry on the extreme left and
right, as illustrated in the battlefield (Figure 9.1).

Formation of the Line of the Indian Forces

The position of the Indian forces, who had their encampment near the fort, has
been shown towards south of the village of Nasibpur at the moment when the
British column had reached; unfortunately their infantry had left the ‘Jetthu
Baba Johar’ and the village defence structures unattended, and were at the
position shown in Figures 9.1 and 9.3. The guns had been deployed, two to
cover the Mahendragarh road and one to cover Kirarod road on the north side
of johar ka khalla. The cavalry were in front, backed by the infantry and
artillery. The main commanders Rao Kishan Singh and Rao Ramlal appear to
be commanding the left wing of the forces, whereas the General Samad Khan,
his son, and Shahzada Azim should have been on the right side. Rao Tularam
was probably close behind and Subahdar Majlis Khan Mewatti was also
there.49 That was the position just before the commencement of the battle. The
location according to local folklore was then somewhere towards Nasibpur
from the Narnaul jail.

Commencement of the Nasibpur Battle

There is no Indian account of this famous and decisive battle except in

folklore and tradition, whereas first hand British versions are accessible in
the reports of their commanders. Caulfield writes, ‘In this order we advanced,
– the infantry in quarter distance column, at deploying distance, Colonel
Gerrard leading in front of the left flank of the 1st Fusiliers, – and very soon
perceived the enemy advancing to meet us.’50
On the other hand Malleson, who took the description from Black-wood’s
Magazine of June 1858 and claimed that the writer of the article was present
at the affairs says,
They had hardly finished the frugal meal when a slight cloud of dust was seen to rise over a gentle
swell of the ground to the left in front…. Samad Khan had withdrawn his men for an hour that they
might break their fast at the encampment near the ruined fort: he was now returning, hoping to
recover his strong position!55
The Indian forces had thus advanced to confront the enemy. In a moment the British infantry stood
to their arms, the cavalry were in the saddle. A trooper belonging to the Corps of Guides rode to the
front to reconnoitre. As he nears the rising ground a bullet strikes the ground close to him. But prior
even to that evidence of the presence of the enemy he had seen enough. He turned to report to his
commanding officer, but before he could reach him the rebel horsemen showed themselves, in
numbers moving from left to right along the crest of the rising ground. Meanwhile Gerrard had
ordered an advance…. In front of all rode Gerrard, a handsome man, with wavy grey hair, his red
coat covered with decorations, conspicuous on his white Arab, surrounded by his staff. So steady
were the movements, it might have been an ordinary field day.51

The British force (Figures 9.1 and 9.3) had moved a small distance when
the Indian Front’s artillery started bombardment to prevent their entry into the
village and ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’ cover. Caulfield reports, ‘after going about
100 yards, the enemy opened fire from three guns with round shot, grape and
shrapnel.’52
Malleson continues his narration,
 The trooper of whom I have spoken had scarcely rejoined his regiment when the enemy’s guns
opened with grape on our right. Then in reply to them opened first our light guns, next the big
eighteens and an 8-inch howitzer. Many hostile saddles were emptied, so the rebels, thinking this poor
work, mass their cavalry on their left, and come down with a shout.53

But Caulfield does not mention any opening of guns of all types
The order was then given to deploy into line of the double, and for the guns on both flanks to advance,
while the heavy guns opened fire at once…. after about five minutes, the enemy’s fire having
slackened a little, the Carabineers and Guides were ordered to charge by Captain Wardlaw, while the
whole line advanced rapidly.54

The conflict was on the initial battle plain as shown in Figure 9.1 and was
not equal; the Indians had thwarted the British attempt, the British commander
and the writer did not want to admit their failure in the first encounter; but
Caulfield’s report suggests that he praised his cavalry but admitted that ‘The
charge was most brilliantly executed under command of Captain Wardlaw of
the Carabineers, the enemy’s Cavalry met them “without flinching”, and
engaged them hand to hand. They swept along the whole front and through the
guns, and returned to their former position.’55
Why did they return to their former position? They were squarely beaten
and driven back, as Malleson admits:
It was a gallant conflict. Never did the enemy fight better. There was neither shirking nor flinching.
Both sides went at it with a will. The Guides were commanded by Kennedy, … and he led them with
a skill and a daring which could not be surpassed. The Carabineers, splendidly led by Wardlaw, who
commanded the entire cavalry, equalled, if they did not surpass, their former splendid achievements.
Never was there a charge more gallant, and certainly, never were the British cavalry met so fairly or
in so full a swing by the rebel horse. As the rival parties clashed in deadly shock, the artillery fire on
both sides was suspended as it were by instinct, the gunners gazing outstretched necks at converging
horsemen.56

Here is another report about the commencement of the battle,

From about a quarter of a mile beyond the village of Nusseebpoor the enemy advanced within 600
yards and fired four round shots. Our force moved at deploying distance. Our artillery then advanced
to the front and opened fire, thus allowed our force to deploy into line, and kept the enemy’s cavalry
in check, who were brandishing their swords in great fury, and moved to their left to turn our right
flank. Our guns limbered up, the line advanced and ere the enemy had time to send the second round
of grape into us, away galloped the noble 6th Carabineers, with the gallant Guide Cavalry, under their
commander Captain Kennedy; they charged through the Pandy Horse with three cheers, cut down
the gunners, took two guns, returned and formed up behind the Artillery.57
 The reporter has clearly stated that in the first charge two guns were taken,
and also admitted that the cavalry returned behind the Artillery. They had been
beaten, but this they did not admit. On the other hand, the commander did not
mention taking of the two guns by their cavalry. This battle at that time was
going on in the plain lying north-east of the ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’, and Gerrard
was advancing from the north-east of the johar’s paall (embankment). after
the cavalry had returned to their former position, Caulfield writes,
The enemy’s guns opened again with grape on the advancing line, but the 1st Fusiliers, who were
immediately in front of them, now charged them, in the most gallant and spirited manner, and captured
two of them; the other was taken by the Mooltani Horse more to the left.58

The above report of the commanding officer proves beyond doubt that the
reporter had given a false report of taking two guns by the British cavalry to
inflate their bravery. The guns thus captured by the infantry at the moment
were on the northern side of and very close to the johar ka khalla, the dry
rivulet; and the battle was being fought close to the village of Nasibpur
around the khalla. Caulfield continues,
The line again formed and advanced, the enemy disputing every foot of ground with determination;
and inclining to the right, the left flank crossing broad nullah, and clearing some thick brush jungle, we
came in view of the village of Narnool on our right and enemy’s camp across the nullah on some
rising ground in front.59

The location of the camp was at that time probably at a slight distance in
south of the present M.M. Janseva School’s campus as indicated in Figures
9.1 and 9.3. Malleson remarkes,
Though enemy fought with the courage of despair, though they exposed their lives with a resolution
which forbade the thought of yielding, they were fairly borne down. The Carabineers and the Guides
forced them back, cleaving down the most stubborn foemen, till the remainder, overpowered, sought
safety in flight.60

Now let us see how Malleson concealed the flight of British cavalry,
imputed the flight to the Indians, and made his officers heroes,
Then Wardlaw and Kennedy, mindful of the mistake of Prince Rupert, gathered up their men, and,
instead of pursuing the routed horsemen of the enemy, wheeled suddenly round to the left and came
down with a swoop on the enemy’s guns. The shock was irresistible; the gunners who stood were cut
down. Leaving the guns, the cavalry then went on to prevent any rally on the part of the enemy’s
horse.61
 Prince Rupert of Rhine (1619–82), lost the ‘Battle of Naseby’ of the first
English Civil War fought on 16 June 1645. This is cited to justify the retreat of
British cavalry. When the Carabineers and Guides had been pushed back, the
Indian artillery again opened fire. So, says Malleson,
Meanwhile the enemy’s infantry and gunners, recovering from their panic, had, after horsemen had
swept by, pushed forward, and recovering the guns, opened fire on our advancing infantry. Not for
long did they continue this hazardous game. The 1st Fusiliers, coming up with a run, reached the guns
after two rounds had been fired, and recaptured them.62

There is yet another interesting account of the battle by an officer who took
part.
Their cavalry at the same time charged and there was nothing but a series of hand to hand fights, it
was a most splendid sight. Our cavalry soon drove them back and the Carabineers charged right
through the guns and came back through them. All this time we were under a heavy fire of grape not
more than 200 yards from their guns. We were ordered to lie down till our cavalry came back. When
they came back we were ordered to charge them which we did and took them with loss of very few.
When the Carabineers charged the guns, their gunners got up trees and hid themselves and hardly the
cavalry had come back they got down and gave us two charges of grape which was not agreeable.
We then advanced through some gardens driving the enemy before us until we took their camp from
which they had taken mainly everything.63

Lt. Kennedy, who was commanding the cavalry, gives the following
account:
It was as pretty a sight as you could possibly see, the village about a mile and a half off but invisible
on account of trees & c, but a clear plain for some 500 yards between our line and the trees. We
waited in line for a short time, when a cloud of dust arose from amidst the trees, and shortly some
guns were brought just outside them, and cavalry were seen moving about. The guns opened, not on
our Artillery, but on the Guide Cavalry, but the round shot passed harmlessly over us, and the grape
fell short. after standing and receiving their fire like statues, we saw their cavalry actually coming out
from among the trees into the plain. The Carabineers were waiting for orders, but the Guides would
not stand, the temptation was too strong, so at them we went, Carabineers and all both going at a
splendid pace…. The enemy met us beautifully, and there was for half an hour or more some splendid
slashing and cutting, they all fought nobly, but the Guides could not be beaten and we left 30 bodies
dead on the field, many must have left with scars.64

This is what Kennedy says, but his superior Wardlaw has a different report:
Shortly after forcing the line, enemy’s guns re-opened fire on the extreme right and several of the
Carabineers were wounded; our Horse Artillery advanced and returned the fire, and after a few
rounds I received the order to advance; we did so, and perceiving the enemy’s cavalry showing a
disposition to charge, we accordingly charged, broke and dispersed them, cutting up a large number,
 but were charged by others on the left flank. They fought in the most determined manner, but found
their pluck of little avail against the swords of the Guides or Carabineers; about 50 were killed.65

The patriots killed in this action were said to be 30 by Kennedy, but

Wardlaw revised the figure to 50. ‘The Guides wheeled to their left, and
charged the guns on the flank, and the Carabineers wheeling to the left about,
charged through the guns in rear, and several gunners were killed, and the
majority fled amongst the trees.’66 Yet he admits the loss of his cavalry, and
reports, ‘I regret to say that the Carabineers and Guides suffered rather
severely in this charge.’ Kennedy, was wounded within the first hour of the
battle.
A big broad shouldered man came at me at full gallop, calling out ‘maro feeringee’. I met him at
speed, and cut him down; as he was falling his tulwar sharp as razor, fell over my left hand, and cut
me over the knuckles. The tendon is cut, but I hope a fortnight or three weeks will see me all right
again. When we had cleared our front, we wheeled to the left, and with the Carabineers went straight
on to the guns, and cut down the gunners at their post … here there was real hand to hand fighting,
and such slashing and hacking I never saw, everyone had to be wide awake, for you were cut at from
all sides. It was really a splendid affair and well done on our parts.67

When the advance commenced under Caulfield, Stafford, commanding right

[left according to the British] wing of the column too ordered advance. But the
cavalry wavered in the face of the Indian charge.
On our left the cavalry movement had not been so successful. The Multani Horse, new levies, had
not displayed the alacrity to come to close quarters which their comrades on the right had so
conspicuously manifested. In vain did their gallant commander, Lieutenant Lind dash amongst the foe.
But few followed him until the Field Engineer, Lieutenant Humphrey, who that day acted as Aide-de-
Camp to Gerrard, riding up to the still hesitating mass, called upon to follow him and charged single-
handed the rebel horse. Then the Multanis followed, not, however, before the gallant Humphrey had
been unhorsed and cut down, receiving a severe wound in his right arm, another slighter, on the left
side of his body, ‘while a third entirely divided his leather helmet and thick turban which covered it,
fortunately without injuring his head.68

The report of Lieut. James Burnie Lind commanding the Multani Horse
records,
The late lamented Colonel Gerrard, when forming his line of attack, directed the Mooltanee Cavalry
under my command to form up on the left of the line. There not being room to do this at first, I was
ordered go round the hill on our left and cross it as soon as possible.69
 He was close to the Nasibpur hill and went along it on the eastern side but
finding no end, returned to his original place. He came on the scene when the
Patriotic Front’s artillery was planning a tactical retreat. ‘When the enemy
limbered up their guns to retire, I ordered a charge, and captured the two 9-
pounder guns with their limbers.’70
That attempt was not successful and he was directed to go back to the guns
of HFF; still, he tried to take away one of the two so called captured guns, but
at this moment his cavalry were beaten and driven back. He reports, ‘I …
thought … better bring off one of the guns … accompanied by Lieutenants
Caulfield, Russell, and Hamilton … tried to get the guns off, and, whilst doing
so, were attacked by the rebels … in such a force as made the abandoning of
the gun a matter of necessity.’71
Subsequently another party including the Multanis captured one of the guns.
The British force after securing the two guns continued to advance, until the
dry bed of johar ka khalla was reached, over which the guns could not be
moved, particularly the three heavy ones. after some difficulty the horse
artillery got near a mosque, while Walcott’s battery, a little advance of the
rebel right wing and near an elevated watercourse, probably some tributary of
the johar ka khalla, got a good position.72

The British Commanding Officer Gerrard Killed

Two hours of fighting had not taken place before there was a dramatic turn in
the battle. Gerrard was still north of the johar ka khalla, and he himself
brought up the horse artillery to bear up the camp, and ordered the line to
advance.73 He had ridden in front of his line the whole time. He was the only
man of the force – his orderly officer, Osborn excepted – dressed in red, the
infantry wearing the khaki uniform then authorized for service in the field. As
in the fight, so in the pursuit, Gerrard maintained his prominent position. He
pushed forward directing the troops till he reached the johar ka khalla, a
rivulet with partially wooded bank.74 This johar ka khalla used to flow from
south-east to north-west and fell into the Jetthu Baba Johar. Only during the
monsoon did it carry water from the Nasibpur hill and it was dry by
November. Gerrard drew his horse, whilst he directed the movements of the
troops to the other side and himself located on the right (northern) bank of the
khalla. He had been engaged in an animated conversation with Cookworthy
regarding the able manner in which that officer had handled his battery
throughout the engagement.75 W.D. Hogg, who was acting as his orderly
officer, was also there. As Gerrard sat on his white Arab giving directions
calmly, Hogg suddenly pointed out a man on the opposite bank taking
deliberate aim at him. Just then the man fired, but missed.75 Hogg entreated the
colonel to move back, but he replied that he would move in a minute, insisting
that he must see what was going on. Before he could move, however, the man
had reloaded and fired, this time his aim was true.76 The man on the left bank
near ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’ was none other than Rao Kishan Singh supported by
his comrade Rao Ramlal. Gerrard fell mortally wounded and died in a couple
of hours. The bullet had passed through the bridle wrist and stomach.
The news of Gerrard’s death came as a morale booster to the Indian forces
who intensified their attack. The British command devolved upon Caulfield,
then commanding the 1st Fusiliers. Caulfield writes, ‘I was then leading the 1st
Fusiliers across the Nullah, and we charged the enemy’s camp, followed by
the Punjab Infantry, and captured two more guns which were keeping a heavy
and destructive fire.’
Malleson writes, ‘The action, however, was by no means over. The rebel
horse rallying on the right, made a sudden charge on Lind’s Multanis and
recaptured two of their lost guns’.77
There was a fierce see-saw battle, one moment the British appeared to be
advancing while the next moment the Indians were dominating. The 1st
Fusiliers had to be withdrawn against the attack made by Indians, Caulfield
admitted.78 He opened fire on the town of Narnaul. Consequent to withdrawal
from the advance position, the Indians retook their camp and guns.
The struggle was going on everywhere, on the right, on the left, and in the
middle. Stafford was commanding their left wing i.e. on the Nasibpur Hill
side. ‘after two of the enemy’s guns were taken, the advance still continued in
the same order, until we came to the dry bed of a river.’79
The river mentioned by Stafford was the same johar ka khalla. The
Patriotic Front’s Forces were determined to check the British on this khalla
and put up stiff resistance here, and Stafford’s report accepts it,
Lieutenant G.G. Pearse, commanding cavalry of the Hurrianah force, was, I much regret to say, here
wounded in two places, and the command devolved upon Lieut R.A. Hamilton. The guns being
unable to cross the Nullah, they diverged to the right and took up a position near the Horse Artillery
guns, whilst the 23rd Punjab Infantry and Putteeala Infantry, in company with the 1st Fusiliers,
crossed and advanced towards the enemy’s camp, which was soon taken, two guns falling into our
 possession…. By order of Captain Caulfield, the infantry under my command returned to where our
guns were in position.80

At that stage the position of their guns was near the ‘Jetthu Baba Johar’ on
the right bank of its inlet channel. So, as soon as the British infantry withdrew
from the camp, the patriots again occupied their camp and started firing with
round shot. In response Stafford sent Hamilton with some cavalry, and four
companies of the 1st Fusiliers and 23rd Punjab Infantry to attack on the right
flank of the Indians. The flank was attacked and the gun was again captured.
Stafford reports, ‘… the gun which had been annoying us was gallantly
charged and taken by the 2 companies of the 1st Fusiliers, led by Lieutenant
Warner.’81
It was a different story when Caulfield sent 1st Fusiliers, 7th Punjab
Infantry, Carabineers and Guides to recapture the two guns; they succeeded in
getting one; the other being taken to a large pucca sarai in the town. This is
now known by the name of ‘Old or Purani Sarai’ in the Narnaul town. This
sarai was the last post of defence for the patriots. It was almost the end of the
day when they retreated to the sarai. Caulfield
ordered Guide Infantry under Lieutenant Ward to advance gradually upon them, occupying the tops of
the intermediate houses with the heavy guns in their rear. The light guns I ordered round to the left of
the sarai, where there was a single door, the other one opening into the street, being a strong double
one. By the time the guns had got round and opened fire, the Guides had taken possession of a high
house commanding the serai, and compelled the enemy to evacuate it. This being reported to me, I
ordered the guns to cease firing and the Fusiliers under Charles McFarlane and 7th Punjab Infantry
advanced into the serai, taking the gun at the door, and killing few of the enemy that remained
inside.82

The fight at sarai was the scene of very determined resistance. A reporter
from the British ranks gives the description,
The battle however, was not won, although it was nearly the evening. A three-pounder gun being hid
behind some huts opposite sarai gate was blazing away at random, and the Pandies endeavouring to
stand were firing muskets at Wallcott’s Battery guns from the top of the sarai, but both jointly failed
to do any mischief. The infantry were once more called to dislodge the Pandies contained within,
whilst two guns of Captain Cookworthy’s troop with the squadron of the Carabineers moved round
the right rear of the gun guarding the serai. A few round shots were fired to prepare the Pandies to
take to their heels, but the 1st Fusiliers advanced in line without firing a shot, and captured this
stronghold at the point of bayonet, and with a cheer and charge found themselves safely landed in the
centre of it.83
 But the reality was something else. If it were so easy, then why did the two
men namely Francis David Millet Brown, Lieutenant 1st EnBF and John
McGovern, a private get the highest gallantry award of the Victoria Cross?84
Near the sarai, three sepoys took cover in a small turret, and there was much
difficulty in dislodging them. Orders were given to a sergeant-major to
dislodge them. Private John McGovern was standing nearby when this order
was given, and he volunteered to go. He went up the staircase,85 and he was
successful. Caulfield reports about the battlefield, ‘The ground we had
advanced over during the day was between 2 and 3 miles, and it was now
late, so I ordered Fusiliers and Punjab Infantry and Guide Infantry to occupy
the serai during the night, while Captain Stafford with his force bivouacked
on the enemy’s encamping ground.’86
Another reporter says, ‘We fought till sunset, when we took the serai at the
point of the bayonet, capturing six of the mutineers’ guns.’87

THE NUMBER OF FREEDOM FIGHTERS WHO DIED

There have been stories about this historic battle that about 5,000 men were
slain there. But Caulfield, the British commanding officer says, ‘I should
estimate the loss of enemy at 350 killed and wounded; 300 bodies were
counted on the field.’88
This figure conforms to the usual 10 per cent in such battles, and therefore,
by extrapolation the calculated strength of the Indian Fighters comes out to be
not more than 3,500 men of all arms. There is another source which gives
casualties from 200 to 400. An obliging correspondent in Delhi was of the
view that ‘Colonel Gerrard’s Column … have taken all … nine guns … and
killed, some says 200, others 400, of them.’89
Yet another reporter tells a higher figure, ‘The loss of the enemy by a rough
computation was upwards of 500. Ours killed and wounded, notwithstanding
the well contested fight, was about eighty.’90

THE AFTERMATH
Caulfield reports further, ‘Early the following morning I cleared the city with
a party of Fusiliers, and found it nearly deserted. The three dismantled guns
were found in their camp…. The enemy having fled in different directions, I
was unable to follow them.’91
Says another source, ‘Narnoul was sacked on the 17th and by the 18th
survivors of the Jodhpore Legion were some eighty miles distant from us.’92
Caulfield reported that he sent a party under Captain Wardlaw the next
morning (18th) ‘as soon as I could procure information as to the probable
route taken by the enemy. He followed them nearly as far as Kantee, but saw
no signs of them.’93
The loss to the rebels was not the numbers, but the leadership. The Indians
lost not only one of the most bitterly contested battle, but also the greatest and
bravest commanders of the period like Rao Kishan Singh and Rao Ramlal.
General Samad Khan was wounded but managed to escape along with Rao
Tularam and Rao Gopaldev, the Commander-in-Chief. His son Ghous
Mohammad Khan was, however, killed in action. It appears that Shahzada
Mohammad Azim too died fighting. The British victory was bereft of glory,
because their meritorious, highly praised and beloved commander John Grant
Gerrard was killed. While paying tribute to him an officer of the 1st EnBF
wrote,
The mutineers fought most desperately, coming on in a most determined furious manner; but our
gallant boys (the old Eu’s) reserved their fire until within thirty paces, and then poured in such a
volley, that it at once broke the Pandie ranks. Then commenced the work of destruction, and
bayonets of the old Eu’s were not long in driving home into the tall Pandies but we have sustained a
sad loss in the death of our intrepid leader, the gallant Colonel John Grant Gerrard; he was truly
beloved and esteemed by all ranks; it was only the other day he rejoined our ranks after an absence
of one year and nine months, and such was delight at seeing him again at the head of old Dirty Shirts
that both officers and men received him with three cheers. We did not forget the kind and noble old
soldier who had led us….94

Another officer lamenting the death of Colonel Gerrard wrote to his

parents,
I forgot to tell you the most disastrous thing of all, the death of our poor old Col. Gerrard. He was hit
right through the body by a brute who was only 20 yards off, he is a dreadful loss poor fellow to us all
and had only just succeeded to the command of our regiment, which had been his great ambition. He
commanded the whole Column, and looked such a fine old fellow with his red coat and 5 medals on
his chest. Fancy such a fine old fellow being shot down by those brutal Pandies, his poor wife will
 feel it dreadfully as they were such an attached couple and were just going home with their 3rd batch
of children.95

Commissioned in the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers (1st EnBF) on 21 July

1836, John Grant Gerrard was killed in the battle of Nasibpur and lies buried
since 19 November 1857 near the south-western slope of the bank of Jetthu
Baba Johar where a twin-tomb exists, the other probably of Arthur Wellesley
Craigie, Lieutenant 36th NI, attached to the Guides Cavalry, who was
wounded in action on the 16th, but died in Delhi on 30 November 1857.

British Casualties Reported

In the numerical return of killed and wounded in action, 8 men (2 privates, 4

sowars and 2 sepoys) were shown killed; while 82 (1 colonel, 2 captains, 2
lieutenants, 1 sergeant, 4 corporals, 1 bugler, 1 drummer, 1 gunner, 23
privates, 1 resaldar, 5 daffadars, 20 sowars, 1 jemadar, 2 havildars, 2
naicks and 9 sepoys) were shown as wounded in action.96
Colonel J.G. Gerrard, Captains G.G. Pearse and T.G. Kennedy, and
Lieutenants N.H. Wallace, E.W. Humphry and A.W. Craigie were reported to
be wounded in action.97 George Wardlaw reported that Captain C.A. Sanford
had been severely wounded in action.98 The factual position was, however,
that Gerrard had died before sending the report and Craigie died due to
dangerous wounds on 30 November 1857 at Delhi. The real figures, as usual,
were concealed.
Francis David Millet Brown and John McGovern were recommended for
the Victoria Cross; while George Wardlaw, Colin Cookworthy, W.J.F.
Stafford, J.B. Lind, G.N. Money, George Ward, R.F. Godby, N.H. Wallace,
W.D. Hogg, A.E. Osborn, William Ford, W.H. Warner, G.G. Pearse, R.A.
Hamilton, J.V. Hunt, E.Y. Walcott, Dr J.P. Brougham, Dr P.A. Minas, J.H.
Jackson, John Hudson, T.G. Kennedy, C.A. Sanford, A.W. Craigie, J.B.
Chatterton, Henry M. Caulfield, J.J. Russell, H.C. Anderson, Abdullah Khan,
Alam Khan, Sher Mohammed, Atta Mohammad Khan and Mitty Khan were
mentioned in despatches for rewards.99
What opinion did the British officers have of their allies? William Ford
who was at the Nasibpur battle is quoted here:
 Ford writing of the action on the 16th, says it must have been productive of the most beneficial effect
on the neighbouring states, as ‘it was fought close to the Jodhpore and Jeypore forces, who,
mustering, it is said, some 15,000 men with 28 guns, were afraid to attack the rebels.’ He adds that
some Jeypore troops came up just as we had finished the battle, and caused anxiety on our right
flank. Ford is suspicious that they meant to play false with us. He says, ‘Had the Jeypore Force
advanced beyond the place where they had taken up their position on our right flank, I told Caulfield
to attack them. These rascals are a serious obstacle to our movements. A zemindar whom we found
on the road, told me it had been proclaimed in the rebel camp that Rouljee would join them with 5000
men. The gunners of the Joudpore and Jeypore Force were, I hear, in a state of mutiny.’100

That traitors assisted the British is a matter of shame. It will now be easy
for the reader to conclude the reasons for the defeat of the patriots. The
Indians were brave but had to face not only superior fire-power, particularly
artillery, but also the treachery of traitors.

RETURN OF THE S AHIBBA

After two days halt, the column moved to Mandhan on 19 November, after
leaving a regiment of Patiala Infantry, Esakhaili Risala and a few Zamburaks
for the protection of Narnaul.101 after encamping at Mandhan on the 19th they
reached Rewari where they stayed till the 24th. On the 24th the component
which had come from Delhi, moved towards Pataudi and the detachment of
the HFF stayed there.102 But Warner writing from camp Pataudi on the 24th
says, ‘We arrived here yesterday morning from Rewaree and on account of
some report of the enemy again collecting we have halted here today for
further information….’103
But Colonel Seaton, who started for Delhi on 13th from Ambala joined his
regiment at Pataudi on the 20th and arrived in Delhi on the 29th.104 The
Hurrianah detachment marched from Rewari on the 25th and arrived at
Kahnaud on the morning of 27th November 1857.105
A letter from Agra dated 24 November says, ‘The Moveable Column
remains for the present in the vicinity of Rewaree. The defeated rebels have
fled eastwards in two bodies, the Cavalry via Tapookra, the Infantry by way
of Toojara [Tijara].’106
Had the British been able to suppress the struggle going on, completely?
Not yet. Mewat was still fighting. By now the armed resistance in Haryana
had been overpowered; punishment and retribution, however, continued
everywhere. Thousands of freedom lovers had been imprisoned or hanged and
were being transported for life.

Observation of Mirza Ghalib about this Struggle

Tularam, a miscreant has created disturbance in Rewari, thereafter he has

joined the Meos due to the devilish guidance. The gang is separately fighting
in that desert and the mountain against the rulers of the world as if the Indian
soil has become everywhere a factory of wind and fire.107

Ambala, Thanesar, Karnal and Panipat

In this region large scale efforts had been started to capture the rebels, after
the fall of Delhi to the British on 20 September. However, no sahibbas were
organized to reduce the population as sufficient repression had been going on
since May 1857. The following events need mention during this period.
The Commissioner and Superintendent of cis-Sulej G.C. Barnes vide his
letter dated 3 October addressed to all the Deputy Commissioners issued
instructions for the capture of Mirza Korash, heir-apparent to the Delhi throne
after Bahadur Shah Zafar’s exit, and Mirza Abu Nisar alias Mirza Abdulla,
implicated in the rebellion.108 A handsome compensation was promised to the
person who might help in capture.109 On 30 October Saunders wrote to
Barnes for the attachment of shares of Amir Ali Khan son of Nawab Dalel
Khan of Kunjpura.110 Amir Ali had sent a letter to the King on 12 July 1857
supporting his rule.111 Simultaneously, Saunders wrote to the Deputy
Commissioner of Panipat, about measures to effect the arrest of Amir Ali
without loss of time, while Barnes wrote to McNeile on 3 November for the
immediate arrest of the above named persons.112 But they could do nothing,
and McNeile replied to Barnes, ‘Ameer Ali Khan enlisted 3 years ago at
Lahore into the Punjab Mounted Police as Ressaldar, was subsequently
cashiered – gone to Sindh, not heard thereafter.’113
 Again, it was the Patiala Raja who was protecting the British interests. In
response to the Chief Commissioner’s query, Barnes wrote on 12th November,
The Patiala forces doing duty along with those of Nabha were as under:

1. The Patiala Forces: at Ambala, 10 horse; at Thanesar 238 horse and 123 foot; and at Karnal
183 horse, 353 foot, 79 artillerymen (52 golandazes and 27 zamboorchees), and 4 guns. Thus
total strength was 986 men, with 10 at Ambala, 361 at Thanesar and 615 at Karnal.114
2. The strength of Nabha force at Karnal was 150 horse and 85 foot, total 235 men in all.115

Here at Karnal George Fergus Graham, Lieutenant 5th EnR attached to 23rd
Punjab Infantry, was commanding the Patiala force. It was only at the end of
December on the 29th, the day on which the Mahun Battle was being fought in
the Mewat, that Barnes wrote to the Deputy Commissioner to reduce the
strength to 275 (175 horse and 100 foot) men at Thanesar, and on the
recommendation of Graham to 450 (150 horse and 300 foot) men with 2 guns
at Karnal.116 It was on the last day of the year that McNeile reported
compliance and C.J.H. Richardes took the charge of Magistrate at Karnal.117
Over the period the police and army had been put into service to disarm the
general population and to coerce the peasantry for land revenue. The main
duty of the police too was to collect the land revenue, and that was the
predominant role it had been playing since long. For example, in a small tract
in Karnal, 136 horsemen were deployed to collect revenue while only 22
sufficed for police duties in the area. Thus ended the last quarter of the year
1857, in northern Haryana.

Notes
1. ROID-I, p. 521.
2. Lahore Chronicle, Wednesday, 25 November 1857.
3. ROID-II, p. 276.
4. ROID-I, p. 255.
5. Ibid., p. 260.
6. Ibid.
7. G.B. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-I, London, 1878, p. 110; Lahore Chronicle, 25 November
1857.
 8. HSA HD File No. 59, pp. 117–27, 275.
9. Col. Edward Vibart, The Sepoy Mutiny: As Seen by a Subaltern: From Delhi to Lucknow,
London, 1898, pp. 161–2.
10. Ibid., p. 156.
11. Chick, Annals, pp. 719–20.
12. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-I, p. 109.
13. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858.
14. Ibid.
15. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
16. ROID-I, p. 269.
17. Chick, Annals, p. 719.
18. Lahore Chronicle, 18 November 1857.
19. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report No. 45 by Captain J.P. Caulfield from camp near
Narnaul dated 18 November 1857.
20. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
21. Lahore Chronicle, 18 November 1857: A news dated 13 November 1857 from Kahnaud
(Mahendragarh).
22. I.T. Prichard, Mutinies in Rajpootana, London, 1860, pp. 208–9.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid., p. 209.
25. Jane Bush, The Warner Letters, Delhi, 2008, p. 145.
26. ROID-I, p. 272.
27. Ibid., p. 279.
28. Bush, Warner Letter, p. 144.
29. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. Lahore Chronicle, 18 November 1857.
33. Ibid.
34. Ibid.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid.
37. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857; Malleson: History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 110; Warner
Letters, p. 144.
38. Warner Letters, pp. 144–5.
39. Ibid.
40. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Captain J.P. Caulfield.
41. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 110–11.
42. Ibid., p. 111.
43. Ibid., pp. 111–12.
44. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
45. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 111–12.
46. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
47. Ibid.
48. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 112.
49. Siddique Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857: Mewation Ka Yogdan, Nuh, 2006, pp. 82–3.
50. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
51. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 113–14.
52. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
53. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 114.
54. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
55. Ibid.
56. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 114.
57. Chick, Annals, p. 720.
58. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
59. Ibid.
60. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 115.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid.
63. Warner Letters, pp. 145–6.
64. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857: A Letter from Narnaul, dated 17 November 1857.
65. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Captain George Wardlaw’s Report.
66. Ibid.
67. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
68. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 116.
69. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Lieut. J.B. Lind’s Report.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid.
72. Chick, Annals, p. 720.
 73. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
74. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, pp. 115–17.
75. Col. E.D.H. Vibart, Sepoy Mutiny: As Seen by a Subaltern, London, 1898, p. 185.
76. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-II, p. 117.
77. Ibid., p. 118.
78. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
79. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Captain W.J.F. Stafford’s Report.
80. Ibid.
81. Ibid., Warner Letters, p. 148.
82. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
83. Chick, Annals, p. 721.
84. L.G., 17 February 1860, & L.G., 29 April 1862.
85. www.royalmunsterfusiliers.org/e6mcgov.htm
86. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
87. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
88. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
89. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
90. Chick, Annals, p. 722.
91. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
92. Chick, Annals, p. 722.
93. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Report of Caulfield.
94. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
95. Warner Letters, pp. 146–7.
96. Supplement to L.G., 22 February 1858: Dr J.P. Brougham’s Report, no. 49.
97. Ibid.
98. Ibid., George Wardlaw’s Report, No. 48.
99. Ibid., Reports of all the Commanding Officers of the British Contingent.
100. ROID-I, p. 282.
101. Chick, Annals, p. 722; Warner Letters, p. 146.
102. Chick, Annals, p. 722.
103. Warner Letters, p. 147.
104. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel-II, pp. 234–5.
105. Chick, Annals, p. 722.
106. ROID-II, p. 220.
107. Zakir Husain, ‘Delhi, Meos and the Great Uprising’, Indian History Congress, 70th Session, Delhi,
2010.
108. HSA AD G&P Accn. No. 1423, File No. 151/1857.
109. Ibid.
110. HSA AD G&P Accn. No. 1424, File No. 152/1857.
111. Ibid.
112. Ibid.
113. Ibid.
114. HSA AD G&P Accn. No. 1430, File No. 1/1858.
115. Ibid.
116. Ibid.
117. Ibid.
Chapter 10
Mewat: May to December 1857

Extreme Exploitation-Maximum Resistance

In previous chapters we have seen the sequence of events, battles, movements
and retribution, in chronological order, for all of the present-day Haryana
except for Mewat district. Mewat requires a focussed narrative. In history,
justice has not been done to the Mewattis, though they were the first to rise
against the British and the last to submit to them. In 1857 the present district
was only a part of the Gurgaon district of the Delhi division in the NWP.
Mewat, the abode of Meos, is a big region falling in the erstwhile native
states of Alwar and Bharatpur, Mathura district of the UP, and Palwal,
Gurgaon and Mewat districts of Haryana. Historically the ancient Meds of
Central Asia and Sindh are the today’s Meos of Mewat who first migrated to
the area in the erstwhile Rajputana (still known as Mewar after their name)
and subsequently came to their current home. It is a famous warrior caste
practising agriculture and animal husbandry and in the nineteenth century their
main occupation was pastoralism.
In the erstwhile district of Gurgaon, there was a mixed population
predominantly of the Jats, Ahirs, Gujjars, Meos, Pathans and Rajputs. The
groupings or dhars were more on the basis of sub-castes (pals or gotras) than
on caste and these still exist there. Some castes of the region had an active
mutual coalition socially, culturally, and professionally, their historical
origins being similar. A pal or gotra of the Meos, Jats, Gujjars, and Rajputs
and their coalition with the Pathans was a formidable combination. However,
the dominance of sturdy and brave Meos, divided within themselves into
twelve major pals and one minor pal called palakara, was crucial to tilt the
balance. These Meos have an interesting and durable but bigger socio-
political formation of ‘twelve-fifty two (baarah baawan)’ where twelve
stands for number of their pals and fifty two for number of gotras, and they
have alliances with other castes on the basis of these pals and gotras only,
irrespective of religion. Muir in a letter on 12 November writes to Sherer
about the strength of Meos or Mewattis: ‘You will find by a reference to the
Goorgaon Statistical Report, what a large and influential body they are (see
page 15); they number 110,000 in this district, and own 409 villages with an
area of 300,000 acres.’1
In Denzil Ibbetson’s view
… the Meos – for they no doubt are often included under the term Mewatti – were, during the
Muhammadan period of power, always notorious for their turbulence and predatory habits: however,
since their complete subjection by Bakhtawar Singh and Banni Singh (during the first half of this
century), who broke up the large turbulent villages into a number of small hamlets, they have become
generally well behaved, but they return to their former habits when opportunity occurs…. In 1857,
they assembled, burnt state ricks, carried off cattle, & c., but did not succeed in plundering any town
or village in Ulwar. In British territory they plundered Firozpur and other villages and when a British
force came to restore order many were hanged.2

It has been highlighted in Chapter 2 that the Meo peasantry was the worst
sufferer from the excessive colonial land revenue system, particularly in the
parganahs of Nuh, Ferozepur Jhirka, and Punahana. So, after it became
known to the people of Haryana that Delhi had been captured by the rebels on
11 May, Meos were the first community to attack and destroy revenue record
in tehsils and parganahs in the Meo dominated areas like Taoru, Sohna, Nuh,
Punahana, and Ferozepur Jhirka. At the same time exploiter and British well-
wisher mahajans were made targets of plunder and government-loyal
Khanzadahs were killed. Except in Mewat there was no general or
widespread disturbance at that time.3 Mirza Ghalib described the situation as,
‘In the land of Sohna and Nuh, the Mewattis have created such a disturbance
that one can imagine that the mad have broken the chain’.4

THE SIEGE OF FEROZEPUR JHIRKA

As soon as the Deputy Commissioner Ford fled on 13 May, the colonial

authority stood wiped off in Mewat. But in Ferozepur Jhirka a contingent of
Alwar Raja Benei (Banne) Singh (1815–57) came to the aid of the
administration immediately under the command of his minister Nawab
Aminullah Khan alias Munshi Ammu Jan.5 Another contingent of Alwar was
sent to Hodal to help Ford where he remained until 29 May. But he was
compelled to leave due to the mutiny of some Bharatpur and Alwar troops.6
The munshi was a known British protégé from Delhi and notorious for
suppressing the Meo peasants. No sooner did the news spread in rural areas
than the people converged on the town and surrounded it. Ammu Jan was
besieged in Ferozepur Jhirka to the extent that he felt suffocated within a short
period.7 Ultimately the Raja sent another large contingent and managed his
rescue with difficulty.8 That had happened in May and thus there was no
administrative authority in the tehsil jurisdiction except the town where
tehsildar, Sheikh Ahmad Hussain, who could retain his presence only with
the help of Alwar force, though without any revenue work or administrative
activity. He remained there for two reasons: first, a large number of fighters
hailing from surrounding villages had gone to Delhi at the early stage of
rebellion and many more joined them after the flight of Ammu Jan; second,
there broke out a quarrel between the two factions within a pal of the Meos of
Ferozepur Jhirka and their attention was diverted. The quarrel was caused by
old intra-tribal enmity.
In Ferozepur there were two Meo chaudharies of the Chirklot clan- Chand Khan of Bazidpur and
Kabir of Bukharaka; these men, who were closely related, had taken different sides in a quarrel
which had originated in the murder of a lambardar of Badarpur by a villager of Khuspuri in the time
of Nawab Ahmad Bakhsh Khan. In 1857 the quarrel broke out afresh, and all the Chirklot and some
of the other villages of neighbourhood were divided into two factions, headed respectively by Chand
Khan and Kabir. Kabir burnt and plundered the villages of Aterna, Shamsabad, Shadipur, Aklimpur,
and Chantipur, a hamlet of Bhadas; and then Chand Khan assembled his men and burnt Bukharaka
and plundered Imamnagar. Finally, both parties mustered in strength, and a fight, which lasted eight
days, took place on the boundary of Badarpur and Bukharaka; the result was indecisive, the loss on
each side was some fifty or sixty killed.9

The direct beneficiary of this fight was the British who could maintain their
presence in the town and their lines of communication through Mewat. There
remained some lawlessness in the months of May and June but chaudharies
soon started managing the affairs of the Mewat.

THE DOHA BATTLE

The Raja of Alwar, however, continued to meddle in the affairs of Mewat
from his garrison in the fort of Naugaon (Naugaonwan) which was repaired
though he himself was not well.10 It was from this base that he continually
managed to send detachments to aid the British, though he himself was not
physically fit. He tried unsuccessfully to administer Ferozepur Jhirka on their
behalf. The Meos were, however, always ready to thwart his attempts at any
cost. In this struggle there took place one very important battle,
In AD 1857, one hundred Raj bullocks were on their way via Nogawan to Ferozepur, for the use of
British troops. Their escort was attacked just beyond Nogawan by the Meos and Baniyas. The
principal inhabitants of the village stoutly went to its assistance, with the fort-commandant. The Meos
surrounded them, and the commandant, Man Singh by name, was killed, together with many of his
men and of the Nogawan people.11

This battle is remembered as ‘the Doha battle’ in folklore in which

principal participants, who destroyed a large convoy of the Alwar force,
hailed from the villages of Doha and Rawli. The battle seems to have taken
place in May 1857.

Meo Chaudharies Provide Leadership in the Mewat

In 1857 Mewat did not have jagirdars or rajas and the people had to depend
on the leadership of the chaudharies of their pals, thambas, and gotras
among whom Sharafuddin Meo was the leading figure. Other prominent
leaders were Sadruddin, Feroze Shah Mewatti, Alaf Khan, and Maulana
Mehrab Ali Khan Mewatti having influence in different parts of the Mewat.
Sadruddin was active in the Pinanghwan-Punahana-Tigaon region, Feroze
Shah Mewatti had tremendous influence in the Taoru-Sohna tract, another Meo
chaudhary Alaf Khan of Raisina coordinated with all chaudharies, and
Maulana Mehrab Ali Khan Mewatti, a religious leader, inspired the people to
fight against the English by moving in person from place to place and
enthusing them through the distribution of amulets (tawiz) for victory. A letter
written by Alaf Khan in Delhi on 13 August indicates that a large number of
Meo fighters had moved to that place soon after the flight of Ford from
Gurgaon in the second week of May. The letter addressed to the C-in-C of the
Indian Forces, Mirza Zaheeruddin alias Mirza Moghul (in addition to several
others) reads,
 We hundreds of freedom fighters of Mewat region who by leaving our families on the divine mercy
for several months have been sacrificing our lives at the threshold of the servants of the Emperor.
While other people who are also present, get their salaries from him, we, freedom fighters, instead of
getting food are depending upon our own blood leaving many people martyred, hungry and thirsty….
Notwithstanding several representations of Alaf Khan, the leader of our qafila [caravan] you have
never paid any heed to it, merely….12

It is clear from the words ‘by leaving our families … for several months
have been sacrificing our lives at the threshold … of the Emperor’ that the
Mewattis were in Delhi since the commencement of the rebellion. Here in
Mewat, pal chaudharies established their administration in the name of the
King. Eden came with the Jaipur Contingent in the first week of June but was
out of Mewat by 11 June without leaving any impact. A weekly newspaper
reported that someone who had come from Ferozepur stated that the Mewattis
had created disturbance, had set Nuh to fire and plundered the villages of
Nagina, Taoru and Ferozepur Jhirka; the highway was closed and only a poor
man could traverse the way. But the situation improved soon and then Bahadur
Shah Zafar vide his order of 25 July appointed Saiyed Musharraf Ali as
tehsildar of Hodal and Punahana and wrote to the latter,
it is obligatory for him that the administration of the parganahs should be done so excellently that the
work is done properly and the inhabitants of the parganahs should not in any way become
disheartened. They should help in streamlining the arrangement of thanadari for the revenue
collection as no mismanagement should occur. In view of their well-wishing the government, they
should consider themselves worthy of favour and he can employ as many as sowars as he deems
sufficient. He should engage them on government duty. He should remit their salaries from the
amount of the revenue collections. He should dispatch the balance of revenues to His Majesty.13

The letter cited above contains the general policy statement of the native
Mughal government. On the other hand, a hukumnamah was issued the same
day to the chaudharies, qanungos and lambardars of the above parganahs to
the effect that, ‘… that they should wholeheartedly comply with the
tehsildar’s orders and make utmost endeavour in the work of revenue
collection and being well-wishers they should consider it the cause of their
favour as any carelessness shall be injurious to them.’14

THE DEFEAT OF THE ALWAR CONTINGENT AND REBELLION IN

ALWAR
The Meos opposed the Alwar force wherever they had the opportunity as far
as Bharatpur and Agra. Though Banne Singh had been suffering from paralysis
for several years, he made every effort to aid the British even from his
deathbed.
Before his death he had an opportunity of proving his loyalty to the British Government. Bedridden as
he was, he selected the flower of his army, and dispatched a force consisting of about 800 infantry,
400 cavalry, and four guns, to the beleaguered garrison at Agra. The cavalry, among whom was the
‘Khas Chauki’ or Chief’s personal guard, were all Rajputs – the remainder principally
Mahomedans.15

There was a sizeable section of the Meos from Gurgaon in this contingent
who had been in league with mutineers. When the force was on the march at
Achhnera,
The Nimach and Nasirabad brigade of mutineers came upon them at Achnera, on the road between
Bhartpur and Agra. Deserted by their leader and Mahomedan portion of the force, including the
artillery, the Rajputs suffered a severe defeat, leaving on the field fifty-five men, among whom were
ten Sardars of note, whose heirs subsequently received khillats from Government. The old Chief
was on the point of death when tidings of the disaster reached Ulwur: but his reason had fled, and he
was spared (of) the sorrowful news. The last order he is said to have given in writing – he having lost
the use of his tongue – was that a lakh of rupees should be sent down from the fort and sent out to
his small force…. The traitorous leader on the occasion was Raja Bahadur Chimman Singh.16

Banne Singh sent a strong contingent of his army to help the British at Agra
in early August17 which was badly defeated by the Meos and the Nasirabad
and Neemach rebels at Achhnera (Chapter 6).18 A Meo scholar has claimed
that the Meos belonged to the villages of Doha and Rawli19 but that seems
impossible. He appears to confuse the Doha battle with Achhnera battle.
Banni Singh died in August 1857 has been admitted by Powlett in the Alwar
Gazetteer but according to that he died unaware of the tragedy at Achhnera.19
On the other hand the tradition holds that Banne Singh could not tolerate his
defeat, a Meo scholar claims, ‘Maharaja and his minister were much pained
by this incident, because the Maharaja had to suffer a big loss of life and
property. Maharaja Banne Singh fell ill during this period and he died in 1857
at the age of only 50 due to this shock.’20
An eminent historian writes, ‘At Alwar there was no political agent. The
Rao Raja Benei Singh at once placed a small contingent at the disposal of the
British. His death, however, almost immediately afterwards, and the
complications that ensued in his own State, rendered the proferred aid for all
practical purposes nugatory.’21
This was, a setback for the Raja and Ammu Jan and consequently the rebels
tried to avail the opportunity provided by their apparent and sudden weakness
along with unsettled situation in the country. In the meantime Banne Singh died
and was succeeded by his twelve year old son Sheodan Singh but Ammu Jan
and his two brothers continued to hold sway due to support from the British,
even though previously they had been proved guilty of misappropriation of
lakhs of rupees of the state, some amount of which had even been recovered
from them.22
The Mewatti leaders, who had gone to Delhi at the early stage of rebellion,
were in contact with Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh, because he had cordial
relations with the Meos. In the winter of 1854 some British officers arrested
many Meo chaudharies of the Nagina parganah and took them away to
Delhi.23 The Meos brought this incident into the notice of Nahar Singh who
advocated vociferously for the Meos in the Delhi durbar.24 Consequently, the
British officers got annoyed with him and continued to bear grudge against
him since then.25 In the month of August there had been no existence of any
British authority and the bhaichara panchayats (brotherhood assemblies)
took up the administration in their hands. During this period, Mewat was the
most peaceful area, whatever might be the contention of the British officers
later on. Though Bahadur Shah Zaffar had been accepted the ruling emperor of
India by Haryana Sarvakhaap Panchayat on 14 May 1857, the Meo leaders
namely Ali Hassan Khan Mewatti along with Sadarudin Meo, and the Mewat
chaudharies wrote a letter to him on 13 August 1857 and accepted him the
ruler of India.26 Thus during August and September there might have been
some local fights between the Anglophiles and Indians at different levels, but
patriotic forces dominated the scene. It was only after the defeat in Delhi on
the 20 September that the scenario changed. Bahadur Shah Zafar, under the
influence of British stooges and spies, which included his most trustworthy
wife, physician and secretary, decided to stay in Delhi and surrender; contrary
to the advice of Raja Nahar Singh and General Bakht Khan. The game was
lost. Even so the Meos did not lose heart, or accept defeat. They decided to
fight on their home ground in the Mewat under the leadership of their own
trusted men. Four famous battles were fought: Raisina (31 October), Ghasera
(8 November), Roopraka (19 November) and Mahun (29 December 1857). I
have briefly mentioned the Raisina battle while detailing Showers sahibba.
Let us now discuss all four battles, which when the final history of the Indian
freedom struggle and her ‘first war of independence in AD 1857’ will come
before the reader, shall appear in golden letters.

THE RAISINA BATTLE

We have already mentioned that a detachment was sent to the village of

Raisina, situated west of Gurgaon-Sohna road about 3 km distant on the
eastern foot of the hills (see Figures 10.1 and 10.2), and the misadventurer
named Clifford, Assistant Magistrate, was killed in the morning of 31 October
1857. Showers column was then at Gurgaon, and this was the first detachment
sent to quell the Meo rebellion. A bloody battle was fought, which finds a
very prominent place in the folklores.
The force was headed by Peter Drummond, Captain 22nd NI, who was
accompanied by Charles Grant, Lieutenant 45th NI; Algar Bowdoin Temple,
Lieutenant 49th NI attached to Kumaon Battalion as staff officer; Hugh Grant,
Lieutenant 74th NI; and William Wroughton, Lieutenant 54th NI. Peter
Drummond 22nd NI, joined the column under Showers after the fall of Delhi
and received the thanks of the government when in command of a detachment
of Kumaon Battalion for successful operations against the insurgent Mewattis
of Goorgaon district in 1857, got medal on 12 January 1858.27
The force consisted of: (1) Gorkhas of the Kumaon (2nd Gorkha) Battalion, (2) sowars of the
Hodson’s Horse, (3) men from the Punjab Mounted Police Corps, and (4) sowars from the Tiwana
Horse. It is understood that they had a gun as well; and the strength of the detachment does not
appear to be less than 700 men, though exact figures do not come forthwith.

At Raisina the villagers under the command of Alaf Khan Meo had
organized their front and there were some men from the rebel regiments.
There were a large number of Meos, at that time, in the Gwalior contingent,
the Punjab infantry and cavalry, the 4th Irregular Cavalry, the Haryana Light
Infantry Battalion, the Kota contingent; the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th Native Infantry
and the Ballabgarh Army.28 Those who belonged to Raisina and the
surrounding villages had joined this front. Kale Khan Mewatti and Ali Hasan
Khan Mewatti of village Raisina, who were artillery officers at the Kashmiri
Gate of Delhi, too had come here after the fall of that city.29 Some say that
Kale Khan belonged to another village named Basai Khod.30 Chaudhary Giani
was the headman of Raisina, a Dahangal Meos’ village.31 There were fighters
from other villages like Mohammadpur Gujjar, Hariahera, and Harchandpur in
sizeable numbers with matchlocks. The location of this famous historical
village is indicated in Figure 10.1. The British force reached Alipur in the
morning from Gurgaon via Badshahpur and Captain Peter Drummond, the
commanding officer and Wigram Clifford, the Assistant Magistrate
accompanying him, sent for Lambardar Chaudhary Sarsa and his brother
Harphool.32 They refused to reveal details about patriots and their location,
and consequently both of them were shot dead.33 The force then proceeded
towards Raisina via Hariahera which was deserted on their approach and
was burnt down. The village Raisina, now situated on the south of a tongue of
the hill along the road with the same name; was then located in the enclosed
valley on the west of present abadi, as shown in Figure 10.2 The total space
occupied by this village in 1857, has now come within the four walls of Baba
Prakash Puri Ashram. The fighters had taken position in the houses and hill
dens on the three sides. There was a chaupal near the present internal gate of
the ashram, where now stands a pipal tree. Clifford was a little bit in
advance of the British force, and before the real struggle could start, he was
shot in his head in front of the chaupal gate, according to strong tradition, by
Kale Khan Mewatti and his death was instant as the head was blown up. Thus
began the famous battle of Raisina, which has been sung since that day by the
bards with the title of ‘Raisina ki Baat.’ The battle continued the whole day,
according to Sohrab, a 70-year old Meo peasant. The Meos, except his
forefathers, migrated to Pakistan in 1947, but when the author started
discussion about martyrs of the Raisina, there was a shining in his eyes.
Among the villagers who attained martyrdom while fighting, was Chaudhary
Kale Khan. A large number of fighters, 60 to 80 according to different
sources, were slain. Tombs of some of them still exist as shown in Figure
10.2. The British record does not show any casualty in their force except for
Clifford. Muir writes at Agra to Edmonstone on 2 November, ‘The Mewatees
are still in force south of Goorgaon. In an affair on the 31st a detachment from
the Column cut up 60 to 100, including some sepoys. Young Clifford killed in
Figure 10.1: Index Plan: Location of Village Raisina (Gurgaon)
Figure 10.2: Index Plan: Village Raisina in 1857

this affair. The only casualty. The Column is to go in force, via Kasun and
Taoroo, to Sonah effectually to put down these insurgents.’34
DELHI – OCT-31 – The Furookhnuggur Nawab has been arrested and sent a prisoner to Delhi, to
take his trial. A detachment of Showers’ Column on the 31st October went in the pursuit of a body of
Mewatee and other insurgents, who had taken up a position on the heights near Sonuh, in the
Goorgaon district. They were dispersed and from 60 to 80 killed, including, it is believed, several
Pandies. One melancholy casualty occurred in the death of W. Clifford, of the Civil Service, who was
killed by [a] shot from one of the rebels. The Column will move down in strength from Goorgaon, via
Casen and Taoroo, to Sonuh, as the insurgents require to be thoroughly chastised and subdued.35

Since the head of Clifford was blown up, his body lay before the village
chaupal in a headless state, so naturally there flowed out a couplet on the lips
of folk poets.
bangla mein man na lage, sooni deekhan sez!
raisina ka gaur mein, dekha bina sheesh angrez!! 36

Do not I feel at home in my bungalow, and empty see I my bed!

In the burial-ground of Raisina, saw an Englishman without head!!

The village was destroyed and remained deserted for a long period after
the battle. The detachment next moved towards Sohna and burnt all the
villages en route that town in retaliation; Mohammadpur Gujjar, Sanpki
Nangli being among these.

THE GHASERA BATTLE

The Showers column after causing large-scale destruction had just left when
the Meos again reorganized themselves and gathered at the village of Ghasera,
close to Nuh (on its north-east side) on the Sohna-Nuh road (Figure 10.3).
They had planned to attack Nuh and Meos from the villages of Barota,
Rewasan and Hiramthala had joined them. As soon as Drummond came to
know about this he despatched a smart detachment from Sohna under William
Wroughton and Hugh Grant on 8 November1857.37
The force first attacked Barota, south-east of Sohna, burnt and destroyed it,
but got no clue about the fighters; then they proceeded to repeat their
brutalities on Rewasan (see location in Figure 10.3). Proceeding further they
camped near Mailwas after burning Hiramthala located on the road.38 Here
they gathered the information about Ghasera. Their force consisted of: a
company of the 2nd Gorkha (Kumaon) battalion with one native
commissioned officer (NatCO) (subahdar), two native non-commissioned
officers (NatNCOs) and 63 sepoys; while the cavalry consisted of 50 Tiwana
Horse sowars commanded by Wroughton.39 There were some
Figure 10.3: Index Plan: Location of Village Ghasera (Mewat)

sepoys and sowars, rebels of the British army in the village along with
peasant fighters, who were being led by an artillery officer of the Mughal
army, by name Ali Hassan Khan Mewatti. Grant and Wroughton through their
spies came to know that there were 500–600 armed men in the village of
Ghasera located to their south after crossing a long plain inbetween.40 The
force were ordered to march and attack from the flanks and front, and thus a
three-pronged charge was made on the Ghasera, whereas the rebels were
ready to fight on only the north front, unaware of the British strategy.41 The
front detachment was repulsed but the British fired on the village from the
flanks.42 Though Meos fought bravely, they had to retreat, in view of the huge
loss caused by the superior fire power.

Indian Casualties

The British force entered the village and killed about 150 men within
minutes.43 The terrorized villagers ran away, Grant and Wroughton captured
the village, where they found only some old men and timid bunniahs.44 The
village was thoroughly searched: they found uniforms of the rebel infantry and
cavalry; and other articles like coats, caps and socks were also recovered
from the village indicating the presence of the rebel sepoys and sowars.45
Thus ended the Ghasera battle, with total destruction of the village. Strangely,
the report of the British commander does not list casualties. Though Mewattis
tasted defeat, the flame of rebellion had not been put out so soon.

THE ROOPRAKA BATTLE

The Kumaon battalion with 400 bayonets and two 9-pounder guns with
bullocks remained in Gurgaon.46 A section of it remained at Palwal, Bamni
Khera, and Hodal, to watch the activities of the eastern part of Gurgaon
district, while Peter Drummond was stationed at Sohna to curb unrest in
Mewat. Simultaneously, the forces of Alwar were requisitioned to settle the
Ferozepur Jhirka parganah.
 The Ghasera embers had not died down, yet at another place the fire was
spreading fast which came to the notice of British commander at Sohna. In the
Hodal-Hathin area the Sarot (or Sehrawat) Jats, Gujjars, Chhirklaut Meos
around the Rawat Jat villages of Kot-Bahin, and the Pathans of Seoli
organized themselves to teach a lesson to the Anglophile Rajputs and Rawat
Jats of Hathin. They had planned to take Hathin and then attack the treasury
town of Palwal. The first attack had been made on the Hathin on 14 or 15
November. Drummond writes, from his camp at Hathin to C.B. Saunders, the
officiating Commissioner Delhi, on the 19th,
In the absence of Mr. Ford with the Column on service, I deemed it my duty to inform you that,
having received intelligence through the native officials of Sonah, Hutteen and Pulwul that several
thousand Meyos and a few hundred cavalry were congregated about Kote and Roopraka in the
Gurgaon District and had for three consecutive days attacked Hutteen, a friendly village occupied by
Rajpoots, with the intention of sacking and destroying it and afterwards advancing on Pulwul, the
Government Treasury at which would have fallen into their hands….47

It may be remembered that William Ford was with Gerrard column since
12–13 November and his assistant had been killed by the Meos on 31
October; so no civil officer remained to accompany him. Drummond
‘considered it expedient to check their encroachments and arrest such a
disaster by acting … against them.’48 He took with him 50 sowars of the
Hodson’s Horse and 59 of the Tiwana Horse under the command of William
Wroughton with an adequate number of Indian officers.49 The infantry were
commanded by A.B. Temple, Lieutenant of the 49th NI doing duty with the
Kumaon regiment, and consisted of Indian commissioned and non-
commissioned officers with 119 rank and file.50 Thus there would have been
about 125 sabres and 135 bayonets along with petty civil officials. This along
with numerous camp-followers constituted yet another sahibba in the year
1857, which marched from Sohna on 18 November.51 He says,
Leaving a small party of Towana (Tiwana) Horse and a complete company of the Police Infantry
under Lieut Grant (45th NI) for protection of town of Sonah, advanced to the place yesterday, with 50
of Hodson’s Horse and 59 of Tiwana Horse, and an adequate proportion of Native officers and 119
rank and file, Kumaon Battalion with Lieuts Temple and Wroughton.52

He was still not sure of his victory, although this was a large sahibba; so,
he sent for more forces from Palwal. He says, ‘I was reinforced by a
company, 1st Punjab Infantry (Coke’s) under Lieut. [Hugh] Grant from
Bullubgarh and proceeded with the above force to attack the enemy.’53
The force from Ballabgarh must have met him at Hathin and he should have
gone straight there via Atta, Indari, and Mandkaula as Hathin lies south-east of
Sohna. But he had a different purpose: to burn villages. ‘The Mewattee
villages detailed in the margin together with such crops as were stacked, were
burnt by my force.’54
These villages are far beyond Hathin in the south, south-east and south-
west, as apparent in Figure 10.4. The villages named are Puchanka
(Pachanka), Gohpoor (Gohpur), Malpoorie (Malpuri), Chille (Chilli),
Roopraka, Ootawur (Utawar), Kote (Kot), Nangla Meetaka (Nangla of Kot),
Kullooka (Khilluka), Gooraksar (Guraksar), Mallooka (Maluka) and Jhanda
(Raniala Khurd), as shown in this figure.55 Actually the rebels’ front was at
Roopraka, so he, with Wroughton, Temple, and Grant proceeded first to
destroy the villages surrounding that village. Now his strength was
Figure 10.4: Location of Village Roopraka (Palwal)

more than 400 sepoys and sowars, armed to the teeth with superior weapons.
The peasant fighters, Meos mostly of Chhirklaut pal had gathered at
Roopraka, a village of Chhirklaut clan’s chaudhar (headship), along with
others from the nearby villages who had joined them. There are no
independent sources about the actual strength of these brave fighters. The
British commander has put their number at 3,500. The British were putting
figures almost at the same time from 5,000 to 9,000 at Nasibpur, whereas
actually they were far fewer. Here too Drummond exaggerated the strength, it
must have been hardly 1,200–1,500, not all fighting men. There at Nasibpur
they had sent 3,600 men to fight against the Jodhpur Legion not exceeding 900
men, how could a force of only 400 men dare challenge 3,500 desperate
liberators? On the basis of experience with their tactics of concealing and
revealing, it can be said that the fighters were not more than 1,500, quite a
number in that year. So, the battle lines were drawn on 19 November at
Roopraka, where Drummond
… met with some resistance. The enemy drawn in front of under shelter of trees and walls opened
on us a smart matchlock fire; my men reserved theirs until they approached to within hundred yards,
when having fired a volley, they rushed on them with bayonet. The Meyos fled in confusion and our
Infantry, fighting their way through the village, succeeded in killing about 50 within and beyond it, and
the cavalry cut them up as they retired.56

Indian Casualties at Roopraka

The loss was massive at Roopraka, as the fight was between unequals;
innocent villagers were killed and the rebels with no cavalry could not
escape. Nobody counted the dead bodies, still we may accept the contention
of Drummond when he ‘estimat[es] their number at about 3500 and their loss
in killed at least at 400 men’.57

British Casualty Figures: Can we Believe Them?

In this battle, from the Tiwana Horse 2 troopers were missing, 1 trooper was
wounded, 3 horses were wounded and 5 horses were killed. The Hodson’s
Horse had one horse killed and one wounded.58 Kumaon battalion had one
bhisti missing and one sepoy wounded, whereas only one sepoy of the 1st
Punjab Infantry was wounded, though severely.59 Thus their total loss was six
men wounded and missing, 6 horses killed and 4 horses wounded. Can
anybody digest this? A brief report about this battle says,
On the 19th a small detachment went from Sona towards Hutteen, which had been attacked by the
Mewattees. Our troops burnt 12 villages with their stacks, at Roopraka; the Mewattees in a force of
3500, opened a matchlock fire on our little body of troops (only two native companies and about 100
horses). Our men reserved their fire till within one hundred yards, then gave them a volley and closed
with bayonet. About 50 were killed in the village, and 400 were cut up by the Cavalry outside it.60

Drummond then draws his conclusion:

I have every reason to hope that the object I had in view in this acting on the offensive has been
attained, for not only the Meyos have been defeated, their villages and property burnt and destroyed,
but the friendly Jat villages who have hitherto been kept in a state of siege by constant aggressions on
the part of their enemies, being relieved in some degree from all apprehension, are now at liberty to
[do] their out of door occupations.61

What a good reason to be happy! He forgot only the next day his object of
relieving friendly Rajputs, not Jats! He forgot to remember that in the opening
paragraph of his this very report speaks of friendly Rajputs of Hathin, not the
Jats. Kot, a big village, was burnt by him, to break the siege? Then he
anticipates, ‘They Meyos, too, of these parts, seeing the hopelessness and
folly of further offensive demonstrations, will, it is anticipated from the lesson
taught them, be induced to tender speedily their submission to the
authorities.’65
The Meos lost at Raisina on the 31 October, at Ghasera on the 8 November,
at Nasibpur on the 16th, and now Meos and their comrades were defeated at
Roopraka on the 19th. Was this the end of their armed resistance after four
successive defeats? Certainly not, it was not till the Mahun battle of 29
December 1857, that they gave up.

Village Burning

While the colonial British government did not appreciate the blind burning of
stacks and corn, it had no objection to the burning of villages. In fact it was
deemed that such burning of the villages was not sufficient punishment for the
Meos. So Muir writes to C.B. Saunders on 26 November,
My dear Saunders – your public letter of 23rd, reporting the Roopraka business, has come to hand.
Colonel Fraser wishes me to call attention to the undesirableness of burning the stacks and corn of
the villages which are attacked…. ‘The best policy is to seize their cattle, which has ordinarily the
effect of inducing prompt submission. To leave the cattle and burn the stacks and corn is sure to drive
the people to plunder for subsistence. The policy now suggested is believed to be that followed with
success in the Punjaub.’63

So, they were heading for squeezing the Mewat more vigorously. On the
other hand, the Mewattis soon started preparations for guerrilla warfare, and
Sadruddin and his comrades in arms demonstrated over the weeks to come
that they had not conceded the final defeat.

THE MAHUN BATTLE

The tall, handsome, brave and intelligent peasant fighter Sadruddin Meo, after
a lull of about five weeks after the Roopraka battle, made a sudden attack on
the tehsil of Pinanghwan on the morning of 27 December 1857.64 William
Malcolm Low, the officiating Joint Magistrate of Gurgaon writes from the
Mahun on the 30th December,
For the information of Magistrate of Goorgaon.

1. The news of attack made by rebels on the Tehseel of Pinunghwa on the morning of the 27th
reached me in Goorgaon at 11 p.m. on the same day.
2. In consequence of this information I started at once for Hathin, arriving there at 4 a.m. the
next morning.
3. At 8 a.m. the force under Captn Ramsay arrived from Pulwul.
4. We started for Pinunghwa at 8 p.m. on 28th, and at 3 a.m. on the 29th arrived.65

Thus within 40 hours of the attack Robert Anderson Ramsay with his
Gorkhas of the Kumaon battalion, at least 400 bayonets; one squadron of the
cavalry under Lieut Joseph White Orchard, and at least two guns arrived at
Pinanghwan. Sadruddin Meo belonged to Pinanghwan and was fully aware of
the geography of the area, so he had shifted, in the meantime, to a village
named Mahun, located on a hill of the nearby Aravali range. The location of
the village has been shown on the index plans (Figures 10.5 and 10.6). Low
says, ‘After making every effort to secure information I discovered that the
villagers of Mhwoom took the most prominent part in the late outbreak, and
that Saad-ood-deen [Sadruddin] with his sowars was by the latest account at
that place.’66
The account Low got was confusing and conflicting and while he was not
sure to say to Ramsay that Sadruddin was present at that time at Mahun, he
requested the commanding officer to proceed there. Ramsay ordered Orchard
to go there with him and report. They arrived at Mahun on the morning of 29
December and were welcomed there by matchlock fire.67 At that moment they
were within 150 yards of the location of the fighters and realized that the
latter were determined upon armed resistance, so Low sent back the tehsildar
of Ferozepur Jhirka to Ramsay.68
Meantime Lieut. Orchard withdrew our Cavalry to about 400 yards from the village hoping to induce
them to come over a deep nullah when we should have been able to have charged them.69

But Sadruddin and his comrades did not envisage a battle on open ground;
they knew that option to be suicidal as happened at Ghasera
Figure 10.5: Index Plan: Village Mahun (Mewat)
Figure 10.6: Index Plan: Location of Village Mahun and Villages Destroyed after Mahun Battle on 29
December 1857

and Roopraka earlier. They did not cross the nullah but continued firing to
prevent the British force entering the village (Figure 10.5). This firing
continued until the arrival of full contingent at noon.70 Low says, ‘13. The
guns soon opened on the village, and after a smart cannonade of 8 minutes, 3
companies of Goorks advanced up the hill from different directions, and in ten
more minutes the village was ours.’71
The freedom loving Meo peasants, though so poorly armed, had the courage
of their conviction. Had there been guns to match the armed British force, they
may never have been defeated. It was a tragedy of the times. Low narrates,
Altho’ the fire of musketry from the heights before our infantry advanced was most incessant, yet
strange to say, only two of our men were wounded. As soon as the village was flamed, a party of our
Cavalry, which I joined, galloped 500 yards to the right and finding a scarcely practicable ascent, we
at last got up to the top. When there, I saw a party of sowars galloping down a gorge in the hills right
below us, and accordingly down the hill we went after them in break-neck style.72
15. I am now sorry to be obliged to report that the Hindustani sowars of our Cavalry did not push
their horses to the extent they ought to have. In fact, I have no hesitation in saying that had I had with
me real Sikhs instead, not one of the front sowars would have lived to tell the tale of Mhwoom; as it
was, after a pursuit of some miles up hills and down dale over horrible ground, only 3 sowars were
killed, Saad-ood-deen and the rest getting off. The party with me also killed about 25 Meos.73

They could not kill the fighters, but to satisfy their lust for blood, they
murdered 25 innocent helpless villagers. He was however, surprised and
overwhelmed at the bravery of the fighters, having a very small strength in
numbers.
‘17. 70 seems few, but the whole number of rebels assembled was so small that their resistance was
to me a subject of the greatest surprise.’74

In this battle seventy freedom fighters including Sadruddin’s son attained

martyrdom. ‘18. Saad-ood-deen’s son was killed’, wrote Low.75 The villages
destroyed as named in the margin were: (1) Shahapoor (Shahpur), (2) Bahee
Khera (Bai Khera), (3) Kherla, (4) Chitoura (Chitora), (5) Nahareeka
(Naharika), (6) Goojur Nagla (Gujjar Nangla), (7) Baherpoor (Bahripur), and
(8) Kheree (Kheri).76
Low committed to send the list of those villages which had assisted
Sadruddin Meo and refused to pay the revenue by then.77 He also
recommended a force at Pinanghwan for some time. It could not be known
what happened to Sadruddin after that, but the hero is part of the folklore of
Mewat. William Malcolm Low was a forefather of David Cameron, a former
prime minister of the UK. He was just 22 when he helped put down the Indian
Mutiny. By his own account he slaughtered without mercy and hanged rebels
without trial. Even after the Mahun battle, the British authorities were
restless, Muir writes to Sherer on the 31 December,
From Muthra we hear that a small body of Horse and Foot, 200 or 300 in number, have been
committing some depredations in the southern parts of Goorgaon. They may be remnants of the
Joudpoor rebels. They are said to find shelter in some Ulwar villages. We must be prepared to find
light bands of marauders in various parts of the country. Our organized police horse will be of service
in their suppression.78

Thus the struggle, which started in 1857 at Ambala, ended within the year,
at the southern most village-region of the south most district, i.e. Gurgaon.
William Ford, the Deputy Commissioner of Gurgaon had claimed quieting
down of the Mewattis in the first week of December 1857, while Muir was
still expecting the Patiala force to terrorize the people along the GT Road.
Muir writes to Sherer on 3 December 1857,
I have letters from Delhi of yesterday’s date. Goorgaon appears to be quieting down. ‘The Mewatis’,
Mr Saunders says, ‘are all tendering their submission, and praying to be allowed to return to their
villages and resume their peaceful occupations. They, moreover, promise to pay their revenue for both
crops.’ The Patiala Force coming to the aid of the Rana of Dholpore will march down the right bank
of the Jumna, and will have good effect in the Goorgaon and Muttra districts.79

Who, then, fought against them at Mahun on 29 December 1857?

REBELLION IN ALWAR

Munshi Ammu Jan had become all powerful in Alwar and started repression
in Mewat to avenge his humiliation at Ferozepur Jhirka. At the same time
Rajputs too were annoyed by his high-handedness and dictatorial attitude.
Consequenly, there commenced a minor rebellion at Alwar and an attack was
made on the residence of Ammu Jan in the first week of August in which some
of his close relatives were killed. The Alwar Gazetteer says, ‘At last, in
August 1858, the discontent culminated in an insurrection of the Rajputs, and
the diwans barely escaped with their lives. Captain Nixon Political Agent of
Bhartpur immediately proceeded to Ulwur.’80
The available correspondence between tehsildar of Ferozepur Jhirka and
the higher authorities indicates that situation was still not normal in the Mewat
and the British were worried about the security of their protégé Ammu Jan
and they hesitated in giving passage to Raja Alwar who wanted to go to Delhi
through this area. The tehsildar wrote to a British officer on 11 August 1858
that Rajputs had killed several of Ammu Jan’s relatives and his house was set
on fire; Ammu Jan, his brother and son had reached Ramgarh, and had
solicited protection.81 The same tehsildar in his letter dated 10 August wrote
that the Raja Alwar had captured several men, reached Ramgarh and intended
to go to Delhi. Direction was sought as to whether he was to be permitted; in
response he was denied permission.82 Thakurs Anup Singh and Bharat Singh
had accompanied Ammu Jan, Dewan Fazlullah Khan and Inamullah Khan up
to Naugaon.83 For a passport for entry into Ferozepur Jhirka he was told to
come without sepoys and sowars.84 Ammu Jan and his relatives reached
Ferozepur Jhirka on 12 August.85 This episode makes it clear that the British
amla was not in a comfortable position to provide protection to an enemy of
the Meos but they had to protect their obedient agent. The Raja had dismissed
and expelled 22 other officers.86 There is sufficient correspondence available
which shows that British authorities were in active communication with the
Alwar and Jaipur through their tehsildar at Ferozepur Jhirka87 to monitor the
reestablishment of their authority, though they had leashed a reign of terror.

Notes
1. ROID-I, p. 260.
2. Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, Simla, 1916, pp. 179–80.
3. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 26.
4. Zakir Husain, ‘Delhi, Meos and the Great Uprising’, Indian History Congress, 70th Session, Delhi,
2010.
5. Maulana Abdus Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, p. 470.
6. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 25.
7. Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, p. 472.
 8. Siddique Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857: Mewation Ka Yogdan, Nuh, 2006, p. 43.
9. D.G. Gurgaon, 1883–84, p. 26.
10. Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, pp. 472, 475.
11. Alwar Gazetteer (Gazetteer of Ulwur), 1878, p. 153.
12. NAIMP Coll. No. 100, Sr. No. 68.
13. Ibid., Coll. No. 151, Sr. No. 6.
14. Ibid., Coll. No. 151, Sr. Nos. 4, 5.
15. Alwar Gazetteer, 1878, p. 23.
16. Ibid.
17. Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, op. cit., pp. 74–5.
18. Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, p. 472.
19. Alwar Gazetteer, 1878, p. 23.
20. Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, p. 475.
21. Malleson, History of Indian Mutiny-I, p. 259.
22. Tarikh Meo Chhatri, p. 475.
23. Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, op. cit., p. 34.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., pp. 49–52.
27. FIBIS Database: War Services of Officers of Bengal Army 1863.
28. Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, op. cit., p. 30.
29. Ibid., pp. 82–3.
30. Ibid., p. 132.
31. Ibid., pp. 64–5.
32. Ibid., p. 134.
33. Ibid.
34. ROID-I, p. 244.
35. Allen’s Indian Mail, 29 December 1857.
36. Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, p. 460.
37. HSA DD MD Accn. No. 8175, File No. 12/1857.
38. Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, op. cit., p. 68.
39. HSA DD MD Accn. No. 8175, File No. 12/1857: Hugh Grant’s Report.
40. Ibid.
41. Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, op. cit., p. 68.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. HSA DD MD Accn. No. 8175, File No. 12/1857: Hugh Grant’s Report.
45. Ibid.
46. HSA DD MD Accn. No. 8180, File No. 4/1858.
47. M.R. VII-2, p. 229.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid., pp. 229–30.
56. Ibid., p. 230.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid., p. 231.
59. Ibid., p. 232.
60. ROID-I, p. 283; ROID-II, p. 220.
61. M.R. VII-2, p. 231.
62. Ibid.
63. ROID-II, p. 98.
64. HSA DD MD Accn. No. 8177, File No. 1/1858.
65. Ibid.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. Ibid.
76. Ibid.
77. Ibid.
78. ROID-I, p. 325.
79. Ibid., p. 292.
80. Alwar Gazetteer, 1878, p. 23.
81. NAIMP Coll. No. 199, Sr. No. 264.
82. Ibid., Coll. No. 199, Sr. No. 263.
83. Ibid., Sr. No. 266.
84. Ibid., Sr. Nos. 265, 267.
85. Ibid., Sr. No. 271.
86. Ibid., Sr. Nos. 272–4.
87. Ibid., Sr. Nos. 286–9, 291–2.
Chapter 11
Indian Saviours of the British

The Patiala Raja and Jhajjar Nawab: Different Stands

The chief of biggest Native State in the cis-Sutlej territory, the Raja of
Patiala, took a strongly pro-British stand, very unfortunate and traitorous.
That State was not within the boundary of Haryana in 1857; simultaneously a
not-bold chief of the biggest state in Haryana, the Nawab of Jhajjar, could not
take a stand either according to the wishes of his subjects or otherwise due to
his indecisiveness, and that was more unfortunate and disastrous. Had the
Nawab sided with the British from the beginning he would have prevailed
upon the rebels or would have been killed by his army at an early stage. Had
he prevailed there was no question of the rebellion spreading through
Haryana, and the bloodshed would have been avoided. Had he been killed,
General Abdus Samad Khan would have assumed charge of the army and the
Raja of Patiala could be neutralized to a great extent. Had the Nawab taken a
clear stand against the British and in favour of Bahadur Shah Zafar, the
Patiala Raja would have been shut into his own state; and the GT Road,
which was the lifeline of the British administration, would have been
blocked. But the historical fact is that the Nawab vacillated throughout, until
the recapture of Delhi. So, in a way the Nawab of Jhajjar helped the British,
but since his subjects broadly and openly sided with Bahadur Shah Zafar, he
had to pay a penalty for their deeds. A ruler who does not care for the
sentiments and aspirations of his subjects, should have met his end as the
Nawab did.
The Patiala Raja
There is no need to list here the activities of the Patiala Raja, as sufficient
has been said, except for that component which he materially contributed.
The Patiala Raja supplied 2,846 foot soldiers, 2,156 horsemen, and 8 guns1
and another 1,000 men for Ambala cantonments.2 ‘Some five thousand troops
of his were thus employed for many weeks; thereby enabling the British
authorities to send every soldier of their own to the siege.’3
In addition, he gave at the start a loan of Rs. 5 lakh, and about Rs. 20 lakh
in total. The Patiala force had 156 officers, the most distinguished of whom
were stated to be Partap Singh and Syyed Mohammad Hussain, who
commanded the detachment at Delhi; Kunwar Deep Singh alias Dalip Singh
at Thanesar; Karam Singh and Kahan Singh at Ambala and Dal Singh and
Fateh Singh at Hansi.4
In February 1858, the Raja sent at the request of the Chief Commissioner, a
force of 600 foot and 200 horse (subsequently the total strength was raised to
1,600 men), to Jhajjar, where they were employed during the whole year
under the civil authorities, in maintaining the order of the district.5 In other
words, he contributed to the suppression of the Haryanvis in every possible
manner at every available opportunity. He was rewarded profusely, as we
shall see.

The Jind Raja

Jind Raja Sarup Singh remained in the forefront and helped the British with
800 men, horse and foot.6 In different instalments and to different stations he
supplied in total 271 hackneys, 398 camels, 200 donkeys, 13 mules, 7 tattus,
200 bullocks, 600 carriages, 5 buffalos, and 23 bearers with 3,114 maunds of
atta (flour), 127 maunds of dal (pulses) and 182 maunds of ghee.7 He was
the only chief who remained in the British camp in Delhi throughout the
siege, and his men were in one of the columns at the time of the final assault.8
His true contribution lay in the fact that he immobilized a large section of the
Jats in the heart of Haryana. Their non-participation in the rebellion proved
more useful for the British than the Raja’s help. The location of his territory
between Hisar and Kaithal prevented the joint movement of the rebel forces.
Sarup Singh joined the British camp at Alipur on 7 June and remained
there until the 25th, when he had to return to his state where the rebels of the
Hansi, Hisar and Rohtak districts incited the Jind villages to revolt.9 After
quelling the disturbance he started raising recruits and purchasing horses for
the British, returning to the camp on 9 September 1857. It would be
remembered that in the July when there had been left no British officer or
authority, the administration of the Rohtak district was handed over to him.
On 26 July headmen of the villages and zamindars, were directed to pay
their revenue to him, his receipt being sufficient acknowledgement of
payment.10 But nobody bothered about him, and he did not dare enter the
district alone. The Jind force under the command of Kahan Singh, took
prominent part in the assault of city, scaling the walls side by side with the
English troops, and several of them were killed and wounded. Even after the
fall of Delhi, he continued to serve his colonial masters. He himself returned
to Safidon but left 25 men for service at Larsauli tehsil of Sonepat, and 25 at
Delhi; sent a detachment of 200 men with Van Cortlandt to Hansi and 110
men under the command of commandant Kahan Singh to Jhajjar, with Richard
Lawrence.11 Besides these, 250 Jind troops remained stationed at Rohtak,
and 50 at Gohana for a long period. Thus Sarup Singh, through his smaller
force, was able to create a bigger impression on the British psyche, and got
recognition and reward disproportionate to his real contribution. However,
his role was one of the most damaging as far as the struggle of the patriotic
forces was concerned.

Dhanaura
Sardar Natha Singh (d. 1869) and his nephew Amar Singh (d. 1887) son of
Rai Singh (d. 1839) of Dhanaura placed themselves under the order of the
Deputy Commissioner with a body of horse of their own raising and in
reward one half of their commutation charge of Rs. 925 was remitted forever
and full for one year.12
Shahzadpur

Sardar Sheo Kirpal Singh (d. 1870) of Shahzadpur.13 He was a petty

jagirdar who sided with the British in 1857. Nothing else is known.

Mustafabad
Sardar Dewa Singh (d. 1862) of Mustafabad, during the rebellion,
maintained a small number of horse and footmen for police service at
Jagadhari. One year’s commutation money amounting to Rs. 667 was
remitted as reward!14

Kalsia (Chhachhrauli)
Sardar Sobha Singh (d. 1858) and his son Lehna Singh (d. 1869), did good
service, supplying a contingent of 100 men, who were sent to Awadh. They
also helped guard some ferries on the Jamuna above Delhi, and provided
men for patrolling the main roads between Kalka, Ambala and Ferozepur;
and held a police post at Dadupur.15

Buria
Sardar Jiwan Singh (d.1893) of Buria, chief of an estate of 120 villages,
himself commanded a body of 20 horsemen and 86 footmen locally raised
and maintained at his own cost, and held the town of Jagadhari for some
weeks. His services were rewarded by a permanent reduction of the demand
to one-half.16
Panjlasa
Rao Rahim Bakhsh of Panjlasa with his 50 followers guarded the road
between Ambala and Jagadhari.17

Sadhaura
Sirkardahs of Sadhaura furnished 60 men to protect the public and private
buildings in the civil station at Ambala, thus relieving the British police from
very heavy duty.18

Shahbad
Sardars Dharam Singh (d. 1879), Kishan Singh (d. 1880) and Partab Singh
(d. 1878) of Shahbad too helped the British in 1857.19

Tangaur
Sardar Bishan Singh (d. 1866) of Tangaur (Karnal) behaved well during the
rebellion of 1857 for the British and was forward in the supply of provisions
for the troops at Delhi. His sowars were posted in charge of the police
stations of Rajaund and Asandh-Salwan within the limits of his estate.20

Jharauli
Sardar Jwala Singh (b. 1839) and Bishan Singh (d. 1869) of Jharauli always
proved loyal to the British including in 1857.21
Sikri
Sardar Lehna Singh (d. 1869) of Sikri behaved loyally during the mutiny and
his services were recognized, subsequently his son Tirlok Singh and
grandson Balwant Singh (b. 1884) too were patronized by the British.22

Shamgarh
Sardar Ram Singh (d. 1902) and his brothers Kahan Singh (d. 1866) had
done good service to the British during the rebellion and were allowed a
remission of the commutation of Rs. 426 for one year! Ram Singh’s son
Gurdit Singh was made an honorary magistrate.23

Arnauli (Kaithal)
Bhai Anokh Singh (d. 1894) of Arnauli placed himself at the head of a body
of horse and foot of his own raising and helped to patrol the road between
Ambala and Delhi. He enjoyed his jagir of income Rs. 42,000 annually, and
favours from the British. His son Zabarjang Singh too continued to enjoy the
jagir.24

Kaithal
Bhai Jasmer Singh (d. 1897) of Arnauli (Kaithal), rendered invaluable
services to the British during 1857. He was rewarded with the remission of
one year’s commutation charge of Rs. 3,577 on his estate (including that of
Anokh Singh); and the demand was reduced by one-half during his lifetime.
His son Shamsher Singh (b.1890) too continued to enjoy the patronage along
with his jagir and estate with an income of Rs. 50,000.25
Kunjpura
Nawab Mohammad Ali Khan of Kunjpura (Karnal) and his son Ibrahim Ali
Khan (d. 1886) continued to enjoy jagirs and favours of the British.26

Karnal
Nawab Ahmed Ali Khan Mandal (d. 1867) rendered very useful services
which were duly recognized and rewarded. The quit-rent of Karnal
parganah amounting to Rs. 5,000 paid by him was remitted for him and his
heir in perpetuity and a khillat of Rs. 10,000 was conferred upon him. His
sons Nawab Azmat Ali Khan, Rustam Ali Khan (b. 1863) and Umar Daraz
Ali Khan (b. 1865) too enjoyed British favours and patronage. Liaqat Ali
Khan (b. 1895) son of Rustam Ali Khan became the Prime Minister of
Pakistan.27 Qutabuddin Khan (a branch of Mandal Ghairat Ali Khan)
grandfather of Faiz Ali Khan, was prompt to comply with the requisitions of
the civil authorities at Karnal and Panipat for supplies and carriage, and he
furnished sowars for patrolling duty on the GT Road near Larsauli. Ten of his
sowars were employed under the government until April 1858.28

Panipat
Nawab Amanullah Khan (1808–89) of Panipat was active in service during
the rebellion in furnishing supplies to the troops before Delhi. His son
Nawab Fazal Ahmad Khan (d. 1890) and grandson Nasir Ahmad Khan (b.
1860) too were English stooges. Nasir Ahmad was a lambardar and zaildar
in Panipat.29

Nagpur Risaldar
Captain Tafazzul Hussain Khan (d. 1868), was in command of the local
cavalry corps at Nagpur in May 1857. He sabotaged a rebellion in the
regiment, and consequently was made risaldar in the Punjab Mounted Police
in 1857. In 1860, he was granted biswedari and jagir rights in Farrukhnagar
and Rewari in the Gurgaon district, yielding Rs. 6,000 annually. The grant
continued to his son Mohammad Sirajuddin Haidar Khan. His second son
Nasiruddin Haidar was appointed a naib tehsildar in 1902 in Hisar district
and his third son Sarfrazuddin Haidar was a judicial moharrir at Palwal in
1909, while the jagir continued.30

Pataudi
Nawab Mohammad Akbar Ali (d. 1862) of Pataudi remained loyal to the
British in 1857, and sent a small body of cavalry to assist William Ford. He
gave shelter to the Europeans. He is an ancestor of cricketer Mansur Ali
Khan Pataudi and film actor Saif Ali Khan.31

Gohana
Rustam Ali of Gohana saved the tehsil at Gohana along with buildings and
other record, and was amply rewarded. Details are given elsewhere. For his
help a detachment was permanently deployed at Gohana. In December 1857
Lieut. J.B. Lind with his Multani Horse was stationed there, as apparent from
a letter dated 8 December 1857.32

Loharu
Nawab Aminuddin Ahmad Khan and his brother Ziauddin Ahmad Khan
played a double game. They attended the King’s durbar openly and regularly,
but were constantly in communication with the British, Theophilus Metcalfe
in particular. At Loharu, their residence was plundered and destroyed by the
famous ‘Sheoran Bawani’ under the leadership of Jasmat Sheoran and
Seddhu Sheoran, but because of money power they managed safety at Delhi,
where they were present on 11 May, and practically remained confined.
About Aminuddin the Loharu State Gazetteer entry reads,
‘His residence in Delhi involved the Nawab in considerable loss in 1857 for his treasure and other
movables were plundered. Moreover, the rebellion in Loharu was so serious that it was only with the
help of British Cavalry that the Nawab restored his authority.33

On 14 May 1857 Aminuddin and Ziauddin were present in the durbar and
orders were issued to them to occupy the parganah of Ferozepur Jhirka.34
They were again present in the King’s durbar on the 17 May,35 20 May,36 26
July 1857,37 29 July,38 2 August,39 7 August,40 10 August,41 (met the King at
the Salimgarh Fort on the) 12 August,42 18 August,43 and 23 August. They
hired one hundred cavalry for the protection of their house,44 and attended the
durbar on 1 September45 and 12 September, just two days prior to the final
assault.45 On 20 October the Nawab of Dujana took them to the British
authorities and both of them surrendered47 and were acquitted because
Nawab Loharu was constantly in correspondence with Theophilus John
Metcalfe in camp before Delhi.48 In fact, they were acting as the fourth
column during the siege, and thus proved themselves traitors.

Notes
1. Cave Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 124; Lepel H. Griffin, The Rajas of the Punjab,
Lahore, 1870, p. 236.
2. Cave Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 221.
3. Sir Richard Temple, Men and Events of My Time in India, London, 1882; p. 140.
4. Lepel H. Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, London, 1870, p. 236.
5. Ibid., p. 238.
6. K.C. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, Delhi, 1979, p. 100.
7. Ibid., p. 101.
8. Temple, Men and Events, op. cit., p. 140.
 9. Lepel H. Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, pp. 390–1; Jind State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 216.
10. Ibid., pp. 390–2.
11. Ibid., pp. 391–2; Jind State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 216.
12. Lepel H. Griffin and Charles Francis Massy, Chiefs and Families of Note in the Punjab, 3 vols,
Lahore, 1909, vol. I, pp. 37–8.
13. Ibid., pp. 57–8.
14. Ibid., pp. 61–2.
15. Ibid., vol. II, pp. 471–2; Kalsia State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 3.
16. Griffin and Massy, op. cit., vol. I, Lahore, 1909, pp. 55–6.
17. D.G. Ambala, 1923–24, p. 31.
18. Ibid., Mutiny Reports, p. 41.
19. Griffin and Massy, op. cit., vol. I, p. 36.
20. Ibid., pp. 39–40.
21. Ibid., pp. 41–2.
22. Ibid., p. 45.
23. Ibid., pp. 43–4.
24. Ibid., pp. 24–7.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., pp. 22–3.
27. Ibid., pp. 34–5.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., pp. 46–8.
30. Ibid., pp. 2–3.
31. Ibid., Chiefs and Families, vol. II, pp. 474–5.
32. Bulletins … Other State Intelligence 1858, Part I (L.G., 30 March 1858).
33. Loharu State Gazetteer, 1915, p. 206.
34. Pramod K. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, Hyderabad, 2007, pp. 90–1.
35. Ibid., p. 94.
36. Ibid., p. 98.
37. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, Delhi, 1974, p. 166.
38. Ibid., p. 171.
39. Ibid., p. 177.
40. Ibid., p. 185.
41. Ibid., p. 192.
42. Ibid., p. 193.
43. Ibid., p. 198.
44. Ibid., p. 205.
45. Ibid., p. 215.
46. Ibid., p. 228.
47. M.R. VII-2, p. 189.
48. Ibid., p. 376.
Chapter 12
The Perpetrators of Barbarities in
Haryana

Three Terrible Acts

Whenever there is a mention of butchers of 1857 who pestered, killed,
crucified and hanged people in Haryana, the name of Hodson alone is
generally taken. Even historians are not aware that there were huge numbers
of such officers, some of whom were far more merciless in perpetrating
brutalities on the rebels and innocents. More than 190 such persons have
been identified and given here with their deeds to show the magnitude of
massive operations for the suppression of revolt and unparalleled repression
of the people. In their hands were put three terrible pieces of legislation in
the shape of the Acts XI, XIV and XVI of 1857 passed on 30 May, 6 June and
13 June respectively.1 Kaye and Malleson write about these,
These terrible acts passed by the Legislative Council in May and June were in full operation, that in
addition to the Act of May 30 (XI), another was passed on June 6, extending the powers giving in
the former: ‘By Act No. XIV of 1857, passed on the 6th June, [and Act No. XVI of 1857 passed on
13th June,]* provision was made for the punishment of persons convicted of exciting mutiny or
sedition in the army, the offender was rendered liable to the punishment of death and forfeiture of all
his property; and persons guilty of harbouring such offenders were made liable to heavy punishment.
Power was also given to the general-courts-martial to try all persons, whether amenable to the
Articles of War or not, charged with any offence punishable by these or the preceding Act; and the
Supreme and Local executive governments were authorized to issue commissions in any district, for
the trial by single commissioner, without the assistance of law officers or assessors, and with
absolute and final power of judgment and execution, of any crime against the State, or any heinous
offence whatever: the term ‘heinous offence’ being declared to include every crime attended with
great personal violence or committed with the intention of forwarding the designs of those who are
 waging war against the State – Despatch of Government of India to Court of Directors, 11
December 1857.2

These three Acts, Act XI for the prevention, trial and punishment of
offences against the State; the Act XIV for making further provision for the
trial and punishment of certain offences relating to the Army, and of offences
against the State; and the Act XVI, for making temporary provision for the
trial and punishment for heinous offences in certain districts: were made fully
operational first in Haryana as the British government was not in a position
to do so anywhere else except the Punjab, but there the circumstances did not
require it.
Note:* This Act has been added by the author.

The List
With the help of these draconian laws the following British and European
officers and officials caused loss of life and property in Haryana in one way
or the other, directly or indirectly, in the battles or by the sahibbas, some
with minor roles and others with major ones.3

1. Abbott, Herbert Edward Stacy (1814–88), major 74th NI.

He was with the Showers column from 2 October to 9 November 1857.
2. Allen, Dr Fredrick Freeman, Assistant Surgeon.
He was with the Showers column into Mewat.
3. Anderson, Henry Charles, Captain 54th NI.
He accompanied Gerrard column and was Interpreter to the 6th Dragoon
Guards (Carabineers) in the Nasibpur (Narnaul) battle on November
1857.
4. Angelo, John, Lieutenant 59th NI.
He was Commissariat Officer of the Showers column and accompanied
them throughout.
5. Anson, General George (1797–1857).
He was the Commander-in-Chief, moved the first unit of the Delhi Field
Force from Ambala on 17 May, himself marched from there and arrived
 at Karnal on 25th, fell ill due to cholera on 26th and died on 27th. He
was buried without military honours the same day. The body was later
exhumed and taken back to England to be buried in Kensal Green
Cemetery.
6. Anson, Octavius Henry St George (1817–59), Major HM’s 9th Lancers.
He was amongst the first batch of officers who marched with the Delhi
Field Force, and commanded a squadron of the Her Majesty’s 9th
Lancers cavalry regiment. He himself saw the villages being burnt along
the GT Road. He wrote letters to his wife which are available in the
book With HM 9th Lancers During the Indian Mutiny. His lieutenants
Alexander Fawcett, Thomas Evans, Upton, etc., took great delight in
village burning, and perpetrated great brutalities, to which he was an
eyewitness.
7. Baker, George Anthony Aufrere, Lieutenant 60th NI.
He accompanied a detachment of the 4th ELC, 1st EnBF and 2nd EnBF in
pursuit of Jullundur rebels along the foothills in Ambala district in June;
rode with Forsyth, the Deputy Commissioner, 30 miles to save
Jagadhari, where there was a large treasure. He commanded a troop of
the Hodson’s Horse at Humayun Tomb when Hodson arrested Bahadur
Shah Zafar.
8. Barnard, Major General Henry William (1799–1857).
He was commanding Sirhind division at Ambala when the rebellion
broke. On 26 May he reached Karnal and took command after the death
of Anson and by the 31st marched towards Delhi. The detachments
preceding him on the march had already commenced its vengeance, but
as soon as he left Karnal then it were bullets, swords and fire along the
march, a naked dance of death and destruction everywhere. He died at
camp before Delhi of cholera on 5 July 1857.4
9. Barnes, George Carnac CS (1818–61).
In 1857, he was the Commissioner of Ambala division and
Superintendent of the cis-Sutlej states. He was one of the most brutal
and blood-thirsty British officers. On his orders 135 rebels were killed.
He and the Deputy Commissioner of Ambala jointly executed another 25
rebels. He executed another 50 persons falsely implicated for robbery
and heinous crimes.5 He authorized the police and jagirdars’ levies to
 use their arms without restraint, and crushed the population ruthlessly.
Russell writes about him,
One of the civilians of the station, who visited me, boasted that he had hanged fifty-four men
in a few hours for plundering a village! Now I can readily comprehend the hard necessity
which could force our officers to punish these criminals, but I cannot understand how any
educated gentleman could take pleasure in his task, and I plainly indicated as much; however,
I don’t imagine that any expression of my opinions could affect the sentiments of the man
who regarded the odious duty with intense satisfaction, and who regretted that he had not
‘more of it’.6

He made it compulsory for every Indian to salute every European,

whether officer or not. The Deputy Commissioner, P.S. Melvill with the
concurrence of Barnes wrote to Steel, the Brigadier commanding
Ambala station on 1 February 1858,
It appears to me highly desirable after the rebel events that we should do everything in our
power to elevate the Europeans residing in this country above the natives. Respect should be
shown to us as a conquering and superior race; and the ordinary outward form of respect is
that of saluting.7

Thus Barnes was one of the most hated British officers at Ambala.
10. Blair, Charles Richard, Lieutenant 2nd European Bengal Fusiliers.
He was among those who took part in burning the villages along the GT
Road. He was disabled after getting wounded in action on 31 July 1857
in Delhi.
11. Bloomfield, Godfrey Colpoys, Captain 45th NI.
He worked under the command of General Van Cortlandt and
participated in all actions of the Hurrianah Field Force. He commanded
23rd Punjab Infantry since its raising at Hansi. He retired as major in
1860.
12. Boileau, Francis William (1835–95), Lieutenant 16th (Grenadier) NI.
He served as Adjutant of the Dogras’ contingent with the HFF under Van
Cortlandt. He received a dangerous sabre cut in the face and hand, in the
battle near the old court complex at Hisar on 19 August 1857, and after
that he was not heard of.
13. Boyle, Robert Elphinstone (1837–1924), Lieutenant 46th NI attached to
the 2nd European Bengal Fusiliers (EnBF).
He was with the Showers column at Rewari, Jhajjar and Kahnaud.
14. Briggs, David (1825–1908), Captain 17th NI.
He was Superintendent of the hill and mountain roads, and since July
1857 took charge in Ambala of the Superintendent of the army transport
train, and continued to shuttle between Ambala and Delhi, on GT Road
until the siege was over.
15. Brougham, Dr James Peter, Senior Surgeon 1st EnBF.
He accompanied the Gerrard moveable column and was medical in-
charge of the 1st Fusiliers at Nasibpur (Narnaul) battle.
16. Brown, Francis David Millet VC (1837–95), Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He was with Gerrard column and took part in the Nasibpur battle on 16
November 1857, where he won the Victoria Cross. He was 20 years
old, and a Lieutenant in the 1st EnBF during Indian Mutiny when he
performed the following deed on 16 November 1857 at Narnaul, India
for which he was awarded the Victoria Cross. The citation reads, ‘For
great gallantry at Narnoul, on the 16th November 1857, in having, at the
imminent risk of his own life, rushed to the assistance of a wounded
soldier of the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, whom he carried off, under
a very heavy fire from the enemy, whose cavalry were within forty or
fifty yards of him at the time.’
17. Butler, Thomas Adair VC, 1st Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He was with Gerrard column and took part in the Nasibpur battle, and
later joined Seaton column.
18. Cadell, Thomas VC (1835–1919), Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He was quarter master of the 2nd EnBF and got VC for action at Delhi
on 12 June 1857. He actively participated in the Showers column.
19. Campbell, Herbert Lowe (1826–81), Captain 52nd NI.
He was active with 9th Irregular Cavalry at Ambala and on the GT
Road, whereas his regiment the 52nd NI mutinied.
20. Campbell, John Scarlett, CS.
He took charge of Rohtak district on 2 October 1857 and constituted the
special commission for trial and punishment to the rebels. He
condemned a large number of innocent persons without trial to hang.
21. Campbell, Robert Byng Patrica Price, Captain 59th NI attached to the
54th NI and then attached to the 1st EnBF at Delhi.
 He was subsequently attached to the 2nd EnBF and marched with the
Showers column in the Jhajjar and Rewari districts.8
22. Caulfield, Henry M, Lieutenant 9th Light Cavalry.
He took part in the Nasibpur battle under the command of J.B. Lind with
his Multani Horse. He commanded 100 horses there.
23. Caulfield, John Palmer, Captain 4th En Regiment attached to the 1st
EnBF.
He was the 2nd in command of Gerrard column and after the latter’s
death commanded the column at Nasibpur battle. His original report of
the battle is available in the London Gazette and gives firsthand
information sufficient to blast some myths.
24. Cantor, Charles Henry, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He was with the Showers column.
25. Chamberlain, Brigadier General Neville Bowles (1820–1902).
He was the President of the Military Commission which tried and
sentenced Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh and Nawab Abdur Rehman
Khan of Jhajjar to death.
26. Chapman, Arthur Robert, Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He was with the Gerrard column and took part in the Nasibpur battle.
27. Chapman, Hamilton, Lieutenant 49th NI attached to the 1st EnBF.
He too took part in the Nasibpur battle.
28. Chatterton, John Balsir, Lieutenant 41st NI.
He took part in the actions of the HFF under Van Cortlandt. He was
Adjutant of the 23rd Punjab Infantry and took part in the Nasibpur battle.
29. Clerk, Malcom George, Captain 4th European Regiment.
He was with the Showers column in Delhi, Gurgaon and Jhajjar
districts.
30. Clifford, Wigram CS (1834–57).
Wigram Clifford, son of Captain R.M. Clifford, was the Assistant
Magistrate and Commissioner at Gurgaon when the rebellion
commenced. He was a young officer and had appeared in the second
(higher) standard examination which he cleared on 11 May itself.9 On
the death of their mother in Ireland, his only sister Mary Jane Alicia
Clifford,10 a young girl of eighteen years of age, came out to India to
take up her residence with him.11 Clifford escorted his sister to Delhi on
May 10, she having received an invitation to stay with the chaplain and
his daughter, who had quarters in the Palace. He returned to Gurgaon,
little thinking he would never see her again. She was killed on the 11th
along with Chaplain Midgeley John Jennings and his daughter Anne
Margaret Jennings12 in the Palace. It was not till the following evening,
May 12, that Clifford heard of the mutiny, and fearing death from the
population of Gurgaon, who had also risen in revolt, he disguised
himself as best as he could and rode off into the country. After enduring
great difficulties and the danger of being taken by predatory bands, he
reached Meerut.13 There he came to know of the murder of his sister and
the exaggerated rumours about the manner of killing the ladies. From
Meerut he accompanied the very first column and reached Delhi on 8
June.
Griffiths writes, ‘From what he hinted, I feel sure he had it on his
mind that his sister before being murdered, was outraged by the
rebels.’14
The story in circulation, though totally false, was that the ladies were
stripped naked at the palace, tied in that condition to the wheels of gun-
carriages, dragged up the Chandni Chowk (Moonlight Square), and
there, in the presence of the emperor’s sons, cut to pieces. Later a
commission was constituted to look into such incidents, and C.B.
Saunders reported that not a single incident of that kind took place in
whole of the India. Griffiths continues,
However, this may be, my old school-fellow [Clifford] had become a changed being. All his
passions were aroused to their fullest extent, and he thought of nothing but revenge. Armed
with sword, revolver and rifle, he had been present at almost every engagement with the
mutineers since leaving Meerut. He was known to most of the regiments in the camp, and
would attach himself to one or the other on the occasion of fight, dealing death with his rifle
and giving no quarter. Caring nothing for his own life, so long as he succeeded in glutting his
vengeance on the murderers of his sister, he exposed himself recklessly throughout the siege,
and never received a wound. … On the day of final assault I met him in one of the streets
after we had gained entrance into the city. He shook my hands saying that he had put to
death all he had come across, not excepting women and children, and from his excited
manner and the appearance of his dress – which was covered with blood-stains – I quite
believe he told me the truth.15

A supposedly civilized man in the civil service had gone barbarous

and blood-thirsty as his school-mate saw,
 One would imagine he must have tired of slaughter during those six days’ fighting in the city,
but it was not so. I dined with him at the Palace the night Delhi was taken, when he told me
he intended accompanying a small force the next morning to attack a village close by. All my
remonstrances were of no avail; he vowed to me he would never stay his hand while he had
an opportunity of wreaking his vengeance.16

It was not possible for the British force to send such a detachment the
very next day, i.e. 21 September, and the first column was sent by them
on 27th.
There is no record to show Clifford either joining it or missing it, but
since it was going to the villages it would have been very easy for him
to go along. He must have gone with the Showers column up to Qutab
and returned on 30 September. He accompanied the big column under
Showers which was to go via Gurgaon on 2 October. As the sahibba
reached Gurgaon he had the full liberty to fulfil his desire to kill.
Though there is no record to show that an army was being maintained at
Gurgaon after the 2nd, the circumstances suggest that the Kumaon (2nd
Gorkha) battalion was permanently stationed there with some Sikh
troops. Peter Drummond, attached with the column, appears to have
stayed at Gurgaon to look after that station, and check the invasion of
Mewattis. From 5 to 28 October, only local suppression continued at
Gurgaon. Showers column returned to Gurgaon on 28th, and thenceforth
it became possible to take out detachments to the Meo villages to
chastise them. These villagers had done no harm to Clifford but he was
there to avenge.
So, it happened on 31October that Clifford rode in advance of the
detachment, taking his immunity to death guaranteed by the experience
of the preceding five months, to the brave Meos of village Raisina
where his head was blown to pieces and his headless body was brought
to Delhi for burial.17 Though folklore claims his burial in the village
chaupal, that is untrue according to archival evidence. However, the
following couplet rings in the valley of Raisina even today,
Do not I feel at home in my bungalow, and empty see I my bed!
In the burial-ground of Raisina, saw an Englishman without head!!

31. Coghill, Kendal Josiah William, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.

 He was the Adjutant of 2nd EnBF and amongst the first batch of officers
who left Ambala on 17th as a part of the Delhi Field Force. He has
given firsthand accounts of the brutalities of the British force along the
GT Road. He later accompanied Showers column for full 37 days,
where he was a witness to large scale retribution and destruction.
32. Cookworthy, Colin, Lieutenant Horse Artillery 3rd Brigade.
He commanded the Horse Artillery’s six guns at the Nasibpur battle in
which he was wounded and his horse was also shot.
33. Corbyn, Dr Joseph Christian, Assistant Surgeon.
He was with the Kashmiri contingent which went from Delhi to Rohtak
in October, then to Bhiwani and Dadri, and further to Jhajjar where it
halted after arrest of the Nawab.
34. Craigie, Arthur Wellsley, Lieut 36th NI attached to the Guides Cavalry.
He took part in the Nasibpur battle where he was seriously wounded on
16 November; he died in Delhi after two weeks, on 30 November 1857.
35. Custance, William Neville, Lieut. Colonel 6th Dragoon Guards
(Carabineers).
He commanded the cavalry of the Showers moveable column. He killed
and hanged a large number of patriots around Nahar and Kosli. He was
the first officer along with Hodson to reach Kahnaud and capture the
fort on 19 October 1857. He was accompanied by William Ford and a
detachment of the Carabineers and 2nd EnBF when he attacked
Farrukhnagar on 31 October, killed a large number of retainers and
captured the Nawab and his fort.
36. Dalmahoy, Patric Carfrae, Lieutenant 60th NI.
He was in Rohtak on 10 June when his regiment mutinied, but he
managed to escape to Delhi where he was attached to the 2nd EnBF. He
took part in Showers column.
37. Daly, Henry Dermot, Captain Bombay Army.
He commanded the Corps of Guides and arrived at Karnal in the first
week of June. Along with Le Bas and Theophilus Metcalfe he burnt
villages near that town on the pretext of weeding out harbourers of the
mutineers. A large number of persons attempting to escape were killed
by the bullets of his rascals.
38. Davidson, Thomas Reid, Major 49th NI first attached to 16th Irregular
Cavalry and then a volunteer with first Punjab Infantry (Coke’s Rifles).
 He accompanied the Showers column and was present at Rewari,
Jhajjar, Kahnaud and Ballabgarh. He took part in two engagements
against Mewattis, and got a medal for those.
39. Dawes, Michael, Lieut. Colonel European Horse Artillery.
He commanded the troops of the 3rd Brigade at Ambala and was among
the officers of DFF, who destroyed the villages of Haryana during the
march. He was a member of the Military Commission which sentenced
Raja Nahar Singh and Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan. He later presided
over the Commission which conducted the so-called trial of Bahadur
Shah Zafar.
40. Dayrell, Charles Lionel, Ensign 60th NI.
He arrived in Rohtak with his regiment, but fled to Delhi on 10 June
1857 when his regiment mutinied. He was attached to HM’s 75th Foot
and was killed in action on 9 October.
41. Dayrell, Thomas, Ensign 60th NI.
He arrived at Rohtak with his regiment on 31 May but subsequently fled
to Delhi along with his brother and others when that regiment mutinied.
42. Donald, A.J.S., CS.
He was the 2nd Assistant to Roderick Robertson, the Superintendent of
Bhattiana at Sirsa when the rebellion commenced on 30 May. He fled,
and reached Ambala via Patiala with 19 other fugitives. He returned to
Sirsa on 30 June. He was a member of the special commission headed
by J.H. Oliver with another Assistant, T.W. Moore, as member. This
commission sentenced a huge number of persons to death and life-
imprisonment arbitrarily.
43. Dumbleton, Charles, Captain 4th ELC.
He was active at Ambala and went with a squadron to Thanesar. This
regiment did not rebel.
44. Dumbleton, Arthur V., Lieutenant 3rd ELC.
He was also active at Ambala, and probably in charge of the police.
45. Dunsford, Henry Fredrick, Lieut. Colonel 59th NI.
He was the commandant of the Jind Auxiliary Force and instrumental in
maintaining control over the GT Road from Panipat to Delhi. The
peasants of village Shamri attacked his force and later had to pay the
penalty: eleven persons including lambardars and headmen were
hanged, for killing two of his horses.
46. Drummond, Peter, Captain 22nd NI attached to Kumaon Battalion.
He accompanied Showers column and was detached to Sohna. The
Raisina battle was fought on 31 October when he was commanding the
British force. The notorious blood-seeker Clifford was killed that day.
He remained at Sohna for a long time. The Ghasera and Roopraka
battles were fought under his command. His services were recognized
and rewarded for crushing the Meos.
47. Dwyer, Henry Arthur, Captain 59th NI.
He was the 2nd in command (2IC) of the Kashmiri contingent. He
commanded the Kashmiri Auxiliary Force at Delhi, where they were
badly mauled and fled from the battleground. He later came to Rohtak
with Dick Lawrence as his Political Officer. He joined the HFF at
Bhiwani and then the Showers column at Dadri. He was present at the
arrest of Nawab Jhajjar and subsequently took civil charge of the
district including the fort at Kahnaud. In later years he remained the
Deputy Commissioner of Hisar as well.
48. Eden, William Fredrick, Captain and Political Agent to Jaipur.
He marched from Jaipur with a force numbering over 6,000 with 7 guns,
about half of which consisted of the Rajpoot cavalry and half the Naga
infantry, under the command of Faiz Ali Khan, the State bakshi, also
called the Commander-in-Chief.18 He had come to aid the British and
marched to Mewat from Taoru to Sohna in the first week of June and
had to fight and suffer, though he had with him a big contingent with
guns. He moved from Sohna to Palwal in the second week of June and
remained there until the 20th when he was forced to leave. He was at the
village of Mitrol on 21st, and wrote to Becher from there, ‘Mitrall 21st
June, 1857 … I have been obliged to move from Pulwal; my men were
deserting, though quiet. Shall be near Hodul to-morrow, and stay as long
as I can. I’m sorry and disgusted I can’t be of more use; I’ll do all I can
do to keep open the communication, nevertheless.’19
He was lamenting when he wrote from Hodal on 23 June,
My Dear Becher, – I am heart-broken at having been obliged to relinquish Pulwal, but will
stick to this as long as I can. My men are quiet enough now; many came back again (some
thirty deserted), and several Irregulars in our camp. Troops of Native states are not able or
willing to come into collision with Regulars. Bhopal Sing came away in a hurry!20
 He wrote again from Hodal on 27 June, ‘The accompanying from
Harvey was never taken, though given to villain three days ago…. Pray
give bearer, Ram, to-day cinquante [fifty] rupees. He wishes to leave
the money at his village, near Delhi; he has done us good service.’21
Here referred to Ram was Oodey Ram (Udairam) son of Bustee Ram
(Bastiram) of village Badli who helped Eden, Ford, and Harvey. Eden
wrote to Keith Young from there on 29 June when Ford and Stewart
started for Delhi camp,
The two accompanying packets for the Commander-in-Chief I could not earlier send with
safety. Captain Stewart will explain the reasons as regards my chivalrous Rajput Horse. As
Mr. Ford is going with him, we have been able to make up a mixed escort of men picked up
from villages, where they were enjoying their leave of absence from their regiment.22

Here he clearly hints his uneasy situation with his army. He wrote on
3, 4 and 7 July to Keith Young in the Delhi camp.23 On the other hand, E.
Morrieson wrote to Eden about the discipline and reputation of the
Jaipur contingent from Bharatpur on 6 July,
You have been alarming our authorities by threatening to make Kama your Head-Quarters. I
shall have to protest against this, as Kama was formerly a Jeypore district, wrested from
Bhurtpore, and memory of the capture still rankles in the minds of the Jeypore people. Your
force, besides, is a perfect calamity to the country through which they move or in which they
remain, by all accounts; and, if you come for punishment, pray take up your residence in the
Poonahana Pergunah, and loot the mess there ad libitum.24

Eden wrote to Keith Young from Hodal on 7 July,

I hope the party I now send will find its way to your camp, and display less of discretion than
Bhopal Sing! The Ressaldar now sent is Gopal Sing, the entire party belongs to Ulwar, who
has behaved very well to us and lent us many men-howbeit, unhappily, in the instance that
occurred here when with the Bhurtpore troops! As it is, I fear this man will be longer in
reaching you than necessary; he has in charge a formidable packet for the Commander-in-
Chief, and two letters for General Barnard. Give him a maulchit, and send him off sharp
please. I have given this packet, by-the-by, to my chokedar, Koona Sing, a sharp fellow, who
goes under escort of Gopal Sing.25

His letter dated the Jeypore (Camp) 4 August indicates that he had
left Hodal, and was still on the Delhi-Agra road. He writes,
I send my friend once more, but this time bring me letter dated from the Chandee Chouk, or
the Imperial Residence !You might send Oodeyram’s brother with such intelligence as you
 may be able to give me, and keep Oodeyram and the Sikh for the final assault! – or one of
them please. You may be glad to see the papers I send by the bearer. I am not quite happy
here in Jeypore.26

Here he probably conveys his unhappiness about the Jaipur force

because he was nowhere near Jaipur. He then appears to have left for
Jaipur via Kosi and Kama. He wrote letter from Govindgarh, far from
Hodal in the south-west direction, on 14 August,
My Dear Colonel Keith Young, – I have been compelled to relinquish my position on the road
between Delhi and Agra, and am en route to Jeypore with the chivalrous army. I have done
my best, and held together under many difficulties, and indeed the force is still entire; but this
approach of the Neemuch mutineers who are at Muttra (!) was the signal for an ignominious
retreat, or flank march, and my pusillanimous Commander-in-Chief took care it should be in
this direction, wherever it was. I had no hope of ever getting back to Gwalior; and as the
temper of the men is by no means improved, and they were exposed to this severe weather,
attacked by cholera, and I had no money, my best plan manifestly was to take them back to
their own place. Howbeit, I believe that want of pluck is more with the officers than men; but
with regard to the latter also it was very necessary to be on the qui vive, and, all things
considered, it was better to take them back still a force than run the risk of utter
disorganization by collision or collusion.
For myself this move is most painful – I had fondly hoped to hold till Delhi fell – mais que
faire? I am utterly helpless. I can get no news of, or from, Agra.27

He is amply clear about chaotic conditions in the Jaipur force, his

lack of faith in Faiz Ali Khan, the Commander-in-Chief; and his utter
helplessness in doing anything for the British authorities before
returning.
49. Ellis, Nelson, Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He took part in Gerrard column and the Nasibpur battle, and later in
Seation column.
50. Evans, Thomas, Lieutenant HM’s 9th Lancers.
He was with the DFF and took active part in killing the people and
burning the villages during their march on the GT Road.
51. Fawcett, Alexander, Lieutenant HM’s 9th Lancers.
He was with the Delhi Field Force and took part in burning the villages
along the GT Road in late May and early June 1857. He was later
attached to HM’s 95th Foot regiment and was killed in action on 5
September 1858 at Bijapur.
52. Fenwick, A.B., Captain 9th Irregular Cavalry.
 His regiment was sent out of Delhi camp but they remained around
Karnal for some time28 and aided the civilians in suppressing the
rebellion.
53. Ford, William CS (1821–1905).
He was the Deputy Commissioner of Gurgaon in May 1857 when the
rebellion commenced. He fled to Mathura, and then came back to Hodal
on being reprimanded by the Lieutenant Governor. Along with George
Harvey and about thirty Europeans tried to escape to the UP, but the
villagers did not allow them. He took shelter at Hidayat Ali’s village
Mohena and then joined the Jaipur contingent at Sohna in the second
week of June 1857. He remained with that contingent between Palwal
and Hodal until 29 June. He then left Hodal along with Donald Martin
Stewart, a Captain of the 9th NI and reached the British camp at Delhi
on 1 July. He was ordered to join as the Deputy Commissioner at Hisar
and so left Delhi on 23 July and reached Hisar-Hansi on 10–11 August,
when he relieved Roderick Robertson. He had a large number of
persons imprisoned, and initiated action against Shabaz Beg, and
Rukanuddin. He was prominently involved in the attack on the village of
Bhatol on 6 September. He accompanied Van Cortlandt column to
Rohtak in the last week of September, from where he wrote a letter on
30 September, about the condition of the district. He was relieved by
J.S. Campbell on 2 October and returned to Hansi along with Van
Cortlandt. He was relieved in the second week of October from Hansi,
and joined Showers column on 12–13 October at Rewari. He
accompanied Showers and was present at Dadri on 15th, when Nawab
Bahadur Jang Khan was arrested; at Chhuchhakwas on 17th, when
Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan was imprisoned; and then at Jhajjar when
the fort was captured. He went to Kahnaud and returned to Gurgaon
with a huge treasure of over Rs. 7 lakh. He accompanied Col. Custance
when a detachment of Carabineers and 2nd Fusiliers attacked
Farrukhnagar, killed a large number of soldiers and captured the Nawab
on 31 October. He was present at Ballabgarh on 6 November when
Raja Nahar Singh was arrested and his fort was captured. From 2
November, he accompanied Showers column to avenge the death of his
assistant Clifford, and ordered the burning of villages around Taoru,
 then between Taoru and Sohna, and at Sohna. A large number of Meos
were killed in that campaign with unheard of brutalities.
He accompanied Gerrard column from 12 November, and was
present at the recapture of Rampura fort, and the destruction of nearby
houses. He was present at Nasibpur on the day of Nasibpur battle. He
had ordered the commanding officer to attack even the British allies if
they came near the British force. About the Patriotic Front’s fighters at
Nasibpur, Ford commented, ‘They fought with great pluck.’29
Ford emerged the top hunter of the patriots and hanged 235 persons
after the restoration of the British rule. W.F. Eden had handed over to
him 54 freedom fighters, mostly nobles of Delhi, who were shot dead on
Ford’s orders on 15 December 1857 at Gurgaon. He was number two,
in killing and punishing, after Metcalfe; and it was the Gurgaon district
in which the highest number of people were sentenced to death, the
largest number of villages destroyed, the largest magnitude of properties
confiscated, and the highest amount of fines imposed. There might have
been only rare exception that any village would have escaped the
punishment in Mewat. This tyrant remained the Deputy Commissioner of
Gurgaon till 1862.
54. Forsyth, Sir Thomas Douglas CS (1827–86).
He was the Deputy Commissioner of Ambala in the year 1857 when the
spirit of rebellion was spreading. In spite of his best efforts he could not
pinpoint the nucleus, though the Chief Commissioner had sanctioned a
reward of 1,000 rupees. He with his personal exertions through Sham
Singh and Jwalanath kotwal could get only clue about bloodshed at
Delhi or Ambala on 7 or 8 May. He alerted the army authorities. He
was the first person who telegraphically informed Chief Commissioner
John Lawrence of the mutiny by 5th and 60th NIs. After the recapture of
Delhi he was one of the three special commissioners appointed to hunt
up the rebels. Constituting a commission, with Barnes, he sentenced to
death 25 persons and executed them.30 He had another 15 persons
hanged for robbery and other crimes. A large number of people were
imprisoned on the pretext of disarming and even respectable citizens of
the town were subjected to open flogging. He remained Commissioner
at Hisar for some time.
55. Gardner, Herbert Calthorpe, Captain 38th NI (1822–57).
 He was a fugitive from Delhi as his regiment had revolted on 11 May.
He reached Ambala and was given command of two companies of the
5th NI for duty in the Ambala district and sent to Ropar with full
magistrate’s powers. He was disobeyed there and was recalled but he
fell ill and died in Kasauli on 28 June 1857. He could not do much.
56. Garstin, Henry Murray, Captain 5thNI (1826–67).
He was assigned to look after Ambala district with a detachment of the
5th NI, two companies, under W.C. Plowden CS in May. He went to
Jagadhari and then to Saharanpur. Ultimately his companies too
mutinied and he had a narrow escape. After that he was ordered to look
after the safety of the GT Road. He died due to a fall from a horse at
Murree on 27 July 1867.
57. Gerrard, John Grant, Lieut. Colonel 1st EnBF (1808–57).
He commanded the moveable column from Delhi on 10 November and
arrived at Nasibpur, with a 2,500 strong force of his own and another
1,100 of the HFF. He was mortally wounded by Rao Kishan Singh and
Rao Ramlal. The bullet had passed through his bridle wrist and
stomach. The column won the hotly contested battle, but their victory
was damped by the death of their commanding officer. He lies buried
near Jetthu Baba Johar at the village of Nasibpur.
58. Gillespie, Alexander, Lieutenant European Artillery.
He was in the Gerrard moveable column and commanded heavy guns at
the battle of Nasibpur (Narnaul) on 16 November. His three 18-pounder
guns caused much damage to the Indians in the initial stages.
59. Godby, Robert Ffarmerie, Captain 35th NI (1831–62).
He was with Gerrard moveable column, commanding officer of the 7th
Punjab Infantry and took part in the Nasibpur battle.
60. Gough, Charles John Stanley VC, Captain 5th ELC (1832–1912).
He accompanied Hodson’s column which came to Kharkhauda and
Rohtak from 14 to 24 August 1857. The Kharkhauda and Rohtak battles
were fought on 15 and 18 August respectively. He got the Victoria Cross
as a result of his deeds in these battles. The citation says,
First for gallantry in an affair at Khurkowdaha near Rohtuck, on the 15th August 1857, while
serving with Hodson’s Horse in which he saved his brother, who was wounded, and killed
two of the enemy. Secondly, for gallantry on the 18th August, when he led a troop of the
 Guide Cavalry in a charge, and cut down two of the enemy’s sowars, with one of whom he
had a desperate hand to hand combat.

In fact, on 15 August 1857, while attempting to dislodge a party of

fake rebels from a rooftop, Gough’s brother Hugh Gough was gravely
wounded. Gough immediately attacked and killed his brother’s
assailants, saving his life. He later accompanied the Showers moveable
column from 2 October to 8–9 November 1857 and was present at
Jhajjar when the Nawab was captured. He was with the column in Delhi
and Jhajjar districts and was engaged at the action of Nasibpur
(Narnaul).31
61. Gough, Hugh Henry VC, Lieutenant 1st ELC (1833–1909).
He accompanied the Hodson moveable column and took part in the
actions at Kharkhauda on 15 August and at Rohtak on 18 August. He
was wounded in action at Kharkhauda and his elder brother saved his
life for which he was conferred with the Victoria Cross.
62. Graham, George Fergus, Lieutenant 5th European Regiment
He was commanding officer of the Patiala forces at Karnal and
accompanied Richard Lawrence to Jhajjar. Most of the retribution
around Karnal was supervised by him.
63. Grant, James Hope, Colonel HM’s 9th Lancers (1808–75).
He commanded the cavalry of Delhi Field Force from 17 May 1857, as
soon as the march started from Ambala. Since approval of the
commanding officer was necessary for any act of retribution, he
approved all decisions of his juniors. He smilingly nodded, whenever
any village was burnt or person was put on fake trial and hanged. He
was thus primarily the main British culprit who allowed large scale
burning and hanging along the GT Road from 17 May to 7 June 1857.
64. Grant, Charles, Lieutenant 45th NI.
He was with the detachment commanded by Peter Drummond at Sohna
and took part in the Raisina battle. He remained in the Mewat for a long
time to suppress the revolt and punish the Meos.
65. Grant, Hugh, Lieutenant 74thNI (1822–71).
He accompanied the Showers column and was attached to the Kumaon
battalion. Along with Wroughton he was under the command of Peter
Drummond at Sohna in the Mewat. He took part in Ghasera battle on 8
November 1857. He remained in Mewat where he burnt and destroyed a
 large number of Meo villages. Later Meos, in huge number, were
hanged by this man, after fake trials under the guidance of William Ford
and William Malcolm Low.
66. Graves, Brigadier Harry Meggs 13th NI.
He was in Delhi on 11 May when rebellion broke out and escaped to
Karnal along with Le Bas. He remained there as a military
representative until the arrival of the Delhi Field Force and then
accompanied them to Delhi. He commanded one of the brigades at the
battle of Badli kee Sarai on 8 June 1857. During his stay at Karnal, he
organized suppression and repression.
67. Greathed, Hervey Harris CS.
He was the Commissioner of Meerut when the rebellion commenced.
He accompanied Wilson to Delhi and was designated Commissioner of
Delhi, and Agent to the Lieutenant Governor of NWP Agra in the first
week of June. He moved between Karnal, Panipat, Rai, and Delhi
frequently and, as the senior civil officer was responsible for protecting
the innocent lives; but he did not restrain the large scale of burning and
hanging. He died during the recapture of Delhi.
68. Green, William Clarke, Captain 60th NI attached to 1st EnBF.
He came to Rohtak with the 60th NI on 31 May, but escaped to Delhi on
10 June when the regiment revolted.
69. Guthrie, James CS.
He was the Deputy Commissioner of Hisar before John Wedderburn
took charge in October 1856. He was somewhere in the UP when the
rebellion commenced and he escaped to the hills. He took charge as the
Deputy Commissioner Hisar on 21 October 1857 and remained there
about a month, when G.H.M. Ricketts took over.
70. Halifax, Brigadier Robert Dampier HM’s 75th Foot (1804–57).
He was the officer commanding Ambala station when the rebellion
commenced and was among the five officers present in the council of
war held on 16 May, the others being general George Anson, Henry
Barnard, John Lealand Mowat and Charles Chester, at the house of
Barnard. All were dead within the next 7 weeks. He was one of the
important officers who was responsible for planning and moving the
first column of Delhi Field Force on the GT Road on 17 May 1857. He
died of cholera at Karnal on 1 June 1857, without rendering any active
war service.
71. Hall, George B., Lieutenant 4th Irregular Cavalry.
He was the commanding officer of the 4th IC at Hansi and marched for
Karnal on 20 May to join the C-in-C. He was deputed to Panipat on 21
June from Delhi camp, remained on duty on the GT Road and Panipat,
and commanded the remainder of the 4th IC.
72. Hamilton, Robert Anderson, Lieutenant 10th ELC.
The 10th Light Cavalry revolted at Ferozepur on 19 August, then
Hamilton joined the Hurrianah Field Force at Hansi and commanded the
Tiwana Horse. He took part in the Mangali battle on 11 September 1857
and was wounded in action. He took part in the Jamalpur battle on 13
September and marched to Rohtak with Van Cortlandt. Then he
accompanied a detachment of the HFF which went to Dadri on 13
October from Hansi and was incorporated in the Showers column at
Dadri on 16th. He accompanied the column along with G.G. Pearse
commanding cavalry of the HFF. He was ADC to Gerrard and took part
in the Nasibpur battle, and on Pearse being seriously wounded in action,
he commanded the cavalry of the HFF. He was mentioned in despatches.
73. Hardy, Thomas, Ensign, an unattached officer.
He accompanied the Gerrard and took part in the Nasibpur battle.
74. Harriot, Fredrick Joseph, Major 4th ELC at Ambala
He was the deputy judge advocate general (DJAG) and took part in the
trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, Raja Nahar Singh, Abdur Rehman Khan, as
government prosecutor. He was the ‘hero’ of these bogus trials in the
legal history of India. W.H. Russell termed these trials as wholly illegal
because the East India Company had no locus standi to try a sovereign
in whose name they were ruling.
75. Harris, Webber D., Captain 2nd EnBF
He accompanied Showers column in October-November.
76. Hay, James Charles, Captain 60th NI.
He was with the 60th NI when they arrived at Rohtak on 31 May and
escaped to Delhi on 10 June.
77. Hockin, P.R., Captain 17th Irregular Cavalry.
His regiment was also sent out of Delhi camp, but they remained in
Haryana helping civil authorities, like W.T. Hughes.32
78. Hodson, William Stephen Raikes, Captain 1st EnBF (1821–58).
Hodson landed in India on 13 September 1845, worked as Assistant
Commissioner and then was commanding officer of the Corps of Guides
in the Punjab. He married Susan Henry, a widow; they had a daughter
Olivia who died in July 1854. During this period he indulged in
corruption and allegations were levelled against him. A year later, on
the strength of claims made by his adjutant, (Frederic Richard) Turner,
an ensign, and Najaf Ali, the regimental munshi, Hodson was relieved
of his command.33
Whenever anybody speaks of the British brutalities and repression in
the context of Haryana pertaining to the great uprising, the first war of
Independence and its first real theatre, the land between Kalka and
Alipur or Ambala and Rai, Hodson is the most prominent villain. His
role has been mentioned in various episodes described hitherto. An
eccentric according to his own colleagues, an ungrateful man, a corrupt
officer who misappropriated the regimental money; and still an English
hero and one of the most dreaded avengers. Though he was dangerous,
he was not as dangerous as Theophilus John Metcalfe, William Ford,
Henry Charles Van Cortlandt, J.S. Campbell, G.C. Barnes, G.H.M.
Ricketts, J.H. Oliver or Malcolm Low. Hodson was the first person to
initiate retribution in an arbitrary, inhuman, and merciless manner,
unheard in the previous history of Haryana.
John Lawrence wrote to the Commander-in-Chief that all men of the
irregular cavalry who were on furlough at the time of outbreak should
be summoned to Meerut and enrolled under competent officers.34 Smith
Bosworth thought, ‘It was a step which if it had been taken at once,
would, peradventure, have saved many well-meaning men from their
own weakness and have prevented one of Hodson’s darkest deeds.’35
Here the reference is to his liberty in raising of the Hodson’s Horse
and killing of Bisharat Ali. When Nihal Singh Chachi asked Edward
Thornton about taking services of Hodson in employing the old Sikh
chiefs he was surprised to hear.
‘Why does not the Chief Commissioner employ Hodson?’ said Nihal
Singh, on one occasion to Thornton. ‘He ought to employ Hodson.
Hodson would do good work at Delhi.’36 ‘No doubt he would,’ said
Thornton. ‘But he is one of the only three Englishmen in India that I have
known who cannot be trusted.’37 Such was the reputation of Hodson at
the level of Chief Commissioner and Judicial Commissioner. According
to Smith Bosworth, ‘John Lawrence knew Hodson, much better than
even Nihal Singh, and knowing the man, his weakness and his strength,
and feeling that if there was much of born leader, there was also much
of the freebooter in his composition, was as we have seen not willing to
employ him in the Punjab again.’38
So, to checkmate the freebooter, Lawrence tried in his own way
through reliable men. ‘But when he heard that General Anson had
already given him work in which he had few peers, he allowed
Montgomery to raise some men for him at Lahore and to send them
down to Delhi, which they formed the nucleus of the renowned Hodson
Horse.’39
Hodson was appointed chief of the intelligence department directly
accountable to the Commander-in-Chief on 17 May, and thenceforth he
was the face of the British forces. He left Ambala for Karnal, when the
road was deserted and not a soul was to be seen.40 He left for Meerut
later and arrived at Ambala with a message for the Commander-in-
Chief, and the same day left for Karnal, organizing the Horse troops;
and working as assistant quarter master general (AQMG) of the whole
army.41 On 1 June he wrote from Rai, while sitting under a pipal (Ficus
religiosa) tree, about the half-starved and half-naked fugitives he saw.
He captured and hanged the few villagers first of all, to terrorize the
country.42 The camp at Rai became the rallying point of the fugitives and
the most important centre for marching British regiments where the first
European soldiers of the 1st EnBF arrived. Scores of rebels were
hanged without trial. Then on 5 June he was in the vanguard of the attack
on Alipur and after a battle at Badli-kee-Sarai on 8 June, he camped on
the Delhi ridge, where he remained till the re-capture of Delhi. He
believed in getting things done lock, stock and barrel. On 9 June he
writes, ‘There is terrible confusion all along the road, and we can get
the daks carried at all by bribery, stage by stage.’43
He developed a network of spies and informers in the city and
vicinity of Delhi, and in the towns and villages through money power.
Then came his highly publicized retributive march to Kharkhauda and
Rohtak from 14 to 24 August.44 Though he was beaten at Rohtak, he
killed innocent people at Kharkhauda, and his name spread as a butcher.
 After the recapture of Delhi, he was successful in arresting Bahadur
Shah Zaffar at Humayun’s Tomb, in connivance with the Queen Zinat
Mahal, on 21 September and that gave him huge publicity, though on that
day he was just a Lieutenant. The next day he killed three princes with
his own hands and thus became the most famous avenger. He was made
Captain, after the death of George Ogle Jacob, a major in his regiment
on 14 September 1857.45
Because of his appointment as AQMG by the Commander-in-Chief on
17 May and further authorization to raise a new irregular cavalry
regiment, he had tremendous resources at his disposal. He raised
Hodson’s Horse, mainly of Sikhs and Panjabi Muslims, and organized
raids to get loot.
As soon as the first moveable column or flying column started on 27
September under Showers, Hodson managed to join it with his
horsemen. He demonstrated unmatchable brutalities on the masses while
passing through Gurgaon, Pataudi, Rewari, Jatusana, Nahar, Dadri,
Chhuchhakwas, Jhajjar, and Mahendragarh from 2 to 27 October 1857,
killing rebels and burning hostile villages.
He took leave on 27 October and arrived at Ambala on 2 November.
Here he purchased a house known as a ‘cow house’ and lived there for
some time. He later joined Seaton column, but was never active in
Haryana after 27 October 1857. He was killed in Lucknow, while
looting a palace, on 11 March 1858.46
79. Hogg, William Dinwiddie, Lieutenant Commissariat Department.
He was Staff/Orderly Officer to Gerrard and took active part in the
Nasibpur battle on 16 November; he was near Gerrard when he saw a
soldier aiming at him, entreated him to retreat but before he could do so,
Gerrard was shot. He was an eyewitness to the killing of the
commanding officer of a big British force by the Indian fighters.
80. Hood, John Cockburn, Captain 49th NI attached to the 4th Punjab
Infantry.
He was with the Showers column from beginning to end. He was
ultimately detached at Ballabgarh after taking Raja Nahar Singh a
prisoner and capturing his fort. He was a witness during the trial of
Raja Nahar Singh.
81. Hudson, John, Lieutenant 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers) (1833–93).
He commanded a squadron of the Carabineers at the battle of Nasibpur.
82. Hughes, William Templer, Captain 48th NI (1822–97).
He commanded the 1st Punjab Cavalry during the rebellion and was
deployed along the GT Road from Karnal to camp in Delhi. Initially his
cavalry were a part of the Delhi Field Force, but were suspected of
treachery, so they were sent out. They were left at Karnal to suppress
the revolt and repress the public for recovery of the land revenue. It was
in this context that the Ballah battle took place on 14–15 July. Hughes
burnt and destroyed the villages around Ballah, Munak, Assandh and
Jalmana. He attacked Chhattar and Thua in consonance with the
movements of the notorious Thanesar Deputy Commissioner McNeile.
83. Humphry, Edward Wood, Lieutenant Bengal Engineers.
He accompanied the Gerrard column and was his Staff Officer on 16
November when the battle took place at Nasibpur. He was wounded in
action that day.
84. Hunt, James V., Lieutenant 45th NI.
He accompanied the Hurrianah (Bhattianah) Field Force from
Ferozepur and took part in battles at Odhan, Khairekan, Hisar, and
Mangali. He joined Showers column at Dadri with the detachment of the
HFF on 16 October, and remained with it up to Kahnaud. On 15
November, he joined the Gerrard column there, and since G.C.
Bloomfield being unwell, was left at Kahnaud (Mahendragarh), so Hunt
commanded the 23rd Punjab Infantry in the battle at Nasibpur.
Subsequently he moved to Hisar, Rohtak and Gohana as his hunt for
rebels continued.
85. Hunter, Thomas Alexander, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He accompanied the Showers column from 2nd October to 9 November
1857.
86. Jackson, Stuart Hare, Sergeant Major Hurrianah Field Force.
He took part in the Nasibpur battle and was mentioned in the
despatches.
87. Jones, William, Colonel HM’s 75th Foot.
He commanded one of the two light brigades from Ambala on 17 May
1857. Richard Barter, Lieutenant of this regiment, wrote his memoirs,
depicting the brutalities of the British force on their way to Delhi
through Haryana.
88. Kennedy, Thomas Gilbert, Lieutenant 62nd NI.
 He accompanied Gerrard column, commanding cavalry of the Corps of
Guides and took part in the battle of Nasibpur. He was seriously
wounded in action. He wrote a letter, giving first hand account of the
battle, which was published in the Lahore Chronicle.
89. Keats, Dr William, Surgeon Major 60th NI.
He accompanied 60th NI from Ambala and reached Rohtak on 31 May,
but escaped to Delhi on 10 June with others when the regiment revolted.
90. Kitchen, J.S., Deputy Collector Gurgaon.
He accompanied Ford in his flight from Gurgaon, remained at Hisar for
some time and was present at the battle of Nasibpur.
91. Lake, Sir Atwell King, Bart, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF
He was with Showers column from 2 October to 9 November.
92. Lamb, Dr Martin Brydon, Assistant Surgeon 45th NI.
He was with the Van Cortlandt’s HFF, present at the Hisar battle on 19
August 1857, and at the Mangali battle on 11 September, where he was
wounded in action.
93. Larkins, Robertson, Captain and commanding officer of the 17th Punjab
Infantry.
He joined the Delhi camp in June but his regiment was suspected to be
in league with the freedom fighters, so they were sent out. He left Delhi
along with Frank Boileau on 8 July and remained on the GT Road for
some time. He was with the Showers column later on.
94. Lawrence, Richard Charles, Captain 3rd NI (1818–96).
He was the brother of John Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of the
Punjab. He marched to Delhi from the Punjab with a 3,000 strong
Kashmiri contingent and took part in the siege and recapture of Delhi
where his contingent faced rout. Then he came to Rohtak in the first
week of October, and relieved Van Cortlandt; moved to Bhiwani and
formed a junction there with a detachment of the HFF; marched from
there and joined Showers column at Dadri on 16th. He was present at
Chhuchhakwas, when the Nawab of Jhajjar was arrested on 17 October
and subsequent capture of the Jhajjar fort. He was appointed political
and military in-charge of the Jhajjar district where he remained for at
least one year, with Henry Arthur Dwyer as the Deputy Commissioner,
with effect from 18 October. He killed and imprisoned a large number
of soldiers of the Jhajjar army. Among those who were shot at Jhajjar
 were Colonel Bakhshish Hussain of the Jhajjar Army, Manwar Khan,
kotwal, Jawahar Singh, Magazine darogah; Jaswant Singh, jamadar;
Ram Bakash jamadar Police, Ram Richhpal, an official of the Nawab,
munshis Imad Ali, Rahim Baksh, Mahmud Ali, Bahadur Ali and Mian
Ziaullah.
95. Le Bas, Charles Theodore CS.
He was the judge at Delhi when the rebellion commenced and was
amongst the first batch of fugitives who arrived at Karnal. Here he took
charge as Magistrate and as soon as the British force arrived at Karnal,
he began suppression and repression. He acquired notoriety for
punishing peasants to recover taxes. He was the main person who sent
Hughes to crush the village of Ballah, where the famous battle took
place on 14–15 July 1857, and wherein more than 150 freedom fighters
drank elixir of martyrdom. He went on leave to Europe and died there in
1858.
96. Levien, Arthur CS.
He was the Assistant Commissioner at Thanesar and remained active at
Shahbad and other places to protect the GT Road during the operations
against Delhi.
97. Lind, James Burnie, Lieutenant 24th NI.
He was attached to an irregular cavalry regiment named the Multani
Horse. He took part in the Nasibpur battle where he commanded the
Multani Horse. Thereafter he remained active in Haryana and was
deployed at Gohana in December 1857 according to his letter dated 8
December to the Adjutant General of the army.47
98. Loch, John Adam CS.
He was the Deputy Commissioner at Rohtak when Tafazzul Husain
entered the district on 23 May 1857. He fled the same evening and
reached Gohana but could not stay there, and went on to Panipat. He
arrived at Rohtak with Thomas Seaton on 31 May, but again he had to
flee. He went to Sampla on foot and then got a horse, but his exposure to
the June sun made him sick and he never became active after that. He
was so hard hit by the sun that day that he ultimately went blind.
99. Low, Robert Cunliffe, Major Bombay Army.
He was with Showers column and was present at Jhajjar when the
Nawab and his fort were captured.
100. Low, William Malcolm, CS (1835–1923).
 He was the great great grandfather of a former prime minister of the UK,
David Cameron. David Cameron’s mother Mary Fleur Mount (b. 1934)
was the daughter of William Malcolm Mount (1904–93). William
Malcolm Mount was the son of Hilda Lucy Adelaid Low (1875–1950).
William Malcolm Low was father of Hilda Lucy Low, and thus he was
the great great maternal grandfather of David Cameron, son of Ian
Donald Cameron and Mary Fleur Mount. When the rebellion
commenced he was an Assistant Commissioner at Meerut.48 He was
wounded in action in the area, and was shifted to Gurgaon after the
recapture of Delhi. On his own admission, he slaughtered without
mercy. On his authority, the captured rebels were systematically and
summarily hanged without recourse to trial in the court of law.49 He was
the duty magistrate with the British force on 29 December 1857 at the
Mahun battle in Mewat.
101. Macdowell, Charles T., Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He was first attached to the Guides Cavalry and then to Hodson Horse.
He accompanied Hodson column from the 14 to 24 August and was at
the Kharkhauda and Rohtak battles on 15 and 18 August respectively.
He also accompanied Showers column.
102. MacGregor, Charles Metcalfe, Lieutenant 68th NI attached first to the
Guides Cavalry and then to the Hodson’s Horse. He took part in the
Nasibpur battle and captured a gun there.
103. Maitland, Fredrick Charles, Major 5th En Regiment.
He was commanding officer of the 5th NI when rebellion started at
Ambala. Though initially the 5th and 60th NIs were pardoned,
subsequently he disarmed the sepoys of 5th NI, and also started the
disarming operation in the town. He hanged four native officers of the
regiment without approval from the competent authority.
104. Marsden, Major Fredrick Carleton
He was the Deputy Commissioner of Ferozepur, and simultaneously the
Commissioner for Bhatiana (Sirsa) in June 1857, though originally the
charge was envisaged to be given to General Van Cortlandt. He
approved a large number of death sentences and acted very cruelly,
hanged the Nawab of Rania Nur Mohammad Samad Khan, his son, and
eighteen others at Ferozepur jail, and imprisoned a large number of
Sirsa men there.
105. Martineau, Edmund M., Lieutenant 10th NI and Instructor Musketry
Depot Ambala.
He was the first officer to report to the Commander-in-Chief about the
spread of disaffection in the native regiments. He later joined the British
operation for crushing the rebellion. He brought reinforcement for W.T.
Hughes on 15 July for the Ballah battle and took part in that. He gave
evidence during the trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar.
106. McAndrew, George, Captain 47th NI.
He was in-charge of the Jind Auxiliary Force in the first instance and
took up position at Karnal on 18 May. He was the first officer who
moved towards Delhi on 19 May to clear the GT Road for the DFF. He
used to move twenty miles ahead of the main force; he recaptured
Samalkha from the freedom fighters. He remained deployed with the
Jind contingent at Panipat for the protection of the town and the GT
Road during the early stage, but soon his cowardice and incompetence
came to the notice of the authorities; and consequently he was replaced
by Lieut. Colonel H.F. Dunsford.
107. McGovern, John VC, 1st EnBF (1825–88).
He took part in the Nasibpur battle and won the Victoria Cross. ‘During
the Indian mutiny he really won the Victoria Cross twice over, as at
Battle of Narnoul, … three sepoys took refuge in a small turret and there
was much difficulty in dislodging them. Orders were given to the
sergeant major to do this. McGovern was standing near when this order
was given and volunteered to go himself and went up the stair case.’ He
succeeded in dislodging the three fighters after a struggle.
108. McFarlane, Charles, 1st Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He was with Gerrard column as Interpreter to the 1st European Bengal
Fusiliers. He took part in the Nasibpur battle and later in the fight at
sarai also on that day.
109. Mackenzie, Alfred Robert Davidson, Lieutenant 1st ELC/3rd ELC.
He accompanied the Showers column in the Delhi, Gurgaon, Rewari,
Dadri and Jhajjar area in the Guides Cavalry under C.A. Sanford. He
has written about the repression in that area in his book Mutiny
Memoirs. He was present at Dadri and Jhajjar and accompanied T.J.
Metcalfe, with the state prisoners namely the Nawabs of Dadri and
Jhajjar, from Jhajjar to Delhi.
110. Macwhirter, John Peach CS.
He was the Magistrate and Collector of Panipat district at the
commencement of the rebellion. On 11 May he was in Delhi, a sick man.
It could not be known whether he was killed or died or drowned. As
per page 2241 of the Supplement to the London Gazette (No. 22136)
dated 6 May 1858, J.P. Machwhirter, Collector and Magistrate, Zillah
Paneeput, on 12 May at 8½ p.m., was very ill, supposed to have been
drowned in attempting to cross the canal cut at the back of Delhi
Cantonments, was last seen in this situation by Mr. Marshall, Agent NW
Dak Company, the sepoys were firing at him.
111. Malcolm, George, Lieutenant 1st Bombay Native Infantry.
He accompanied the Showers column and was at Rewari when the fort
was recaptured.
112. Manderson, George Rennie, Lieutenant Artillery.
He accompanied R.C. Lawrence from Delhi and joined the Showers
column at Dadri. He remained at Jhajjar afterwards with Lawrence.
113. McNair, E.J. (Jilly), Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He accompanied Showers column in Delhi, Gurgaon, and Jhajjar
districts, thus he remained with that throughout the campaign.
114. McNeile, William, Captain 5th European Regiment.
He was the Deputy Commissioner of Thanesar, when the rebellion
commenced. He was one of the most notorious butchers and killed a
large number of persons on the pretext that they were robbers,
particularly from 19 to 30 June 1857, when he himself executed 52
persons without any trial. He imprisoned a large number of villagers on
the pretext of recovering arms and mutineers. He destroyed Jalmana,
Asandh, Dhathrath, and Munak villages. He levied a large fine for delay
in payments of land revenue.
115. Metcalfe, Theophilus John CS. He was the elder son of Thomas
Theophilus Metcalfe, a former ‘Resident at Delhi’. It was T.T. Metcalfe
who built the famous ‘Metcalfe House’ at Delhi. Called ‘Theo’, he was
one of the most barbarous officers, who could hang anybody, be it man
or child, for fault or no fault. Though he had started killing, hanging and
burning when the British column arrived at Karnal, where he had joined
the C-in-C camp on 23 May, he acquired particular notoriety after the
recapture of Delhi. He would go to adjoining villages, catch them and
bring them to his home and would execute them. ‘Metcalfe was held in
particular dread by the Indians.’50 On the mere suspicion of complicity
a person he would hang. British historian Hibbert found that,
Natives suspected of complicity with the mutineers were brought forward to be tried by
military or special commissions, all of which were granted plenary powers. If an officer more
tender-hearted than most pleaded for restraint he was sure to be over-ruled by such stern and
masterful avengers as Sir Theophilus Metcalfe whose victims were hanged from the charred
beams of his house.51

Metcalfe’s escape from Delhi through Jhajjar, Dadri, Bhiwani, Hansi

and Jind to Karnal is an interesting story and needs some narration. The
Joint Magistrate at Delhi, he was to go to Kashmir to meet his infant son
(being brought up by his sister, as his wife had died in Simla soon after
giving birth) on 11 May.
Looking out of his office window, Sir Thomas Metcalfe’s son, Theophilus, Joint Magistrate at
Delhi, saw these troops coming across the bridge and realized immediately that they were the
mutineers from Meerut. He had come down to his office early that morning to hand over his
work to his successor. He had not been well lately suffering from severe inflammation of the
eyes, and had obtained six months’ sick leave. He was due to depart that evening for
Kashmir where his only child was already staying with his sister.52

Metcalfe had a serious ailment in the left eye and used to cover it
with a patch, for which he was called kana sahib. When he reached
office he came to know of the Meerut uprising, and as soon as he saw
the second party of the troops he took his buggy and drove to the
Calcutta Gate in front of the bridge of boats. When he reached the gate,
he found the gate closed and barricaded and several Europeans standing
there.53 On getting direction from Simon Fraser, the Commissioner he
rushed to Watergate on the eastern end of the palace wall but on the way
came across a large body of rebels, galloping out of the big gate of the
palace, shouting and brandishing swords. Beyond them in the open
ground was a crowd, so he drove his buggy at full speed and threw
himself into the crowd and forced his way through to a group of
mounted policemen. In fact, these were Jhajjar sowars, who when
ordered to attack the rebels, refused.54 Here he came across Mahommed
Khan, a risaldar of the Jhajjar cavalry, and asked him to give up his
horse, but he refused. So Metcalfe, a powerful as well as a decisive
man knocked him off and jumped into the saddle. Throwing off his coat
and pulling off his trousers so as to be less easily identified, he reached
the Ajmeri Gate, from where he came to the Paharganj thana.55 Here he
met Muin-ud-din Hassan Khan thanadar hailing from the family of
Loharu nawabs. He changed his dress to a native one, got a sword and
along with Muin-ud-din reached Kallali Bagh via Dargah Kadim Sharif
and Motia Khan.56 They reached the house of Lambardar Bhure Khan
Mewatti, and Metcalfe stayed for three days on the roof of his zenana,
subsequently moving to a kankar cave, armed with a pistol and talwar.
Here Metcalfe heard three men whispering, outside. ‘Here is where he
is hiding’ said one of them and Metcalfe recognized the voice of his
office orderly. Dashing out into the sunlight which dazzled him,
Metcalfe killed the nearest man; and other two ran off.57 In the
meantime, a proclamation was issued by the Emperor offering a reward
of Rs. 10,000 for his capture.58
At this stage on the evening of 15 May, Muin-ud-din sent him a good
horse and some money, advised him to dress as a native sowar with the
changed name of Sher Khan and requested Bhure Khan to escort him to
Jhajjar. He escaped to Jhajjar accompanied by Bhure Khan, his two
brothers, and two Rajpoots, namely Boran Singh and Himmat Singh. He
arrived there in the morning of 16 May 1857.59 Though Nawab was a
personal friend, he did not greet Metcalfe as expected.60 The detailed
story of his communication and refusal of the Nawab we have already
read in Chapter 3, under the sub-title ‘Jhajjar in May 1857’. Here at
Nawab’s he met General Abdus Samad Khan, father-inlaw of the
Nawab and another person, Imad Ali the judge.61 He was ultimately sent
to Chhuchhakwas but from there too he was expelled. He ultimately
escaped on his own and reached a village near Dadri namely Bond
Khurd and was sheltered by Naraung Singh Rajpoot and his family.62
After three days stay, his hosts made arrangements for his onward
journey to Hansi, where he arrived on 21 May63 and heard of the camp
being established by the Commander-in-Chief at Karnal. The next day
he left the haveli of Alexander Skinner, where he had stayed to join the
camp at Karnal.64 He reached Karnal on 23 May65 and on 24 May wrote
to G.B. Thornhill, Secretary to the Lieutenant Governor in Agra.
Sir,
 I have the honour to inform you that I have reached Kurnul via Hansi from Delhi and
although my health is not very good, I write to beg that Lieutenant Governor will allow me to
accompany the force and the Commander-in-Chief to Delhi in some official capacity: and I
trust what local information I possess of the Delhi town and district may be of service to
Government…. I shall be happy at all times to serve where I can be of best use, but after
eight years connection with Delhi, I naturally, in this great emergency, flatter myself that so
long a connection will ensure me employment there.

I have the honour to be, your obedient servant,

T. Metcalfe.66

His survival and escape were unfortunate not only for Delhi but for
Haryana as well, because a large area of the present state was in the
Delhi division. He ultimately proved a liability for the government due
to his revengeful activities and brutalities. Dalrymple writes, ‘In due
course Theo’s petition was granted; but as subsequent events were to
show, it would have been much better for everyone if his request had
been turned down.’67
When the British force started arriving at Karnal, Metcalfe with Le
Bas, started burning villages and killing innocent people. The Guide
Corps arrived in Karnal on 6 June and wanted to go to Delhi by forced
marches, but even the unwilling commanding officer Henry Daly was
compelled by Metcalfe to attack the villages. ‘The villagers fled in
dismay; some were killed on their retreat; others were made prisoners
and soon the blaze of their burning houses could be seen from many a
distant mile.’68 Metcalfe was ‘embittered by his ordeal; and his nerves
were worn to the point of breakdown’,69 when he arrived in Karnal. As
Dalrymple perceives,
Sir Thomas had always considered Theo unstable and something of a loose cannon; what
followed was to prove him right. For Theo was disgusted by what had happened to him and
what he had seen; certainly his friends and colleagues soon came to be anxious that the
angry, nervy and haunted look that he had when arrived at Karnal never left him until the end
of the Uprising. In the meantime he set out to even the score, as he saw it, and to make sure
that those who failed to help him, or murdered his friends or members of his household, were
strung up and dealt with, inside or outside the law.70

Hell bent on killing anybody and everybody to quench his thirst for
the blood of the natives, ‘Metcalfe seemed to have a personal animus
fomented by the sight of what he had suffered, and the defection of those
whom he had trusted and befriended’.71
Theo was the leader of butchers as far as the villages around GT
Road, Sonepat and Delhi were concerned. It was accepted that, as
Dalrymple puts it (p. 246), ‘Theo Metcalfe … was one of the leaders of
the lynch mobs’.
He would go with any detachment on any mission, only to take
revenge, though his relatives did not want him to. Edward Campbell, his
brother-in-law, husband of his sister Georgina, at the beginning of July
wrote from the Ridge that Theo had been sent out with the Hodson
Horse almost simultaneously with his own arrival … her brother was
now off disarming some villages to the rear of the British position. He
also writes, ‘I cannot see the use of his being here, except for the
information he gives of the country, which they do not seem to care
much about.’72
Since the beginning Theo remained attached with the Delhi Field
Force and continued to perpetrate crimes against Indians, and when an
assault was made he was with one of the columns. Prior to that, he acted
as political officer and guide with John Nicholson in his attack on
Najafgarh on 25 August.
When the first moveable column was sent to Qutab under Showers he
was there. Then he joined the second moveable column or the big
sahibba under Showers which started from Delhi on 2 October. Since
William Ford had joined that column at Rewari on 12–13 October,
Metcalfe should have gone back to Delhi, but no; he continued with that
for the next 10 days when, and along with Hodson, he killed hundreds
and set alight a large number of villages in the Jhajjar, Rewari, and
Gurgaon. As Delhi Gazette Extra’s editor George Wagentrieber wrote,
‘Only Metcalfe was going about the business of retribution and hanging
with the appropriate energy’.73 ‘It was well known that he acted with
little restraint in hanging mutineers.’74
When he was in the Jhajjar area between 12 to 20 October an officer
with the column writes, ‘In the same deserted town a certain chobdar, a
kind of Oriental “gold stick” of the old King was suspected to be in
hiding; and as he was particularly “wanted” by Sir John Metcalfe, the
 officer in political charge of Delhi, we instituted a very vigorous search
for him.’75
Metcalfe was present at Dadri when the Bahadurgarh-Dadri Nawab
Jang Khan was arrested on 15 October, but went personally to arrest the
Nawab of Jhajjar, who had refused him shelter in the first week of the
uprising.76 He later became a witness against him as well as against
Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh.77
Theo Metcalfe soon proved himself one of the most enthusiastic bounty hunters and
hangmen…. One case recorded in the Delhi Gazetteer concerned a village that had given up
one of Theo’s servants to the rebels. In retaliation, Theo is said to have summarily shot
twenty of the leading villagers…. From his new home in Zinat Mahal’s magnificent Lal Kuan
haveli, Theo terrorized the region around Delhi….78

Ultimately he was singled out for his readiness to shoot and hang, and
was held responsible for quite an exceptional number of killings. That
caused great anxiety to John Lawrence and he decided to get rid of
him.79 John Lawrence got him sent back to England on extended leave
on 2 March 1858, by telling Canning that Theo was guilty of wholesale
slaughter.80 In 1863, he came back but John Lawrence, the then Viceroy,
blocked him and he went back. Asked why, Lawrence said, ‘… he had
hanged many people without proof of their guilt.’81 Theo admitted of
burning of one village; the Alipur only.82
116. Mildmay, Arthur George St John, Lieutenant Bombay Army.
He was the Assistant Agent to the Governor General (AAGG)
Rajputana at Mount Abu, and was sent to induce the Raja of Bikaner,
Sardar Singh, to assist Van Cortlandt. He joined Van Cortlandt with a
large force of 800 men and two guns at Sirsa on 3 July. Then he went to
the Raja who was at Bhadra on 8 July and came back with more forces
on 19 July to join Van Cortlandt at Hisar. He was the commanding
officer of the British force in the Hisar battle with Shehzada Mohammad
Azim on 19 August 1857. He remained with the Hurrianah Field Force
until October 1857, mostly at Hansi and Hisar.
117. Millet, Hugh Ley, Lieutenant 28th NI with the Punjab Irregular Force.
He was Adjutant of the 1st Punjab Cavalry commanded by W.T. Hughes
and took part in the Ballah battle where he was wounded in action.
118. Minas, Dr Peter A.
 He was at Sirsa when the rebellion commenced there on 30 May and
escaped to Patiala with nineteen others. He returned after the arrival of
the HFF on 20 June, and thenceforth accompanied that force. He
accompanied the detachment to Jhajjar and Narnaul. He was at
Nasibpur on the day of battle, and after the departure of Gerrard column
from Rewari, he came to Kahnaud. He wrote long narratives of the
Haryana events, which were published in the Annals of the Indian
Rebellion and the Lahore Chronicle, and are a good source of history of
the first war of independence.
119. Mitchell, George, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He accompanied Showers column in the Delhi, Gurgaon, and Jhajjar
districts along with Jilly McNair.
120. Mocatta, Daniel, Lieutenant 26th Native (Light) Infantry.
He was the Adjutant of the 26th NI. He accompanied Lawrence’s
Kashmiri contingent to Jhajjar. He then continued his movement in the
Jhajjar district up to Kahnaud accompanying Lawrence before and after
the Nasibpur battle.
121. Money, Gerard Noel, Lieutenant and Adjutant of the 1st EnBF.
He accompanied Gerrard column as his Staff Officer to Nasibpur and
took part in the battle.
122. Montgomerie, A.W.J., Lieutenant 2nd ELC.
He accompanied Showers column in the Delhi, Gurgaon, and Jhajjar
districts, probably with the Guides Cavalry.
123. Moore, T.W., CS.
He was the 2nd Assistant Commissioner to the Deputy Commissioner of
Sirsa cum Superintendent of Bhatiana. He escaped when the rebellion
occurred, but returned after the suppression. He was a member of the
special commission headed by John H. Oliver, the other member being
A.J.S. Donald. They mercilessly sentenced men to death and
transportation for life.
124. Morris, W.J., Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He accompanied Showers column in the Delhi, Gurgaon, and Jhajjar.
125. Morrieson, Robert Edward, Major 52nd NI.
He was the political agent at Bharatpur who accompanied the State
contingent. He was at Panipat on 14 June 1857. He advised W.F. Eden
to camp in Punahana and loot the country around at liberty.
126. Mowatt, John Lealand, Colonel Artillery (d. 30 May 1857).
He was commanding the artillery when moved from Ambala with the
Delhi Field Force. He died of cholera, while being shifted to the hills,
at Pipli on the way.
127. Murphy, James, the Deputy Collector Delhi.
He was the Interpreter in the trial of Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan.
128. Murray, Alexander William (1836–57), Lieutenant 42nd NI attached to
the Guides Corps.
He took part in the suppression and vengeance in the early stages along
the GT Road between Karnal and Rai, and was killed in action at Delhi
on 14 September.
129. Murray, Allan, Ensign 60th NI.
He arrived at Rohtak with 60th NI Regiment on 31 May 1857 but
escaped to Delhi on 10 June, when the regiment revolted.
130. Nunn, Edward Charles, Patrol customs department.
He was a part of the sahibba at Hisar under Van Cortlandt and present
at the Mangali battle on 11 September 1857 as a volunteer.
131. Oldfield, Henry T., Lieutenant 9th NI.
He accompanied Showers column.
132. Oliver, John H.
He was the Assistant Superintendent of Bhatiana posted at Fazilka when
the rebellion commenced on 30 May at Sirsa. He managed to stay there
till the arrival of Van Cortlandt. When A.J.S. Donald returned on 30
June to Sirsa, he was sent to replace Oliver at Fazilka and the latter
arrived at Sirsa on 3 July. Van Cortlandt took Robertson with him and
handed over the charge of Sirsa/Bhatiana to Oliver on 8 July. Along
with two Assistant Commissioners he hunted down the fighters and first
hanged Nawab Gohar Ali, uncle of the Nawab Rania, and a nephew of
the Nawab. He soon acquired a name for perpetrating crimes against the
people of Sirsa. He was particularly obsessed with the customs peons
and Mohammedan employees of the Rania Nawab. According to official
sources, 133 persons were executed by him after the restoration of
British rule.
133. Orchard, Joseph White, Lieutenant 33rd NI.
He was attached to the Kumaon battalion and accompanied the Showers
column in Mewat and Palwal areas. He commanded cavalry in the
 Mahun battle in Mewat on 29 December 1857. He played an active role
in the suppression of the rebellion and the repression of the Jats and
Meos.
134. Osborn, Angelo Edward, Lieutenant 45th NI.
He was the Orderly Officer of Gerrard at the Nasibpur battle.
135. Paget, William Henry, Lieutenant 54th NI.
He was the commandant of the 5th Punjab Cavalry Regiment. He
arrested Didar Baksh, Allah Baksh, and Qutub Khan, troopers of Paget’s
regiment from their homes at Rohtak on 17 February 1858 and sent them
to be hanged on 6 August 1858 on the charge of desertion.83
136. Palmer, Francis Roger, Major 2nd Battalion HM’s 60th Rifles.
He was one of the members of Military Commission which sentenced
Raja Nahar Singh and Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan to death.
137. Parsons, James E.B., Lieutenant 5th European Regiment.
He was the Assistant Commissioner at Thanesar when the rebellion
commenced. He was, most of the time, deployed at Kaithal with a
detachment of the Patiala force. He could not maintain much authority;
the residents of Jalmana, Chhattar, Thua and Asandh openly defied him.
138. Pearse, George Godfrey (1827–1905), Lieutenant Madras Artillery.
He was an Assistant Commissioner at Gugera when the mutiny broke
out. He was directed to join Van Cortlandt’s force marching towards
Sirsa. He joined and took part in the battles at Odhan and Khairekan. He
was sent to rescue the Europeans at Hisar on 21 June with 400 Bikaner
troops. He writes, ‘I was offered the command of 300 Rajpoot Rathore
Horse of Bikanir to attempt to save Hissar and rescue the unfortunate
fugitives. It was a desperately forlorn hope and venture. The country in
its thousands was up, and our partisans were very few.’84 Instead of
attempting to come straightway from Sirsa, Pearse marched via Bhadra.
He arrived at Hisar on 25 June by forced marches. He also writes,
On the 25th June 1857, I reached the place and by a bold ruse installed myself in its high
place, a kind of small citadel. Fugitives were rescued … amongst them was Mr Jefferies,
Head Clerk in the Collector’s office. Mr. Jefferies was very grateful, he had a bag full of
guineas, and begged I would accept one as a thanks offering.85

Pearse was the commanding officer of the cavalry wing of the HFF.
He along with William Ford was at the Bhatol battle on 6 September.
 He commanded the cavalry of the HFF in the Nasibpur battle where he
was seriously wounded and the command had to be taken over by
Hamilton.
139. Plowden, William Chicheley, CS.
He was an Assistant Commissioner at Ambala in May 1857 and was
political-in-charge of the cavalry about Ambala, Meerut, and
Saharanpur. He was sent to Jagadhari with a detachment of cavalry
under William Wyld 4th ELC and infantry under Henry Murray Garstin
5th NI. He remained there and went to Saharanpur in pursuit of the
rebels. It was at the residence of Magistrate of Saharanpur, Robert
Spankie, that the 5th NI revolted on 2 June. When he came back to
Ambala in July he had with him only twenty loyal soldiers.
140. Ramsay, Robert Anderson, Captain, 35th NI attached with the Kumaon
battalion.
He remained in Gurgaon district after the recapture of Delhi. His force
was stationed at Gurgaon, Palwal, Bamni Khera and Hodal. He was the
commanding officer of the British column in the Mahun battle on 29
December 1857.
141. Redmond, John Patrick, Major HM’s 61st Foot Regiment.
He was in the Jhajjar district at Kahnaud to check incursion of Tantia
Tope in 1858.86 He was also member of the Military Commission who
sentenced Raja Nahar Singh and Nawab Abdur Rehman to death.
142. Reid, Thomas, Lieutenant 49th NI (16th Irregular Cavalry).
He was with the Showers column in the Delhi, Gurgaon, and Jhajjar,
present at the capture of Rewari, Jhajjar, Kahnaud, and Ballabgarh forts;
and in the Mewat country.
143. Richardes, Charles James Haley, CS.
He was the Deputy Collector, an un-covenanted one, but proved more
useful at Panipat as he himself assumed charge as Deputy Commissioner
in place of Macwhirter who was in Delhi on 11 May, and never came
back. He was soon confirmed in that post, collected revenue, and was
the foremost helper. When Le Bas proceeded on leave in March 1858,
he was made the Magistrate at Karnal.
144. Ricketts, George Henry Mildmay, CS (1824/7–1914).
He arrested the Nawab of Rania when he was the Deputy Commissioner
of Ludhiana.87 He came to Hisar and took charge of the district in
 November 1857. A merciless killer, he tried and sentenced Mirza Munir
Beg, Lala Hukamchand Jain and Faqirchand Jain to death. Van Cortlandt
confirmed the punishment of Mirza Munir Beg and Hukamchand Jain but
reduced the punishment of Faqirchand Jain to five years’ imprisonment.
Ricketts, then requested for reference of the case to the Judicial
Commissioner of the Punjab, Robert Montgomery. Montgomery upheld
the decision of Ricketts and thus Faqirchand Jain was hanged in the last
week of February 1858. Ricketts was responsible for hanging a large
number of peasants.
145. Robertson, Roderick, Captain 70th NI.
In May 1857, he was the Superintendent of Bhatiana, and escaped to
Ferozepur on 30 May. Van Cortlandt with his irregular force took him
along and marched to Sirsa, fighting battles at Odhan and Khairekan. He
further accompanied Cortlandt to Fatehabad and Hisar and was the first
Deputy Commissioner of Hisar after the rebellion. He remained in
Hisar from 17 July to 10 August and was relieved by William Ford. He
again took charge of Sirsa, but did not serve long there and retired.
146. Russell, James John, Lieutenant 46th NI.
He accompanied Gerrard column and took part in the Nasibpur battle.
147. Sadlier, Thomas John, Lieutenant HM’s 61st Foot Regiment.
He was with Van Cortlandt’s force and commanded the Dogra infantry
in the Odhan, Khairekan and Mangali battles on 17 June, 19 June and 11
September 1857 respectively. He later became famous for seducing
Mary Augusta Corbett, wife of his commanding officer, Brigadier Stuart
Corbett.88
148. Sandeman, Robert Groves, Lieutenant 14th NI.
He was with the Showers column in the Delhi and Jhajjar districts.
149. Sanford, Charles Ayshford, Captain 3rd ELC with the Guides Cavalry.
He accompanied Showers column from 2 October to 8–9 November.
During that period he organized raids without bringing them to the
notice of Showers and killed a large number of the innocent people.
Mackenzie who accompanied him has given description of his black
deeds in his Mutiny Memoirs. He later accompanied Gerrard column
and was with T.G. Kennedy in the Nasibpur battle, where he was
wounded in action.
150. Saunders, Charles Burslem, CS.
 In May 1857 he was the Collector and Magistrate at Moradabad. He
escaped to Karnal and ultimately joined the Delhi Field Force. He
looked after the GT Road area while staying in camp near Delhi. After
the recapture of Delhi he was made the officiating Commissioner of the
Delhi division with Panipat, Delhi, Gurgaon, Rohtak, and Hisar districts
under him, but later Hisar was separated out. He influenced the post-20
September events widely and was a witness in the trial of Bahadur Shah
Zafar. He justified the charges levelled against Raja Nahar Singh and
proved him a strongly anti-British chief. He sent a letter found in the
palace to Hisar which proved death warrant for Hansi men Mirza Munir
Beg, Hukamchand Jain, and Fakirchand Jain.
151. Sawyers, Charles, Major HM’s 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers).
He was a member of the Military Commission which sentenced Raja
Nahar Singh and Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan to death.
152. Scott, Dr D., Sub Assistant Surgeon
He was at Hansi on 29 May when the HLI battalion revolted. He
escaped with W.J.F. Stafford and others to Jind and then to Karnal.
153. Scott, Edward William Stacy, Major Artillery.
He accompanied the Showers column and was the commanding officer
of the Light Field Battery No. 14.
154. Seaton, Lieut. Colonel Sir Thomas (1806–76).
He was the commanding officer of the 60th NI when that regiment
revolted at Rohtak on 10 June 1857. He wrote From Cadet to Colonel,
which gives complete description of the march of that regiment from
Ambala and events at Rohtak. Seaton along with other Europeans
escaped to Delhi, where he was attached to the 1st Fusiliers. He took
command of that regiment, after Gerrard was killed, at Rewari-Pataudi
on 23 November, and then commanded a moveable force known as
Seaton column.
155. Shebbeare VC, Robert Haydon (1827–60), Lieutenant 60th NI.
He was the Adjutant of the 60th NI and was at Rohtak when that
regiment revolted, and he too escaped to Delhi with other fugitives
where he was attached with the Guide Corps. He wrote a letter to his
brother on 30 May 1857 from camp at Mundlana (situated on Panipat-
Gohana Road) which depicts prevailing conditions in Haryana and
mindset of the British about the manner of crushing the revolt. Here it is,
 Camp Mundlana, which you will not find on the map, I fancy. 30 May, 1857

My dear Harry,
Scorching weather! No thermometer in camp but I should suppose 120 degrees in the tent to
be about the mark. I wrote to my father before we started and hope he would get the letter
and set your minds at ease, as the most wonderfully exaggerated reports will, of course,
reach you as to the fate of the north western provinces.
I had [sic] better give you a slight sketch of our proceedings of late. On the 22nd we got
(about sunset) our orders to march at midnight. We went down to Kurnaul by the regular
marches and halted one day. We were then told that the Treasury at Rohtuck some sixty
miles SW was in danger and were ordered to march by double marches for its protection, but
when we arrived at Paneeputt where the advanced guard of the army was, we heard that
600 mutineers from Delhi had gone out and robbed the Treasury and got safe back.
We found Mr Lock [sic] the Collector of Rohtuck at Paneeputt, whither he had escaped
on horseback after seeing his house set fire to. We marched off next morning with him and
made a second march today to a village in his district, the name of which is at the top of my
note. We hear all sorts of terrible reports of atrocities committed in Rohtuck by the rebels but
I believe nothing that I do not see unless on the authority of European eyewitnesses. Poor
Lock’s [sic] property however was utterly destroyed without doubt, to the extent of some
10,000 rupees. Our arrival in the district sets matters to rights wherever we are seen but
we shall have to burn some villages and shoot or hang some of the headmen of them
before all is quiet.89 [Italics are mine – author.]

So, burning the villages and shooting or hanging the headmen were
the cardinal points of British strategy. He then wrote a letter to his
mother on 7 June 1857 from Rohtak.
Rohtuck, June 7th, 1857
My dear mother,
I have written two letters since I left Umballah. The first would no doubt reach you, the
second I doubt about and therefore send off another on the chance of its going, although the
road is in such a state that there is no certainty. We had no letters for four days, until
yesterday we received one from headquarters.
Our sepoys are behaving very well indeed and I really hope that all will go with the
regiment. Immediately on the outbreak the Commander-in-Chief removed a Colonel from
another regiment to command the 60th which was a very great relief to us all for Colonel
Drought, besides being a very disagreeable commanding officer, was utterly unfit for the
emergency. Colonel Seaton who now commands us is a good soldier and a gentleman on
whom it is a pleasure to serve. This Rohtuck is a horrible place, sandy and hot to the last
degree. We have no shade for our tents but have been able to make up a rough sort of tattie
of the camel thorn plant, and by keeping them constantly wet we manage to pass the day
without injury from heat. We are now getting short of supplies, but I hope we shall be able to
get a cart from Umballah before long. In three or four days we shall have no beer or wine in
 camp and the prospect is not pleasant as the water is inclined to be salt. We are hourly
expecting news that a decisive blow has been struck at Delhi – some of us thought we had
guns fired last night but we were probably deceived as the distance (some forty to forty-five
miles) is very great and I think the sound would scarcely reach us. We have had a good deal
of sickness in camp but I am glad to say no officer has been attacked as yet. There is no
money in camp, nor is it likely that we shall get any just now, as the villagers make great
difficulties about paying their revenue – they are evidently waiting to see what is done at
Delhi.90

156. Showers, Brigadier St George Daniel (1808–65).

He commanded two moveable columns, the details of which have been
described. He was one of the most dangerous and brutal British
officers, a veritable demon for the Meos, whom he targeted mercilessly.
His two sahibbas crushed and burnt southern Haryana for full forty-two
days. He is still remembered in Mewat for tyranny. He was the
president of the Military Commission which sentenced Nawab Ahmed
Ali Ghulam Khan of Farrukhnagar.
157. Skinner, Alexander, of Hansi
He was at his estate residence when the HLI battalion and 4th Irregular
Cavalry revolted. He escaped with difficulty to the Bikaner state. The
story of his thrilling escape has been given elsewhere in this book. He
was instrumental in giving punishment to many persons of Lohari.
158. Smith, E.C., second clerk in the Collector’s office at Hisar.
His wife and five children were killed at Hisar on 29 May, but he
managed to escape to Rajgarh on 5 June with the help of some Bishnois.
Later many persons were arrested and sentenced to death on his
statement, though without solid evidence.
159. Smith, Rowland, Captain 59th NI attached to the 20th Punjab Infantry.
He was with Showers column and was present at the capture of Jhajjar.
160. Stafford, William Joseph Fitzmaurice, Captain 22nd NI.
He was the commanding officer of the HLI when that regiment revolted
at Hansi on 29 May. He escaped to Jind and subsequently to Karnal. He
went to Meerut and then joined Delhi camp. He subsequently joined the
HFF under Van Cortlandt and was appointed major of the brigade. He
commanded the HFF detachment which joined Showers column at Dadri
on 16 October and thereafter accompanied the column until the 24th,
staying at Kahnaud where he joined Gerrard column. He accompanied
that column with about 1,100 men to Nasibpur. He commanded the left
 wing of the British line of attack and was second-in-command to
Caulfield after Gerrard was mortally wounded. He came back to Hisar
in March 1858, but then went to the UP. His report about the Nasibpur
battle is available in original.
161. Stewart, Alexander, Lieutenant 64th NI attached to the 6th PbI.
He accompanied the Showers column and stayed put at Jhajjar.
162. Tapsell Junior, clerk at Hansi.
He was a part of the sahibba under Van Cortlandt and participated in
the Mangali battle on 11 September 1857 as a volunteer.
163. Taylor, John V.S., Superintendent of the Government Stud at Hisar.
He escaped on 29 May from the fort at Hisar, through Beer, and village
Talwandi Rana when one Mizar of Juglan helped him. He came back
after the restoration of the British authority at the place. Many a person
were imprisoned, tried and executed on his evidence.
164. Temple, Algar Bowdoin, Lieutenant 49th NI.
He was attached as Staff Officer with the Kumaon battalion. He was
deployed at Gurgaon and took part in the suppression of the Mewat.
165. Tomkyns, Dr Alexander Pakington, 26th NI.
He joined the Hurrianah Field Force on 26 September at Madina
between Meham and Rohtak, and thenceforth medical charge was
equally divided between him and Dr Minas.
166. Tozer, Richard Milford John, Captain 45th NI.
He accompanied a detachment of the HFF to Kahnaud and remained
deployed there for some time.
167. Trench, Henry Le Poer, Captain 35th NI.
He was Brigade Major of the Showers column and ADC to Showers.
168. Tuson, Dr John Edward attached to the 1st Punjab Cavalry regiment.
He was present with W.T. Hughes at Ballah battle on 14–15 July 1857.
169. Upton, Lieutenant HM’s 9th Lancers.
He along with Fawcett and Evans took active part in burning and
destroying villages along the GT Road.
170. Van Cortlandt, General Henry Charles (1814–88).
He was son of Colonel Henry Clinton Van Cortlandt of the British army,
born in Meerut to an Indian mother and educated in England. In 1832, he
returned to India and joined Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army on a monthly
salary of Rs. 250, subsequently raised to Rs. 800 with a monthly stipend
of Rs. 800 for his wife. He participated in various campaigns including
the battle of Jamrud in which the famous General Hari Singh Nalwa was
killed. During the tenure of Maharaja Sher Singh, his command was
raised to two regiments. In 1845 he joined the British and in the Anglo
Sikh War he was Political Agent at Ferozepur. He was later reinstated
in the Khalsa army and promoted a General. After annexation of the
Punjab he took simple civil employment and remained the Deputy
Commissioner of the Dera Ghazi Khan district from 1849 to 1854.
In 1857 Major Frederick Marsden, the DC was on the point of
leaving for England on account of his health and was making over civil
charge to Van Cortlandt when the Chief Commissioner decided to send
the latter with Sikh levies to quell Sirsa and Hisar districts.91 Thus he
proceeded with a big force, called sahibba in the local dialect, and had
battles at Odhan on 17 June and at Khairekan on 19th and in between
destroyed the village of Chhatrian on 18th. He arrived at Sirsa on the
20th and stayed there until 8 July. He burnt a large number of villages
and killed people. Then he arrived at Fatehabad on the 9th and stayed
there to punish the freedom fighters. He reached Hisar on 17th and by
that time Pearse had captured the Hisar fort for him. From Sirsa onward
he had launched several punitive expeditions, killing hundreds of
Bhattis, Pachhadas, Jats and Ranghars. A historian says,
Dug … in the area for more than a month, British Hisar authorities possessed more guns than
Azim; moreover they had launched several punitive expeditions killing more than three
thousand Jats in the Hisar, Sirsa belt; Ranghars, Mewattis, Gujjars and Bhattis had either fled
or were harassing British Columns through small bands.92

Though there is no evidence to suggest that such a large number of

Jats were exterminated, more than five hundred must have been killed.
The overall figure would exceed one thousand. After three weeks’ stay
at Hisar Van Cortlandt shifted to Hansi and from there he launched
massive operations against patriots. He crushed the population
mercilessly and had to fight battles at Hisar (19 August), Bhatol
Rangharan (6 September), Mangali (11 September) and Jamalpur (13
September). He burnt and destroyed a large number of villages and had
at least 133 persons hanged after fake trials. The villages he had
destroyed were the Boora Jat village of Rohnat, and the Ranghar
 villages of Mangali, Kharar Alipur, Bhatol, Hazampur, Putthi Mangal
Khan, and Jamalpur. A large number of persons were brought to Hansi
and on the now famous Laal Sarak (red road) they were crushed under
heavy stone rollers (girarees), while others were blown up by the
cannons. His brutalities are still present in the memory of the Hisar and
Hansi population. He led the first sahibba into Haryana from Dabwali
side and then continued it to Rohtak via Hansi and Bhiwani, where he
arrived on 26 September; after the fall of Delhi on the 20th. He was not
satisfied with hanging the rebels from trees; there were not sufficient
trees near his camp at the old kutchery complex, so new gallows were
erected. There at Rohtak he was joined by another butcher J.S.
Campbell, on 2 October 1857. His ten days at Rohtak proved more than
ten years of tyranny. A large number of villages were fined to the tune of
thousands of rupees in lieu of delay in payment of the land revenue.
He was the demon who hanged Lala Hukamchand Jain Qanungo, Lala
Faqirchand Jain and Mirza Munir Beg of Hansi, noted personalities of
the town. His report of the Khairekan battle written as commanding
officer is available, and gives valuable historical information.
171. Vaughan, George CS.
He was an Extra Assistant Commissioner in charge of the treasury at
Ambala; no other role was played by him.
172. Vibart, Edward Daniel Hamilton, Lieutenant 54th NI.
He was at Delhi on 11 May when his regiment revolted and he escaped
to Meerut. He came back to Delhi and after the recapture accompanied
Showers column to Haryana and then Gerrard column. He took part in
the Nasibpur battle. He wrote The Speoy Mutiny: As Seen by a
Subaltern: From Delhi to Lucknow in which he gave firsthand
information about the rebellion.
173. Vivian, Aylmer, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He accompanied Showers column to Rewari, Jhajjar, and Kahnaud.
174. Vyse, Sydney, Lieutenant 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers).
He took part in the Nasibpur battle on 16 November, and was killed in
action at Gangeri (UP) on 14 December 1857.
175. Waghorn, Dr Albert Richard, Assistant Surgeon.
He was the Civil Surgeon at Hisar, when the rebellion commenced at
the station. He effected his escape to Kaithal via Pahlwan near Uchana.
No other role was ever attributed to him.
176. Walcott, Edmund Yeamans, Lieutenant 57th NI attached to Artillery.
He was the commanding officer of the artillery of the HFF since 8 June
and took part in every action. He was present in the Nasibpur battle in
the detachment commanded by W.J.F. Stafford.
177. Walker, Thomas Nicholls, Lieutenant 60th NI (1837–1903).
He commanded a company of the 60th NI regiment at Ambala. His
intervention, at a time when his regiment had taken to arms to mutiny,
prevented the commencement of rebellion on 10 May at Ambala. He
accompanied the 60 NI to Rohtak on 31 May and escaped to Delhi,
when the regiment revolted on 10 June. There he was attached to the 2nd
EnBF and remained at Delhi camp till the recapture of Delhi. He
accompanied the Showers column, throughout its march and was present
at the heights of Sohna and capture of the forts of Rewari, Jhajjar,
Kahnaud, Farrukhnagar and Ballabgarh. He wrote Through the Mutiny:
Reminiscences of Thirty Years Active Service and Sport in India
1854–1883 which gives a firsthand account of that period.
178. Wallace, Newton Howarth, Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He took part in the Nasibpur battle and was wounded in action.
179. Ward, George, Lieutenant 5th ELC attached to Guides Infantry.
He accompanied the Hodson column from 14 to 24 August and was
present at Kharkhauda and Rohtak battles on 15 and 18 August
respectively. Then he accompanied Gerrard column and took part in the
Nasibpur battle with one company of the Guides Infantry under his
command.
180. Ward, Henry Charles Evelyn, Captain 5th En Regiment.
He was attached to the Guides Cavalry from 23 September 1857. He
accompanied Showers as well as Gerrard columns and was present at
the Nasibpur battle with Multani Horse.
181. Wardlaw, George, Captain 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers).
He was the commanding officer of the cavalry including Carabineers
and Guides, in the right wing of the British line of attack in the Nasibpur
battle. His report about the battle is available in orginal.
182. Warner, Wynyard Huddleston, Lieutenant 1st EnBF.
He took part in the Nasibpur battle, and at one point of time commanded
two companies of his regiment to capture a gun of the Patriotic Front.
183. Waterfield, William Ganor, Lieutenant 23rd NI.
 He was an Assistant Commissioner and acted as Interpreter in the trial
of Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabgarh.
184. Watson, John, Lieutenant and Adjutant of the 1st Punjab Infantry.
He was deployed in the Palwal-Hodal area after the recapture of Delhi,
to suppress the revolt and to repress the peasants.
185. Wavell, Llewellyn, Lieutenant 45th NI.
He was present at Nasibpur battle on 16 November 1857.
186. Wells, L.F., Lieutenant 2nd ELC.
He accompanied Showers in the Delhi, Gurgaon, and Jhajjar districts.
187. Wilde, Alfred Thomas (1819–78), Captain 19th Madras Infantry.
He was attached to the 4th Punjab Infantry and deployed at Karnal to
provide services for repression and recovery of land revenue.
188. Willes, Augustus, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF.
He accompanied the Showers column, throughout its march.
189. Wise, Dacres William, Lieutenant 3rdELC.
He was attached to the Hodson Horse and accompanied Hodson
column, and was present at the Kharkhauda and Rohtak battles on 15
and 18 August respectively.
190. Wroughton, William, Lieutenant 54th NI.
He was with the Showers column and deployed at Sohna for services in
Mewat under the command of Peter Drummond. He led the cavalry at
Ghasera battle on 8 November 1857, and burnt and destroyed the
villages of Barota, Rewasan, and Mailawas.
191. Wyld, William, Lieutenant 3rd ELC.
He was deployed in the Ambala district area with a detachment of the
4th Lancers, and rendered services at Jagadhari and on the banks of
Jamuna. He was with W.C. Plowden, the Assistant Commissioner
Ambala.
192. Young, Keith, Colonel 50th NI.
He was the judge advocate general (JAG) of the army who
accompanied the C-in-C in marches on the GT Road and witnessed
without murmur the illegal and fake trials of the Haryanvis, and burning
of the villages.

The above list will help the reader to visualize the true picture of the
calamity faced by the people of Haryana during their struggle. The role and
deeds of 192 British and European officers and officials have been placed
before the enlightened reader, to judge who was the most brutal and
dangerous. True, Metcalfe, Ford, Barnes, Clifford, McNeile, Van Cortlandt,
Oliver and Showers proved certainly more dangerous than Hodson while
Forsyth, Campbell, Malcom Low, Ricketts, Marsden, Hughes, Sanford,
Custance, Drummond, Ramsay and Wroughton too were in no way less
barbarous and merciless butchers. These twenty demons led others in
perpetrating the dance of death and destruction in Haryana.

Notes
1. Ministry of Law and Justice: Original available online on [PDF] 1857 – Ministry of Law and
Justice-Internet-lawmin.nic.in/legislative/textofcentralacts/1857.pdf-1857.pdf.
2. Kaye’s and Malleson’s History of Indian Mutiny of 1857–58, vol. II, pp. 207–8.
3. Bengal Army Lists of 1859 and 1881; HSA Files, Dictionary of Indian Biography, Anderson’s
Ubique: War Services, FIBIS Database on Internet and Numerous Memoirs.
4. J.W. Kaye, Lives of Indian Officers, London, 1867, p. 27.
5. Mutiny Reports, p. 20.
6. William Howard Russell, My Diary in India in the Year 1858–59, London, 1860, vol. II, Ambala,
12 June 1859, pp. 86–7.
7. HSA AD G…P Accn. No. 1431, PMF No. 2/1858.
8. Bengal Army List 1881.
9. The Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 29 June 1857.
10. Miles Irving, List of Inscriptions on Christian Tombs, Lahore, 1910, p. 17.
11. Captain C.J. Griffiths, Narrative of Siege of Delhi, London, 1910, pp. 95–8.
12. Irving, List of Inscriptions (Sr. No. 157), p. 23.
13. Griffiths, pp. 95–8.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. ROID-I, p. 244.
18. Jadunath Sarkar, A History of Jaipur c. 1503–1938, Hyderabad/Delhi, 1994, pp. 341–2.
19. Norman and Mrs. Keith Young, Delhi 1857: The Siege, p. 74.
20. Ibid., p. 229.
21. Ibid., p. 96.
22. Ibid., p. 159.
23. Ibid., pp. 110–14.
24. Ibid., p. 206.
25. Ibid., p. 114.
26. Ibid., pp. 186–7.
27. Ibid., pp. 204–5.
28. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, Edinburgh and London, 1861, p. 17.
29. ROID-II, p. 301.
30. Mutiny Reports, p. 20.
31. Bengal Army List 1859, p. 283.
32. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 17.
33. Saul David, The Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 150.
34. Smith Bosworth, Life of Lord Lawrence-II, London, 1883, p. 81.
35. Ibid., pp. 81–2.
36. Ibid., p. 99.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. W.S.R. Hodson, Twelve Years of Soldier’s Life, Boston, 1860, pp. 233–4.
41. Ibid., p. 234.
42. Ibid., p. 241.
43. Ibid., p. 246.
44. Ibid., pp. 307–12.
45. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 353.
46. Ibid., p. 379.
47. The London Gazette, 30 March 1858.
48. Ferdinand Mount, The Tears of the Rajas: Mutiny, Money and Marriage in India 1805–1905,
London, 2015 (Chapter 17).
49. Ibid.
50. Hibbert, The Great Mutiny of India, p. 425.
51. Ibid., p. 317.
52. Ibid., p. 93.
53. Ibid.
54. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 232.
55. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, Delhi, 1974, p. 45.
56. Ibid., p. 46.
57. Hibbert, The Great Mutiny of India, p. 103.
58. Metcalfe, Two Native Narrative, p. 57.
59. Ibid., pp. 57, 241–3.
60. William Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 232.
61. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, pp. 241–3.
62. HSA HD Pol. Deptt. Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 101–2, Case No. 21.
63. Thomas Frost, Complete Narrative of Mutiny, London, 1858, p. 17.
64. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, pp. 233–4.
65. Ibid., p. 230.
66. Ibid., pp. 234–5.
67. Ibid., p 235.
68. Kaye, History of Sepoy War-II, pp. 467–8.
69. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 234.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid., p. 275.
73. Ibid.
74. Mackenzie, Mutiny Memoirs, p. 133.
75. Ibid., pp. 132–3.
76. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 427.
77. NAI, Raja Nahar Singh Trial Papers, available with the HSA, Panchkula.
78. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 428.
79. Ibid., p. 429.
80. Ibid., p. 455.
81. Ibid.
82. Ibid.
83. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 681–91.
84. Lot 348-Dix Noonan Webb-Internet Site.
85. Ibid.
86. HSA HD Principal Matters File.
87. D.G. Ferozepur, 1915, pp. 41–5.
88. Divorce Court File: C41 Appellant Stuart Corbett. Respondent: Mary Augusta Corbett, Co-
respondent T.J. Sadlier. Internet Availability.
89. Arthur Littlewood, Indian Mutiny and Beyond: The Letters of Robert Shebbeare VC, Barnsley
(UK), 2007, p. 25.
90. Ibid., p. 26.
91. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. I, p. 106.
92. Amresh Mishra, War of Civilisations, vol. II, Delhi, 2008, pp. 923–4.
Chapter 13
Retribution: Martyrs of Haryana in 1857

New Laws
The first impact of the sahibbas was seen in Ambala where the army
headquarters were located, along the GT Road on which the army was
marching to Delhi; and also in the Bhatti territory which had been recaptured
before the end of June 1857, within about three weeks after the
commencement of the rebellion there. It was merciless vengeance, retaliation
and hatred against the native people. Let us view the happenings districtwise.
The three terrible Acts: XI, XIV and XVI of 1857 came handy to the civil
and military authorities, as anybody could be punished, guilty or not guilty, as
already highlighted in the previous chapter. Saul David writes,
The real culprits were the civilian officials who had been empowered by recent piece of legislation
Act XIV of June 1857, to execute any Indian even suspected of fomenting rebellion. The Act not
only ‘made the crime of exciting mutiny or sedition in the army’ punishable by death; it also gave
courts-martial the power to try civilians and the supreme and the local governments the authority to
appoint special Commissioners to try, ‘with absolute and final power of judgment and execution; any
crime against the state’ or any offence ‘attended with great personal violence’.1

The author of this opinion had not seen the other two Acts. The Act XIV
was, in fact, enacted to make further provision for the trial and punishment of
certain offences relating to the army, and the offences against the state. The
original Act about rebels waging or attempts to wage war against the Queen
or the government of the East India Company was passed on 30 May, and that
was the Act XI of 1857. Act XVI of 1857, passed on 13 June, crossed all
limits – a new feature emerged which was more than even any civilized
society could imagine. It was enacted to make temporary provision for the
trial and punishment of heinous offences in certain districts, but there was no
restriction to the number of districts. It was for the local governments to
make applicable this Act in any district, and thus it was practically operative
everywhere. Then there was the definition of ‘heinous offence’, which made
it easy for every offence to be covered. Section II of the Act XVI of 1857
reads,
The words ‘heinous offence’ shall be deemed to include an attempt to murder, rape, maiming,
dacoity, robbery, burglary or knowingly receiving property obtained by dacoity, robbery or burglary,
breaking and entering a dwelling house and stealing therein, intentionally setting fire to a village,
house or any public building, stealing or destroying any property provided for the conveyance or
subsistence of Troops, and all crimes against person or property attended with great personal
violence, and all the crimes committed with the intention of assisting those who are waging war
against the State or forwarding their designs.

Was there left any chance of justice, for any accused, whether guilty or
innocent? No. Further, this was a discriminatory Act, Section IV reads,
‘Nothing in this Act shall extend to the trial or punishment of any of Her
Majesty’s natural-born subjects born in Europe, or of the children of such
subjects.’
Similar provision existed in the Act XI (Section VI) and Act XIV (Section
XI) of 1857. These Acts were draconian and it was left at the discretion of
the officers to hold courts or courts-martial at any place in their district at
any time. A detailed reference to these Acts has been given in the context of
Haryana.

HARYANA: THE FIRST TARGET OF THESE TERRIBLE ACTS

The historians would have to accept that actually and factually these Acts
were made applicable first only in Haryana because it was only here that the
masses had revolted. They were applicable to a very limited extent in the
Punjab as there was no rebellion by the public there, and only the army
regiments had mutinied. Full applicability was possible in Haryana only,
because elsewhere the British were not in a position to enforce such laws.
The Commissioner of any district was all powerful, the self-constituted
commission was still more powerful, and every punishment was deemed to
be approved by the so-called competent authority. Justice was indeed
arbitrary. Brandneth, the Commissioner of Hisar stated, ‘On the first
reestablishment of British authority I believe, all who were found with the
property of Europeans were put to death’.2
As we have seen in the previous chapters, the killing of innocent people
began along the GT Road on 17 May; however, fake trials by the civilians
began in Sirsa. Let us try to identify the victims, venerable martyrs, starting
with that district.

Sirsa District
There is no record available to show the actual number of killed without
trial. But trials, or the pretence of trials, began in Sirsa with a commission
constituted in accordance with the three terrible Acts. John H. Oliver, the
Superintendent/Deputy Commissioner; A.J.S. Donald, Assistant
Commissioner, and T.W. Moore, Junior Assistant; or any two of these three
according to a subsequent amendment, formed the commission. They
sentenced to death, on the charge of rebellion and plunder of the town of
Sirsa:

1. Jaffar (Zafar) Khan, resident of Sirsa, on 7 May 1858 and was hanged
on the same day.3
2. Hafiz Khan, kotegusht, customs department, convicted on 14 May and
hanged on 21 May 1858.4
3. Gohar Ali Khan, uncle (chacha) of Nawab Rania Noor Samad Khan,
hanged on 21 August 1857.5
4. Nawab Noor Mohammad Samad Khan of Rania, hanged in Ferozepur
jail on 17 November 1857. His story is as follows:

THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE RANIA’S NAWAB NOOR

MOHAMMAD SAMAD KHAN

He was the first chief from Haryana, who was not the incumbent but assumed
charge on the commencement of revolt; however, before he could do anything
to consolidate his position, he had to face the British force under General
Van Cortlandt. He had no time to organize the force within eighteen days but
he fought first at Odhan on 17 June and then at Khairekan on 19 June 1857. In
spite of a brave stand, he was defeated. The Nawab had escaped from Rania
and was captured along with 18 followers by G.H.M. Ricketts, the Deputy
Commissioner of Ludhiana, and sent to Ferozepur jail.6 At that time Nawab
and his family were getting an annual pension of Rs. 5,760.7 When the so-
called trial commenced the Nawab claimed that he had left Sirsa on 30th May
1857 and remained at home in Rania thereafter, and never left that station.8 In
the trial Samanda Gujjar, Chuharia and Raeen, lambardars of Rania, and
Mullamal and Jainamal, chaudharies of Bazaar Rania, were summoned as
witnesses.9
At one stage the Commissioner sought the advice of the Judicial
Commissioner about the quantum of the punishment as the Nawab was not
directly involved in the murder of any European. It would be appropriate
here to refer to the letter written on 17 November 1857 by Montgomery in
response.
2. I gather from proceedings that on danger threatening the district of Sirsa in May last, the
Superintendent, Captain Robertson, summoned the Nawab of Runeea (the prisoner in this case, and
who, with his family, receive a pension from Government of Rupees 5760 per annum), and directed
him to raise a small force, horse and foot, for the protection of Sirsa, which he did, and a sum of
money was advanced to meet the cost of maintaining them. The Nawab was present in Sirsa with
his men when the outbreak took place. There is evidence to show that the Nawab and his men,
instead of protecting the town, joined the plunderers, and that a portion of the plunder was sent to his
house in carts: also, that he was proclaimed ruler of the country, and that, as such, he wrote a letter
deprecating the conduct of certain parties who had made an inroad into his territory.
Gohur Ali Khan, the uncle of the prisoner was with him at the time, and has since been
apprehended and hanged.10

Though sentenced to death, he was not found guilty of the murder of any
European, and the Commissioner wanted to be somewhat lenient in his case.
Montgomery continued,
3. The Commission find the prisoner, Nawab Noor Sumund Khan, guilty of treason against the State;
by having caused the King of Delhi to be proclaimed as King, and himself as ruler of the country,
and passed sentence of death on him; but in as much as he does not seem to have been guilty of
murder, and considering an example no longer necessary, the case is referred for my final orders.
Of the Nawab’s guilt there can be no doubt. He, as also his ancestors, long enjoyed pensions,
favour and consideration from the British Government. Instead, therefore, of aiding the local
authorities, who reposed confidence in him and whom he professed a desire to serve, he joined the
rebels with his adherents, and caused himself to be proclaimed Ruler. Although murder is not
 actually proved to have been committed by himself, yet the city of Sirsa was entirely plundered and
destroyed, as were also the Government offices, treasure and property belonging to Government
carried off, and the prisoners released from jail. A number of lives are known to have been
sacrificed, of which there is no record. I consider it therefore, imperative to make examples of such
men as the Nawab. The leaders must feel that vengeance will assuredly overtake them, mercy in
this instance would be weakness, and would encourage others to rebel hereafter. I therefore, with
the concurrence of the Chief Commissioner sentence him, Noor Summund Khan, Nawab of
Runnea, to be hanged. The sentence is to be carried out without delay.11

The same day he was taken out of the jail and hanged at dusk. The hurry
and secrecy with which the Nawab was executed on 17 November 1857 was
criticized by the Europeans as well, though for different reasons. The editor
of the Lahore Chronicle published this reaction about the secrecy along with
a letter from Ferozepur:
In our issue of the 18th instant we published a letter from Mr. Montgomery to Major Marsden,
ordering the execution, without delay, of Noor Summund Khan, Nawab of Runeea. In the Judicial
Commissioner’s letter, the following paragraph occurs-‘I consider it, therefore, imperative to make
examples of such men as the Nawab. The leaders must feel that vengeance will assuredly overtake
them,’ …c. …c.
Nothing could be plainer. Mr. Montgomery, on the principle laid down by another judge in another
place, ordered Summund Khan to be hanged to deter others from committing similar crimes and the
spirit of the order clearly prescribed a public solemn execution.
We have, therefore, been painfully surprised to learn, by letters from Ferozepore, that the criminal
was smuggled to death. The following is one of the letters we have received on the subject:
To the Editor of the Lahore Chronicle,

Dear Sir, – A very queer proceeding has just come off here.
In to-day’s paper (18th instant), I was delighted to find Mr. Montgomery act as became a man and a
patriot, by ordering the said villain, Noor Summund Khan, to be hanged. I forthwith enquired when it
would happen (the hanging), to have the satisfaction of seeing the villain swung off, when lo! I find
he was hung, as it were secretly, last evening, at dusk, and but for my enquiring after him, I should
never have known it!!! Is this British justice? Are we afraid of what we are doing?
What will, either European or natives, conclude from this? Either the sentence is unjust, and we
are afraid to let him live, and have murdered him; or if just, we were afraid to hang him openly,
hence all the majesty of the land is smothered and perverted by the timid proceedings here. Shall we
never get rid of such a frightened set of officials; for Heaven’s sake touch these people up, and
make them ashamed of themselves. Tis, no doubt, this sort of feeling, that has generated the Press
act, our people are all ashamed of themselves, and try to prevent the press from showing them up,
and hence take the method of securing to themselves a complete ‘show-up’; it is distressing to think
what this abominable timidity engenders. I am heartily ashamed of my countrymen (a great many of
them). They seem bent on securing to us the CONTEMPT of the natives, even if we rescue our
 supremacy. You cannot now re-publish the contents of the English papers!!! will all the powers in
India dare to stop one English letter or paper.

P.S. – The Nawab was taken outside the jail to the gallows, at dusk, and no one knew it, but those
concerned: now this apparently secret affair must have a very bad effect, the authorities can say
they are not required to give notice, but a political execution of this kind should, to a certainty, be a
‘public one’.

We fancy there are many who will share in the feeling of disgust with our
correspondent, and we thus prominently bring the matter to the notice of
authorities, in order that they may, in future cases, direct, that criminals
executed for such offences, shall be made to expiate their guilt on the
gallows, in manner more calculated to install that terror into the minds of
evil-doers which should be the aim of all punishments.12
This was not just a letter and editorial clarification but a policy decision,
because the newspaper was the mouthpiece of the government. The Nawab
was thus executed during the night of 17–18 November 1857, and his dead
body was disposed of in an unknown place. Thirteen followers of the Nawab
namely Hoosain, Roostum Ali, Gahmey Khan, Mehmeh Khan, Nubee Bux 1st,
Nubee Bux 2nd (Nabboo), Moona, Roossoo, Khan Mohammed, Sohna alias
Sonah, Baygah, Jumma and Lulla were sent to Sirsa from Ferozepur jail on
the 9 December 1857.13
All property was confiscated. His house at Rania was sold for 883 rupees,
his property at Sirsa was auctioned for 661 rupees, 7 annas and 8 pies,
whereas the property on him when fleeing amounted to 613 rupees, 14 annas
and 10 pies. A total of 2108 rupees, 6 annas and 6 pies was confiscated.14
His landed property in 4 villages namely Sadawala (Sadewala), Bhahiya
(Bahia), Abootgarh (Abutgarh) and Hasilpoor (Kairwala alias Keharwala);
and in Rania Khas was confiscated.15 The total land revenue of his villages
including Rania was 1,123 rupees, 11 annas and 10 pies.16 The Nawab had
taken a loan of 12,570 rupees from Hoonamul and Mool Chund (Hunnamal
… Moolchand), who maintained a dak with Hisar, at an interest rate of 1 per
cent per month, and out of that he had paid back Rs. 4,940, leaving a balance
of 8,064 rupees, 6 annas and 9 pies.17 The total area of his five villages was
12,814 acres, of which only 3,347 acres was cultivated, and Bhatties were
the cultivators.18 The Deputy Commissioner J.H. Oliver wrote on 23
September about Bhatties being ‘known for apathy and … marauding
propensities, who glory in keeping large herds of cattle.’19 On 14 May 1858
these villages were mortgaged to Hunnamal and Moolchand for Rs. 12,000.20
Hasilpur (Keharwala) was a Bigaree (begari) village.21 After his property
was confiscated and sold, his widow, mother, and daughter became beggars.
The monthly pension of his mother Raj Bakhat was reduced from Rs. 50 to
Rs. 30. A pension of Rs. 30 per month for his widow Futteh Banoo (Fateh
Banu) was sanctioned22 in December 1858. A pension of Rs. 20 per month
was sanctioned on 2 September 1859 for his nine-year old daughter Ameer
Begum with effect from 1 January 1859.23 That was the price paid by family
for resisting foreign rule in their homeland.

5 Mehmeh Khan alias Mohummud (Mohammad) Ali Khan, son of Zabita

Khan Bhatti, was a close relative of the Nawab Rania. He was
sentenced on 27 May 1858 by the Judicial Commissioner to death, to be
hanged by neck until dead, and after that his body was to be buried or
interred unless claimed by his relatives and friends. He was earlier
sentenced to death but the Commissioner Brandreth had reduced the
punishment to life imprisonment and transportation, the Judicial
Commissioner, however, reversed his decision.24
6 Jyeram (Jairam), peon customs department, died in the prison before
March 1859.25
7 Sahee Ram (Sahiram), peon customs department also died in the prison
before March 1859.26
8 Shundhera (Shandhira), jail barkandaz Sirsa was charged with rebellion
and failure to surrender within the stipulated period. He was sentenced
to death by Brandreth, the Commissioner, Hisar in May 1858 and was
hanged.27
9 The case of Salum (Salam), jail barkandaz was similar to that of
Shandhira, and he too was hanged.28
10 Uslum (Aslam) Khan, resident of Mojukhera, was a rent-free land-
holder and served the Nawab Rania. He was imprisoned and charged
with rebellion and robbery. He and his son Wully Mahommud (Wali
Mohammad) had both entered the service of Nawab Rania. Aslam Khan
was appointed risaldar of the Nawab and was his chief agent. They
were later caught and tried by special commission consisting of J.H.
Oliver and T.W. Moore, sentenced to transportation for life and
 confiscation of all their property. Aslam Khan died in jail on 8
November 1858.29
11 Nawab Wazir Khan, a relative of the Nawab Rania, was hanged at
Hisar30 on 15 August 1858.31
12 Nawab Amir Ali Khan, a relative of the Nawab Rania, was also
hanged at Hisar32 on 15 August 1858.33
13 Nawab Suba Khan, a relative of the Nawab Rania was hanged at
Hisar34 on 15 August 1858.35
14 Nawab Umrao Khan, a relative of the Nawab Rania was hanged at
Hisar36 on 15 August 1858.37

Hissar (Hisar) District

Then we move on to Hisar, the next destination of Van Cortlandt where he
remained all-powerful for at least two years. He remained the Deputy
Commissioner, the Commissioner, and sometimes simultaneously both; while
commanding all the armed forces in the district. It was during his incumbency
that the following persons were charged with the murder of Alice
Wedderburn, her infant son, Margaret Barwell and Phaebe Hallet. They were
initially sentenced to life imprisonment on 9th November 1857, but were
suddenly hanged the same day:38

15 Sooltan Buksh (Sultan Bakhsh)

16 Ishack (Ishaq)
17 Hossein Buksh (Hussain Bakhsh)

THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF MIRZA MUNIR BEG, LALA

HUKAMCHAND JAIN AND FAQIRCHAND JAIN OF HANSI

Mirza Munir Beg, Lala Hukamchand Jain Qanungo and his nephew
Faqirchand Jain wrote a letter to Bahadur Shah Zafar on 17 June 1857,
offering their services and submission, and placing the city of Hansi and the
country generally at his disposal. They did nothing more; their letter was
written in the hand of Faqirchand at the house of Murtaza Beg, brother of
Mirza Munir Beg. It was found in the imperial palace in Delhi and was sent
to Van Cortlandt, by C.B. Saunders, the officiating Commissioner of Delhi
division in November 1857. G.H.M. Ricketts, Deputy Commissioner of
Hisar, conducted an enquiry and imprisoned Mirza Munir Beg, then kotwal of
the Hansi town; Hukamchand Jain Qanungo, then an employee of the
government; Faqirchand Jain, who had been given employment by William
Ford; and Mirza Murtaza Beg. Many have shown interest in their trial, so it
would be appropriate to give details on the basis of archival record and
published news in the Lahore Chronicle.39 The story of the trial published in
the Lahore Chronicle is based on the trial papers as available in the files;
and Cave-Browne has given his opinion as well, though he too got the details
from the official version. Cave-Brown writes,
The conduct of Nawab of Rauneea had at least been straightforward: he had been open in his
treason at Sirsa. But in the neighboring district of Hansi and Hissar were traitors who had not the
courage to avow their treachery, who nevertheless did not escape their richly deserved fate.
Mooneer Beg, one of the principal Mohammedans and Hookum Chund, avowedly his deadly
enemy, the chief banker, and one of the most influential Hindoos of Hansi, with Faqueer Chund, his
nephew, a youth about twenty, had, at the commencement of outbreak, apparently forgotten their
private feud, and conjointly drawn up a petition to the King of Delhi, offering their services, and
undertaking to place Hansi and the district around at his disposal. No sooner did General Van
Cortlandt poured down his quickly raised Sikh levies into this district than these men were amongst
the foremost to rally round him with professions of loyalty. Van Cortlandt, only too glad, doubtless to
avail himself of their local influence, received them into favour, and gave them valuable
appointments. But when Delhi fell, other spoil than the unknown hidden treasures of the city of gold
was sought for: every public document – almost it may be said every scrap of paper – found in the
palace was caught up and laid by for future examination, among them appeared the traitorous letter
from Sirsa [sic]! This discovery came like a thunder-clap on these now most faithful and devoted
servants of the Company; they were at once arrested and tried, and all three condemned by Mr.
Ricketts, of Loodiana fame, to be hanged. In the case of Mooneer Beg and Hookum Chund,
General Van Cortlandt, as Officiating Commissioner of the district, confirmed the sentence; but on
the plea that Faqueer Chund the youthful scribe, had only written the letter at his uncle’s dictation,
he mitigated the sentence to imprisonment for five years. Against this Mr. Ricketts appealed to the
Judicial Commissioner.40

Strange enough that the British historian brands Indians fighting for India in
India as traitors! The British officials were crushing the patriots and innocent
people with rare brutality, yet allegations were made against them of lack in
severity:
We have several times heard it stated, that treason has not been punished with sufficient severity in
the Hansi and Hisar districts. From a perusal of the following papers, it would appear that there is
some truth in the report. The papers are somewhat long, but it is necessary to publish the whole, in
order that the reader may be enabled to form a correct opinion.
Case: Government versus Mooneer Beg, Moortza Beg, Hookum Chund and Faqueer Chund,
Residents of Hansi.
Charge: For sending a treasonous petition to the King of Delhi, offering their service and
submissions and placing Hansi City, and country in general, at the King’s disposal. Petition dated the
17th June 1857.
Statement: Moneer Beg – This is my seal affixed to the petition. I never sent this treasonous
petition to the King, or was aware such had been sent. I and Hookum Chund were great enemies
and were so when the disturbances began. Ten days after they began, in presence of the
Tehseeldar and most of the city, I said to Hookum Chund, and he to me, the whole city agreeing,
that we should be friends. I said I entirely distrusted him, but if he swore by his son and by
Parisnath, I would trust him. He swore as I suggested, and said I should give him a doshala. I did
so. Since then, he has transacted all my work, writing urzees to the Commissioners, General Van
Cortlandt, Mr. Skinner, the Bikaneer Raja, …c., in my name. I had no leisure, as I had alone to
manage the city. I gave him my seal to affix to these petitions, it is not improbable he has affixed my
name to this petition to murder me. For seven generations, I have been faithful servant of the
Government, and General Van Cortlandt knows my services. I can read Persian. If I wished to ruin
my whole family, I would do it with my own hands. I kept my seal myself; when he wanted it, I gave
it to him, as I trusted him. Moortaza Beg can sign his own name, but can’t read a petition. My seal is
affixed upside down, this is a sign it was done quickly and treacherously. I don’t know who wrote
the urzee, but at the bottom, the signatures are in Hookum Chund’s handwriting.
Statement: Moortaza Beg – I know nothing about this petition. I cannot read. I don’t know who
affixed my name to it.
Statement: Hookam Chund – I admit the signature and seal. I never wrote the petition. Mooneer
Beg got it written, and by force made me sign and seal it. I objected as much as I could, but he said
it was petition to the Lord Sahib. I signed and sealed without reading the petition. He said it was to
go to the Lord Sahib. Mooneer Beg first said he was sending it to the King of Delhi, I refused to
sign it, and told him not to send it, and then he said he would send it to the Lord Sahib, and so I
signed it. Mooneer Beg had 22 sepoys of the Hurrianah Regiment in his service, and could
command 200 men. I signed one petition to Mr. Le Bas, one to Lieut. Governor, Agra, in June and
two to General Van Cortlandt. I signed no other petition to the king of Delhi. I have never, from my
heart, been friends with Mooneer Beg. One day he gave me a doshala, and said we should be
friends; but I was not satisfied at heart, as he was powerful, and I was afraid of him. I never swore
by my son and by Parisnath, but merely swore an ordinary oath! (I manse) that I would not quarrel
with him. The whole city knows this, that I am no Moofsid. I wrote Mooneer Beg’s and Moortaza
Beg’s name to that petition at their orders. My nephew, Fuqueer Chund, wrote it at Mooneer Beg’s
orders; he is now Canoongoe in the Futtehabad tuhseel. It was written at Mooneer Beg’s house.
Mooneer Beg and Murtaza Beg were present, Aimud Beg came afterwards, and the city people
were sitting there. I do not know why Aimud Beg didn’t sign it.
Statement: Fuqueer Chund – The petition was written in a corner. Mooneer Beg and I were
alone; it was at Moortaza Beg’s house. He and a number of city people were outside, and I and
Mooneer Beg within. I don’t know who were outside, there were many. For four or five days he
 had been telling me to write a petition for him, I refused. When I was sitting at his door, he took me
within. I went there to see him. Hookum Chund was not there at the time. I wrote as I was dictated
to. I did not know where the petition was to go. I was not then in Government employ. I had been
employed in the Canal Office; had been learning in the Hansi Tehseel. He never told me the petition
was to go to Delhi. I wrote as I was told. I was forced to write, but I never informed, I gave the
petition, when written, to Mooneer Beg; don’t know if anyone else saw it. Mr. Ford appointed me.
Moortaza Beg was ignorant of the petition, and I never told Hookam Chund. At that time Mooneer
Beg was our Hakim.
Observation by Ricketts: It was further ascertained, that Mooneer Beg stopped a dak from Delhi,
and extracted a service letter for Lieut. Pearse. Two baboos, Nobin Chunder and Neem Chund
depose they were sent for, and directed to read and explain this letter, which they did, under
remonstrance. Further, the messenger, who was bringing the letter from Delhi, (it was a single letter
entrusted to the bearer as cossid) deposes, he had the letter taken from him by Mooneer Beg; he
was detained by a sepoy at Mooneer Beg’s orders on his arrival at Hansi, en route to Hissar, where
Lieut. Pearse was. Mooneer Beg asserts the cossid (by name Inda Goojur of Hissar) brought him
the letter of his own accord, as it was for him from the Commander-in-Chief at Delhi. Mooneer Beg
admits he opened the envelope and on seeing five or six English letters, sent for two Baboos; they
said the letters were not for him, but for Lieut. Pearse, on which Mooneer Beg sent an urzee,
mentioning what had occurred to Lieut Pearse, and sent the dak on sowar. He adds the charge is
brought by enemies in the city. At the time of outbreak, Mooneer Beg says he was in Hansi, in his
own house; heard by chance that the regiment had mutinied; sent for news, and he then went
straight to the Tehseeldar, who had Golam Ali and Maloom Khan with him. In the afternoon,
hearing the city gates were all opened and unwatched, he closed and locked them, and kept them
closed till 30th evening, when the regiment marched. On the 31st , citizens came and told him to
make arrangements for the city. He refused, and I was unable to prevent the station being looted, as
the whole country was up. Sent petitions to Le Bas at Kurnaul and to the Commander-in-Chief;
received replies, kept all right from 30th May (says June but means May) to 18th July, and sent
repeated urzees to General Van Cortlandt, … c. Files replies to his different petitions to Le Bas, the
Commander-in-Chief, … c.41

Decision42
The facts of this case are clear enough. The persons implicated are four of
the most respectable inhabitants of Hansi. Hookum Chund and Mooneer Beg
being respectively the principal men amongst the Hindoos and Mahomedans,
the other two men being their relatives. A petition is found, sent by them to
the King of Delhi; this petition contains all kinds of treason; is signed by
Hookam Chund, and sealed by him also, and is sealed also by Mooneer Beg;
Moortaza Beg’s signature is wanting, and so is his seal; his name is written,
but by Hookum Chund. Faqueer Chund, nephew of Hookum Chund,
acknowledges he wrote the petition. Mooneer Beg states in defence, that he
placed implicit confidence in Hookum Chund; that they were in the habit of
sending joint petitions to the different English authorities, and to save time,
he left his seal in charge of Hookum Chund, and that Hookum Chund
treacherously affixed it to this petition, of whose [which] Mooneer Beg was
not aware until he saw it in court.
Hookum Chund declares he was compelled to write and sign the petition
by Mooneer Beg; that he was averse to do so; but that Mooneer Beg, being
all powerful in Hansi, compelled him to do so. Hookum Chund’s deposition
is given so reluctantly, and is so full of equivocations and contradictions, and
the fact is notorious, that he is really a more influential person than Mooneer
Beg, that I have no hesitation in saying these arguments in his defence are
false.
Faqueer Chund says he was compelled by Mooneer Beg to write the
petition; that Hookum Chund was kept in ignorance of it, and that he himself
never knew what it all meant. He does his best to screen Hookum Chund; he
is 20 years of age; holds a situation as Mohurrir in Futtehabad; was the
person generally employed to write their petitions, and should be answerable
for his actions.
Moortaza Beg can neither read nor write; his seal is also wanting. He thus
kept himself clear of the transaction, though, no doubt, he was conversant
with all the circumstances of the case.
My opinion is, that Hookum Chund and Mooneer Beg was [were] playing
a double game all the time, intending to strike in at the end with the stronger
party, which they did; as since British power predominated again in Hansi,
they have been foremost in protestations of loyality, but this unlucky petition
turned up, and they should pay the penality of their treason and false
heartedness.
I consider

1. Hookum Chund,
2. Mooneer Beg,
3. Fuqueer Chund,

should all these be executed, and Moortaza Beg acquitted.

 G.H. Ricketts
Offg. Magistrate

Hansi Jany.14th, 1858.

On this General Van Cortlandt passed the following orders:43

Mooneer Beg and Hookum Chund have been proved guilty of the charge preferred, and I concur in
the sentence proposed by the Magistrate. In regard to Fuqueer Chund, it appears to me that he was
only employed as a scribe by Mooneer Beg and Hookum Chund, to write the treasonous letter for
them; his own name is not mentioned in the petition, nor do I see what advantage he was to have
derived; but, having failed to divulge the treasonous communication, he is, no doubt, guilty, and as
such, I would sentence him to five years’ imprisonment with labour in irons which I award. He was
not a Government servant at the time.
H.C. VAN CORTLANDT
Offg. Commissioner

Camp Hansi, 18th January, 1858.

Here upon Mr Ricketts wrote as follows:44

I should be sorry to think that, after lapse of only five short years, Fuqueer Chund be released. The
sentence assigned to him is less than in ordinary times, is the fate of most second class criminals,
and the crime in which he shared, is the heaviest in the calendar, I consider this sentence out of all
proportion to this crime; inadequate to the demands of the times; and likely, from its pernicious
leniency, to be no warning or deterrent to others. I admit that Fuqueer Chund did not originate the
treason in which he is implicated, but he lent himself a most willing tool, to his prompters and
employers. His crime is serious enough as it is, although he was not a Government servant; had he
been one, it would have been an aggravating circumstance. This plea was not allowed in favour of
the other two criminals in this very case, who were sentenced to death. How can it be advanced in
favour of the third? I recommend the man for death, as I consider he has earned it, and deserves it,
and I see no reason to relax severity, especially in such a conspicuous case as this, when a rebel
places himself in such direct communication with the late King of Delhi, our principal foe.
Further, if we don’t, by unflinching severity, establish a better code of political morality and faith,
we must expect to suffer again from the faithlessness now existing around us. The establishment of
an improved system is in our power; if we do not undertake it, no one else will; it must be based on
invariable severity, otherwise our laxness will be interpreted into indifference to these shortcomings
by all the ranks of the native community, and they will remain in that debased state which is so
congenial to them.
I can imagine no commutation from the sentence of death, excepting to transportation for life, and
I request the English papers, connected with this case, may be forwarded to the Judicial
Commissioner.
 G.H. RICKETTS
Offg. Magistrate

Hissar, 21st Jany., 1858

The proceedings were then sent up to the Judicial Commissioner with the
following letter:45
From
GENL. VAN CORTLANDT,
Offg. Commr., Hissar District,
To
R. MONTGOMERY, ESQ.,
Judicial Commr. For the Punjab

Dated Camp Hissar, 27th Jany., 1858

“SIR, – I have the honor to forward herewith an English Abstract of the case marginally noted*.
You will observe that it is brought to your notice, at the request of the Officiating Magistrate, with
reference to the punishment I have awarded to the last named prisoner (Fuqueer Chund)”. “He was
employed by the two principals in the treasonable correspondence as a scribe, and derived no
personal advantage, in any way, from the petition in question; in fact, he acted merely in the
customary manner as a Moonshee, and in my opinion is not criminally involved in the case, except
in having concealed the writing of the petition.” (*Vernacular proceedings are enclosed in a separate
envelope. Govt. versus Mooneer Beg, Moortaza Beg, Hookum Chund, Faqueer Chund.)
“My remark – ‘He was not in Government employ at the time’; was not made with any idea of
extenuating his crime, but had reference to the evidence against the man, which says ‘he is
Mohurrir of Futtehabad’, to which post he has only lately been appointed.”
“Under these circumstances, I consider an imprisonment of five years, sufficient punishment, and
request you will be good enough to pass your order on the subject.”

“I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your most obedient Servant,

H.C. VAN CORTLANDT, Genl.,

Offg. Commr; Hissar District.”

P.S. – Mooneer Beg and Hookum Chund were executed at Hansee, on the 19th
instant.”

The Judicial Commissioner cuts the Gordian knot by the following lucid
and logical decision:46
No. 688
 To the OFFICIATING COMMISSIONER Hissar

Dated 22nd February, 1858

Judicial, Criminal Government, Prosecutor Versus

1. Mooneer Beg, 2. Hookum Chund, 3. Moortaza Beg, 4. Fuqueer Chund –
Prisoners

Charge
For writing and sending a treasonous letter to the King of Delhi, offering
their services and submission, and placing the city of Hansi and the country
generally at the King’s disposal.
SIR, – I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 27th ultimo, submitting
the proceedings in the case noted above.
2. I gather from proceedings that the four prisoners were amongst the most respectable
inhabitants of Hansi. Mooneer Beg (1) and Hookum Chund (2) were respectively the heads of the
Mahomedan and Hindoo sections of the community. Hookum Chund (2) is the chief banker of the
city, Fuqueer Chund (4) his nephew, Moortaza Beg (3) is brother of Mooneer Beg (1)
3. After the capture of Delhi a petition was found in the King’s Palace, signed and sealed by
Hookum Chund. Mooneer Beg’s seal is also attached. Moortaza Beg’s signature is wanting, so is his
seal; but his name is written in the handwriting of Hookum Chund. Fuqueer Chund, nephew of
Hookum Chund, admits he wrote the petition.
4. The petition is treasonous, and to the effect generally entered in the charge.
5. Mooneer Beg admits the seal attached to the petition to be his; but states it was affixed by
Hookum Chund without his knowledge. Hookum Chund declares he was compelled to sign the
petition by Mooneer Beg. Fuqueer Chund admits he wrote the petition, but was compelled to do so
by Mooneer Beg, and that he did not know what is the meant. Moortaza Beg can neither read nor
write, and denies all knowledge of the transaction.
6. Mr. Ricketts tried the case, and passed sentence of death on Mooneer Beg, Hookum Chund
and Fuqueer Chund, and released Moortaza Beg.
7. You concurred with Mr. Ricketts in passing sentence of death on Mooneer Beg and Hookum
Chund, and the sentence has been carried out; but you considered five years’ imprisonment to be a
sufficient punishment for Fuqueer Chund, in as much as he was only employed to write the
treasonous letter. Moreover that his own name was not mentioned in it, nor could you see any
advantage which he derived from it.
8. You have submitted the proceedings for my perusal and opinion, with regard to Fuqueer Chund,
at the request of Mr. Ricketts. I must confess that I consider punishment awarded by you to
Fuqueer Chund, quite inadequate for the offence. I think Fuqueer Chund quite as guilty as Mooneer
 Beg and Hookum Chund, if anything more guilty. He deliberately and secretly wrote the petition.
Mooneer Beg and another person alone being present. It is absurd to suppose he did not know what
he was writing. The petition is clearly and legibly written, well expressed, and evidently by a scholar.
He had, in my opinion, everything to gain. Had the King of Delhi been successful, his uncle, Hookum
Chund, would, in all probability have been one of the chief officers of the place. On our force
reaching Hansi, he presented himself to Mr. Ford and was appointed a Canoongoe of Futtehabad.
9. For the above reasons, I concur with Mr. Ricketts, and with sanction of the Chief
Commissioner, to whom the proceedings have been submitted, I sentence the prisoner Fuqueer
Chund to be hanged by neck until dead, and I request that you will report to me the day on which the
sentence has been carried out.
10. It is only by unflinching severity against the leaders in this rebellion, that we can hope to
establish faithfulness for the future. In the present case, both Mooneer Beg and Hookum Chund
professed the utmost loyalty throughout to the British Government, and addressed petitions to the
Chief Civil Officer at Kurnal and Delhi, to the Lieut. Governor of Agra, as well as to yourself, and
received complimentary replies. They all along played a double game intending at the end to join the
stronger party. Their treason and faithfulness have at least been found out, and they justly have paid
the penalty. I observe that the body of Mooneer Beg was burnt by the executioners, and that of
Hookum Chund buried by sweepers.
11. Although Moortaza Beg has been acquitted, I believe him to have been in league with the
others. The petition was written in his house, I therefore direct that he be required to furnish two
securities to the amount of Rs. 2,000 each for his future good behaviour.
12. The facility with which natives receive appointments, without due enquiry, after the
reoccupation of stations, is clearly shown in the case of Fuqueer Chund. I therefore direct that all
appointments in the Judicial Department, held by natives in the Hansi and Hissar district, after the
occupation of the stations, be considered only acting ones for a period of one year, and that during
this interval, the strictest enquiries be made as to be the part the individuals took during the rebellion,
and that none of the appointments be confirmed until you are fully satisfied with the conduct of the
men. A separate report being submitted to you in the case of each officer.
The vernacular proceedings received with your letter, are herewith returned.

The newspaper then writes,

We endeavour in vain to discover any reasonable ground for General Van Cortlandt’s decision, and
so we think will our readers. We are happy to find that Mr Montgomery has determined to have
stern justice done.47

Brandreth who succeeded Van Cortlandt as the Commissioner of Hisar

was somewhat repentant of these executions. He wrote about Munir Beg and
others,
(I suppose unfortunately for himself he did not feel by any means certain of the success of the
British cause, and thought it might be as well to prepare beforehand some ground on which he might
appeal to the protection of the other party in the event of their success), yet this did not hinder, but at
the time and by all his other acts he was to all appearances a loyal subject and one too who
 displayed his apparent loyalty in a very active manner … that Hansee should appear the place to
which all loyal subjects might safely resort (General Cortlandt is my authority for the foregoing).48

He also observed that:

Several chuprasees … others of this Distt. have been executed as traitors, but they were charged
with having joined the Shahzadeh or other rebel levies.49

Their names are, however, untraceable. So Mirza Munir Beg, Hukamchand

Jain and Faqirchand Jain were hanged and thus they attained martyrdom.

18 Mirza Munir Beg was hanged on 19 January 1858 and his mortal
remains were consigned to flames contrary to the practice of his belief.
19 Lala Hukamchand Jain was hanged the same day at Hansi in front of his
house, where there stands a memorial now. His body was buried to
humiliate his people.
20 Lala Faqirchand Jain was hanged most probably at Hisar on 25
February 1858.

General Van Cortlandt hanged a chuprasee, name not given, at Hisar

before or on 3 November 1857. His report dated that day reads, ‘It has been
ascertained beyond doubt that the customs’ chuprasees were the principal
perpetrators of the atrocities committed on that occasion.’50

THE SINGHWA RAGHO EPISODE

There is another real story of the brutalities of British officers. On 29 May

1857 thirty fugitives who escaped from Hansi, on their away to Jind reached
the village of Singhwa Ragho in the afternoon. That day a barat had come to
this village. According to the villagers the guests in that party threw dust and
stones on some European fugitives, and they were not treated well by the
villagers; even drinking water was not offered. When British authority was
restored, enquiries were conducted on the complaints made by Stafford and
Dr D. Scott on 11 February, Holmes on 14 February, Malone on 15 February
1858, and Hickie in March 1858.51 The village unanimously decided not to
reveal the names of the mischief-doers of the barat, who hailed from the
village of Jandli Khurd (now in Fatehabad district), and handed over seven
persons from their own village, one from each of the seven pannas (tholas)
of that village. Those seven men, some tholadars (4) and some lambardars
(3), were immediately imprisoned.
They were charged with rebellion and with lack of assistance to
Europeans arriving in their village on escape from Hansi under Section II of
the Act XVI of 1857 and Act X of 1858. They were flogged and tortured in
prison. Ricketts tried them and initially proposed death for all of the
lambardars and nine of the khewatgars, and confiscation of the whole
village with a cultivated area of 1578 acres and yearly rent of Rs. 560.52
‘Ricketts recorded the complaints made by Stafford, Scott, Rich, Malone,
Holmes, Hickie, etc., to the effect that on their flight from Hansi, they were
ill-treated at Singhowah.’53 Originally the death sentence was passed on 20
April 1858, but on reconsideration, they were sentenced to imprisonment for
10 years with hard labour in irons on 10 August 1858 and a fine of Rs. 1,000
was imposed on the village, which was confirmed by E. Thornton, the
Judicial Commissioner on 24 August. One of the lambardars, Bhajan Singh,
was taken ill during this period, and he died within two years, probably in
the hospital at Hisar. The rest were transported to the Andamans. Van
Cortlandt, wrote to Brandreth on 11 May 1859 that one Bujun Singh son of
Nandram was not fit for transportation due to sickness.54 The others, who
were transported, never returned to their village and died in jails, perhaps at
Agra, Ferozepur, Karachi, or the Andamans. They all attained martyrdom, but
unfortunately, today none of the residents of their home village knows their
names. In the record, all of them have been entered as ‘lambardars of
Singhowah’. Their names and the identity of some of them are as under:

21 Lambardar Baberia Nahru Jat, Mehu Panna.

Mehu was his grandfather and Buddha was his father. Present lambardar
Balwant is his direct descendant through Brahma, son of Ami Lal, son
of Sheonath, son of Baberia.
22 Lambardar Bholla Nahru of Sobhan Panna.
Ram Niwas Nahru, son of Chandiram, son of Ran Singh, son of Amna,
son of Kura, son of Bholla is the direct descendant of this man.
23 Lambardar Budhram alias Budhkaran Nahru.55
24 Lambardar Sookha Nund (Sukhanand) Nahru.56
25 Lambardar Mahee Chund (Maichand) Nahru.57
 26 Lambardar Bujun (Bhajan) Singh Nahru, son of Nandram.58
27 Lambardar Kaisrah (Kesara), son of Maujee (Maujiram) Nahru,
sentenced on 24 March 1858.59

They belonged to Sullah Panna, Sheellah Panna, Goppa Panna, Chuharyana

Panna and Barsukh Panna, but today no one knows who belonged to which
panna. However, Baldev Singh, son of Harlal (65) of Sullah Panna,
Subahdar Rajmal, son of Bhagwan Singh (70) of Sheellah Panna, Lambardar
Sunder Singh, son of Gangabishan (70) of Goppa Panna, Ranjeet, son of
Udmi (80) of Chuharyana Panna and Harpal, son of Balbir (45) of Barsukh
Panna are some of the descendants of those five brave men.

28 Shurfuddin, jemadar (Sharafuddin, jamadar), customs department.

He was charged of rebellion, sentenced to death and executed on May
1858.60

BHATOL KHURD (RANGHARAN)

29 Subahdar Gurbaksh Singh of Bhatol Khurd

He was killed in action in the Bhattol battle on 6 September 1857.

ROHNAT (NOW IN BHIWANI)

30 Swami Birar (Bhirdi) Das of village Rohnat near Hansi

He was blown up by gun at his village61 most probably on 14
September 1857. He is worshipped by the villagers.
31 Nondharam Boora Jat of Rohnat
He was hanged in the village during its capture in the third week of
September 1857.62
32 Ruppa Khatti of Rohnat
He was also hanged with Nondharam Boora.63
33 Danuram Jat of Rohnat64
He was hanged. He may be Deenaram, son of Bakshi, but no authentic
record is available,
 34 Kasu Dhanak of Rohnat65
He was hanged, but no source cited by the author referred to.
35 Miru Teli of Rohnat66
He was hanged, but source not verifiable now. He might be Sumeru, son
of Sakru Teli, a maurusi peasant.

A large number of villagers from Rohnat, including lambardars namely

Sarbhu, son of Dayaram and Harisukh, son of Mehru; and Ranghars namely
Dilawar, Biru, Sakrullah and Jiwana were arrested and taken to Hansi. What
happened to them is not surely known, but some say they were crushed under
rollers on the lal sarak there. The village was burnt and destroyed.

Hansi
The following residents of Hansi caught in Jaipur territory with arms were
hanged, but the dates are not mentioned.

36 Saddy, probably a sowar but he claimed to be a zamindar of Hansi.67

37 Khoda (Khuda) Bux Khan, sowar of 9th Irregular Cavalry regiment.68
38 Sukundur (Sikandar) Khan, daffadar, 12th Irregular Cavalry regiment.69
39 Muhomud (Mohammad) Khan, daffadar, 9th Irregular Cavalry
regiment.70

The following persons were charged with rebellion and being present
amongst 30 or 40 persons when Wedderburn and other Europeans were
murdered. When they were on their way to Karnal-Panipat from Hansi, with
the so called plundered property of the Europeans on them, they were looted
by the villagers of Madha near Hansi. On the restoration of the British rule it
was alleged that they did not come back to work but were apprehended from
their homes. Their trials were going on when Montgomery, the Judicial
Commissioner was at Hansi on 6 January 1858.71 He sentenced all of them to
death, along with 40 others including some customs’ chaprasis and butchers
on 27 January 1858, and they were hanged.72
 40 Shahdil, a resident of Hansi
He was hanged at the end of January 1858.73
41 Peer Buksh (Pir Bakhsh), chaprasi, Hansi.74
42 Secundur Buksh (Sikandar Bakhsh), chaprasi, Hansi.75
43 Ally Buksh (Ali Bakhsh), resident of Hansi.76
44 Kojeh Buksh (Kojah Bakhsh), chaprasi, Hansi.77
45 Bolea or Buli Bux (Bu Ali Bakhsh), a resident of Hisar.
He was charged of the murder of wife and children of E.C. Smith, 2nd
clerk in the Collector’s office. He was hanged but no date is known.78

Bhiwani District
In 1857 Meham-Bhiwani was a tehsil of the Rohtak district, but that
consisted mainly of Bhiwani town only, large area of the now Tosham and
Bhiwani tehsils was part of the Hisar district including the Bawani Khera
tehsil.

TOSHAM

46 Kurrum (Karam) Khan alias Karmat Khan, a resident of Tosham

He was amongst the 40 persons sentenced to death by Montgomery on
January 1858. He was a chaprasi there and was soon hanged with
others.79
47 Ramla Jat of Tosham was hanged.80
48 Kesu Sheikh was also hanged.81
[Dr Yadav has shown Gama of Dadri hanged in October 1857, but
another source shows, the appeal of Gamma and three others (Murtaza
Khan, Umed Ali, etc.) pending on 9 December 1858, against the
sentence of life imprisonment.82]

NALOI (NEAR SIWANI: SEE AT SR. NO. 928).

Rohtak and Jind Districts
A large number of Ranghars had deserted the army and some of them were
caught and hanged. Among those were:

1. 49 Nubee Buksh (Nabi Bakhsh), sowar 2nd Punjab Cavalry Regiment,

charged with desertion and sentenced to death by the Commissioner
Hisar and hanged on 20 May 1858.83
2. 50 Saheb Dad Khan Ranghur, sowar 2nd Punjab Cavalry Regiment
deserted the army and was hanged on 24 May 1857.84
3. 51 Muhomud Buksh (Mohammed Bakhsh), sowar 2nd Punjab Cavalry
hanged with the above sowars.85
4. 52 Deedar Buksh (Didar Bakhsh), son of Ommun (Omman) Khan,
trooper of the 5th Punjab Cavalry Regiment and a resident of Rohtak He
too deserted army and was taken from his home by William Henry
Paget, Captain 54th NI and commandant of the 5th Punjab Cavalry on 17
February 1858. He was charged with desertion and joining the rebels
while employed on field service. He was sentenced to death for
desertion on 6 August 1858 and hanged.86 Similar was the story of
following two other Rohtak sowars/troopers of the regiment.87
5. 53 Ullah Buksh (Allah Bakhsh) son of Gholam Ally (Ghulam Ali).
6. 54 Kootub (Qutab) Khan son of Malook (Maluk) Khan.

Thirteen Hanged for Looting Rs. 188 and annas 10

It was the height of highhandedness and brutality that the British authorities,
not a commission based on many officers, but only so called one special
Commissioner could hang thirteen persons on the charge of a highway
robbery of Rs. 188. It was also not verified whether the complaint was real
or false, and there was no highway nearby. Yes, Gopal Bania of Khidwali
village complained to the Deputy Commissioner John Scarlett Campbell that
his property valued at 188 rupees and 10 annas was robbed by some person
of that village. Campbell sentenced the following to death and they were
hanged at their village Khidwali from a neem tree, at a place called kachcha
thana on 14 December 1857.88
55 Boolie (Bu Ali) Sheikh
56 Mohumda (Mohamda) Sheikh
57 Laloo (Lalu) Sweeper (Balmiki)
58 Tirkha Sweeper (Balmiki)
59 Bega Sweeper (Balmiki)
60 Kala Sweeper (Balmiki)
61 Sayer Sweeper (Balmiki)
62 Sunahee (Sanahi) Sweeper (Balmiki)
63 Musta (Masta) Cobbler (Chamar)
64 Zoolfi (Zulfi) Cobbler (Chamar)
65 Edul(Idal) Cobbler (Chamar)
66 Ram Bux Blacksmith (Lohar)
67 Gohur(Gohar) Nilgur (Nilgar)

MEHAM

The following residents of Meham (then Mehim) were hanged on various

charges after the recapture of Delhi:

68 Saheb Ranghar, lambardar of Meham, charged with rebellion and

hanged on 7 May 1858.89
69 Huklee (Hakli) Ranghar, lambardar of Meham, charged with rebellion
and hanged on 7 May 1858.90
70 Peer Khan, lambardar of Jind was also hanged with them.91
The above three were sentenced by Brandreth, the Commissioner of
Hisar division. The dates of the martyrdom of the following fighters are
not available.92 They were charged with rebellion, going to Delhi and
turning Ghazees (Ghazis).

71 Abdool Huq (Abdul Haq) Sheikh

 72 Ameeroolla (Amirullah) Sheikh
73 Mukbool Huq (Maqbul Haq) Sheikh
74 Kurreem Bux Ranghur (Karim Bakhsh Ranghar)
75 Suful (Safal) Rehman Sheikh
He was charged of attempt to murder of C.R. Blewitt and other
European officers, eleven in number including women and children.
76 Meer Khan Ranghur (Mir Khan Ranghar)
He was charged with rebellion, going to Delhi and accompanying
Shahzada Mohammad Azim.
77 Ramzan Beg Mughal and his brother,
78 Ameer (Amir) Beg Mughal
They were charged with rebellion and opposing the British troops at
Delhi.
79 Bhagwana Jat93

[In addition, Dr Yadav has given two more names namely Amir Ali and
Farrukh Ali Sayyed, but they did not belong to Meham. Amir Ali Sayyed
belonged to Peshawar and Farook Ali Sayyed hailed from Benares. They
were accused of robbery of the property of Sheshram (Sheeshram) and
Bhugutram (Bhagatram).]

ROHTAK TOWN

The following fighters hailing from the town were also executed,94 of whom
9 were charged with the rebellion:

80 Nujeebooddeen Shekh (Najibuddin Sheikh)

81 Muzher Alie (Maz’har Ali) Sheikh
82 Hyder (Haidar) Sheikh
83 Sabir Alie (Ali) Sheikh
84 Muhmood Ranghur (Mahmud Ranghar)
85 Peera Ranghar
86 Jhoonda (Jhunda) Ranghar
87 Jesna Kussaee (Kasai)
88 Boodhoo Kussaee (Budhu Kasai) and
 89 Ally Bux (Ali Bakhsh) Sheikh, daffadar 8th Irregular Cavalry (charged
with mutiny and opposing government troops at Rohtak).

The following were charged with causing severe wounds to one Baba
Kalicharan of Rohtak:

90 Jagga Ranghar
91 Gholam Hoosein (Ghulam Husain), Blacksmith and
92 Laheea Kussaee (Lahia Kasai).

The following were charged with the murder of (the notorious) Bhure
Khan, kotwal:

93 Mussee Oolla (Masihullah) Pathan

94 Ruhmutoolla Kussaee (Rahmatullah Kasai) and
95 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) alias Rawut Kussaee (Rawat Kasai).

LAKHAN MAJRA (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

96 Goolaba (Gulaba) Jat of Lakhun (Lakhan) Majra

He was charged of instigating mutiny on 10 June 1857, the day on which
the 60th NI revolted at Rohtak, by spreading fake news.
97 Torre Bakhsh
98 Shahbaz Khan
99 Kurrum Khan (Karam Khan), sowar of the Jodhpur Legion and a
resident of Rohtak. He was also hanged, because he was caught with
arms in Jaipur territory.

BAINSI (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

100 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Ranghar of Bainsi

He was charged with attempt to murder Messrs Blewitt and Wren of the
customs department on 24 May 1857, at Meham.
101 Kasim Ally (Qasim Ali) Ranghar, sowar Oude (Awadh) Cavalry and
a resident of Kullanore (Kalanaur)
 He was charged with treason and mutiny at Sialkote, where several
European officers were killed.

KILOI (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

102 Azeezooddeen (Azizuddin) Sheikh of Keloee (Kiloi)

He was charged with forwarding a petition to the emperor in Delhi, in
which he proposed the raising of soldiers to oppose the British.
103 Jawahira (Jawahara) Jat resident of village Keloee (Kiloi)
104 Ramkulla (Ramkala) Jat charged with wilful murder of Golab, a
resident of village Kiloi.

KAHNAUR (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

105 Guffoor (Gaffur) Khan Ranghar of Kanhore (Kahnaur) was also

similarly charged.

BHALAUTH (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

106 Mukkhun (Makkhan) Dhanak of Bhalauth was charged with firing a

matchlock at Prem Khan, sowar, with intent to kill.
107 Az’haruddin
108 Mohammed Sayyed Khan
109 Ahmed Ali
110 Mohammad Hamid Khan
111 Mohammad Nazim Khan
112 Mehboobullah Khan
113 Mir Rehmat Ali
114 Mukhtiar Khan
115 Abdul

KALANAUR (HSA DD JD Accn No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

 116 Lambardar Sher Ali Khan Ranghar of Kullanore (Kalanaur)
117 Ishar Khan Kaimkhani (Qaimkhani)
He was hanged in Janury 1858.
118 Ukbur (Akbar) Khan, sowar 8th Irregular Cavalry
He was absent on leave during the rebellion and did not join his
regiment; consequently, he was executed.95

MADINA

119 Daulta alias Daulatram

He was a prominent leader of the Meham chaubisi and was commander
of a platoon of the Haryana Sarvakhap Panchayat Army. He was
hanged at Meham.96
120 Lambardar Chattar Jat was also hanged.97

SAMPLA

121 Lambardar Chittu Ranghar was hanged in January 1858.98

A Brave Son avenges the Murder of his Father after Thirty Years

122 Daffadar Suffur (Saffar) Ali of 2nd European Light Cavalry of Rohtak
He was accused of murdering Major General Hugh Wheeler at
Satichaura Ghat Kanpur, by Brigadier J.G.S. Neill ‘the butcher’, and
was sentenced to be hanged on 25 July 1857. This was unjust as he had
no role in murdering Hugh Wheeler. Before being hanged he was
flogged by sweepers and made to lick clean a portion of the
bloodstained floor of slaughter-house, where some Europeans had been
killed on 27 June 1857.

When about to be hanged Suffur Ali adjured every Mahommedan in the

crowd to have a message sent to Rohtuck, to his infant son, by name of
 Mazar Ali, to inform him that his father had been unjustly defiled and
flogged by sweepers by order of General Neill before being hanged,
and that his dying message to him was that he prayed God and the
Prophet to spare him and strengthen his arm to avenge the death of his
father on General Neill or any of his descendants.99

On growing up Maz’har Ali joined the British Army, and by chance had to
serve under Major A.J.S. Neill, commanding the 2nd Regiment Central India
Horse, for years, and had been treated by him with special kindness before
he came to know that this Englishman was the son of the man who had
ordered his father’s execution; that while he was lying ill in hospital a faqir
one day arrived in the station from some remote quarter in India, and told him
of his father’s dying imprecation, and that Major Neill being the son of
General Neill, it was the decree of fate that Maz’har Ali should shoot him on
parade the following day.100
Thus on 14 March 1887 sowar Maz’har Ali shot Major A.H.S. Neill, son
of J.G.S. Neill of the 1st Madras Fusiliers, on the parade ground at Augur,
Central India.101

Sonepat District

SHAMRI

The following residents of the village of Samree (Shamri) were hanged on

14 December 1857 for killing two horses of Henry Fredrick Dunsford,
Lieutenant Colonel, in charge of the Jind Raja’s Auxiliary Force.

123 Lambardar Buhadur (Bahadar) Singh Khokhar Jat

He was charged with attacking the British force commanded by Lieut.
Colonel Dunsford. The Commissioner passed the orders for his death
sentence on 3 December, and he along with 10 other co-villagers was
hanged on 14 December 1857.102 He hailed from Ghori Thok of Debna
 Thola of Shamri Buran, and Hawa Singh son of Sarup Singh is one of
his descendants.103
124 Lambardar Hureeram (Hariram) Brahmin
He was a forefather of Godharam Patwari, son of Dulichand of
Brahmin Thola in Lohchab Barain Shamri.
125 Lambardar Birjah Khokhar Jat
126 Lambardar Hur Suhae (Harsahai) Khokhar Jat
127 Lambardar Singh Ram Khokhar Jat
128 Lambardar Harkoo (Harku) Khokhar Jat
129 Lambardar Leager (Leegar) Khokhar Jat
130 Lambardar Jumna (Jamna) Khokhar Jat
131 Lambardar Dhumee (Dhammi) Khokhar Jat
132 Lambardar Hurdial (Hardyal) Khokhar Jat
133 Lambardar Ramrikh Khokhar Jat

According to village sources, of these eleven martyrs nine were

lambardars, four from Shamri Shishayan, one each from Mohan-Narain,
Bheel-Ladayan, Bhikhu, and Jadam tholas; three were from Shamri Buran,
one each from three twin tholas namely Tulsia plus Debna, Mian plus
Rumalia and Mahadas plus Shyama tholas; and two from Shamri Lohchab-
Barain, one from Todu Brahman thola and one from Lohchab plus Barain
tholas. It is, however, not known who belonged to which particular thok or
thola except two. The remaining two martyrs were prominent tholadars or
headmen.104

PINANA

134 Kishna alias Kishan Singh Jat of Pinana (parganah Sonepat).

He was charged with leading an attack on government servants while in
execution of their duty, and snatching from them arms and prisoners
taken by them (servants) from the insurgents of the Rohtak district.105 He
too was hanged on 14 December 1857.106

LIWASPUR ALIAS LIBASPUR

 135 Lambardar Udmiram Saroha Jat
He was the Chief Commander of the Haryana Sarvakhap Panchayat
Army during this war of independence. Before the rebellion commenced
he had been active in organizing peasants from Alipur to Kami (along
the GT Road) against the imposition of heavy land revenue. He thought
if the British officers failed to recover the land revenue, which had
become a major source of government finance, their administration
would collapse and they would leave. Lambardar Udmiram was himself
leader of the Tonk-Saroha Khap. He had a command structure
consisting of 24 (some say 22) khap leaders-cum-commanders
including his second in command (2IC) Sahaja alias Sahajram Antil of
village Murthal. During the struggle they resisted the re-entry of the
British force with all their might, but success eluded them. He had with
him many other able comrades like Daulta alias Daulatram of Madina,
Jasram and Ramjas of nearby villages.
He was ultimately overpowered by the British force and was arrested
with his comrades. His wife too was arrested. There was no charge of
killing Europeans – he had provided protection and shelter to the
fugitive women and children. He was charged with fomenting mutiny
and rebellion and thus tried by a court-martial at Rai Rest House near
thana, when Sitaram Pandit of Rathdhana became one of the false
witnesses. He was sentenced to death and was crucified on the stem of a
bar tree by driving long nails through his person at Rai. He remained
unconscious but alive for 35 days in the state of crucification before
attaining martyrdom. All his comrades were hanged. Attar Singh munshi
and Lambardar Rajesh, son of Randhir are his direct descendants.107
136 Goolab Singh
This martyr was crushed under heavy stone rollers.108
137 Ratia alias Ratiram
He too was crushed under stone rollers, with Goolab Singh.109

MURTHAL KHAS

138 Sahajram Antil Jat

 He was the 2IC of the Haryana Sarvakhap Panchayat Army and hanged
after pretence of a court martial trial.
139 Jasram, probably from Kundli, too was hanged.
140 Ramjas too was hanged.

RAI

141 Raje Jat of village Rai was hanged.110

SONEPAT TOWN

142 Kaloo (Kalu) Sheikh, a resident of Sonepat

He was hanged in Delhi on 24 December 1857.111
143 Mulloo (Mallu) Sheikh, a resident of Sonepat
He too was hanged in Delhi on 24 December 1857.112
144 Kulloo (Kallu) Beg Mughal, a resident of Sunputt (Sonepat)
He was hanged in Delhi on the 22 February 1858.113
145 Ameer (Amir) Beg Mughal
He too was hanged there on 22 February 1858.114
146 Curreem Bux (Karim Bakhsh) Sheikh
He was also hanged in Delhi on 24 December 1857.115
147 Fazal Hassan Khan, tehsildar
He was hanged at Sonepat in Ganj Bazar of the old town.116

GOHANA

148 Abdoollah (Abdulla) Sheikh of Gohannah (Gohana)

He was charged of the rebellion and hanged in Delhi on 18 January
1858.117

KHANDA
 149 Gunga (Ganga) Ram Jat of Khanda
He remained with Shahzada Mohammad Azim during his compaign, but
was later caught and hanged.118

KHARKHAUDA

150–1 Risaldar Bisharat Ali, 1st Punjab Irregular Cavalry of Kharkhauda

He was on sick leave when the rebellion commenced. He was
treacherously shot unarmed by Hodson on 15 August 1857 in his
village. His teen-aged nephew too was killed in an attempt to save his
uncle, but his name is not known.119
152 Surfraz (Sarfraz) Ali of the same village
He too was shot with Bisharat Ali on 15 August 1857.120

BHATGAON

153 Kalu Sheikh of Bhatgaon was hanged.121

154 Kale Khan Sheikh of Bhatgaon too was hanged.122

Sonepat and Delhi Area: Contiguous to Haryana

Since the fight against the British was joint, the villagers of Mukhmelpur,
Alipur, Pahaladpur (Bangar), Chandrawal, Sakoorpur, Chaura and Nikhari
participated along with Harayanvis and had to bear the brunt along with
Udmiram and others. These villages of Jats, Gujjars and Ahirs were
throughout active along the GT Road. The following fighters were prominent
and laid down their lives in service of the mother land.123

ALLIPOOR OR ALIPORE (ALIPUR) (HSA DD JD Accn No. 8220

File No. 3/1858)
The notorious avenger T.J. Metcalfe was the angel of death and destruction
here.

155 Dhunnah (Dhanna) Jat

He was hanged on 18 December 1857.
156 Mohun (Mohan) Singh Jat
He was charged with plundering the thana and tehsil at Alipur and
hanged on 18 January 1858.

The following villagers were similarly charged and hanged in their

village, for plundering thana.

157 Lekha Jat was hanged on 4 February 1858.

158 Prem Sookh (Sukh) Jat was hanged on 4 February 1858.
159 Heerdeh (Hirday) Jat was hanged on 4 February 1858.
160 Ramsroop (Ramsarup) Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
161 Nont Ram Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
162 Ramjuss (Ramjas) Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
163 Premsookh (Premsukh) Jat 2nd was hanged on 22 February 1858.
164 Raj Curn (Rajkaran) Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
165 Hurreeah (Haria) Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
166 Rujhee (Rajhi) Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
167 Gopal Singh Jat was hanged on 22 February 1858.
168 Gunga Bissun (Ganga Bishan) Jat
He was charged with the attempt to take the life of Alipur tehsildar and
executed for that on 4 February 1858.
169 Ram Bux (Bakhsh) Jat
He was charged with fighting against the British army and hanged on
February 1858.
170 Bahalla Jat
He was charged with highway robbery and hanged on 4 February 1858.
171 Cahum (Kaham) Jat
He too was similarly charged and hanged on 4 February 1858.
172 Amee Chund (Amichand) too was hanged on 4 February 1858.
173 Ram Bux (Bakhsh) too was hanged on 4 February 1858.
 The following 34 co-villagers were charged with plunder of the thana and
tehseel and were hanged, with another 8. These 42 men were hanged by
Metcalfe on 22 February 1858.

174 Nikka
175 Hunsram (Hansram) 1st
176 Hunsram (Hansram) 2nd
177 Hunsram (Hansram) 3rd
178 Saddi
179 Hurchund (Harchand)
180 Nund Curn (Nandkaran)
181 Puttram (Patram)
182 Sellamunee (Silamani) or Sellammee (Silammi)
183 Ramdialloo (Ramdialu)
184 Jewun (Jiwan) 1st
185 Jhonda (Jhunda)
186 Kallah (Kalla)
187 Ram Shah (Ram Sahay)1st
188 Deyaram (Dayaram)
189 Leekram (Lekhram)
190 Nunnooah (Nannua)
191 Doodeh (Duda)
192 Mohassee (Muhasi)
193 Kheemun (Khiman)
194 Jewun (Jiwan) 2nd
195 Dougur (Daugar)
196 Ramdial
197 Medha (Medda)
198 Khoobee (Khubbi)
199 Saib Singh (Saheb Singh)
200 Maheah (Mahia)
201 Numnah (Namna)
202 Alleah (Aalia)
203 Mohun (Mohan) Singh
204 Gunga (Ganga) Ram
205 Bustee (Basti)
 206 Nehall (Nihal)
207 Ram Shah (Ram Sahay) 2nd and
208 Toolsee (Tulsi) Jat
He was charged with stopping a buggy and hanged on 8 March 1858.
209 Haitram
He was charged with plunder and hanged on 25 March 1858 (Sr. No.
531).

Thus in total 55 fighters from this single village were executed. [In the file
the date of execution of those at Sr Nos 182 and 205 above has been shown
to be 27 February 1858 (see Sr Nos 383 and 406).]

Peyladpore (Prahladpur or Pahladpur Bangar now in Narela tehsil of Delhi

but previously was in Sonepat) (HSA DD JD Accn No. 8220 File No.
3/1858)

In other adjoining villages too the butchery was massive. The following ten
villagers were hanged on a single day, 12 February 1858.

210 Sew Sahaye (Shivsahay) Jat

211 Sabhah (Sahba) Jat
212 Solahat (might be Solahar) Jat
213 Bhugwant (Bhagwant) Jat
214 Jonkee Jat
215 Nynsookh (Nainsukh) Jat
216 Sobhah (Sobha) Jat
217 Nundah (Nanda) Jat
218 Hurdial (Hardial) Brahmin and
219 Bhowro Bukall (Bhauru or Bhanwaro Bania)

CHUNDRAWUL (CHANDRAWAL) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220

File No. 3/1858)

The following five Jats of this village were charged with plundering houses
and were hanged on 8 March 1858.
 220 Ameen Chund (Aminchand)
221 Shree Kishun (Shri Krishan or Kishan)
222 Gohurea (Goharia)
223 Amee Chund (Amichand) 1st and
224 Amee Chund (Amichand) 2nd

The Gujjars and Ahirs of this area too had taken part on a large scale, and
there are numerous references, particularly of Gujjars of this area, in the
contemporary literature. So, they had made a fair share in the sacrifices.

CHOWRAH (CHAURA) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No.

3/1858)

The following eleven Gujjars were charged with plundering and were
hanged on 27 February 1858.

225 Kunmul (Kanmal)

226 Muttee (Matti)
227 Delsookh (Dilsukh)
228 Chujjoo (Chhajju)
229 Lall Singh
230 Nurputt (Narpatt)
231 Toondah (Tunda)
232 Durreah (Dariya)
233 Khosseeram (Khushiram)
234 Kurniah (Karnia) and
235 Ramdial

SUKOORPOOR (SAKURPUR) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File

No. 3/1858)

The following Ahir fighters had taken part in the rebellion and were hanged
on 11 and 12 February 1858.
 236 Teeka (Tika) was hanged on 11 February 1858.
237 Sadee (Sadi) was also hanged on 11 February 1858.
238 Ghassee (Ghassi) was also hanged on 11 February 1858.
239 Khossallah (Khusalla) was also hanged on 11 February 1858.
240 Jowkee (Jauki) was also hanged on 11 February 1858, whereas
241 Nontah (Nonta) and
242 Nunnah (Nanha) were hanged on the 12 February 1858.

Panipat District124
243 Sunat (Sanat) Ali, a resident of Khewra in Panipat
He was hanged on 30 December 1857.
244 Safat Alli (Safat Ali) alias Shafaat Ali, jemadar customs department
and resident of Khewra
He was caught without arms by the Magistrate of Paneeput (Panipat)
and hanged on 30 December 1857.
245 Bahadur Alli (Bahadur Ali), peon customs at Hodal
He was caught without arms by the same Magistrate and hanged on
December 1857.
246 Kudmah (Kadma) Goojur (Gujjar) a resident of Paneeput (Panipat)
He was charged with highway robbery and hanged on 18 January 1858.
247 Hera Goojur (Heera Gujjar) of Panipat
He was also similarly charged and hanged on the 18 January 1858.
248 Imam of Dargah of Pir Bu Ali Shah Qalandar Panipat
He was also hanged in January 1858.125

FATEHPUR (KAITHAL)

249 Girdhari Lal Ahluwalia

He had killed the British Resident Magistrate and his wife at Kaithal.126
Karnal District

KARNAL TOWN

1. 250 Gholam Asruff Pathan127 alias Ghulam Ashrafi Pathan,128 of

Kurnaul (Karnal). He was charged with burning the bungalow at
Seelempoor (Silampur) in Delhi, and hanged in Delhi on 4 February
1858.129
2. 251 Mirza Ahmed Ali Khan Mughal
He was hanged in February 1858.130

ASSANDH

252 Rahmat Rajput of Assandh was hanged in December 1857.131

253 Ranjit Jat of Assandh too was hanged in December 1857.132

BALLAH: THE BRAVE VILLAGE

The details of the Ballah battle and those killed have already been given in
Chapter 5, the following names are in the memory of the villagers.133

254 Ramlal Mann of Ramchand Panna was killed in action while fighting
on 15 July 1857.
255 Bhoop Singh Mann of Pema Panna was also killed in action on 14-
July. Ram Mehar, son of Randhir is among his descendants.
256 Sultan Singh Mann of Rustam Panna was also killed in action. Kharak
Singh, son of Lehna of Sultaniya family is one of his descendants.
257 Fateh Singh Mann, son of Hariram of Sukkhan Panna.
258 Lal Singh Mann of Ramchand Panna.
259 Sujan Singh Mann and his father were shot dead. Rajpal and Daulat
Mann, sons of Khajan Singh are their descendants.
 260 Pandit Ramlal Bhardwaj too was killed in action, Hariram Bhardwaj
is a descendant.
261 Girwar Jat was also killed in action.134
262 Mustaq Ahmed Ranghar too was killed in action.135

Kurukshetra: Thanesar

263 Deen Mohammed Sheikh was hanged.136

264 Charu Brahmin too was hanged.137

Ambala: District and Cantonments

265 Sardar Mohar Singh, kardar of the ex-Ropar chief was hanged for
inciting 5th NI, on 5 June 1857 at Kali Paltan Pul (black regiment
bridge) in Ambala – without trial.
266 Kahan Singh, a relative of Mohar Singh too was hanged.138
267 Shamdass Faqir too was hanged.
268 Ram Parsad Bairagi was also hanged.

The following twenty-six sowars, sepoys, and other employees were also
hanged at Ambala.139

269 Ghulam Nabi

He was posted at Ambala, and hanged at that station on 6 April 1858.
270 Gulab Singh, sepoy 22nd NI, was hanged on 26 April 1858.
271 Gulab Singh, sappers and miners regiment, on 3 May 1858.
272 Hari Singh, sappers and miners regiment, on 3 May 1858.
273 Abdullah, sowar 10th Light Cavalry, was hanged in June 1857.
274 Ajaib Khan, sepoy, was hanged on 6 April 1858.
275 Bhagwan Singh, 35th NI, was hanged at Ambala on 15 April 1858.
276 Deva Singh, 3rd/36th/61st NI, was hanged, but date not mentioned.
 277 Dhian Singh, sappers and miners regiment, hanged on 15 April 1858.
278 Fayyaz Khan, posted at Ambala, was hanged on 6 April 1858.
279 Jalab Khan, 3rd or 36th or 61st NI, was also hanged.
280 Karam Singh, sepoy, was hanged on 15 April 1858.
281 Khazan Singh, 3rd or 36th or 61st NI, was hanged on 3 May 1858.
282 Kheva Singh, sepoy, was hanged on 7 May 1858.
283 Kandhar Singh, sepoy 12th NI, was hanged on 26 April 1858.
284 Mahboob Ali, sepoy sappers … miners was hanged on 26 April 1858.
285 Maqsood, sowar probably of 6th ELC, was hanged on 21 April 1858.
286 Mehtab Singh, sepoy 3rd/36th/61st NI, was hanged on 3 May 1858.
287 Mir Khan, sepoy 3rd/36th/61st NI, was hanged on 3 May 1858
288 Narain Singh, sepoy 3rd/36th/61st NI, was hanged on 3 May 1858.
289 Nathu Khan, sowar, was hanged on 21 April 1858.
290 Rai Singh, sepoy posted at Ambala was hanged on 7 May 1858.
291 Shyam Singh, sepoy 3rd/36th/61st NI, was hanged on 3 May 1858.
292 Sujan Singh, sepoy 12th NI, was hanged on 7 May 1858.
293 Veer Singh, sepoy 3rd/36th/61st NI, was hanged on 3 May 1858 and
294 Vir Singh, sepoy, hanged on 23 April 1858.

Thus 26 sepoys, sowars and other ranks were executed in Ambala

between 6 April and 7 May 1858. In Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs, ed. P.N.
Chopra, GoI publication, some of them have been shown from Ludhiana
Regiment or the 2nd Ludhiana Regiment, but there were no such regiments in
1857. The 3rd NI was partly in Philaur and partly in Ludhiana and had
mutinied. They came to Ambala from Jullundur via Ludhiana to escape to
Delhi and some were caught on the way.

Jhajjar District

The status of the Jhajjar cavalry was as under:140

There were 296 sowars of the Jhajjar cavalry, who were sent to serve the
emperor. Initially there were 196 sowars in Delhi, of which 50 were in
attendance on the Joint Magistrate (T.J. Matcalfe) and 22 with the
Commissioner (Simon Fraser). Fifty more men were under General Samad
Khan and Ibrahim Ali Khan. After that 40 more went under Risaldar Peer
Khan. Five men including one naib risaldar, were killed in Delhi. By 4
August 1858 Jangbaz Khan and eleven other sowars had been apprehended,
nine others including Ibrahim Ali Khan and relatives of Nawab had already
been hanged or executed, one hakim of Patiala had been sent there and one
was under trial on that day. The following fighters were executed:141

295 Jowala Hindoo (Jawala Hindu), resident of Kantee (Kanti) and of

Jhajjar army
He was hanged for his complicity in the rebellion.
296 Shekh Mendhoo (Sheikh Mendhu), resident of Jhajjar
He too was hanged for the same crime.
297 Shekh Mahomud Ally (Sheikh Mohammad Ali), a resident of village
Esapur (Jhajjar)
He was held to be an evident sowar, charged with complicity in the
rebellion and hanged.
298 Himmut Khan Muhomuden (Himmat Khan Mohammedan), camel-man
in the service of Nawab Fuzl Hussun Khan (Fazl Hassan Khan),
employed in the Jhajjar army, hailing from Jhajjar
He was seized with arms against the state and was hanged.
299 Poordil (Purdil) Khan, sowar in the Jhajjar and resident of Kahnaund
He was the leader, raised a body of armed men and joined the rebel
army in Delhi. He was caught later and hanged. He was accompanied by
the following persons who were later seized and hanged:
300 Jumal (Jamal), sowar
301 Nanoo Ghazee (Nanu Ghazi), sowar
302 Kadir Ghazee (Qadir Ghazi), sowar
303 Rumzoo (Ramzu)
304 Summun (Samman)
305 Mamun (Maman)
306 Kurreem (Karim) and
307 Kummuroodeen (Qamaruddin)

The following sowars of the Jhajjar army were also hanged:

308 Sheikh Kaloo (Sheikh Kalu)

 309 Kalle Khan
310 Golum Russool (Ghulam Rasul) Khan
311 Peer (Pir) Khan and
312 Jaffoor (Gaffur) Khan

The following fighters were charged with complicity in the rebellion and
hanged:

313 Ressaldar Doondeh (Risaldar Dunde) Khan of the Jhujjar cavalry

314 Runjeet (Ranjit) Khan, sowar of the Jhajjar cavalry
315 Dilsher Khan
316 Uzzeemood-deen (Azimuddin) and
317 Kamdar Khan

The following employees of the Nawab Jhajjar too received capital

punishment, charged with rebellion:

318 Amanut (Amanat) Khan resident of Jhajjar

319 Fuzul (Fazl) Khan
320 Ahmud Bux (Ahmad Bakhsh) and
321 Mussita (Masita)
322 Wujjeeood-deen (Waziruddin) also of Jhajjar joined rebels in Delhi.
323 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh), a permit holder customs’ chaprasi.
He was charged with joining Summund (Samad) Khan and plundering a
bania at Narnaul.
324 Saheb Khan too joined with Khuda Baksh in the plunder.
325 Wahid Khan, a chaudhary of the city Jhajjar
He was charged of the rebellious conduct against the British
government, and inciting others to join the rebellion.
326 Koshnak (Hoshnaq), bhisti of Jhajjar too was charged with the
rebellion.

Another source gives the following six names of persons executed in

December 1857:142

327 Bahadur Ali

328 Imad Ali
329 Mian Ziaullah
 330 Rahim Bakhsh
331 Mahmud Ali and
332 Ram Richhpal Bania

The following soldiers were charged with mutiny and desertion and
executed:143

333 Amir Khan, sowar 3rd Oudh Cavalry

334 Najab Ali, sowar 8th Irregular Cavalry
335 Ahmed Bakhsh, 8th Irregular Cavalry
336 Irshad Ibrahim, 8th Irregular Cavalry
337 Martaab (Murtzah) Ali was also hanged in December 1857.
338 Mughal Beg son of Mirza Jan Beg144
He had killed Simon Fraser, the Commissioner at Delhi and remained
underground till 1861 when he was caught, consequently he was hanged
in February 1862.
339 Colonel Bakhshish Hussain of the Jhajjar army
He was shot at Jhajjar on 17 October 1857 when Jhajjar was captured
by Showers.145
340 Manawar, kotwal Jhajjar, too was shot dead on 17 October 1857.146
341 Ram Bakhsh, jemadar police, was also shot the same day.147
342 Jaswant Ali, jemadar, too was shot the same day.148
343 Jawahar Singh, magazine darogah, too met the same fate that day.149
344 Hursahaie (Harsahay) Brahmin, sowar 13th Irregular Cavalry
He was charged of mutiny, desertion and hanged.
345 Ghaus Mohammad Khan son of General Abdus Samad Khan
He was killed in action at the Nasibpur battle on 16 November 1857.
346 Ibrahim Ali Khan, commander and relative of the Nawab
He was captured in Shekhawati and Rattan Singh Thakur, who had
helped in his capture, got a reward of Rs. 200.150 He was immediately
hanged.151
347 Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan was hanged on 23 December 1857.
THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE NAWAB ABDUR REHMAN
KHAN

Nawab Abdur Rahman Khan was the first chief of Haryana to be tried by a
Military Commission presided over by Brigadier-General N.B.
Chamberlain. This Commission subsequently tried Raja Nahar Singh. The
members of the Commission were Michael Dawes, Colonel Bengal Artillery;
F.R. Palmer, Major HM 60th Rifles; J.P. Redmond, Major HM 61st Foot and
C. Sawyer, Major HM 6th Carabineers.152 He too was tried under the terrible
Acts of 1857. T.J. Metcalfe was the main spirit behind his trial. The trial
commenced on Tuesday 8 December 1857.153 John Adam Loch, William
Ford and T.J. Metcalfe were the main prosecution witnesses. F.J. Harriot
was the prosecutor and James Murphy, Deputy Collector, was the interpreter.
According to the prosecutor, the Nawab had written 25 letters to the emperor
in his own handwriting, which were produced before the Commission.154
The newspapers gave wide publicity to his trial. One newspaper wrote, ‘The
Jhugger Nawab’s trial progresses: the evidence of Sir T. Metcalfe alone
ought to be sufficient to hang the traitor.’155
On 14 December 1857 the Nawab presented his defence and pleaded not-
guilty. He said he was compelled by General Abdus Samad Khan, officers
and troops, to assist emperor, but he did not do so in a big way. He wrote a
petition and sent only 50 sowars under Ibrahim Ali Khan and later paid only
Rs. 60,000 despite repeated threats from the King. (He had in his possession
gold and silver coins with a value of more than Rs. 11 lakh.) He denied any
involvement on his part in fight against the government. He admitted that his
troops assisted the rebels, but he had had no mechanism to seek their
obedience at that time. Dalrymple writes,
Another witness, Mrs Muter, was particularly impressed by the ‘startling justice’ and logic of the
Jhajjar Nawab’s defence in the court, arguing that ‘it was England who had armed and trained the
ruffians who had brought the calamity on the land; and it was not fair to expect him to compel that
obedience in his followers which the rulers of the country and his judges had failed in compelling
among their own.156

The burly Pathan met death bravely. Lieut. E.L. Ommanney, in charge of
the state prisoners; was particularly impressed by the Jhajjar Nawab’s
bearing and bravery, describing him as ‘a fine looking man, stout and rather
handsome’.157 The Nawab was sentenced to death and Ommanney was
moved. He wrote,
The two young sons of the Jhajjar Nawab on seeing their father, the little fellows cried very much, a
striking and still a painful scene…. I felt pity for the Nawab; he was fine looking man and bore his
sentence and death very well. His servants made low salaams when he left for execution.158

A newspaper reporter writes,

The Nawab of Jhujjur, after a very suspicious interval of delay – his trial has been closed about ten
days previously – was hanged at Delhi on the afternoon of 23rd December … and met a traitor’s
doom with great decorum. His property, estimated at nine lakhs, will help to make up the money …
the loss which he and like of him have caused.159

Another reporter from Delhi writes on 25th December 1857, ‘The Jhajjar
Rajah was hanged on the 23rd, the 3rd Brigade were out to preserve order,
and a large concourse of people assembled to see the villain receive his well
merited due.’160
This enthusiastic reporter wrote, ‘It is examples of this sort which will tend
more than anything else to help us to retrieve our lost position. I sat in the
verandah of the upper room over the Kotwallee, the gallows being just
underneath….’161
The wily reporter described the proceedings of execution as under:
Delhi 24th Dec. – The Chief of Jhajjar paid the last penalty of the law yesterday at half past four
p.m. At an early hour the Chandney Chowk, where the gibbets are erected, was thronged with
natives principally Hindoos, who appeared to take a deadly lively interest in the spectacle, as much
as a native is capable of evincing for anything in which the possession of pice and the consumption
of khana are not immediately concerned.162

This reporter either unknowingly or deliberately inserted this view, since

in 1857 there was no question of Hindu and Muslim, everybody was fighting
for the deen which could be interpreted to mean so many things including
liberty.
A strong body of HM 60th Rifles, preceded by their band, marched up about at quarter past four,
and drew across the road on all sides of the gibbets, while the gallant Goorkhas lined the right side.
All the buildings in the neighbourhood were crowded with European spectators, some females
appearing here and there.163
 The reporter further describes,
About 20 minutes past 4, the cart appeared, containing the prisoner, drawn by bullocks, and guarded
by a party of Sikh Cavalry with drawn swords bringing up the rear. The Nawab, a tall, stout, good
looking man, dressed in plain white clothes, with a figured muslin turban, having been pinioned,
mounted the platform; his eyes were covered with a cloth, and the hangman having descended, the
drop fell; and the traitor was launched into eternity. He struggled for some seconds, and then all was
over. The crowd was very orderly, not a sound or sigh escaped them during the ceremony, but very
few Mahomedans were present.164

Thus ‘traitor’ to the British butchers lost his life, but without fight. Mrs
Muter, who was a witness to the scene, writes, ‘The Prince met his fate on
the gallows with a calmness, fortitude, and gentlemanly bearing that inspired
my husband, who commanded the escort, with the greatest respect.’165

DUJANA

348 Jaswant Khan, sowar of Dujana was also hanged.166

349 Baz Khan, sowar 1st Irregular Cavalry was hanged, but no date
given.167

MANDAUTHI

A large number of residents of Mandauthi were executed but only four names
are available given as under:168

350 Lambardar Tuhiram Jat

351 Raj Singh Jat
352 Kishna Jat
353 Jita Jat

PATAUDA
Similarly Patauda was a village of martyrs, and the following fighters laid
their lives for their freedom in December 1857.169

354 Meerah (Mira) Jat hanged on 9 December 1857.

355 Moomun (Muman) Jat hanged on 9 December 1857.
356 Nowrung Goojur (Naurang Gujjar) on 9 December 1857.
357 Jeymull (Jaimal) Jat
358 Kazat Sheikh

BAHADURGARH170

359 Mohammad Yaar Biloch was hanged on 29 December 1857.

360 Peer Bakhsh was hanged at Delhi on 1 April 1858.

The followings 3 soldiers charged of mutiny and desertion were executed

in December 1857:171

361 Azim Khan, kote daffadar, 5th Troop 4th IC (from Hansi)
362 Allyar Khan, daffadar 18th Irregular Cavalry
363 Mangal Khan, daffadar 3rd Troop 10th Light Cavalry

The following 5 soldiers seized in arms were hanged in December 1857:

364 Iman Ally (Ali), sowar 2nd Cavalry Gwalior Contingent

365 Myboollah (Mehbulla) Khan, sowar 2nd Cavalry Gwalior Contingent
366 Ghaus Mohammad, daffadar 2nd Oudh Irregular Cavalry
367 Jawahar Khan, naib risaldar 2nd Cavalry Gwalior Contingent
368 Sadullah, his regiment is not known
369 Abdullah Sheikh, naib risaldar was hanged in January 1858.

Mahendergarh (Kahnaud) District172

370 Baga Khan, a resident of Kahnaud and risaldar in the Jodhpur Legion.
 He was charged of having been seized in arms in the Jaipur territory and
not being able to account properly for himself. Consequently, he was
hanged.
371 Subdul (Sabdal) Khan, sowar of the Jodhpur Legion
He too was similarly charged of and hanged.

The following sowars, sepoys and common folk hailing from Kahnaud
were also charged of the rebellion, mutiny and desertion, and were
consequently hanged. All of them were charged as was Baga Khan, except
Nanak Bania.

372 Tibur (Tibar) Khan, sowar 5th Irregular Cavalry.

373 Daugal Khan, daffadar 1st Irregular Cavalry (Skinner’s Horse).
374 Shahbaz Khan, sowar 15th Irregular Cavalry.
375 Fyz Muhomed (Faiz Mohammad) Khan, sowar Jodhpur Legion.
376 Salub (Salab) Khan, sowar Jodhpur Legion.
377 Dulall (Dalall) Khan, sowar in Bulandshahar collectorate.
378 Sudur (Sadar) Khan, an evident sowar, but claimed to be a zamindar.
379 Hussunath (Hasanatt) Khan, also an evident sowar, but claimed to be
a zamindar (peasant).
380 Rehmut (Rahmat) Khan, sowar Jodhpur Legion.
381 Golab (Gulab) Khan, a sepoy in the service of Jodhpur Raja.
382 Baja Khan, sowar 1st Irregular Cavalry (Skinner’s Horse)
383 Fyaz (Faiz) Khan, sowar 9th Irregular Cavalry.
384 Nanuck Hindoo Bunneea (Nanak Hindu Bania)
He was charged of having taken service at Delhi and joining in the
rebellion there.

SINGHANA AND NARNAUL (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No.

3/1858)

The following 3 soldiers hailing from Singhana and Narnaul were caught and
executed after the Nasibpur battle.173 They were charged with mutiny,
desertion, and fighting the government.
 385 Afzal Khan, sowar 3rd Punjab Cavalry
386 Mooshuriff (Musharaf) Khan, sowar Neemach collectorate
387 Khaj Bux (Khoz Bakhsh), sowar Jodhpur Legion.
388 Moulvee Moortijah Ally (Maulvi Murtaza Ali) of Narnaul
He was charged of instigating the people to fight against the government
and abusing the English.
389 Imam Khan Chowhan (Chauhan)
He was charged of the rebellion and hanged on 18 January 1858.
390 Khairathee (Khairati) Sheikh of Narnaul
He was hanged at Delhi in February 1858.174

Note: It would be relevant to mention that Purdil Khan and his 8 comrades,
all residents of Mahendergarh (Kahnaud), were with the Jhajjar army rebels
(see Sr. Nos. 299 to 307 ante).

Rewari District

REWARI TOWN

391 Rao Tularam died on the 23 September 1863 in Kabul.

392 Jauhar Beg Mughal was hanged at Delhi on 18 January 1858.175
393 Nezamoodeen (Nizamudin) was hanged on 11 February 1858.176
394 Sooltan (Sultan) Khan was hanged on 24 March 1858.177
395 Havildar Gomesh Singh Kunbi was hanged on 16 December 1857 at
Delhi.178

The following soldiers were also executed:179

396 Azim Khan, in the service of Rao Tularam

He was seized with arms and hanged on 1 February 1858 for complicity
in the rebellion.
 The following 4 soldiers, charged with mutiny and desertion, were hanged
on 1 February 1858:

397 Sher Khan, sowar 12th Irregular Cavalry

398 Kureem (Karim) Khan, sowar 13th Irregular Cavalry
399 Shitab Khan, sowar 4th Irregular Cavalry which mutinied at Hansi.
400 Meer Khan, sowar 4th Irregular Cavalry which mutinied at Hansi.

BALWARI

401 Sedhoo (Sedhu) Singh Rajput, sowar 2nd Punjab Cavalry

He was hanged on 2 January 1858.

TOORKEEAWAS (TURKIAWAS)

402 Saadut Alli (Saadat Ali), sowar of 4th Irregular Cavalry

He was apprehended by the tehsildar Rewari without arms and charged
of the rebellion and hanged on 30 December 1857.

A new source gives more names:180

403 Buniyad Ali Sayyed was hanged in March 1858.

404 Ganesh Koli was hanged in January 1858.

JATUSANA

405 Bazid Khan son of Maru Rajput was hanged in August 1857.

NANGAL PATHANI

The names of the following two great martyrs stand engraved on the tomb-
stone of Colonel Gerrard at Nasibpur:
 406 Rao Kishan Singh alias Krishan Gopal
He was one of the main leaders who commanded at the Nasibpur battle
and was killed in action on 16 November 1857.
407 Rao Ramlal
He too was a leading commander and was killed in action with Rao
Kishan Singh on 16 November 1857.

Gurgaon District

All of the following martyrs were charged with the rebellion:181

BADSHAPOOR (BADSHAHPUR) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File

No. 3/1858)

The following 5 fighters along with 4 others (names untraceable) were

hanged on 11 November 1857 at the site of present Kamla Nehru Park in
Gurgaon.

408 Ramsook Bunya (Ramsukh Bania), son of Kewal Mahajan with 2 sons
409 Bukhta Bunya (Bhagta Bania), son of Jokhi Mahajan
410 Beharee Bunya (Bihari Bania), son of Ramsukh Mahajan
411 Khoshale Bunya (Khushali Bania) along with his father Ramsukh
412 Mahajan and brother Bihari and 412 Khushali Aheer

The following 11 fighters were shot in Delhi on 10 November 1857:

413 Elahee Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Khan

414 Ujmeree Khan (Ajmeri Khan)
415 Jan Mahomad Sheikh
416 Bahadur Khan
417 Ellahee Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh)
418 Golam Nabbee (Ghulam Nabi)
419 Kurreem Bux (Karim Bakhsh)
420 Hukdad (Haqdad) Khan
 421 Jehangeera
422 Ujmeree (Ajmeri)
423 Badullah Jat
424 Allah Bakhsh Biloch hanged in Delhi on 15 April 1858 and
425 Rahim Bakhsh hanged on 12 April 1858.

BOHORAH (BAHORA) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No.

3/1858)

426 Ubboo Rajpoot (Abbu Rajput) son of Jiyaram

He was arrested by the jamadar of Bahora chowki and hanged by Ford
on 16 December 1857.

FARRUKHNAGAR

427 Nawab Ahmad Ali Khan was hanged at Delhi on 23 January 1858.

TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF NAWAB AHMED ALI

Neither Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan nor Raja Nahar Singh, both of whom
had been tried and executed before Nawab Ahmed Ali of Farrukhnagar, had
met Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar after the commencement of the rebellion.
Ahmed Ali was the only chief from Haryana who opposed the British and
met Bahadur Shah on 12 May 1857 and threw his lot openly with him. Abdur
Rehman Khan and Nahar Singh had surrendered without fight but Ahmed Ali,
though less powerful militarily as well as suffering from poor health, put up a
determined fight when Ford and Colonel Custance came to arrest him. He too
was charged with treason and treasonable correspondence with the Emperor
and opposing government troops. He was tried under the obnoxious Acts of
1857. The Commission that tried him was presided over by Brigadier St
G.D. Showers, a detachment of whose moveable column had arrested him on
31 October 1857; F.J. Harriot was the prosecutor.
 On the 12th, the trial of the Nawab of Furrucknuggur commenced, and the evidence of the
prosecution was taken. The defence was to be heard on the 15th, in a Hall of Especial Audience.
The Nawab is, we believe, the same who is supposed to have killed a woman and child in a box.182

There were many petitions, to the emperor in evidence against him and
many other acts of omission and commission were highlighted. The
Commission sat in court on 15 January 1858 to hear the prosecutor. A news
item from Delhi read: ‘The ex-King is reported seriously ill; his trial is
therefore postponed; meanwhile the Furrucknuggur Nawab is to undergo the
ordeal, his trial is progressing.’183
The Nawab pleaded not-guilty and put the blame on his uncle Ghulam
Mohammad Khan and father-in-law Mohammed Hussain Khan, but his plea
was not accepted. He was sentenced to death on 22 January and was hanged
the next day.
Delhi, Jan. 24th – The Nawab of Furrucknuggur, having been found guilty, was hanged in front of
the Kotwallee, at half past four o’clock yesterday afternoon. HM’s 60th Rifles and Goorkhas were
out on the occasion. All passed off in the most orderly manner, dead silence prevailing for some
minutes after the drop fell. The culprit was an insignificant looking wretch, and being of a light
weight, struggled very much. A large concourse of people was assembled, both European and
Native, the hero of Redan* forming a part.184

Thus from 23 December 1857 to 23 January 1858, three nobles of Haryana

were hanged.

428 Bahadur Beloch

A sowar of 2nd Troop of 5th Irregular Cavalry and was apprehended by
thanadar of Farrukhnagar, charged with rebellion and hanged on
December 1857.

GHARSI HARSARU (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

429 Rahim Bakhsh, son of Najibullah Sheikh was hanged on 31 December

430 Zakat Ali Sayyed, son of Khuda Bakhsh was hanged on 20 December
GURGAON TOWN (HSA DD J D Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

The following 54 persons from Delhi were caught by W.F. Eden, political
agent, Jaipur, and were handed over to William Ford who had them shot on
15 December 1857.

431 Mohomed Saadut Bukht (Mohammad Sadat Bakht)

432 Mohomed Eusuff (Mohhammad Yusuf)
* The hero of Redan referred to here was the Major General Charles Ashe Windham who took part in
the Crimean war.

433 Mirza Peayara (Mirza Piara)

434 Mirza Mohomed Bux (Mirza Mohammad Bakhsh)
435 Mirza Khawur (Khawar) Sheikh
436 Mirza Muckley (Makli)
437 Mirza Mohomed Ibraheem (Mohammad Ibrahim)
438 Dooley Khan (Duley Khan)
439 Ullaoodeen (Allahuddin)
440 Golam Moheeoodeen (Ghulam Mohiuddin)
441 Uhmed Bux (Ahmed Bakhsh)
442 Kowkub Bux (Kauqab Bakhsh)
443 Kubbeeroodeen (Kabiruddin)
444 Ullahdad (Allahdad)
445 Mohomed Khooshro (Mohammed Khusro)
446 Khoorum Bukht (Khurram Bakht)
447 Ulleegohur (Ali Gauhar)
448 Mohomed Kubbeer (Mohammed Kabir)
449 Mirza Rumzanee (Mirza Ramzani)
450 Fuyazsha (Faizshah)
451 Mirza Bolakee (Bulaqi)
452 Mirza Gyazoodeen (Gyasuddin)
453 Mirza Bolakee 2nd (Bulaqi 2nd)
454 Uzzeezoodeen (Azizuddin) Mirza, an old and respectable man.
455 Uhmed Bux (Ahmed Bakhsh)
456 Shaboodeen (Shahabuddin)
 457 Mirza Kullun (Kallan)
458 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh)
459 Alli Bahadur (Ali Bahadur)
460 Nawab Uhmed (Ahmed) Mirza
461 Ukbar Alli (Akbar Ali)
462 Ameer Khan
463 Nawab Moozafferooddoula (Muzaffar-ud-Daulah)
(He was a friend of Mirza Ghalib and had been arrested in Alwar with
two leading Delhi noblemen. They were executed by Ford near
Gurgaon.185)
464 Daisputtee (Deshpati) Pandey
465 Chait Singh Pandey
466 Harnam Singh Pandey
467 Nehal (Nihal) Singh Pandey
468 Goordayal (Gurdial) Singh Pandey
469 Bhewanee (Bhawani) Singh
470 Shunker (Shankar) Pandey
471 Ramdut (Ramdatt) Pandey
472 Seetaram Pandey
473 Lutchmun (Lachhman) Jat
474 Eshree (Ishari) Pandey
475 Matadeen Pandey
476 Surnam (Sarnam) Singh
477 Unoopram (Anoopram) Pandey
478 Sooruj (Suraj) Singh
479 Dullep (Dalip) Singh
480 Gopal Singh
481 Koondun (Kundan) Singh
482 Bahadur Singh, he was one of the leaders.
483 Narain Singh
484 Nawab Akbar Khan
485 Nawab Amir Khan

On that day 99 persons were shot dead in Gurgaon, but many are
untraceable. The following 12 fighters (Sr. No. 486 to 497) were hanged in
Delhi on 15 December 1857:
 486 Aukab (Auqab) Bakht, a leader of the rebellion
487 Chotey (Chhote) Mirza
488 Nawab Dula Jan
489 Ghulam Mohammad Din
490 Jayat Singh
491 Kahan Singh

Out of the twelve mentioned above following six fighters have been listed
in a different source:186

492 Khizruddin
493 Mohammed Ali Mirza
494 Mohammad Habib
495 Mohammad Hairu
496 Reotiram
497 Mirza Peer Ali
498 Azimullah, a cook with Deputy Collector J.S. Kitchen at Gurgaon
He was hanged on 13 November 1857.
499 Badullah, peon
One of the 30 rebels who were shot dead on 2 December 1857.
500 Chainaram Jat was hanged in January 1858.
501 Dalel Khan Meo was hanged in February 1858.
502 Duli Chand Jat was hanged in December 1857.
503 Ghulam Bakhsh was hanged on 10 November 1857 in Delhi.
504 Bahadur Khan was executed by Showers on 10 November 1857 in
Delhi.
505 Harti, a Jat youth was executed in January 1858.
506 Inkar Shah was tried and executed on 24 March 1858.
507 Kalam Singh Jat was also tried and executed in January 1858.
508 Kallu Jat was also tried and executed in January 1858.
509 Lekha Jat was also tried and executed in January 1858.
510 Haqdad Khan, resident of the district
He was hanged in Delhi on 10 November 1857.187
511 Makkhan was hanged on 13 November 1857.
512 Mansur Ali, a resident of Gurgaon and naib nazir in customs (salt)
department at Mathura, was executed on 26 March 1858.
513 Mehdi Meo was hanged in February 1858.
 514 Amir Khan, a Meo youth was executed in January 1858.
515 Nanda, lambardar, was executed on 7 December 1857 in Delhi.
516 Nahnnuram Jat was executed in January 1858 in Delhi.
517 Qadir Bakhsh was executed on 22 February 1858 in Delhi.
518 Rahim Khan, sepoy was executed in January 1858 in Delhi.
519 Shoram (Sheoram) Jat was executed in December 1857 in Delhi.
520 Sahajram, son of Harchand was executed on 7 December 1857 in
Delhi.188
521 Salibah was executed on 7 December 1857 in Delhi.
522 Zafar Khan, sepoy was executed in January 1858.
523 Mohara, lambardar, was executed on 7 December 1857 in Delhi.189

HARIAHEDA190

524 Ram Singh Meo was hanged in December 1857.

525 Chena Meo was also hanged in December 1857.
526 Redu Meo was also hanged in December 1857.

JHARSA

527 Chaudhary Bukhtawur (Bakhtawar) Singh

He was apprehended by T.J. Metcalfe and sentenced to death by him.
He was owner of the villages of Jharsa, Shamaspur, Tigra, Teekli, and
Dhumaspur. He was hanged from a peepal tree in the compound of the
present civil hospital in Gurgaon on 4 October 1857 by Showers
column at the suggestion of Metcalfe, the one-eyed butcher (kana
kasai). His entire property was confiscated and given to Chainsukh, the
hated kirar (bania) of his village. Chaudhary Bakhtawar Singh Thakran
was one of the most prominent freedom fighters of India, who lost
everything in 1857.191
528 Iman Ali Sheikh, son of Noorish Ali
He was hanged on 27 December 1857 in Delhi.192
KHERLI

529 Fateh Ali, lambardar, was hanged on 10 November 1857.

KASAN200

530 Jeyaram (Jiaram), son of Devi Singh, lambardar

He along with his comrades attacked a British party carrying treasure to
Jhajjar, and consequently he was hanged in his village Kasan on January
1858 on the charge of aiding and abetting plunder.
531 Ulbala (Albela) Singh Rajput
He was the leader of attacking party and was similarly charged and
executed in the village on the same day.
532 Tulsiram, son of Premsukh Jat
He was a sepoy posted at Meerut and took active part in the rebellion.
He was arrested, brought to his village, and hanged there on December
1857.

KADARPUR (Q ADARPUR)

533 Mohorah Goojur (Mohara Gujjar).

He was charged with leading an armed party to plunder Badshahpur,
and was hanged on 7 December 1857.194 He is probably the same
martyr as No. 523 above.
534 Sahebba Goojur (Sahiba Gujjar)
He too was charged of similarly, and hanged on 7 December 1857.195
535 Mohora (Mohara), lambardar
He was hanged on 7 December 1857 in Delhi.196 He is probably the
same Nos. 523 and 533 above.
536 Chhajia alias Chhajju, lambardar, was hanged on 7 December
1857.197

KHERA (JHARSA)
 537 Zuburdust (Zabardast) Khan
He was apprehended by the tehsildar of Jharsa, charged of rebellion
and aiding in protection of the rebels, and hanged on 11 December
1857.198
538 Ghisa, son of Dalel Jat, village unknown, shot on 13 November
1857.198

PATLI HAJIPUR

539 Bhageerut (Bhagirath) Jat was hanged on 11 November 1857.199

540 Duyaram (Dayaram) Jat was hanged on 11 December 1857.199
541 Birda Jat was hanged on 7 December 1857.200

REETHOUJ (RITHOJ)201

542 Gunga Goojur (Ganga Gujjar)

He was charged with leadership of an armed party and attempting to
plunder Badshahpur. He was hanged on 7 December 1857.
543 Nunda Goojur (Nanda Gujjar)
He was similarly charged and executed on 7 December 1857.

NURHERA (NARHERA, NOW IN DELHI)201

544 Mohun (Mohan) Ahir was hanged on 13 January 1858.

SONAH (SOHNA)201

545 Uhmed Bux (Ahmed Bakhsh), 2nd Regiment Gwalior Contingent

He was charged of the rebellion and executed on 27 November 1857.
546 Imam Alli (Ali), same regiment
He too was similarly charged of and executed on 27 November 1857.
 547 Auzumbeg (Azam Beg), 3rd Regiment Gwalior Contingent
He was also charged of the rebellion and executed on 21 December
1857.
548 Mudut Alli (Maddat Ali) Meo was executed on 1 February 1858.
549 Ahmed Bakhsh Sheikh, son of Amirullah
He was executed on 27 December 1857 at Delhi.202

PATAUDI (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

The following fighters laid their lives, for the cause of motherland and were
hanged in December 1857:

550 Kalu Ahir

551 Mannat Ahir
552 Noor Bakhsh Sheikh
553 Zalim Sheikh
554 Tulla Sheikh
555 Ramzan Sheikh
556 Afzal Mohammedan
557 Ramphal Jaimal Muslim
558 Sherjan Pathan
559 Sizzat Mohammedan
560 Kalu Beg

RAISEENAH (RAISINA)

561 Meer (Mir) Khan Meo

He was the main leader at the Raisina battle. He was apprehended by
the tehsildar of Sohna and executed on 18 February.203
562 Munir Khan Meo, son of Nasir Khan
He too was apprehended by the tehsildar of Sohna and was executed on
18 February 1858.204

Other villagers of Raisina hanged in February 1858 were as under:205

 563 Ithad (Itihad) Meo
564 Medu (Mehdi or Mehdu) Meo
565 Kanhau Meo
566 Zulfiqar Meo
567 Petla Meo
568 Chhattar Meo
569 Zahura Meo
570 Faquira Meo
571 Dulla Meo
572 Birju Jat
573 Suraj Jat
574 Dhanna Jat
575 Chaudhary Giani Meo.206
He was the main leader of Raisina and whole of his Dahangal pal
consisting of 360 villages.
576 Hidayat Ali was hanged on 11 February 1858.207

ALIPUR208

577 Lambardar Sarsa, shot on 31 October 1857

578 Harphool, brother of Lambardar Sarsa.

Mewat District

GWARKA (TAORU)

579 Shahadat Ali was executed on 5 December 1857.209

KHERKI (TAORU)210

580 Shahlaj
 581 Nathu
582 Sahza

UDBUR (ADBAR) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

In Mewat William Ford and William Malcolm Low were the angels of death,
they executed a large number of Meos in February 1858.

583 Dhun (Dhan) Singh Meo, son of Dhanwant Meo, a leader of the
rebellion
He was charged of aiding and abetting in the plundering of the town of
Noh (Nuh) accompanied with murder, so sentenced to death on 5
February and hanged on 9 February 1858 along with 44 others at Nuh,
including:
584 Chatroo (Chatru)
585 Usta (Asta) Meo

NUGLEE (SHAHPUR NANGLI) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File

No. 3/1858)

The following four fighters were sentenced to death on 1 February 1858:

586 Ruttun (Rattan) Singh Meo

587 Peer Khan Meo
588 Roora (Rura) Meo
589 Raola Meo

The following four freedom figthers were sentenced on 4 February 1858:

590 Kowur Chund (Kunwarchand) Meo

591 Mutroo (Matru) Meo
592 Moodgur (Mudgar) Meo
593 Mookhrah (Mukhra) Meo

The following thirteen fighters were sentenced on 9 February 1858:

594 Ukbur (Akbar) Khan Meo
595 Uzeem (Azim) Ali Meo
596 Bhoollah (Bhulla) Meo
597 Boolund (Buland) Meo
598 Boodha (Buddha) Meo
599 Chainah (Chaina) Meo
600 Doolla (Dulla) Meo
601 Husnah (Hasna) Meo
602 Jungoo (Jangu) Meo
603 Kahera (Kahira) Meo
604 Kulloo (Kallu) Meo
605 Khyrattee alias Khairattee (Khairati) Meo
606 Noor Bux (Bakhsh) Meo
607 Nusseer (Nasir) Meo, sentenced on 13 January 1858

The following twenty fighters were sentenced on the 5 February 1858:

608 Khanka Meo

609 Lyroo alias Luhroo (Lahru) Meo
610 Nubbe Bux (Nabi Bakhsh) Meo
611 Khodabux (Khuda Bakhsh) Meo 1st
612 Khooda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Meo 2nd
613 Dhunwunt (Dhanwant) Meo
614 Ellahibux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Meo 1st
615 Ellahee Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Meo 2nd
616 Bishumber (Bishamber) Meo
617 Imambux (Imam Bakhsh) Meo
618 Rutna (Ratna) Meo
619 Roora (Rura) Meo 2nd
620 Wuzeer (Wazir) Meo
621 Ununta (Ananta) Meo
622 Mohoroo (Mohru or Muhru) Meo
623 Moortza (Murtza) Khan Meo
624 Jahana Meo
625 Mungul (Mangal) Meo
626 Mookunda (Mukanda) Meo
627 Rasoola (Rasula) Meo
 Haji Nusarat Khan, sarpanch and his clan in the village of Shahpur Nangli
are direct descendants of some of the above listed martyrs.

628 Chaudhary Ujagar Khan Meo (most probably a resident of Nuh)

He too was hanged on 9 February 1858.211
629 Shah Beg of this village was hanged on 18 February 1858.
William Ford was mad after the blood, so the same day (9 February) he
hanged six other freedom fighters from the villages of Rehna and
Tapkan. They were apprehended by the tehsildar of Noh (Nuh) and
sentenced on 5 February 1858.

RUHNA (REHNA)

630 Medee alias Mehdee alias Medi Meo212

631 Dullel alias Dulail (Dalel) Meo212
632 Peeru or Meeroo Meo,212 Peeroo213

TUPKUN (TAPKAN)

633 Shahmut (Shahmat) Meo214

634 Soorab (Surab) Meo, might be Soorah or Sohrab Meo215 also.
635 Jugroop (Jagrup) Meo216
One more fighter was with them but his name is not known, he may be
Ujagar Khan No. 628 above. In total 52 persons were executed in a
single day. According to tradition they were hanged from a bar tree near
the old bus stand of Nuh.217

NOH (NUH)

636 Anwar Khan was executed on 1 April 1858.218

AKHERA (AKERA)

637 Hustee (Hasti) Meo

He was apprehended by tehsildar of Noh (Nuh) and executed on 22
January 1858.219
638 Azmal Meo was hanged in January 1858.220
639 Sukkan Meo was hanged in January 1858.220

BURKA (BARKA) ALIMUDDIN (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File

No. 3/1858)

640 Khooshal (Khushal) Meo, son of Khaudu Ram

He was apprehended by tehsildar of Sonah (Sohna) and executed by
Ford on 6 January 1858.
641 Runbaz (Ranbaz) Meo too was hanged on 6 January 1858.
642 Ameer (Amir) Meo, son of Mubariq Ali was a leader of the revolt
who was arrested in December 1857 and hanged on 6 January 1858.
643 Oodey Chund (Udaichand) Meo was too hanged on 16 January 1858.

Two more names in another source:221

644 Ratia Meo, son of Mukha was hanged on 6 January 1858.

645 Kishan (Khushi) Meo, son of Chandu was hanged on 6 January 1858.
646 Rambhaj Meo too was hanged in January 1858.222

Three more names from a different source:223

647 Udaibhan Meo was hanged on 2 January 1858.

648 Khuda Bakhsh was executed on 15 December 1857.
649 Khizruddin too was hanged on 15 December 1857.

GHAGAS

650 Gurreeba (Ghariba) Meo, a soldier in the Gwalior Contingent

 He was apprehended by the tehsildar Ferozepur (Jhirka) without arms
but was hanged by Ford on 24 March 1858.224
651 Ghariba Meo, son of Chunna hanged in January 1858.225

Another source gives three more names:226

652 Leela Meo hanged in April 1858.

653 Ashila Meo hanged in April 1858.
654 Zuggar (Jhaggar) Meo hanged in April 1858.

TOOSAINEE (TUSAINI)

Two more persons were sentenced:227

655 Mullooka (Maluka) Meo, lambardar, was hanged on 1 February

1858.
656 Dheeree (Dhiri) Meo
He was caught by tehsildar Poonahana (Punahana) and hanged on 24
March 1858.

NUGGEENAH (NAGINA)/JARGALI

657 Kawul (Kabul) Khan Meo of Hurrianah Light Infantry Battalion

He along with Udai Singh Meo was apprehended by the tehsildar
Ferozepur (Jhirka) without arms and executed by Ford on 29 March
1858.227
658 Oodey (Udai) Singh Meo
He too was of the same battalion and had been similarly executed on
March 1858.
659 Makkar Meo hanged in March 1858.228
660 Hanno Khan Meo was hanged on 29 March 1858.229 Another source
indicates that he belonged to the village of Saral.230
661 Kewal Khan, son of Sai Khan Meo too was hanged on 29 March231
662 Nanda Khan was hanged in April 1858.232
 663 Ram Singh was hanged in April 1858.232

SARAL

664 Kewal Khan, son of Sai Khan Meo was hanged on 29 March 1858.233
He is perhaps same as that at Sr. No. 661 above.

PINANGHWAN

665 Kamruddin alias Badruddin Meo, son of Sadruddin Meo

He was killed in action at the Mahun battle on 29 December 1857
where 70 fighters attained martyrdom.
666 Wazir Khan Meo was hanged in January 1858.234

The following were also hanged with Wazir Khan:

667 Gul Khan Meo

668 Lahak Meo
669 Wazir Meo
670 Tehrrum Meo

CHITORA

The following fighters were hanged in January 1858:234

671 Lehna Meo

672 Kund (Kunz) Bakhsh
673 Najba (Najiba) Meo

FEROZEPUR JHIRKA

The following fighters were executed in April 1858:234

 674 Israil Meo
675 Kewal Khan Meo
676 Nawal Khan Meo
677 Nahar Singh Meo
678 Rai Khan Meo
679 Lodha Meo
680 Jodha Meo
681 Jorawar Meo
682 Hayat Khan Meo

SUDAKA (SURAKA)

683 Imam Ali Meo was hanged on 4 December 1857.234

The names of so many are not forthcoming due to non-availability of the
record. The local tradition indicates that 14 fighters were hanged from a
tamarind tree at the site of the present bus stand of Ferozepur Jhirka on
the main highway.235

GUJJAR NANGLA

At least four residents were hanged in February 1858:236

684 Fazal Ali Sayyed

685 Jawala Singh Meo
686 Alamgir Meo
687 Mahabali Meo

MANDI KHERA

The following fighters of this village have been identified who were hanged
in November 1857:236

688 Mushtaq Ali Khanzada.

 689 Muqaddar Ali Khanzada
690 Ryuddin Khanzada
691 Sujat Ali Khanzada
692 Faryad Ali Khanzada

MAHUN AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD

Although a large number of fighters from the villages were hanged, the names
of only 13 have been identified:236

693 Sharfuddin Meo

694 Aslam Beg
695 Nusarat Ali Meo
696 Imami Meo
697 Kheru Meo
698 Mehboob Bakhsh Meo
699 Sher Singh Meo
700 Bhanwar Meo
701 Lahri Bakhsh Meo
702 Muqaddar Bakhsh
703 Mal Singh Meo
704 Bhazat Ali Meo
705 Nannu Meo

DOHA236

706 Kehar Singh Meo

707 Mehra Meo
708 Fatauli Meo
709 Buzzagar Meo
710 Dhanmat Meo
711 Lahru Meo, he was the leader.
RAWLI236

712 Ghisa Meo

713 Sher Singh Meo
714 Hasmat Meo
715 Zaikam Meo

SHADIPUR236

716 Sulhar Meo was hanged in January 1858.

BASAI KHANZADA236

The following four villagers were hanged in December 1857:

717 Nusrat Ali Khanzada

718 Ikram Ali Khanzada
719 Hakim Bakhsh Khanzada
720 Inza Khan Khanzada

NAHARIKA236

721 Zumrat Meo

722 Nihala Meo
723 Shikari Meo

SAKRAS236

It is a big village, where following thirteen fighters were hanged:

724 Ruksar Meo

725 Tikam Khan Meo
 726 Meo Khan Meo
727 Kaluta Meo
728 Ghuspari Meo
729 Ruzmma Meo
730 Harchand Meo
731 Suhaga Meo
732 Madal Meo
733 Nakaya Meo
734 Baghera Meo
735 Ugra Meo
736 Khyali Meo

SHINGAR

737 Imam Bakhsh Meo, son of Sanwat was hanged on 22 January 1858.237
The following two prominent Mewatti leaders too attained martyrdom
but the names of their villages are not forthcoming:238
738 Major Hoor Khan Mewatti laid his life while defending at Delhi.
739 Feroze Shah Mewatti was killed by the Showers column.

Faridabad District

FARIDABAD TOWN

740 Dhunna (Dhanna) Singh Rajput

He was charged with rebellion and imprisoned. He had fought against
the British forces in Delhi and was executed on 4 February 1858.239
The following four persons were hanged 22 February.
741 Elahee Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh).
742 Ulee Mohomed (Ali Mohammad).
743 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Maniaar.
744 Inzmam Ali Maniar.240
BALLABGARH241

745 Chaudhary Mohan Singh, resident of Madhopur

He was the brother-in-law of Raja Nahar Singh and a commander of his
army. He was initially sentenced to transportation for life and his appeal
was rejected by the Commissioner in April 1858. What transpired later
is not known but according to strong tradition he was executed. He was
hanged in May 1858 in Delhi.
746 Kurreembux (Karim Bakhsh) Sheikh was hanged on 15 Dec 1857.
747 Goolab Singh Malee (Saini)
He was a minister of Raja Nahar Singh and executed on 18 January
1858 after trial in Delhi.
748 Khushal Singh
He was a minister of Raja Nahar Singh and he along with Gulab Singh
Saini was in-charge of the administration during the rebellion. He was
tried and executed in Delhi in January 1858.
749 Raja Nahar Singh Teotia Jat was hanged in Delhi on 9 January 1858

TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF RAJA NAHAR SINGH

Nahar Singh was arrested by Brigadier St. George Daniel Showers on 6

November 1857, brought to Delhi, and imprisoned in the Red Fort. He was
treated as a dangerous state prisoner and Edward Lacon Ommanney,
Lieutenant 59th NI Regiment, was in charge. The Military Commission which
enacted the pretence of trial consisted of Brigadier General Neville Bowles
Chamberlain, President; and Michael Dawes, Lieut. Colonel European
Artillery; John Patrick Redmond, Major HM’s 61st Foot Regiment; and
Charles Sawyers, Major HM’s 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers); four
members; Fredrick Joseph Harriot, Major 4th ELC, the Deputy Judge
Advocate General (DJAG) as prostecutor and William Ganor Waterfield,
Lieutenant 23rd NI Regiment the interpreter, while H.M. Courtney was the
defence lawyer.242 The trial began on 19 December 1857, and Nahar Singh
was produced fully chained as if he were a very dangerous man. But what
could be expected? When a person could be hanged for writing a simple
petition to his monarch, Raja Nahar Singh had written at least fifteen letters
which were produced in the so called court. In addition, he had rendered
assistance to Bahadur Shah Zafar in every possible manner he could.
However, there was no charge of killing any European person – he had
helped in the escape of six such fellows from Delhi. Still, he was entangled
in the murder of Munroe, his English writer. He was tried under the Acts of
1857 and from the beginning it was clear he would be executed.
Such butchers as William Ford, Theophilus John Metcalfe, John Cock-
burn Hood, captain 49th NI Regiment; K.J.W. Coghill, Lieutenant 2nd EnBF;
Brigadier St. George Daniel Showers, and officiating Commissioner of
Delhi, C.B. Saunders were produced to give evidence against the Raja. The
other witnesses for the prosecution side were Mohammad Bakhsh, pay-
master of the Ballabgarh Raja; Suganchand, a writer of Ballabgarh Raja;
Hakim Ahsanullah Khan, notorious physician of Bahadur Shah Zafar;
Nareshchand and Jawalanath, responsible for collecting atta (flour) and
ghee (clarified butter) for the Nasirabad contingent; Amichand, a resident of
Kahnaud (Mahendragarh), in-charge of carriage-carts engaged to carry
supplies for Raja Nahar Singh’s army; Ahmed Ali, a record keeper of the
Ballabgarh Raja; Madhavnarain, another writer of the Ballabgarh Raja;
Dhanna Singh, a sepoy of the 60th NI and Baldev Singh, a zamindar of
Karauli.
The defence attorney produced Edward Burrow, a European prisoner and
John Michel, an officer of the East India Railways. The trial commenced on
19 December 1857, at 11.00 hours, and William Ford, who was present at
the time of capture of the Ballabgarh Fort, was presented as witness; then
John Cockburn Hood gave evidence, and the third witness was the notorious
Theophilus John Metcalfe. The fourth witness was an employee of the
Ballabgarh Raja, Mohammad Bakhsh, the pay master. The 20th of December
being Sunday, the kangaroo court was held on Monday at 11.00 a.m. when the
fifth witness, Shuganchand, a writer of the Raja, and the 6th witness, traitor
Jiwanlal Kayasth, head munshi (clerk) of the Agent to the Lieutenant
Governor, were produced. It would be interesting to know that Jiwanlal was
the chief spy for the British in Delhi and had given every bit of information to
them during the siege of Delhi.
His forefather Raghunath was a minister in the reign of Shah Jahan and
Aurangzeb, and hailed from Raghunathpura, a village on the north-west side
of Narnaul town in Haryana. The seventh witness for prosecution was again
a British stooge and spy named Hakim Ahsanullah Khan. Both these
prosecution witnesses identified letters written as part of the correspondence
between Raja Nahar Singh and the King. Then other witnesses, at least ten in
number, were produced in the court by the prosecutor, including C.B.
Saunders, the officiating Commissioner of Delhi, who claimed Raja Nahar
Singh to be a strong anti-British chief. The prosecutor claimed to prove that
Bahadur Shah Zafar, Raja Nahar Singh, Nawab Ahmed Ali, Nawab Abdur
Rehman Khan and Nawab Bahadur Jang Khan had been hatching conspiracy
against the British government conjointly.
On 30 December, the defence attorney Courtney made his statement. He
produced Edward Burrow and John Michel as his witnesses. Burrow told the
court that during the rebellion the administration of Ballabgarh was in the
hands of Mohan Singh and Khushal Singh. John Michel was one of the six
fugitives from Delhi who had been able to escape from Delhi to Hodal with
the help of Raja Nahar Singh.
The court sat again on 2 January 1858, when the prosecutor held the
defence evidence as devoid of content, and alleged that the Raja had been
playing a double game. The court accepted his contention and simultaneously
rejected all the evidence given by the defence lawyer. Consequently, Raja
Nahar Singh was held guilty of the charges against him and was sentenced to
‘be hanged by the neck until he be dead and further to forefeit all his property
and effects of every description.’ The sentence was approved by Major
General Nicholas Penny, commanding the Meerut division the same day. He
was hanged before the Kotwali in Chandni Chowk (Moonlight Square),
Delhi.
DELHI, Jan., 10 – The Raja of Bullubgurh was hanged yesterday afternoon, opposite the
Kotwallee. A considerable number of natives were present; and a guard, as on occasion of the
execution of the Chief of Jhujjur, was in attendance. All passed off in the most orderly manner….243

It would be appropriate to mention that the Jat Raja was one of the most
handsome princes of India and the public had great sympathy for him. A
contemporary British writer, whose husband was on duty at the time of
hanging, writes,
More melancholy still was the death of the Rajah [of Ballabgarh], whose sympathies as a Hindoo
were probably as much with the English as with the Moslem Emperor. Gentle in manner, and young
and handsome in person, it was hard fate of this noble to be placed in circumstances wherein every
path was fraught with peril and to be tried when death was the award of any act hostile to our
rule.244
 Raja Nahar Singh stated before the court that he had chosen the path
deliberately, fully aware of the consequences.
There was something touching in the last words he spoke before his judges: ‘I was securely seated
on a goodly bough of a flourishing tree, and my own act has sawn asunder the branch on which I
rested.245

Thus within three weeks Raja Nahar Singh attained martyrdom. And on 23
January 1858, the day on which one more chief, the Nawab of Farrukhnagar,
was hanged, Raja’s weapons too were sold.
The sale of the Bullubgarh Rajah’s guns, swords … c., came off at the magistrate’s office
yesterday. With the exception of commissioned officers, no natives were allowed to attend the sale.
The proceeds amounted to upwards of Rs, 5,000. Some valuable swords were sold, (as were some
of the purchasers!) the best description going cheap, while the inferior weapons fetched high
prices.246

After the execution, the total property and effects of the Raja were
confiscated and his three family members received Rs. 2,289 p.a., Rs. 650
p.a. and Rs. 383 p.a. respectively for their maintenance. His brother was sent
to his ancestral village Sihi, and allotted 2,200 bighas of land.247
Strangely, some writers have made reference to Hodson in the trial, very
ignorant of the fact that the Raja never met the former. It was only on 2
October 1857 that Hodson ever went towards Ballabgarh, and on that day too
he was 4 kos away, and strictly ordered not to go there.248 Hodson left
Pataudi on 27 October 1857 and reached Ambala during the night of 2–3
November 1857.249 From there he came to Delhi and joined Seaton column,
and on the day the trial began, he was in camp near Patiali or Patiyali (in
Uttar Pradesh) on his way to Khasgunge (Kasgunj), Etah, Mullown,
Mynpooree (Mainpuri). On the fateful day of 9 January 1858, he was in camp
at Kaimgunge, hundreds of miles from Delhi.

Palwal District
The present Palwal district area was the most volatile and violent region in
1857. The Jats, Pathans, Meos, Gujjars and Sheikhs participated in the
rebellion in large numbers. There were three important centres for the British
army to suppress Hodal, Bamni Khera, and Palwal. The extent of rebellion is
reflected in the numbers of the martyrs.

PALWAL (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)

The names of the following gallant fighters who made the supreme sacrifice
have been recorded:250

750 Enait Alli (Inait Ali)

He was charged with rebellion and hanged on 8 December 1857.
751 Nejabut Alli alias Neejabut Alli (Nizabat Ali)
He too was similarly charged and executed on 8 December 1857.
752 Ruhumtoollah (Rahmatullah) was executed on 13 December 1857.
753 Shurfoodeen (Sharifuddin) too was executed on 13 December 1857.
754 Duola alias Daulah Meo
He was charged with aiding and abetting in plunder and was
consequently hanged on 16 December 1857.
755 Nubbee Bux (Nabi Bakhsh) Mohammedan Rajput, 3rd Punjab Cavalry
He was charged with rebellion and executed on 31 December 1857.
756 Emamoodeen (Imamuddin), 2nd Irregular Cavalry
He too was charged with rebellion and murder and was executed on
January 1858. The following four were hanged on 16 January 1858:
757 Manee (Mani) Mohammedan
758 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Sheikh
759 Kurreemoulla (Karimullah)
760 Shahamut (Shahmat) Khan

The following three fighters were hanged on 24 March 1858 in Delhi:

761 Surrooplall Bunea (Saruplal Bania)

762 Sheikh Saadut (Saadat) Mohammedan
763 Gungapershad (Ganga Prashad) Pandey
764 Sheocharan (Shivcharan) Hindoo was hanged on 12 April 1858.
765 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Sheikh charged of rebellion was executed
on 18 January 1858.
766 Haith Alli (Hayat Ali), thanadar of Sadra
 He too was similarly charged of and executed on 11 February 1858.

According to another primary source, the following fighters too attained

martyrdom:251

767 Imamuddin of Palwal was executed on 7 January 1858 at Delhi.

768 Mirza Ghaffur Shikoh was hanged in December 1857.
769 Mirza Mohammad Bakhsh too was hanged in December 1857.
770 Mirza Mohammad Ibrahim was hanged in December 1857.
771 Mohamad Yusuf was hanged in December 1857.
772 Nabi Bakhsh was hanged in January 1858.
773 Niamat Ali was hanged in December 1857.

Following ten fighters were hanged on 16 January 1858:252

774 Asaf Khan

775 Badulla
776 Bali, son of Khuda Bakhsh
777 Bunyad Ali
778 Haidar Khan
779 Imam Khan
780 Mohammad Khan
781 Piru
782 Sayad Hari, son of Suri Kasab
783 Shamsuddin
784 Harsukh Bania, son of Radha Krishan was hanged on 2 March
1858.253

UHRWAN ALIAS AIRWAN (AHERWAN)

In late May 1857 J. Michel, A.H. Spencer, Roods, N.M. Cummins, Taylor
and Benn, fugitive officials of the East India Railways, while effecting their
escape from Delhi on camels, came to this village. A strong village tradition
indicates that they were teased by the village lads and one of them shot a boy,
and consequently the villagers caught and killed three of them. Roods, the
painter who was among the six fugitives in his narration held that the village
was barricaded and they were trapped there.254 Roods was seriously injured
and was left there presumed to be dead while Taylor and Benn were actually
killed.255 The other three, Michel, Spencer, and Cummins made good their
escape, while Roods joined them later at Hodal. After the restoration of
British rule, this Rawat Jat village became a natural target. In vengeance
sixteen residents of this village were charged with the murder of Taylor and
Benn, and sentenced to death by William Malcolm Low, the Joint Magistrate
of Gurgaon; they were accordingly executed in December 1857. The
villagers remember their martyr-forefathers and organize functions in their
memory. Their names are as under:

785 Bheema alias Bhim Singh Rawat son of Indar

He was hanged on 8 December 1857 from tamarind tree at the Pathwari
temple near Pinanghwan town.256 He was the leader of the party,
according to his descendants. A tradition holds that out of the sixteen
martyrs, fourteen belong to the Jat community. However, the following
list prepared from different sources contains twenty names excluding
Bheema, thereby indicating that some of them did not belong this
village, and they hailed from adjoining villages. Others who were
hanged on 8 December 1857 were:
786 Pohpa alias Pohap Singh Rawat, and
787 Ramkaran Rawat.257

One source gives following six names:258

788 Sadhoo alias Sedhoo (Sedhu) Singh Rawat

789 Chaitram (Chetram) Rawat Jat, son of Surta Rawat
790 Doollee (Dulli) Rawat Jat apprehended by tehsildar of Palwal
791 Toolseea (Tulsiram) Rawat Jat, son of Mughalram
792 Suhujram (Sahajram) Rawat Jat
793 Man Singh, son of Khummu (Khemu) Dhobi

Another source lists two more names:259

794 Dillay, son of Khubee Rawat was hanged on 7 December 1857.

795 Lahru Rawat was hanged on 7 December 1857 in Delhi.
 Yet, another source adds three more persons:260

796 Lalji Rawat, son of Moti Ram was hanged on 8 December 1857.
797 Ruliaram Rawat, son of Mullaram hanged on 8 December 1857.
798 Chetram Rawat, son of Bhuraram hanged on 8 December 1857.
799 Siyaram Rawat Jat along with six others was also hanged in
December261
800 Heta Rawat
801 Dharma Rawat
802 Makkhan Singh Rawat
803 Samandar Harijan
804 Chetan Harijan
805 Harman Harijan
806 Dharambir Singh Rawat, Irrigation Department Haryana; Dharmendra
Rawat, Master Sumer alias Sawaran Singh Rawat, Babu Bishamber,
Hari Singh, Buddhimal, and Colonel Rajendra Singh Rawat, etc., are
amongst the descendants of these great martyrs.

CHUJJOONUGGUR (CHHAJJUNAGAR)

This was another Jat village in the district, which enthusiastically

participated in the rebellion and after the restoration of British rule, had to
sacrifice a large number of its sons, charged with the murder of Europeans
and their supporters. William Ford was the killer and the following fighters
attained martyrdom on 13 January 1858:262

806 Kullowa alias Kulloa (Kaluram) Jat

807 Chainah Jat
808 Brijnundan (Brij Nandan) Jat
809 Hurdeo (Hardev), Jat son of Gulwa
810 Birja (Brijaram) Jat
811 Laikha (Lekha) Jat
812 Dowlut (Daulat) Jat, son of Bakhshi
813 Jeeva Jat was hanged on 12 January 1858.263
 [Note: In Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs, the date of execution is 12
January 1858, and except for Kaluram, the place of execution has been
shown as Delhi.]
Four more fighters were reported to be hanged in January 1858, whose
names are as under:264

814 Snehi Jat

815 Harlal Jat
816 Hardyal Jat
817 Lehna Jat

DEGHOTE (DEEGHOT) (TANWAR JAT VILLAGE)

The following villagers were charged with plundering of European property

at Deghote, attended with arson, and were executed on 13 January 1858.265

818 Hutteeah alias Haitah (Heta or Hetia or Hetram) Jat

819 Kullun (Kallan) Jat
820 Nunnooa (Nannua or Nannuram) Jat
821 Nuthoowa (Nathuwa or Nathuram) Jat
822 Sewa, son of Johar Singh Jat, and
823 Tuya (Tuhiya), son of Kuri Jat.266
824 Nihal Singh Jat.267

GURHEE PUTTEE (GARHI PATTI HODAL)

The following fighters were apprehended by the tehsildar of Poonahana

(Punahana), charged with the plunder of European property, and executed at
Hodal on 1 February 1858.268

825 Luchmun (Lachhman) Jat

826 Rambux (Ram Bakhsh) Jat
827 Kishunbul alias Kishenbul (Kishanbal) Jat
828 Hurdeo (Hardev) Jat
 829 Raj Nandan Jat269
830 Mansa Jat,
831 Bhagirath Jat, and
832 Shambhu Jat270

GOODHRANA (GUDHRANA)

Two soldiers hailing from this village took part in the rebellion, were
apprehended by tehsildar of Punahana and charged of mutiny and desertion,
and hanged on 8 January 1858.271 They were:

833 Wuzeer (Wazir) Khan Pathan, sowar 2nd Punjab Cavalry regiment, and
834 Zafur (Zafar) Khan, 2nd Punjab Cavalry

HODUL (HODAL)

835 Radha Kishan Jat was hanged on 1 February 1858 with the martyrs of
Garhi Patti Hodal.272

HUSSUNPOOR (HASSANPUR)

A large number of residents of this village were in the Bengal Cavalry,

Punjab Irregular Cavalry, Gwalior Contingent and Kota Contingent. They
deserted and fought the British forces in Delhi and at other places.273 Among
them were:

836 Mohomed (Mohammed) Khan Rajput, 3rd Punjab Cavalry

He was caught by the tehsildar of Palwal and hanged by Ford on
December 1857.
837 Taj Khan Beloche, 15th Punjab Cavalry hanged on 2 January 1858.
838 Zuburdust (Zabardast) Khan, 4th Irregular Cavalry (IC)
 His regiment had mutinied at Hansi and Muzaffarnagar, and he took
active part in the rebellion, so he was executed on 2nd January 1858
along with five others:
839 Kootuboodeen (Qutabuddin) Sheikh, son of Karim Bakhsh, 4th IC
840 Ruhum (Rahim) Khan, 4th Irregular Cavalry
841 Chand Khan Pathan, 5th Punjab Cavalry
842 Mohomed (Mohammed) Khan Sheikh, 15th Punjab Cavalry
843 Zafar Khan (D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers)

The following four soldiers of the 1st Irregular Cavalry (Skinner’s Horse)
were executed on 15 January 1858:

844 Hoshdar Khan, son of Rehmat Khan

845 Muhboob Bux (Mahbub Bakhsh)
846 Kurreem Bux (Karim Bakhsh), son of Abdullah
847 Fouzdar (Faujdar) Khan Pathan

The following soldiers of the Gwalior contingent, the Kota contingent, and
15th Punjab cavalry, were also hanged on 15 January 1858.

848 Mehfooz Alli (Mehfuz Ali)

849 Zamin Alli (Ali)
850 Guzunfur Alli (Ghazanafar Ali)
851 Bundeh Alli (Banda Ali)
852 Ussalut (Aslat) Khan Pathan, son of Najib Khan, the Kota Contingent
853 Ukbur (Akbar) Khan, the 15th Punjab Cavalry

One source adds following three more names:274

854 Harum Bakhsh, a mutineer of NI, was hanged on 15 January 1858.

855 Hoshiar Khan, son of Rehman Sheikh hanged on 2 January 1858.
856 Nabi Khan Rajput, son of Qadir Bakhsh was hanged on 31
December275

Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs lists three more names:276

 857 Salu Singh Rajput, son of Dhan Singh was executed on 2 January
1858.
858 Taj Khan Pathan, son of Arshad was hanged on 2 January 1858.
859 Mohammad Khan, son of Qadir Bakhsh, an active leader, was
executed on 21 December 1857.
860 Mohammad Khan, son of Qadir Bakhsh, a sepoy of Gwalior
Contingent, was hanged on 31 December 1857.277

KHUJJORKA (KHAJURKA)

861 Auzum (Azam) Beg, sowar 2nd Punjab Cavalry on 30 January 1858.278

RUSOOLPOOR (RASULPUR)

The names of soldiers of the Gwalior contingent who were hanged in January
1858 follow:

862 Auzum Alli (Azam Ali),

863 Ishtiak Alli (Ishtiaq Ali), and
864 Jafar Hoossain (Zafar Hussain) Sayyed.279

One more primary source lists following six fighters:280

865 Bathee (Bathi) was hanged in Delhi on 16 January 1858.

866 Ishtiaq Ali 2nd was hanged in Delhi on 13 January 1858.
867 Jafa Hussain was hanged in Delhi on 13 January 1858.
868 Karremullah was hanged in Delhi on 16 January 1858.
869 Khuda Bakhsh was hanged in Delhi on 15 December 1857.
870 Shahmat was a comrade in arms of Rao Kishan Gopal.
He was at the Nasibpur battle, caught afterwards and was hanged in
Delhi on 16 January 1858.
871 Azim Ali, son of Arshad Ali was hanged on 5 January 1858.281
SHAHJAHANPUR

872 Mehtab Ranghar

He was charged of plundering the Europeans’ property and hanged on 1
February 1858.

SOOLTANPOOR (SULTANPUR)

873 Umanut Alli (Amanat Ali), the Gwalior Contingent on 5 January282

The following fighters were hanged in Delhi in January 1858:

874 Banda Ali

875 Ghazanaffar Ali
876 Imam Bakhsh alias Dalla, and
877 Zamin Ali283
878 Zamir Ali, son of Nusarat Ali284
879 Mahfuz Ali, son of Amanat Ali hanged in Delhi on 5 January 1858.285

ROOPRAKA (RUPRAKA)

At this village was fought a famous battle on 19 November 1857 in which

about 400 Mewattis made the supreme sacrifice. It is unfortunate that we do
not have an authentic record of their names. Though there exist more than
seventy names on the martyrs’ memorial tower at the village, the names given
there appear strongly to be a repetition of the names of martyrs of the villages
of Shahpur Nangli and Adbar. Some books too contain the names but no
source has been cited. Hardly thirty-five names appear to be original, and the
rest seem to be guess-work. The following fighters laid their lives at that
battle.286

880 Raj Khan Meo (1802–57), son of Khawaja, son of Rai Singh, son of
Sardar Khan
 He was the main leader of the Mewatti fighters. His full clan was
involved in this struggle including his brothers, cousins, and uncles. He
died fighting on 19 November 1857 and was survived by only a twelve
year old son.
881 Sami Khan, brother of Raj Khan
882 Pir Khan, cousin of Raj Khan and a son of his uncle Atmal, son of Rai
Singh Meo
883 Illahi Baksh, another first cousin of Raj Khan and, son of his uncle
Chandmal, son of Rai Singh
884 Arjun, uncle of Raj Khan, a descendant of his great grandfather Sardar
Khan, and son of Maluka. He is reported to be one of leading
commanders of the Mewatti front at Rupraka.
885 Raj Shah Meo
886 Dan Shah Meo
887 Fateh Singh Meo
888 Ruza Meo
889 Ghatak Meo
890 Badullah Meo
891 Illahi Bakhsh, son of Meda Meo
892 Ratna, son of Chhajju Meo
893 Mohammed Ali Meo
894 Asalat Khan Meo
895 Bhul Khan Meo
896 Nasira Khan Meo
897 Zaina Meo
898 Rughda Meo
899 Dullah Bakhsh Meo
900 Jahaji Meo
901 Maharab Meo
902 Mamraj Meo
903 Hinni Meo
904 Khairah, son of Lal Beg Qureshi
905 Lal Miyan, son of Anya
906 Ranjit
907 Samand Khan Meo
908 Imami Faqir
909 Piru Jogi
 910 Sulhar
911 Amar Singh
912 Amar Nath
913 Az’har Mirasi

The martyrs of nearby villages whose names have been recorded are as
under:

MALPURI

914 Mal Singh Meo

He was killed in action on 19 November 1857 at Rupraka.

UTAWAR

915 Mussammat Mahabi

She is the only lady reported to be killed in the battle at Roopraka on 19
November 1857, and her heroic deeds are part of Mewatti folklore.

CHILLI

916 Bhuria Chaudhary was hanged in November 1857.

DHIRANKI

917 Johari Meo was hanged in November 1857.

JARALI OR JARARI

918 Shah Mohammed Meo was executed in November 1857.

919 Mansaram Badhai (Khatti) was also executed in November 1857.
 920 Udai Singh Badhai too was executed in November 1857.

BHUDPUR

921 Biddhu Shakka too was hanged in November 1857.

SEOLI OR SEVLI

922 Usman Khan Pathan, son of Zahur Khan was hanged on 18 December

According to one source following persons of villages Dhamaka, Mankaki

and Maroli were also executed:287

DHAMAKA

923 Deviram, son of Jagram Jat, was hanged in December 1857

924 Shivlal, son of Ramsahay Jat, too was hanged in December 1857
925 Prithvi, son of Ram Singh Jat, was also hanged in December 1857

MANKAKI

926 Khuda Bakhsh was hanged in February 1858.

MAROLI

927 Gulzarilal Jat was hanged in January 1858.

NALOI (NEAR SIWANI IN BHIWANI DISTRICT)

 928 Lekhram Jat, son of Ramdhan, was charged with murder at Hisar and
was hanged most probably in April 1858.288 The incumbent village
sarpanch Surajbhan is a direct descendant of the great.

With huge efforts and deep research I have been able to count 928 martyrs,
out of about 6,000. It would not be correct to claim that all of them have been
identified, rather only their names are known. It would be appropriate to
categorize the martyrs to understand the difficulty in finding their names.
There are three categories for this purpose, seen in the narrative.
In the first category come those brave sons, who died while endeavouring
to liberate their motherland in battle or fighting otherwise. They fought and
made the supreme sacrifice at Odhan (60), Khairekan (268), Ballah (160),
Panipat (28), Kharkhauda (25), Rohtak (55), Hisar (200), Bhatol Rangharan
(25), Mangali (400), Farrukhnagar (20), Raisina (70), Nahar (40), between
Taoru and Sohna (60), Ghasera (150), Nasibpur (350), Roopraka (400), and
Mahun (70). Thus about 2,400 fighters attained martyrdom in the battlefields
of Haryana.
In the second category come those who were killed during the destruction
of their respective villages, or otherwise killed, hanged, or executed without
trial. There is no record of such martyrs except the Ambala (258), Thanesar
(52), and Hisar-Hansi (28) districts. However, there are references in some
cases in the contemporary reports and memoirs of the officers, who were
with the moving force or sahibbas; for example Chhatarian (50), Dhankot
(40), Rewari (5), Nahar-Kosli (300) and Taoru (30). The arbitrary killings,
shootings and hangings had started as soon as the DFF moved from Ambala
on 17 May. There are numerous references to the hanging of five to eleven
persons from different villages along the GT Road: at least 50 such villages
find mention. In this category were many innocent sufferers, including women
and children. It would not be an exaggeration if the total number of such
martyrs were placed at 1,500 in the whole of Haryana.
In the third category are placed those who were put on ‘trial’, though the
outcome was predetermined and it was always capital punishment, the only
suspense being the place and mode, whether to be hanged or shot or crucified
or blown up by the cannon or crushed under rollers. This is the only category
for which some record is available. The official figures of all the districts
are not available, so it is not possible to tell the exact figure. The gap
between record and reality can be visualized from the examples given
hereinafter.
In the Hisar district 133 persons were executed,289 but the names of only
31 martyrs could be traced. Simlarly, in Ambala 123 fighters were tried and
executed, but names of only 30 are available.290 Further, in the district of
Delhi 392 were executed,291 of which at least half hailed from Haryana, but
only 88 have been enumerated. The vast gap between the official figures and
available names has made it impossible to give the actual number of the
martyrs. So, at this stage it is not possible to give even approximate numbers.
Still, by extrapolation of the figures available for Hisar, Ambala, and Delhi;
and the proportion of traceable numbers in these districts, it would not be
wide off the mark if the number of victims of this category is held to be about
2,000, out of which nearly 925 can be named.
In the next chapter are named about 580 fighters, who were never
apprehended, in spite of being the most wanted; however, some of them were
remembered as having been killed. Anyhow, the cumulative figure of the
martyrs of the above three categories comes out to be around 6,000. The
present population of Haryana 25.35 million (2011) is approximately 2 per
cent of that of India (1252 million), and in 1857 too it was slightly less than 2
per cent (about 2.9 million292 out of 150 million), although the demographic
composition was slightly different. It is apparent that 6,000 out of 29,00,000
was a huge sacrifice for a tiny state, proportionately it was the highest in the
country except for the city of Delhi. Gallant Haryana, first fought bravely,
then faced the repression boldly, and in that bloody struggle sacrificed more
than two out of every one thousand of her sons and daughters in 1857.
Consequently, the whole of Haryana was punished by annexing her to the
Punjab after June 1857, first temporarily and then permanently, to suffer
subjugation for about 110 years until 1 November 1966. The Haryanvis,
having nothing common with their rulers or the Punjabis, had to face
continuously severe discrimination in all walks of life even after getting
independence from England in 1947.

Notes
1. Saul David, The Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi, 2002, p. 233.
 2. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 744–5.
3. Ibid., p. 141.
4. Ibid., pp. 189–90, 241.
5. M.R. VII-1, p. 409.
6. D.G. Ferozepur, 1915, p. 43.
7. HSA HD Accn. No. 3561, PMF (Bundle) No. 70, 1857–9, p. 29.
8. Ibid pp. 9–12: R. Montgomery, Judicial Commissioner Letter to F.C. Marsden Commissioner, Sirsa,
dated 30 September 1857.
9. Ibid., pp. 21–4.
10. Ibid., pp. 29–34.
11. Ibid., Lahore Chronicle, 18 November 1857.
12. Lahore Chronicle, 25 November 1857.
13. HSA HD Accn. No. 3561, PMF No. 70, pp. 53–7.
14. Ibid., p. 175.
15. Ibid., p. 35.
16. Ibid., p. 77.
17. Ibid., p. 93.
18. Ibid., pp. 103–4.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid., p. 79.
21. Ibid., pp. 103–4.
22. Ibid., p. 167.
23. Ibid.
24. HSA HD Accn. No. 9319, PM File.
25. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 460–1, 1207–19.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., pp. 1301, 1313–16.
30. J.K. Gupta, History of Sirsa Town, Delhi, 1991, p. 83.
31. K.C. Yadav, Roll of Honour: Haryana’s Martyrs of 1857, Gurgaon, 2008, p. 93, but no source
cited.
32. Gupta, History of Sirsa, p. 83.
33. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 93.
34. Gupta, History of Sirsa, p. 83.
35. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 93.
36. Gupta, History of Sirsa, p. 83.
37. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 93.
38. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 15, 61; Lahore Chronicle, 11 November 1857.
39. Ibid., pp. 79–91, 741–58; Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi-II, pp. 275–8; Lahore Chronicle, 27
February 1858.
40. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi-II, pp. 275–6.
41. Lahore Chronicle, 27 February 1858.
42. Ibid., Decision by Ricketts.
43. Ibid., Van Cortlandt’s Orders.
44. Ibid., Ricketts’ Request.
45. Ibid., Van Cortlandt’s Letter to Montgomery.
46. Ibid., Montgomery’s Decision – Fakirchand to be Hanged.
47. Ibid.
48. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 745.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid., p. 775.
51. Ibid., p. 75.
52. Ibid., pp. 401–3.
53. Ibid., pp. 107, 115–16, 219, 401–3.
54. HSA HD PMF (Bundle) No. 82 (Judicial Case No. 281), p. 169.
55. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 115–16, 695–715.
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid., p. 169.
59. HSA HD PMF (Bundle) No. 82 (Judicial Case No. 281), p. 169.
60. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 402–3.
61. Jagdish Bharti, Haryana Ka Saheed Gaon Rohnat, Bhiwani.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 92, but no source cited.
65. Ibid.
66. Ibid.
 67. HSA DD Judicial Deptt. Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid.
71. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 69–71.
72. Ibid., pp. 75–7.
73. Ibid., pp. 69–71, 75–7.
74. Ibid.
75. Ibid.
76. Ibid.
77. Ibid.
78. Ibid., p. 1187.
79. Ibid., pp. 69–71, 75–7.
80. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 89, but no source cited.
81. Ibid.
82. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, Letter of Judicial Commissioner, p. 1127.
83. Ibid., pp. 406–7.
84. Ibid.
85. Ibid.
86. Ibid., pp. 681–91.
87. Ibid.
88. HSA DD Judicial Deptt. Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
89. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 406–7.
90. Ibid.
91. Ibid.
92. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
93. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 79, but no source cited.
94. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
95. Ibid.
96. Strong Local Tradition.
97. Yadav, Roll of honour, p. 79, but no source cited.
98. Ibid., p. 78.
99. Forbes-Mitchell, Reminiscences of the Great Mutiny, Delhi, 2010, p. 274.
100. Ibid.
101. Ibid., p. 22, Appendix-A, pp. 271–7.
102. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
103. Interview on 28 July 2015 at village Shamri with Suresh Khokhar, son of Zile Singh.
104. Ibid.
105. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37: Letter dated 23 December 1857 from C.J.H. Richardes to
C.B. Saunders, p. 149.
106. Ibid., J.S. Campbell’s letter dated Camp Sampla 23 January 1858 to Saunders.
107. Interview at Sonepat on 28 July 2015 with Attar Singh Munshi of Liwaspur.
108. Yashpal Gulia, Haryana Ka Riyasati Itihaas, Panchkula, 2006, p. 82, but no source cited.
109. Ibid.
110. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 85, but no source cited.
111. P.N. Chopra, Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs, GoI Publication, Delhi, 1973.
112. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
113. Ibid., Sr. No. 291.
114. Ibid., Sr. No. 292.
115. Ibid.
116. C.T. Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives, 24 August 1857, p. 206.
117. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
118. Ibid.
119. T.R.E. Holmes, A History of Indian Mutiny, London, 1898, 1904, pp. 605–10.
120. Ibid.
121. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 88, but no source cited.
122. Ibid.
123. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
124. Ibid.
125. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 95.
126. Chopra, Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
127. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
128. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
129. Ibid.
130. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 99, but no source cited.
131. Ibid., p. 95.
132. Ibid.
133. Interview with the villagers on 25 August 2015.
134. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 96, but no source cited.
135. Ibid.
136. Ibid., p. 101.
137. Ibid.
138. Ibid., p. 103.
139. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
140. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 677–80.
141. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
142. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 81, but no source cited.
143. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
144. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
145. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, p. 142.
146. Ibid., p. 155.
147. Ibid., pp. 59–60.
148. Ibid., p. 150.
149. Ibid.
150. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 677–80.
151. Ibid., p. 1025.
152. Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 19 February 1858.
153. Ibid., 19 January 1858, p. 28.
154. Ibid., 19 February 1858, p. 125.
155. Delhi (Agra) Gazette, 17 December 1857 and in Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs,
28 January 1858.
156. William Dalrymple, Last Mughal, Gurgaon, 2007, p. 427.
157. Ibid.
158. Ibid.
159. Indian News and Chronicle of Easter Affairs, 3 February 1858, pp. 73–4.
160. Ibid.
161. Ibid.
162. Ibid.
163. Ibid.
164. Ibid.
165. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 427.
166. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
167. Ibid.
168. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 82, but no source cited.
169. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
170. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
171. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
172. Ibid.
173. Ibid.
174. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
175. Ibid.
176. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
177. Ibid.
178. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
179. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
180. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 69, but no source cited.
181. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
182. Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 26 February 1858.
183. Ibid.
184. Ibid., Issue No. 380, 6 March 1858.
185. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 426.
186. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
187. Ibid.
188. Ibid.
189. Ibid.
190. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 38, but no source cited.
191. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
192. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
193. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858; Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
194. Ibid.
195. Ibid.
196. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
197. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 144.
198. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
199. Ibid.
200. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 143.
201. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858.
202. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 140.
203. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
204. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 157.
205. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 27, but no source cited.
206. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857: Mewation Ka Yogdan, Nuh, 2006, p. 64.
207. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in the Documents of Ex-M.P. Rahim Khan, President of All India
Meo Sabha.
208. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 134.
209. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in the documents of Ex-M.P. Rahim Khan.
210. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 27, but no source cited.
211. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 59, Strong Tradition.
212. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
213. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
214. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
215. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
216. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
217. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 59.
218. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 with ex-MP Rahim Khan Papers.
219. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
220. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 31, but no source cited.
221. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, pp. 153, 160.
222. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 42, but no source cited.
223. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers.
224. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
225. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 146.
226. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 56, but no source cited.
227. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
228. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 55, but no source cited.
229. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
230. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers.
231. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 152.
232. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 57, but no source cited.
233. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers.
234. Yadav, Roll of Honour, pp. 47–8, 55–6, but no source cited.
235. Siddique Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 74.
236. Yadav, Roll of Honour, pp. 48–51, but no source cited.
237. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers.
238. Zakir Husain, ‘Delhi, Meos and The Great Uprising’, Indian History Congress, Seventieth Session,
Delhi, 2010.
239. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858; Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
240. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 59, but no source cited.
241. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858; Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
242. NAI Raja Nahar Singh Trial Papers.
243. Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 26 February 1858, Issue No. 379, p. 150.
244. Dalrymple, Last Mughal, p. 427.
245. Ibid.
246. Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs, 6 March 1858, Issue No. 380; News from Delhi,
dated 24 January.
247. NAI Trial Papers, Courtesy HSA, Panchkula.
248. W.S.R. Hodson, Twelve Years of a Soldier’s Life, Boston, 1860, p. 330.
249. Ibid., pp. 377–9.
250. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
251. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
252. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, pp. 141–61.
253. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
254. Chick, Annals, pp. 204–5.
255. Ibid.
256. Sukhiram Rawat, Rawaton Ka Itihaas, Palwal, 2002, pp. 339–41.
257. Ibid.
258. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
259. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
260. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, pp. 144–61.
261. Yadav, Roll of Honour, pp. 65–6.
262. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
263. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
264. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 63, but no source cited.
265. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
266. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, pp. 161–4.
267. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 63, but no source cited.
268. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
269. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 159.
270. Yadav, Roll of Honour, p. 67, but no source cited.
271. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
272. Ibid., Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
273. Ibid.
274. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
275. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 157.
276. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
277. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers.
278. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
279. Ibid., Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
280. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
281. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in Rahim Khan Papers.
282. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
283. Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs.
284. Yadav, Revolt of 1857, p. 165.
285. Ibid., p. 154.
286. Siddique Meo: Sangram 1857: Zara Yaad Karo Qurbani.
287. Yadav, Roll of Honour, pp. 67–8, but no source cited.
288. Revenue record of village Naloi available with Surajbhan Sarpanch.
289. D.G. Hisar, 1892, p. 45.
290. D.G. Ambala, 1923–24, p. 30.
291. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 46.
292. Yadav, Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, pp. 55–6, 60, 65, 67–9, 88, 93, 95, 98–100.
Chapter 14
Freedom Fighters of Haryana in 1857:
Lest we Forget

We have seen in the previous chapter that a huge number of people from a
comparatively small state made the ultimate sacrifice. That was not the end
of the story because a large number of other freedom fighters were sentenced
to transportation for life, while yet others got various terms of imprisonment.
There were still others who suffered confiscation of their entire property and
were uprooted forever, and then there were those who could never be
captured. We have listed here some of them districtwise.

Sirsa District (120)

The following fighters were charged with rebellion, plunder and breaking out
of jail. They were sentenced to imprisonment for life and transportation on
20 April 1858, and were actually transported to the Andamans.1

SIRSA TOWN (3)

1 Mowjee (Mauji) Singh Ahir, jail guard, son of Khoosal Singh.

2 Maun Khan Hajjam (Nai), son of Mohobut (Mohabbat).
3 Doorab Bhattee (Durab Bhatti), jail guard, son of Gayala Khan.
They were all residents of the Sirsa town.
KOOSSUR (KUSSAR) (1)

4 Ranwut Pachada (Ranwat Pachhada), son of Meean (Mian) Khan, a

resident of village Koossur (Kussar) in Sirsa, was charged with
breaking out of jail during the mutiny and an attempt to murder
Moorleedhur (Murlidhar), thanadar. He was sentenced to imprisonment
for life and transportation, and was actually transported as sentenced on
4 May 1858.2

CHHATRIAN (2)

5 Boorhan (Burhan) Pachhada, son of Dara, resident of village Chhatrian

(Sirsa), was charged with the murder of Lieutenant Hilliard and his
brother-in-law J.W. Fell. He was sentenced to imprisonment for life on
21 July 1858 and was transported to the Andamans.3
6 Nowla Jhorur (Naula Jhorar), son of Salum (Salam), resident of
Chhatrian too was similarly charged and sentenced.4

The following persons, all residents of Sirsa district, were charged with
rebellion and plunder, and sentenced to imprisonment for life, transportation
and labour in irons on 8 May 1858, and were sent to Ferozepur jail for
transportation.5

7 Raheem Ali Khan, darogah, customs department. He was initially

sentenced to death, but the sentence was reduced on appeal.
8 Jowahar Singh, jemadar of the thana Dabwali.
9 Nabbi Bux, peon, customs department.
10 Bindoo (Bundoo) Khan, peon, customs department, Sirsa.
He was arrested and kept in prison till 24 July 1858. He was pardoned
because he had turned informer on six customs’ peons, a sepoy of the
Hurrianah Light Infantry and a sowar of the 4th Irregular Cavalry. Thus
he was released by the Governor General of India.6

MOJU KHERA (12)

 11 Wully (Wali) Mohammad Khan, son of Uslum (Aslam) Khan, thana
mohurrir (moharrir), a rent-free landholder of Moju Khera (Sirsa).

Along with 10 other rent-free landholders of that village he served the

Nawab of Rania. They were tried by J.H. Oliver and T.W. Moore and
initially were sentenced to death on 3 June 1858. Later their sentence was
converted into imprisonment for life, transportation, and confiscation of total
property on 28 June 1858.7 His appeal for reduction in the sentence before
P.S. Melvill, the Commissioner Hisar was rejected on 23 July 1859.8 Aslam
Khan who had been very active and was resaldar of the Rania Nawab died
in prison during the pendency of his appeal; so there remained only ten,
including Wali Mohammed, who were as under:9

12 Malum (Malam) Khan

13 Jungoo (Jangu) Khan
14 Golam Russool (Ghulam Rasul)
15 Golam Hoossain (Ghulam Hussain)
16 Roshna Khan
17 Alee Mohammed Khan
18 Nadir Shah Khan
19 Ghaush Ali Khan
20 Bundoo (Bandu) Khan
21 Ulfoo (Alfu) Khan
Their rent-free holdings were confiscated.10
22 Talayar Khan or Tilyar Khan
Then there was another fighter from Moju Khera, who had with him 20
rent-free landholders. He was charged with rebellion, plunder and
robbery, as he had served the Rania Nawab. He was tried in the
‘Government versus Wali Mohammed Case’ in absentia, as he was not
captured till 1860; however his total property was confiscated.11 These
20 persons had reversionary interest in that land, which was
confiscated.12

CUSTOMS’ DEPARTMENT SIRSA (10)

 23 Toolseeram (Tulsiram), peon customs department.
He was charged with rebellion and plunder of the town of Sirsa, and
sentenced to imprisonment for life, transportation and labour in irons by
a Commission consisting of J.H. Oliver, A.J.S. Donald and T.W. Moore
in May 1858. But he was later acquitted and released by the Chief
Commissioner for want of proof on 28 August 1858.13
24 Toorra Baz (Turrebaz) Khan, peon customs department, Sirsa.
He was also similarly charged of and sentenced as Tulsiram, but his
sentence was reduced by the Chief Commissioner to 7 years’
imprisonment with labour in irons.14

The following six peons of the customs were sentenced similarly as

Toorra Baz Khan was:15

25 Hoormut (Hurmat) Khan

26 Ilahi Bakhsh
27 Bhola Khan
28 Najjaf Khan
29 Khetoo
30 Bahadur Khan
31 Imam Bakhsh, kotegasht, customs department, and
32 Ramreck (Ramrikh), peon, was fined Rupees 300 or sentenced to
imprisonment for 3 years in lieu thereof for not giving aid to the
customs’ patrol in Jodhkan in May 1857.
33 Ranwutt (Ranwatt), zamindar, was charged with rebellion and not
surrendering within the stipulated period. The Commission consisting of
Oliver, Donald and Moore, sentenced him to imprisonment for life,
transportation and labour in irons in May 1858.16
34 Daloo Singh, jemadar, customs department, too was similarly charged
of and sentenced by Oliver and Donald.
35 Dhun (Dhan) Singh, chuprasee (chaprasi), customs department, was
initially charged with rebellion and plunder, and sentenced to death;
however, on 6 July 1858 his death sentence was disallowed but
imprisonment was confirmed.17
THIRAJ (3)

36 Mana alias Man Singh (Sikh), lambardar of village Thiraj, along with
at least two other lambardars of his village, was charged with highway
robbery and murder, and was imprisoned. The villagers had attacked the
European fugitives from Sirsa on 30 May 1857 and a buggy was burnt.
The lambardars were let off on payment of a fine of Rs. 1,000 and
released because one of them was a British stooge. The others were:18
37 Lalla alias Lal Singh Sikh, lambardar
38 Bussada, lambardar
39 Shahzada, and his son
40 Punjaba were charged of plundering of property at Sirsa, and they were
initially awarded severe punishment and sent to the Agra jail. However,
the sentence was later reduced to five years with labour for Shahzada,
and a fine of Rs. 2,000 was imposed on Punjaba.19

RELATIVES OF THE NAWAB RANIA (4)

41 Emam (Imam) Ali Khan, married to a sister of the Nawab of Rania was
arrested on 30 September 1857.20
42 Gholam (Ghulam) Mohammad Khan, husband of another sister of the
Nawab of Rania too was arrested on 30 September 1857.21
43 Nujub (Najab) Ali Khan and
44 Sher Ali Khan relatives of the Nawab of Rania were also arrested on
30 September 1857.22 What happened to these four persons is not
known.

THE RANIA NAWAB’S SERVANTS AND EMPLOYEES:

Seven Convicted Six Acquitted

Of thirteen persons arrested for being in the service of the Nawab of Rania,
seven got punishment and the remaining six were acquitted but they too had to
remain in jails for long. Those arrested were: Rustam Ali, Mehmeh Khan,
Nubi Bakhsh 1st of Rania, Sohna, Roossoo alias Rassoo, Lulla alias Lalla,
Jumma, Muhammad Hoosain (Hussain), Gahmey Khan, Sorab (Sohrab)
Khan, Mohammadullah Khan, Nubbee (Nabi) Bakhsh 2nd alias Nubboo
(Nabbu) and Behgah (Bega).23 Nubbee (Nabi Bakhsh) 2nd was already a
prisoner in the Ferozepur jail on 30 May 1857, and no evidence was
procured against Muhammad Hoosain (Hussain), Gahmay (Gama) Khan,
Sorab Khan, Mohammadulla Khan and Baygah (Bega); so, they were
acquitted and released in January or February 1858.24 According to one
reference Khan Mohammad, Hosein Khan, Meeko, Sohrab, Gameh Khan and
Nabbu were released. In fact, the Nawab was arrested along with 18
followers, by the Deputy Commissioner of Ludhiana, so, everywhere there is
confusion about names. In some references it has been indicated that the 18
persons were hanged with him but that appears to be doubtful.
The remaining seven servants were awarded severe punishment. They
were charged with rebellion and plunder, and sentenced to death by the
Commission on 22 April 1858; and were committed to the Commissioner
Joshia Edward Lyall Brandreth, who had taken charge at Hisar on 12 March
1858. The Commissioner reduced their sentence to transportation for life on
18 May 185825 and they were sent to Ferozepur jail for transportation except
Rustam Ali. But the Judicial Commissioner reversed the decision in the case
of Mehmey Khan and sentenced him to death as highlighted in the previous
chapter. The final sentence for the convicted was as under:26

45 Nubbee Bux (Nabi Bakhsh) of Rania.

He was a servant of the Nawab, who was sentenced to imprisonment for
life, transportation beyond seas with labour in irons on 27 May 1858,
by the Judicial Commissioner.
46 Sohna, son of Tana (Thanna) Pathan, a slave (ghulam) of the Nawab,
was sentenced to imprisonment for ten years and labour in irons by the
Judicial Commissioner on 27 May 1858.
47 Rassoo alias Roossoo Mochee, son of Bhola, a follower of the Nawab.
He was sentenced to five years imprisonment with labour in irons on 27
May 1858.
 48 Lulla alias Lalla was a slave (ghulam) of the Nawab.
He was sentenced to imprisonment for ten years with labour in irons by
the Judicial Commissioner on 27 May 1858.
49 Joomma Lakhowal, son of Rokala was also a slave of the Nawab.
He too was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment with labour in irons
on 27 May 1858.
50 Rustam Ali Bhatti, son of Meer Khan Bhatti, a relative of the Nawab.
He was also among the above fighters but on appeal his sentence was
reduced to seven years on 23 December 1858.27

In the month of May 1858, a total of 35 persons were tried by a Special

Commission and four were sentenced to death, 24 jailed for life, one was
awarded a short term imprisonment and 6 were acquitted. At the same time
there were 34 prisoners in jails under trial.28 The following persons were
sentenced to imprisonment for various terms given against their names, for
the charge of rebellion and plunder at Sirsa:29

51 Nizam Khan, son of Noor Alli Khan for life.

52 Goolab Khan, son of Deen Mohammad too for life.
53 Gulshan, son of Sullabut (Salabat) too for life.
54 Saheba, son of Zahareea (Zaharia) too for life.
55 Khaja Bux, son of Sheikh Hoormat (Hurmat) for fourteen years. 56
Meerdad Khan, son of Muctool (Maqtul) for ten years.
57 Cana (Kanha) Singh, son of Roopa for ten years.

The following fighters were sentenced to imprisonment for seven years

with labour in irons.30

58 Dhun (Dhan) Singh, son of Tukht (Takhat) Singh on 12 July 1858.

59 Emam (Imam) Khan, son of Kurrum (Karam) Khan on 20 July 1858.
60 Seeloo (Silu) Singh, son of Heera on 10 August 1858.
61 Saidoo (Sedhu) Singh, son of Hurllal (Harlal) by the Judicial
Commissioner on 14 August 1858.
62 Gungaram (Gangaram), son of Caishoram (Keshoram) as above.
63 Lalljee (Lalji), son of Futtai (Fateh) Singh as above.
64 Rustam Ali, son of Chirag Ali, as above.
POLICE DEPARTMENT (9)

In addition the following persons of the police establishment were also

imprisoned and tried, and sentenced but the quantum of sentence is not
forthcoming.31

65 Chand Khan, sepoy, police battalion

66 Ittur (Itar) Khan, sepoy, police battalion
67 Meer Khan, sepoy, police battalion
68 Hosain (Hussain) Bux, thana barakandaz
69 Sundul (Sandal) Khan, thana barakandaz
70 Hoojala (Ujala) Khan, thana barakandaz
71 Sahib Singh, thana barakandaz
72 Sarda Singh, thana barakandaz
73 Bugwan Dos (Bhagwan Dass), mohurrir (moharrir), chowki (name not
legible).

RANIA (8)

74 Munna Khan, cultivator, Rania

75 Dara, cultivator, Rania

The following persons of Rania remained in the jails for about one year:

76 Khan Mohammadullah Khan

77 Hosain (Hussain) Khan
78 Meeko (Miku)
79 Sohrab
80 Gameh (Gama) Khan
81 Nubboo (Nabbu) alias Nabi Bakhsh 2nd

THOSE WHO ESCAPED FROM JAIL (62)

On 30 May 1857, in total 140 men escaped from the Sirsa jail, out of which
78 had been recaptured by 8 January 1860, but 62 were still at large, after
more than 31 months from the day of their escape.32 Some of them were as
follows:

82 Wazira Mochi, son of Hakim resident of Sirsa.

83 Lukman Pachhad, son of Nathu, resident of Nejadela Khurd (Sirsa).
84 Mungul (Mangal) Bhangi, son of Ghulam, resident of Khureeal
(Kharial, old name of Ellenabad).
85 Rattegeer Gooshyaen (Rattegir Gusain), son of Fattehgir, resident of
Bhiwani (then in Rohtak).
86 Azim Kaimkhani, son of Hussain, resident of village Sherpura (Sirsa).
87 Khusia Jat, son of Bishna, resident of village Burj Bhangu (Sirsa).
88 Siva Banwari, son of Jiwan Maluka Sirsa.
89 Bhani Banwari, son of Jiwan, Maluka Sirsa.
90 Parbhu, son of Lala of Neza Khera (Sirsa).
91 Ghulam Nai, son of Saider, Kosi Bagh Jhujjur (Jhajjar).
92 Panna Banwari, son of Hira, village Begu (Sirsa).
93 Udda Banwari, son of Mala resident of Neza Khera (Sirsa).
94 Hira, son of Sahiram Banwari, village Begu (Sirsa).
95 Nura Sidhu, son of Kala Bakhsh, village Goria (Sirsa).
96 Malhe Kumhar, son of Peer Bakhsh Jhari (Sirsa).
97 Rehmanshah Chisti, son of Jamal village Duddiwali (Sirsa).
98 Sawai Heri, son of Baja resident of Bhattu (Hisar).
99 Harkha Banwari, son of Neza resident of Bhattu (Hisar).
100 Sohab Kharral, son of Jhandu, resident of Kamwarwala (Sirsa).
101 Nizamuddin Jogi, son of Fatehdin, resident of Dhammar (Sirsa).
102 Mewa Jat, son of Beeru, resident of Kharia (Sirsa).
103 Budh Singh Jat, son of Bhajja, resident of Jagmalpur (Thanesar).
104 Mussammat (Smt) Jitta, daughter of Binda, village Mehna (Sirsa).
105 Rehman Kharral, son of Bisan, resident of Manee Khera (Sirsa).
106 Man Singh Rajpoot, son of Chain Singh, resident of Bainsi (Rohtak).
They had not been apprehended until 26 January 1860.33
107 Jahangir Khan, leader of the customs’ employees was charged of the
rebellion and mutiny but he could not be apprehended in spite of a
reward of Rs. 200 announced for his capture.34
 108 Nubbee (Nabi) Khan, son of Bheekaree (Bhikhari), a barakandaz in
kotwali Sirsa, left for Delhi with other rebels and nothing was heard
thereafter.35
109 Nizam Khan alias Nizamuddin, an old government servant at Rori
thana was also sentenced by the Sirsa Commissioner on the charge of
rebellion and his appeal was dismissed,36 but the quantum of sentence is
not available.37
110 Goolab (Gulab) Khan too was charged with the rebellion and
sentenced, but quantum of sentence is not forthcoming.38
111 Khouj (Khauj) Bakhsh too got imprisonment for rebellion.39
In this case there were many others also but neither their identity nor
quantum of sentence is traceable. The following seven persons along
with twenty-nine others were sentenced to imprisonment for life and
transportation, and were sent to the Andamans.40
112 Hira Singh
113 Khote Singh
114 Man Singh
115 Manna
116 Rahim Ali
117 Ghani Khan
118 Mam Khan
119 Similarly were punished Cammudin (Kamruddin) Khan and fifty
others, while two persons were awarded fourteen years’ imprisonment
and sent along with above.41 Another batch of twenty customs’ peons
and four barakandazes was sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment and
labour in irons.42
120 Babur (Babar) Ali, peon, customs department, was sentenced to
imprisonment for life and transportation by J.E.L. Brandreth, after he
was charged with rebellion and not surrendering within the stipulated
period.43

It is difficult to trace the actual figures of the persons imprisoned, tried,

and dead in jails. A report recorded that 200 chaprasis of the customs
department were tried at Sirsa who were charged with rebellion.44 Some of
them, who were sentenced, have been named here.
Hisar District (39)

HISAR TOWN

A Famous Political Trial of 1857: Shahbaz Beg, Rukanuddin,

Karim Khan

The most prominent figures of Hisar during the crucial days of revolt were
Shahbaz Beg, the Deputy Collector and Deputy Magistrate; Chaudhree
Kurreem (Chaudhary Karim) Khan Pathan, a former uncovenantsed Deputy
Collector with a monthly salary of Rs. 450 per mensem, who had worked
since 1839 but had retired by 1857; and Moulvee Rookunooddeen (Maulvi
Rukan-ud-din), son of Moizoodeen (Moiz-ud-din). These three had acted in
unison and helped Shahzada Mohammad Azim in his movements and war
efforts. The trial of these three after the recapture of Hisar was one of the
most publicized, and of great importance, even greater than that of Mirza
Munir Beg, Hukamchand Jain and Faqirchand Jain; because Shahbaz Beg and
his two comrades had actively participated in the rebellion against the
British government, whereas Mirza Munir Beg and his two companions had
only written a letter to the King, and had induldged in no other anti-British
government activity.

121 Shahbaz Beg

He did not go to his office on 29 May 1857, the day on which the
rebellion broke out at Hisar. Shahzada Mohammad Azim, son of Akbar
Jehan, appeared at Hisar as the representative of Bahadur Shah on 30
May 1857; and he was received by Shahbaz Beg, who remained with
the former until he left for Delhi.45 During this period Shahbaz wrote a
letter to Le Bas, the Magistrate at Karnal.46
The trial of Shahbaz Beg, after the restoration of British authority,
was one of the most famous political trials. He was arrested and the
then Deputy Commissioner William Ford wrote to the officiating
Commissioner General Van Cortlandt on 7 October 1857 from Hansi
that the conduct of Shahbaz Beg was unsatisfactory. He remained
 deliberately absent from duty on 29 May 1857.47 He did not arrange for
the burial of the Europeans killed on that day and was active in
sheltering and defending the family of Shahzadah Mohammad Azim and
not surrendering them to the authorities for taking them to Hansi in
confinement.48 He recommended his dismissal from the service;49
though not immediately dismissed, Shahbaz Beg was suspended on
getting sanction from the Chief Commissioner of the Punjab on 14
October 1857.50
Subsequently, he was tried along with others. Ricketts charged him
with disloyalty, dereliction of duty, and rebellion by helping Shahzada
Mohammad Azim. Bakhtawar Singh, munsiff, Hisar was a witness in
this case. Ricketts sentenced him to imprisonment for life, banishment
and confiscation of all of his property and dismissal from service.51 Van
Cortlandt had written and sent the proceedings of cases about Shahbaz
and two others for confirmation of sentence. The Judicial Commissioner
Edward Thornton had sought the same.52 In July, it was intended to send
him for transportation for life vide the Deputy Commissioner letter
dated 30 July 1858.53 But instructions were received from Lahore on 20
August 1858 that he was not to be transported, pending further
directions.54
The Judicial Commissioner sent the case to the Chief Commissioner
on 14 September 1858 for confirmation55 and his appeal was thus
dismissed. But in the meantime his son-in-law Ahmad Nabi Khan, the
Anglophile tehsildar of Hansi, made an appeal to the Judicial
Commissioner. He had a good service record! And for services
rendered during the crisis, he had certificates from Van Cortlandt,
Robertson, Ford, Stafford, Skinner, Pearse, Mildmay, Boileau and
others.56 The then Judicial Commissioner, Thornton on his appeal
recommended the case to the Chief Commissioner, though Beg had been
convicted of treason. Finally, he was acquitted and released57 but not
reinstated in the service.
122 Maulvi Rukan-ud-din
He was one of the triumvirate during the rebellion at Hisar, a native of
Hisar. He was termed by Ricketts ‘the most influential person of the
city.’58 In this trial it was observed that, ‘Had he exerted, rebellion and
atrocities could have been averted.’59
 After taking out a procession on 30 May 1857 Mohammad Azim
alighted at the house of Rukan-ud-din.60 Rukan-ud-din was
muafijagirdar of half of the total Barwala estate and had gardens at
Hisar as well.61 Shahzada Azim had left his wife and family on 25–26
May 1857 at the estate of Rukan-ud-din in Barwala.62 On 30 May the
Maulvi had sent for the bankers of Hisar and demanded Rs. 1,000 for
Azim.63 Again on 1 June 1857 Azim went to the village of Rukanud-din,
i.e. Barwala and stayed there for a couple of days.64 Later the Maulvi
shifted the Shahzada’s family to Hisar in Pathan Mohalla and when Van
Cortlandt recovered Hisar on 17 July, it was still under his protection.65
He was also tried along with Shahbaz Beg and sentenced to
imprisonment for life and banishment, and was transported to the
Andamans. At that time his appeal was rejected. Subsequently, after two
years, amnesty was offered to political prisoners and he appealed for
acquittal from Port Blair. By then he had turned a faqir. He was
released and allowed to come back home on 9 February 1861.66 After
14 years of the release, he made a petition on 22 November 1875, for
restoration of his proprietary rights of half of the village of Barwala and
the garden Khankah Shaheb Ismail at Hisar, for his subsistence and
maintenance.67
123 Chaudhary Karim Khan alias Karim Khan Pathan
He too was tried simultaneously along with Shahbaz Beg and Maulvi
Rukan-ud-din. He was a resident of the Pathan Mohalla in Hisar city
and his house was in the neighbourhood of Rukan-ud-din, where other
fighters too lived. Shah Noor Khan, risaldar of the Dadri cavalry used
to live in his house. A detachment of Dadri cavalry under Shah Noor
Khan had camped in the lines adjacent to his house near Mori Gate.68
Chaudhary Karim Khan was sentenced with Shahbaz Beg and Maulvi
Rukan-ud-din and transported to the Andamans. He was still undergoing
his sentence when Rukan-ud-din was released in 1861. No record is
available of what happened afterwards.

Others who were charged with rebellion and sentenced to imprisonment

for life, banishment and labour in irons; and who were recommended by Van
Cortlandt to Brandreth for transportation vide his letter dated 11 May 1859
were as under:69
 124 Rahim Khan, son of Nanoo Khan of Hisar, sentenced on 12 June 1858.
125 Mehmood Khan, son of Mahid Khan of Hisar, sentenced on 12 June
1858.
126 Futteh Ally Khan, son of Maman Beg of Hisar, sentenced on 12 June
1858.
The above three fighters along with Lambardar Chaudhary Karim
Khan Pathan were in Agra jail on 11 May 1859.70
127 Murtaza Beg brother of Munir Beg of Hansi. His security amounting to
Rs. 2,000 was dispensed with after six years on 23 October 1863.71
128 Ghoolam Hoossain, son of Meeran Bucksh, resident of Hansi (Hisar).
He was charged with rebellion and murder of Miss Williams and
sentenced to imprisonment for life, banishment, and labour in irons.72
He was undergoing punishment in the Andamans in 1862, and was
among those who were not released.73 The following seven fighters, all
residents of Hisar, were sentenced to imprisonment for ten years with
labour in irons and were undergoing punishment on 11 May 1859, when
they were recommended for transportation. They had been convicted of
the rebellion on 31 July 1858.74
129 Meer Khan, son of Jiwan Khan.
130 Bakshulla Khan Sheikh, son of Sheikh Dousam.
131 Salar Bakhsh, son of Nabi Bakhsh.
132 Abdulla Beg, son of Mahobat Beg.
133 Gulab Beg, son of Mehtab Beg.
134 Kandu Khan, son of Rustam Khan.
135 Karim Khan, son of Sher Khan.

The ‘Hollowness of the Charges’ Framed by the British Officers

against the Indians

There was another trial case namely Government versus Hafiz Abdullah,
Sher Khan and Karimullah, who were charged of being accomplice in the
possession of plundered property acquired by murder of Europeans. Ricketts
tried them and they were sentenced to imprisonment for life, banishment and
labour in irons on 30 April 1858, and the punishment was confirmed by the
Judicial Commissioner on 13 May 1858.75 It was very tragic story of the
highhandedness and whims. Hafiz Abdulla was a government employee and
an old man from Karnal. He was an iz’harnavis or moharrir in thana
Fatehabad in May 1857. Sher Khan was also from Karnal and a very old
man. He too was thana moharrir at Fatehabad at that time; while Karimulla
alias Karim Ali, a resident of Saharanpur, was working in the canal
department as barakandaz.76 After their punishment was confirmed at the
Judicial Commissioner level, they preferred an appeal to the Chief
Commissioner for reconsideration, and then Brandreth after investigation
submitted a report that was revealing. He wrote, on 2 September 1858,
In this case number of accused was 30 to 60 … several chaprasees and others of the district have
been executed as traitors….
The party had gone to 5 or 6 coss when they were stopped by the Madah and Rajpoor[a]
zamindars who plundered them of all they possessed.
Hafiz Abdoola a Cutchery Moharrir and two others were out of station on the day of revolt.77

Then property was recovered from the villagers, and in the presence of the
tehsildar and Lambardar Sheolal, it was listed as under:78

i. Child’s flannel petticoats marked Wedderburn (thick and warm) 6

pieces.
ii. An air pillow, cut open, as if to see what it contained.
iii. A table cloth.
iv. A stiffener of a …?
v. A watch much broken.
vi. A circular copper plate apparently intended for a sun dial but with no
figures on it.
vii. A fork.
viii. A pair of small tweezas (tabizes).
ix. A piece of the support of a wall shade probably thought to be silver.
x. A small saw but as there were some mistrees (carpenters) of the party it
might very well have belonged to one of them.
xi. Two rings but they are evidently native.

Brandreth exposed the hollowness of the charges by citing the distance

between Taylor’s house in the fort, where Wedderburn had taken temporary
residence, and his actual designated house (near the present Jat
Dharmashala) about 1½ miles, and recovery of his son’s clothes from a
distant place, from the place where he was murdered. He questioned the
actual recovery from the accused persons without any evidence. The gist of
his report was that the charges were baseless. At one place he says, ‘On the
first reestablishment of British authority I believe all who were found with
the property of Europeans were put to death’.79
He cited the instance wherein Skinner’s property was found as far as
Loharu. He sent the report, according to which they should have been
acquitted, but no record is forthcoming to tell the result. But it is clear that
the property which was supposed to be plundered was worthless, and some
auction was also carried out and the village panchayat got few rupees
only.80 However, the following three persons were in jail at least till
September 1858 as life convicts:

135 Hafiz Abdulla

136 Sher Khan
137 Karimulla alias Karim Ali

MANGALI

138 Shahmat Khan, son of Gulab Khan, a resident of village Mangali

(Hisar) was a peon in the customs department at Sirsa.
He was charged with rebellion and not surrendering within stipulated
period, so sentenced to imprisonment for life and transportation
initially, by Brandreth.81 Subsequently on 2 March 1859 the sentence
was reduced to 7 years’ imprisonment.82

KALIRAWAN

139 Parsa, son of Hasti, a resident of village Kalirawan (Hisar).

He too was with Shahmat Khan and sentenced to 7 years’ imprisonment.

HANSI
 140 Kureem Buksh (Karim Bakhsh), sepoy of the Hurreeanah Light
Infantry Battalion, Hansi.
He was charged with desertion and rebellion, sentenced in May 1858 to
imprisonment for life, transportation and labour in irons.83

HISAR TOWN

141 Bakaud Dogur, a resident of Dogur Mohalla, Hisar.

He was charged of being absent from duty on the breaking out of
rebellion at Hisar and neglecting his duty; sentenced to one year
imprisonment with labour in irons.84
Deen Mohammad, Dara and Khuda Bakhsh Kasais of Kasai Mohalla
Hisar were charged of the plunder of livestock of Dr A.R. Waghorn,
Civil Surgeon Hisar and imprisoned in 1858, but were released in May
1859.
142 Nawab Ali, ex-chaprasi, customs department Hisar.
He was also charged with rebellion and convicted on 17 September
1858.85
143 Bukhsha, chaprasi of Hisar
He was also charged with rebellion and sentenced to imprisonment for
life.86
144 Illahi Bakhsh, chaprasi of Hisar
He was charged with the murder of Alice Wedderburn and her child, of
Margaret Barwell and Phaebe Hallet. He was initially sentenced to
death on 6 January 1858 but subsequently the punishment was reduced
to imprisonment for life.
145 Panna Singh, son of Rukha, a resident of Kharia in Fatehabad and
peon of customs department too was sentenced to seven years’
imprisonment on 2 March 1859.87

In May 1858, a total of seventeen persons were tried at Hisar, of which

one was sentenced to death, four were awarded imprisonment for life, nine
short-term imprisonment, and three were acquitted and released.88 In the
revolt on 29 May 1857, 184 persons escaped from the prisons, out of which
141 had been recaptured by 8 January 1860, but 43 remained at large.89
146 Shahzadah Mohammad Azim Durrani, son of Akbar Jehan of Kabul
He was an Assistant Patrol of customs’ department at Bhattu when the
rebellion commenced in Hansi and Hisar on 29 May 1857. He assumed
leadership of the rebels and proclaimed the rule of Bahadur Shah in
Hisar and Sirsa in association with Maulvi Rukanuddin, Shahbaz Beg,
and Chaudhary Karim Khan. After handing over command of Hisar to
the above named leaders he reached Delhi in the first week of June
1857 and there he was appointed Commander of the Hansi, Hisar and
Sirsa forces as well as Ccommissariat Officer of the Indian army. He
was an active commander and fought battles on different fronts until 13
August when he left for Hansi and Hisar with a small contingent.90 After
losing a battle at Hisar on 19 August he led an attack on Tosham and
defeated the Bikaneri force there, killing more than 50 men. Then he
again went to Delhi and around 24 August wrote a petition to Bahadur
Shah about the condition of the Haryanvi fighters. He writes,
That the servants of Your Majesty who came from Hansi and Hissar, and who have been placed
under your slave, have not received their pay for two months and twenty days. As the
treasuries of Sirsa, Hissar, Hansi, and other places, were, with great care and zeal, brought by
them, and lodged in the Royal Treasury, and here too, accompanying your slave in every
engagement, three or four of these servants daily certify their fidelity with their lives, they
therefore now demand their pay. Your slave, actuated by zeal, has arranged that Your
Majesty will now grant one month’s pay out of the two months and twenty days’ arrears
which are due, he will satisfy the men. If, on the other hand, no pay whatever is granted, the
force will have cause to be disheartened. It is strange that all the rest of army should have
been paid. I transmit enclosed in this petition, an abstract for one month’s pay for all the men
of the force, in expectation that orders may be issued. It was necessary and has been
represented. (Prayers for the prosperity of the reign.) Petition of the special slave,
Muhammad Azim, door-keeper (may his sins be forgiven!)91

In the second week of September the Shahzada again came to Hisar

and fought Van Cortlandt at Jamalpur but lost the battle. He then went to
the Jhajjar territory and ultimately joined General Abdus Samad Khan
and Rao Tularam. He was present at the Nasibpur (Narnaul) battle on
16 November 1857 but nothing was heard of him after that day; most
probably he died there.
147 Risaldar Imam Khan of 4th Irregular Cavalry which had revolted at
Hansi and Hisar was also with Azim.92 Other fighters with them were:
 148 Daffadar Ghulam Abbas of 1st Troop of 4th IC who had left Hansi on
20 May made his troop to revolt at Muzaffarnagar.93
149 Muhammad Amir. He was the Superintendent of the camp of Hansi,
Hisar and Sirsa force in Delhi.94
150 Karim Bakhsh of 4th IC95
151 Chunnilal of 5th Troop of 4th IC96
152 Ramcharan of 5th Troop of 4th IC97
153 Karim Khan, and
154 Jaganlal98
155 Munshi Sadruddin Ahmad was a munshi (clerk) in the office of Azim
at Delhi.99
156 Mohammad Shihabuddin Khan,
157 Shaikh Muhammad, and
158 Sher Khan100
159 Allah Bakhsh, a servant of Azim.101
What happened to any of them is not known.

Bhiwani District (26)

The present Tosham tehsil and a large area of Bawani Khera tehsil were part
of the Hisar district in 1857. The villages now falling in Bawani Khera were
then in the Hansi tehsil. Mardan Ali Sheikh, Danna Khan Ranghar and Umda
Khan Ranghar of Baliali (Bawani Khera) were amongst the chiefs of the
rebels.102 Karim Bakhsh of Tosham had murdered the tehsildar of Tosham,
and others took active part in the rebellion. The following fighters were
among the prominent persons.

TOSHAM

160 Kurreem Bucksh (Karim Bakhsh), son of Maitab (Mehtab) of Tosham.

He was charged of the murder of tehsildar Nandlal on 22 August 1857
and was sentenced to imprisonment for 14 years with labour in irons on
 4 December 1857.103 On 11 May 1859, he was in the central jail at
Agra, when Van Cortlandt included him for transportation to the
Andamans, and consequently he was sent to that place (kala pani). His
sons, Rahim Bakhsh and Abdulla petitioned the government for release,
but their prayer was rejected on 13 January 1870,104 even though he had
completed above 12 years in jail.

BALIALI

161 Murdan Ally (Mardan Ali) Sheikh, son of Azeem Shah, a resident of
Bullialee (Baliali), tehsil Hansi (Bawani Khera), Hisar (now Bhiwani).
He was charged with treason, writing and sending two petitions on 23
July 1857 to Bahadur Shah asking for assistance to oppose the troops of
the colonial government. He was sentenced to imprisonment for life,
banishment and labour in irons on 29 May 1858 and warrants were
issued on 3 June 1858 to that effect. His share of property in the village
was confiscated. On 29 October 1862 he was undergoing punishment in
the Andamans when the Deputy Commissioner Hisar wrote that he along
with Danna and Umda was not to be released.105
162 Danah (Danna) Khan Ranghar, son of Ghalib Khan, a rebel leader.
He too was similarly sentenced and transported to the Andamans.
163 Omdah (Umda) Khan Ranghar, son of Malum Khan also a rebel
leader. He too was transported with similar sentence.

The other fighters of Baliali who were likewise transported to the Anda-
mans along with Sheikh Mardan Ali were:

164 Peer Bakhsh Ranghar, son of Lambardar Bassu.106

165 Sukkoo (Sakku) alias Lakhoo Khan Ranghar, son of Lambardar
Sarakoo.107
166 Sundul (Sandal) Khan Ranghar (1st), son of Lambardar Humeed
(Hamid).108
167 Sundul (Sandal) Khan Ranghar (2nd), son of Lambardar Cheena.109
168 Mukhun (Makkhan) alias Mukheem Khan Ranghar, son of Lambardar
Shukaroollah (Shakarullah).110
 169 Shahzad Khan Ranghar, son of Lambardar Dhaunkal.111
170 Durgabee (Darghabi) Khan Ranghar, son of Lambardar Lahru.112
171 Hoshdar Khan Ranghar, son of Lambardar Rahelay Khan.113
172 Cheeina Rajpoot, son of Lambardar Odlee (Udli),114 and
173 Rustam Ranghar, son of Lambardar Khairoo.115
Initially he was sentenced to be transported for life with Sheikh Mardan
Ali, but his appeal was accepted and the sentence was reduced to 7
years. However, his second appeal for further reduction was
rejected.116

The following three persons were sentenced along with Sheikh Mardan
Ali, but were later released, though they had to remain in jail for a pretty
long period.117

DHARWANBAS

174 Malam Khan, son of Lambardar Budhu Khan Ranghar, a resident of

Dharwanbas tehsil Tosham (Bhiwani).
175 Deedar alias Deedara Ranghar, son of a lambardar, a resident of
Dharwanbas (Bhiwani), and
176 Bumboo (Bambu) Khan Ranghar, son of Lambardar Shahzada
Ranghar, originally a resident of Baliali.

DADRI TOWN

177 Murtaza Khan, a Dadri cavalry sowar

He was charged with desertion and committed to the Deputy
Commissioner Hisar who sentenced him to transportation for life on 18
December 1857. Le Bas, Magistrate Karnal, solicited a pardon for him
in consideration of the services rendered by his relatives, namely
Kamdar Khan and Nabi Bakhsh Khan. But the Commissioner Hisar did
not release him, neither he did release three others.118
178 Mohammed Khan, daffadar of Dadri cavalry
 He too was charged of desertion and sentenced to transportation for
life.119
179 Gama and 3 others of Dadri were also sentenced to imprisonment for
life. They appealed on 9 December 1858, but fate of that remains
unknown,120 and
180 Umed Ali, sowar (see No. 204)
181 Sooji (Sheoji) Singh, sowar

KAIRU

182 Khoobi (Khubi) Khan, son of Omied (Umed) Khan, peon, customs
department Sirsa and a resident of village Kyroo (Kairu), perganah
Tosham, district Hisar (now Bhiwani) was charged with rebellion. He
was sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment with labour in irons on 2
March 1859.121

MATANI

183 Toda Peon, son of Surroopa (Sarupa), customs department Sirsa, and
a resident of village Muttani (Matani) on Siwani-Bahal road, too was
charged with rebellion and he was sentenced to seven years’
imprisonment with labour in irons on 2 March 1859.121

CHARKHI DADRI

184 Mirza Rahat Bakhsh, a noble of Dadri was also a freedom fighter
whose total land along with 2 taiool (jagir) villages was confiscated on
20 August 1860.122 According to the Deputy Commissioner Rohtak, in a
letter dated 20 August 1860, several taiool villages, the property of
rebels, were confiscated in the Dadri area.123
185 Nawab Bahadur Jang Khan of Dadri
The Trial and Banishment of the Nawab Dadri

He was Nawab of Bahadurgarh as well as Dadri but was known as the

Nawab of Dadri. He resided in his fort at Dadri during the rebellion and was
arrested by Showers on 15 October 1857. The Dadri Cavalry detachment at
Hisar under risaldars Shah Noor Khan and Rajab Beg had mutinied in May,
so he was supposed to be complicit in the revolt.124 He had indeed sent an
offering to the Emperor, addressing him in a letter of fulsome adulation and
the rebels in Delhi had drawn supplies from Bahadurgarh, but no active
participation in the events in Delhi could be proved against the Nawab
himself.
But this was all; and as the Nawab had really no control over the villages distant only 15 miles from
the capital and 30 miles from himself, and as he had wished to aid Sir T. Metcalfe in his escape, it
was decided that, taking all this into consideration, together with his old age and decrepitude, it was
not necessary to try him for his life. To this decision the Government of India acceded; adding, that
‘it is just and necessary that the Nawab shall forfeit all his possessions, which he held on condition
of loyalty and good service.’ The forfeiture was carried out, and Bahadur Jang Khan was removed
to Lahore, where he enjoyed a pension of Rs. 1000 a month and where he died in 1866.125

The Nawab was deported and he left a huge debt. Lala Lakhmichand had
given him a loan of Rs. 1,00,000, out of which Rs. 50,000 had not been
returned.126 The Nawab owed Rs. 77,000 to the Nawab Jhajjar127 and Rs.
40,000 to one Kahnuram.128 He was yet to return Rs. 9,958 to Harnand
Sheonand Mahajans of Dadri and the Governor-General ultimately passed a
bill for Rs. 1,11,244 annas 3 pies 3 to settle his debt on 19 March 1860.129
On 1 November 1861 pension was granted to Bismillah Bibi, daughter of
Bahadur Jang Khan,130 whereas the case of Nawab Bibi, daughter of
Nawab’s brother Sher Jang Khan, was pending from June 1861.131 In the
meantime, Moossamut Ullah Bundee Begum (Mussammat Allah Bandi
Begam) wife of Bahadur Jang Khan was fighting a case for the restoration of
her house and garden at Bahadurgarh.132

Rohtak District (15)

NIGANA

186 Dara Khan, son of Kurar (Karar) Khan, peon customs department
Sirsa, a resident of village Nigana (Rohtak)
He was charged with rebellion and finally sentenced to seven years’
imprisonment with labour in irons on 2 March 1859.133 He had been
sent to the district jail at Lahore, where he had been lodged since 14th
August 1858, he was sent to Karachi on 26 August 1858, for
transportation to the Andamans.134

BAINSI

187 Kootub (Qutab), son of Gholam Hosein (Ghulam Hussain) Sheikh, a

resident of village Bhysee (Bainsi), perganah Meham, district Rohtak
He was charged of the rebellion because of being at village Jamalpur on
the day of battle, 13 September 1857 and being wounded in action. He
was initially sentenced to imprisonment for life and warrants were
executed accordingly on 21 June 1858, but subsequently the punishment
was reduced to imprisonment for five years with labour in irons.135

MEHAM

188 Nabi Bakhsh, lambardar of Mehim (Meham), district Rohtak

He was charged with rebellion and sentenced by the Commissioner
Hisar division to imprisonment for life and transportation on 7 May
1858.136
189 Allah Bakhsh, a bricklayer and resident of Meham
He was charged with rebellion and sentenced to imprisonment for
fourteen years with labour in irons, but the sentence was reduced to
seven years by the Chief Commissioner.137
190 Qaim Khan, a bricklayer and resident of Meham
He was also charged of the rebellion and sentenced initially to
imprisonment for fourteen years with labour in irons, but that was
reduced to seven years by the Chief Commissioner.
 191 Abdul Rehman, a bricklayer and resident of Meham
He too was similarly sentenced for seven years.
192 Imadool Huq (Imad-ul-Haq)
He along with Imdad-ul-Haq was charged with rebellion and sentenced
initially to fourteen years, subsequently seven years of imprisonment
with labour in irons on 3 September 1858.138
193 Imdadool Huq (Imdad-ul-Haq) too was sentenced ultimately to seven
years’ imprisonment with labour in irons.

ROHTAK TOWN

194 Imam Bakhsh of Rohtak

The charge levied was plunder and opposing government troops at
Rohtak. He was sentenced to fourteen years with labour in irons by J.S.
Campbell, Special Commissioner of Rohtak.139 He preferred an appeal
on 4 December 1858, the result of which is not known.
195 Babar Khan
He was the commander of Haryanvi forces who fought against Hodson
at Rohtak on 17–18 August 1857. Nothing of him was heard after that.
196 Kureem Bux (Karim Bakhsh) of Rohtak
He too was similarly charged of and sentenced by J.S. Campbell and his
appeal too was pending.

KAHNAUR

197 Bundoo (Bandu) Khan, lambardar of Kahanour (Rohtak)

He was charged with rebellion and sentenced to imprisonment for
fourteen years with labour in irons.140
198 Sohan Lal, tehsildar under probation at Meham, was charged with
lack of assistance to Europeans during the mutiny and dismissed from
service.141

MANDAUTHI
 199 Irradut (Iradat) Khan of Mundowttee (Mandauthi) too was sentenced
for the rebellion.
200 Kowraj (Kauraj) Khan, sowar 17th Irregular Cavalry, too was
sentenced for mutiny.

In the month of May 1858, 18 persons were tried in Rohtak of whom 6

were sentenced to death, 2 to imprisonment for life, 3 were released on
security, 2 were sent to other districts and 5 were acquitted.142 There were
17 others in jails awaiting trial.143 When the rebellion commenced on 24
May 1857, in total 204 persons escaped from the Rohtak jail, of whom 180
had been recaptured by 8 January 1860, but 24 were still at large.144

Thanesar District (2)

201 Chuttra (Chatra), chaprasi, customs; was charged with rebellion and
sentenced to imprisonment for three years.
202 Maulvi Nawazish Ali of Habri was one of the main leaders at Delhi.

Sonepat District (5)

GOHANA

203 Lambardar Oomed Ali (Umed Ali) of Gohana

He was charged with rebellion and sentenced to imprisonment for
life, transportation and labour in irons.145
204 Oomed (Umed) Ali, sowar of Dadri cavalry and a resident of Gohana
He was only twenty years old in 1857 when the revolt commenced. He
and Murtaza Khan were at Hisar and wrote a letter to Bahadur Shah
Zafar. He was later apprehended, charged with desertion and writing to
the Emperor in Delhi, and sentenced to imprisonment for life on 11
December 1857. Campbell wanted to award him a death sentence, but
 due to his young age, he left him to suffer for life.146 Le Bas, Magistrate
Karnal, solicited a pardon for him in consideration of the services
rendered by his relatives (Kamdar Khan and Nabi Bakhsh Khan). The
Commissioner Hisar then recommended his release on 28 December
1857,147 but no further record is traceable.

KUNDLI

Eleven Jats of the village of Kundli were awarded punishment for

participation in the rebellion.148

205 Lambardar Bajja was sentenced to imprisonment for life and

transportation to the Andamans.
206 Chaudhary Jawahara, son of Surtaram of Kundli, was also sentenced
to imprisonment for life and transportation.
207 Chaudhary Surtaram, father of Jawahara, was also sentenced to
imprisonment for life and transportation.

The remaining 8 persons were awarded short-term sentences.149

Jhajjar District (46)

208 Buldeo (Baldev), officiating peon, customs department at Jhajjar.
He was a peon for the fortnight when the mutiny occurred. He deserted
the English officer (Roberts) and went to Delhi, where he remained
barkandaz at a gate and joined the expedition to Rohtak on 23 May
1857. He was charged with rebellion and sentenced to imprisonment for
fourteen years, transportation, and labour in irons on 20 July 1858.150
209 Tulsea alias Tulsee, a resident of Jhajjar
He was not in service, but went to Delhi and remained there as
supervisor on the ‘bridge of boats’ on the Jamuna opposite the Calcutta
Gate for a month. He too was charged with rebellion and sentenced to
 imprisonment for three years, labour in irons, and confiscation of
property on 20 July 1858.
210 Yakoob Ali Khan, lambardar of the Jhajjar town
He was a man of much influence, equivalent to a thanadar or tehsildar
of the Nawab. His two sons were proclaimed rebels. One was a naib
risaldar and the other a sowar in the 3rd Regiment of Oudh Cavalry. He
went to Delhi and promised to Bahadur Shah that he would raise a
cavalry regiment on his own, if his son were made a risaldar. He was
charged with aiding and abetting the rebellion, and sentenced initially to
imprisonment for life, transportation, labour in irons and confiscation of
property. But on reconsideration the sentence was reduced to seven
years’ imprisonment and a fine of Rs. 300 on 2 March 1859.151
211 Jungbaz (Jangbaz) Khan, sowar of the Jhajjar cavalry
He was one of the 125 men, who were sent to serve Bahadur Shah. He
was charged with rebellion and sentenced initially to imprisonment for
life, transportation and labour in irons, the death sentence being
disallowed. The Judicial Commissioner observed on 6 July 1857 that
he merited transportation, but his sentence was reduced to four years’
imprisonment commutable to a fine of Rs. 300 on 3 September 1859.152
Similar was the story of another lot of co-accused in the above-cited
case, where some sowars were sentenced to four years’ imprisonment
commutable to Rs. 300 fine. They were as under:
212 Kootub (Qutub) Khan, sowar
213 Muddaree (Madari), sowar
214 Meerdad (Mirdad) Khan, sowar
215 Kanha, sowar
216 Emam (Imam) Khan, sowar
217 Mihrab (Mehrab) Khan, sowar
218 Bhagwan Dass, sowar
219 Ashak (Ashaq) Ali, thirty years, a resident of Kahnaur (then in
Rohtak)
He was charged with murder, and was under trial in Agra Central Jail
on 29 December 1858; his warrants were sent to jail on 10 January
1859. Maula Baksh and Sukha were also with him.153
220 Moulah (Maula) Bakhsh, twenty years, son of Sheikh Ilahi Bakhsh, a
resident of Jhajjar
 He was charged of the rebellion, was under trial in Agra jail; and
warrants were sent on 10 January 1859.
221 Sookha (Sukha) twenty-two years, son of Maha Sookh (Mahasukh) of
Jhajjar. He too was under trial on 10 January 1859 in Agra jail for
charge of robbery.
222 Gangaram, lambardar of Baqargarh,
223 Ameechand Jat of Baqargarh, and
224 Salag, son of Khooshala
The above three were punished on a complaint made by E. Bokum,
Patrol Customs, at Gharhi Harsaru.154
225 Muzar Ally (Maz’har Ali) 1st, sowar Jhajjar cavalry
He was among 300 sowars sent to serve Bahadur Shah. Charged with
rebellion, he was sentenced initially to imprisonment for life,
transportation and labour in irons. On reconsideration with other similar
cases he was released on payment of Rs. 300 as fine.155
226 Kesho Ahir, a resident of Garhi Bhilwah district Jhajjar (now in
Delhi) He was an extra barakandaz at Hisar jail charged with absenting
himself from duty at the outbreak of rebellion at Hisar and neglecting
duty. He was sentenced to imprisonment for one year with labour in
irons in May 1858.156

The following persons too were sentenced:157

227 Chundoosok (Chandusukh), sowar for mutiny.

228 Chand Khan, sowar for mutiny.
229 Hookum (Hukam) Singh, sowar for mutiny.
230 Nujjuf Alli (Najaf Ali), for the rebellion.
231 Abdoola (Abdullah) Khan, for the rebellion.
232 Yakoob (Yakub) Ali Khan 2nd, for the rebellion.
233 Muzzur Alli (Maz’har Ali) 2nd, for the rebellion.
234 Chand Alli (Ali), for the rebellion.
235 Aumza Alli (Hamza Ali), for the rebellion.
236 General Addus Samad Khan
After the battle at Nasibpur (Narnaul) he escaped with some of his
followers and sowars to the UP (Awadh and Rohilkhand); whereas here
in Haryana he, along with Golam Nabee (Ghulam Nabi) Khan, was
 declared one of the most notorious (read dreaded) rebel leaders on 11
November 1858.158 He had joined Prince Feroze Shah and was present
at the battle of Biswa, 50 miles north-west of Lucknow, on 1 December
1858, a bitterly fought and closely contested battle, which the patriots
lost.159 He was then expected to return to Jhajjar, and G.F. Edmonstone
wrote on 13 December 1858 to Lawrence to that effect, the latter
accordingly directed his secretary Richard Temple to inform all the
Deputy Commissioners.160 Richard Temple wrote to G.C. Barnes to
apprehend General Samad Khan on 23 December 1858,161 and that was
the last time when something was heard of that great fighter. There had
been announced an award of Rs. 1,000 for help in leading to his
capture, dead or alive.162 The following twelve fighters were still at
large on 4 December 1858, and rewards had been announced on their
heads:163
237 Golam Nubee (Ghulam Nabi) (reward amount Rs. 200),
238 Ibraheem (Ibrahim) Khan (reward amount Rs. 200),
239 Altaf Allee (Ali) (reward amount Rs. 200),
240 Hussun (Hasan) Mohammad Khan, brother of General Abdus Samad
Khan (reward amount Rs. 100),
241 Mahommd (Mohammad) Khan, risaldar (reward amount Rs. 200),
242 Meer Khan, risaldar (reward amount Rs. 200),
243 Sherjung (Sherjang) Khan (reward amount Rs. 100),
244 Ramzan Khan (reward amount Rs. 100),
245 Meer Khan (reward amount Rs. 100),
246 Mohammad Bux (Bakhsh) (reward amount Rs. 100),
247 Bakhshish Hossain (Bakhshish Hussain) (reward amount Rs. 100),
and
248 Sewaram, sarishtadar (reward amount Rs. 100).
249 Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan hailing from Mahendragarh (Kahnaud) was at
Jhajjar, from there he went underground, and was not captured until 18
May 1858.164
250 Jamadar Mahibulah Khan
He was with General Abdus Samad Khan in the first week of September
1857165 but what happened to him thereafter is not known.
VILLAGES AROUND NASIBPUR

251 Chaudhary Sitaram

He took part in the battle, belonged to Nasibpur but fate is not known.
252 Chaudhary Gobindram
He too was with Sitaram at the battle and fate is not known.
253 Chaudhary Rambax, was also with Sitaram and Gobindram, according
to Rao Kanwar Singh of village Nasibpur.

A large number of freedom fighters went underground after the fall of

Delhi and the defeat at Nasibpur. They had not yet been apprehended on 18
May 1858 and were declared absconders. They were prominent fighters, and
the record pertaining to some of them, who hailed from Rewari, Gurgaon,
Mewat and Palwal districts, is available. The names of those great patriots
are given here, district-wise:166

Rewari District (66) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220,

File No. 3/1858)

REWARI TOWN (12)

254 Sheo Parshad Bunea (Bania)

255 Oomaro (Umrao) Singh Bunea (Bania)
256 Bubbur Alli (Babbar Ali), son of Muheeb Hoosain (Mahib Hussain)
257 Sheikh Moorad Alli (Murad Ali), son of Hissamoodeen (Hisamuddin)
258 Mohomed Ameer (Mohamad Amir) Khan
259 Umjud Alli (Amjad Ali)
260 Moonwur Alli (Munawwar Ali)
261 Ameer Alli (Amir Ali), son of Golam Moostuffa (Ghulam Mustafa)
262 Futteh Hoosain (Fateh Husain), son of Golam Hoosain (Ghulam
Husain)
263 Aman Alli (Aman Ali), son of Wuzeer Alli (Wazir Ali)
264 Uhmed Bux (Ahmad Bakhsh), son of Umeeroollah (Amirullah)
 265 Rao Tularam Ahir, son of Rao Puran Singh, Rampura, Rewari
parganah. (He has already been mentioned in the previous chapter.)

NAGUL PUTHANEE (NANGAL PATHANI) (4)

266 Ramsookh (Ramsukh) Ahir, son of Jiwaram (Rao Kishan Singh and
Rao Ramlal, sons of Rao Jiwaram had been killed in action at
Nasibpur)
267 Heera Singh Ahir
268 Gopal Deo Ahir, son of Nathooram (Nathuram)
269 Jiwaram Ahir, son of Zeheree (Zahari) Singh

MALEEAWAS (MALIAWAS) (4)

(Some residents of Nangal Pathani used to live in this village as well.)

270 Kunhyram (Kanhiram) Ahir, son of Jiwaram

271 Ramruttun (Ramrattan) Ahir, son of Zuherree (Zahari) Singh
272 Saduram (Sadhuram) Ahir, son of Golab (Gulab) Singh
273 Hursahay (Harsahai) Ahir, son of Dowlutram (Daulatram)

LISSAN (LISAN) (4)

274 Brijlall (Brijlal) Ahir, son of Nujjeeb (Najib) Singh,

275 Tara Singh Ahir, son of Radha Kishen
276 Chajooram (Chhajjuram) Ahir, son of Roopram,
277 Bhujjunlal (Bhajanlal) Hindoo (Hindu)

AUSEEAKEE (AASIAKI GAURAWAS) (7)

278 Bhanpertab Ahir, son of Sewai (Sawai) Singh,

279 Hursewug (Harsewag) Ahir, son of Sawai Singh
 280 Man Singh Ahir, son of Bhanpertab
281 Baneeram (Bhaniram) Ahir, son of Kishen Sahay,
282 Toolaram (Tularam) Ahir, son of Khooshal Singh,
283 Salugram (Salagram) Ahir, son of Khooshal Singh,
284 Sumput (Sampat) Singh, son of Sedhoo (Sedhu) Singh

JAITPOOR SHEIKHOOPOOR (JAITPUR SHEKHUPUR) (1)

285 Balmookund (Balmukand) Ahir, son of Hookum (Hukam) Singh.

DHAROOHERA (DHARUHERA) (1)

286 Juggur (Jaggar) Singh Ahir, son of Kirparam.

KOSLEE (KOSLI) (2)

The following two persons hailing from this village (Kosli) were at Jhajjar
when they went underground after the Nasibpur battle.

287 Pramesookh (Premsukh) Ahir, son of Khooshall (Khushal) Singh,

288 Ramdhun (Ramdhan) Ahir, son of Kishen Sahay.

Originally both of them belonged to Aasiaki Gaurawas village.

GOORAORA (GURAWARA) (1)

289 Buldeo (Baldev) Ahir, son of Khoobram.

USSUDPOOR (ASADPUR) (1)

290 Dowlutram (Daulatram) Ahir, son of Hurreeram (Hariram).

BOLNEE (BOLNI) (2)

291 Haim Kurn (Hemkaran) Jat, son of Roormul (Rurmal),

292 Khoobram Jat, son of Gungul (Gangal) Singh.

BELASPOOR (BILASPUR) (1)

293 Lal Singh Jat, son of Ooda (Udda) Singh.

TEEKLAYAN (TEEKLAN) (1)

294 Tunsookh (Tansukh) Roy Brahmin.

RAJGARH (1)

295 Khodabux (Khuda Bakhsh) Rajpoot, son of Kishen Singh.

KHUTAOLEE (KHATAWALI) (1)

296 Shadu Khan.

LOODHANA (LODHANA) (1)

297 Namdev Khan.

DHAMLAWAS (2)

298 Hyder Khan

299 Humeer (Hamir) Khan.
TOORKEEAWAS (TURKIAWAS) (10)

300 Sadut Alli (Sadat Ali),

301 Hyder Alli (Ali),
302 Humza Alli (Hamza Ali),
303 Koorban Alli (Qurban Ali),
304 Moorad Bux (Murad Bakhsh), son of Hoosain Bux (Hussain Bakhsh),
305 Galub Alli (Ghalib Ali), son of Toorah Alli (Turra Ali),
306 Talub Alli (Talib Ali), son of Toorab Alli (Turab Ali),
307 Bakur Alli (Bakar Ali), son of Koorban Alli (Qurban Ali),
308 Nuzur Alli (Nazar Ali), son of Nujjuf Alli (Najaf Ali),
309 Bahadur Alli (Bahadur Ali), son of Nizam Ali,

JATOOSANAH (JATUSANA) (1)

310 Mir Khan Sheikh

BEEKANEER (BIKANER VILLAGE) (1)

311 Mookurum (Mukarram) Khan

GOORIANEE (GURIANI) (6)

312 Suleem Khan (Salim Khan),

313 Khwajoo (Khwaju) Khan, son of Mehrab Khan,
314 Khwaj Mohomed (Mohammad) Khan, son of Dowlut (Daulat) Khan,
315 Buxoollah (Bakhshullah) Khan, son of Nejat (Nijat) Khan,
316 Futteh Mohomed (Fateh Mohammad) Khan, son of Suleem (Saleem)
Khan,
317 Nujjeeboolah (Najibullah), son of Golam Mohomed (Ghulam
Mohammad) Khan.
JURTHUL (JARTHAL) (1)

318 Khoodabux (Khuda Bakhsh), son of Jafursha (Zafar Shah).

BHATSANA (1)

319 Meer Khan, son of Boodhun (Buddhan)

CHOORIAWAS (CHHURIAWAS) (1)

320 Toolsheeram (Tulsiram).

A large number of the above 67 fighters had gone to take part in the battle
at Nasibpur, and were probably killed in action there, otherwise they could
have been apprehended. It is relevent to point out that the record shows Rao
Kishan Singh and Rao Ramlal also as unapprehended.

Gurgaon District (151) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220

File No. 3/1858.)

HURSUROO (HARSARU) (3)

321 Ramsahay, son of Dowlutram (Daulatram) Ahir

322 Bukhtawar (Bakhtawar) Singh Rajput, son of Ameer Singh
323 Dabee (Debi) Singh Rajput, son of Ameer Singh.

GURHEE HURSUROO (GARHI HARSRU) (2)

324 Ram Bux (Rambakhsh), son of Futteh Chund (Fatehchand)

 325 Ruheemoodeen (Rahimuddin).

FARRUKHNUGGUR (FARRUKHNAGAR) (52)

326 Kadur Bux (Qadir Bakhsh) Khan Beloch

327 Emam (Imam) Khan, son of Peer Khan
328 Surdar (Sardar) Khan, son of Surfuraz (Sarfaraz) Khan
329 Shoojat (Shujat) Khan, son of Futteh Alli (Fateh Ali) Khan and
330 Moosaheb (Musahib) Khan, son of Futteh Alli (Fateh Ali) Khan,
brothers
331 Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan son of Mookhtar (Mukhtiar) Khan
332 Golam Hussun (Ghulam Hassan) Khan 1st
333 Mohomed Alli (Mohammad Ali)
334 Ruheem Alli (Rahim Ali) Khan
335 Newajus (Nawajish) Khan
336 Toorreybaz (Turrebaz) Khan
337 Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan
338 Sepehdar Khan
339 Wuzzeer (Wazir) Khan
340 Golam Hussun (Ghulam Hassan) Khan 2nd
341 Euantoodeen (Yuantuddin)
342 Eusuf Alli (Yusaf Ali) Khan
343 Abdoolruhman (Abdur Rehman) Khan
344 Delawur (Dilawar) Khan, son of Durbaree (Darbari) Khan
345 Hyder Bux Khan, son of Mohomed Meyajan (Mohammed Mian Jan)
346 Mohomedzar (Mohammad Yar) Khan, son of Khyratee (Khairati)
Khan
347 Emam (Imam) Khan, son of Goolab (Gulab) Khan
348 Sahab Khan, son of Goolab (Gulab) Khan
349 Essah (Isa) Khan, son of Wuzzeer (Wazir) Khan
350 Mohomed Alli (Mohammad Ali)
351 Nijatbut (Nizabat) Khan
352 Furrehyar (Farrah Yar) Khan, son of Saadat (Sadat) Khan,
353 Shahamut (Shahamat) Khan, son of Mohomed (Mohammad) Khan
354 Muola Bux (Maula Bakhsh), son of Buxee (Bakhshi) Khan
355 Kurrim (Karim) Khan, son of Mohomed (Mohammad) Khan
 356 Ruhmut (Rahmat) Khan
357 Ruhum (Rahim) Khan
358 Bahadur Khan, son of Shekar (Shikar) Khan (father)
359 Hoosain (Hussain) Khan, son of Bahadur Khan (son)
360 Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan, son of Mohomed (Mohammed Khan
361 Kullundur (Qalandar) Khan, son of Kureem Bux (Karim Bakhsh)
362 Ruhumdad (Rahimdad) Khan
363 Mohomed (Mohammad) Khan, son of Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh),
364 Nuthey Khan,
365 Golam Russool (Ghulam Rasul)
366 Chotey (Chhotte) Khan
367 Fyzmohomed (Faiz Mohammad)
368 Khwaj Bux (Khwaz Bakhsh), son of Hoosain Bux (Husain Bakhsh),
369 Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Khan
370 Fuzzloodeen (Fazaluddin)
371 Ellahi Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Khan, son of Noor Bux (Nurbakhsh)
372 Secunder (Sikandar) Khan
373 Kurreembux (Karim Bakhsh) Khan, son of Kullunder Bux (Qalandar
Bakhsh)
374 Guneshee (Ganeshi) Khan, son of Mohomed (Mohammad) Khan
375 Awuj (Awaj) Khan, son of Futteh Alli (Fateh Ali) Khan
376 Tajmohomed (Taj Mohammad) Khan, son of Durrab (Darrab) Khan
377 Uhmed (Ahmed) Beg, son of Mohomed (Mohammad) Beg.

It appears to be a drama enacted by an unscrupulous British official,

otherwise 52 persons from a very small town could not remain concealed for
six months. There is a high probability that most of them were killed either in
the battle on 31 October 1857 when the Nawab was arrested or later in the
Nasibpur battle.

DHUNKOTE (DHANKOT) (1)

378 Emam (Imam) Khan, son of Jewan (Jiwan) Khan

LOKREE (LOKRI) (1)

 379 Kasheeram (Kashiram), son of Seetaram

SURUMTHLA (SARAMTHALA) (2)

380 Gopal Singh, son of Oomrao (Umrao) Singh

381 Nowind Singh, son of Dheeruj (Dhiraj) Singh

KASUN (KASAN) (1)

382 Ram Singh, son of Lal Singh

RATHEEWAS (RATHIWAS) (1)

383 Chuttur (Chatar) Singh, son of Bhawanee Singh Jat

FAZILPOOR (FAZILPUR) (1)

384 Awuz (Awaz) Khan, son of Saadut (Saadat) Khan

KHERLEE (KHERLI LALA) (1)

385 Rekha Singh

NOWRUNGPOOR (NAURANGPUR) (1)

386 Kubbeer (Kabir) Khan

SHAHPOOR (SAYYED SHAHPUR) (20)

The following 6 fighters were reported missing from Pataudi, though they
were residents of this village.

387 Meer Jewud Alli (Mir Javed Ali)

388 Usgur Alli (Asghar Ali), son of Babbur Alli (Babar Ali)
389 Umjud Alli (Amjad Ali), son of Umanat Alli (Amanat Ali)
390 Eusuf Alli (Yusaf Ali), son of Ushruf Alli (Ashraf Ali)
391 Ullee Bux (Ali Bakhsh), son of Khyrat Alli (Khairat Ali), and
392 Velant Alli (Ali).

The following 14 were residing in the village itself:

393 Alhoosain (Allah Husain), son of Zoolfkar Alli (Zulfikar Ali)

394 Alleh Hoosain (Allah Husain)
395 Usgur Alli (Asghar Ali)
396 Auzum Alli (Azam Ali)
397 Aboob Mohomed (Abub Mohammad), son of Fuzul Alli (Fazal Ali)
398 Ameer Alli (Amir Ali), son of Wuzzeer Alli (Wazir Ali)
399 Moonowar Alli (Munawar Ali), son of Golam Nubee (Ghulam Nabi)
400 Zuffur Alli (Zafar Ali), son of Golam Alli (Ghulam Ali)
401 Zoolfkar Alli (Zulfikar Ali), son of Abdool Gunnee (Abdul Ghani)
402 Talib Hoosain (Husain), son of Golam Hoosain (Ghulam Husain)
403 Meer Moonnoo (Mir Munnu), son of Ukbur Alli (Akbar Ali)
404 Enait Alli (Inayat Ali), son of Zuffur Alli (Zafar Ali)
405 Ameer Bux (Bakhsh), son of Ellahi Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh)
406 Emam Alli (Imam Ali), son of Shoojat Alli (Shujat Ali)

KHERLAH OR KHEDLAH OR KHEIDLAH ALIAS KHERLA (SOHNA)

(11)

407 Deedar Bux (Didar Bakhsh)

408 Shumsoodeen (Shamsuddin), son of Uzeezoodeen (Azizuddin), and
409 Hissamoodeen (Hissamuddin), son of Uzeezoodeen (Azizuddin)
(brothers)
410 Ruhmoodeen (Rahimuddin), son of Emamoodeen (Imamuddin)
411 Khodabux (Khuda Bakhsh) Khan, son of Khyratee (Khairati) Khan
 412 Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan, son of Mujjada Khan
413 Ghasee (Ghassi) Khan, son of Suhaj (Sahaj) Khan
414 Furhut (Farhat) Khan
415 Namdar Khan, son of Kamdar Khan
416 Ellaheebux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Khan, son of Mohomed (Mohammed) Khan
417 Usgur (Asghar) Beg.

SONAH (SOHNA) (24)

418 Shuhzad (Shahzad) Khan Rajpoot, son of Mehtab Khan 419

Mujjedoodeen (Majiduddin)
420 Sheikh Wuzeer Alli (Wazir Ali)
421 Ameer Khan, son of Zorawur (Zorawar) Khan
422 Wuzeer (Wazir) Khan
423 Esakhan (Isa Khan)
424 Ruheem (Rahim) Beg 1st
425 Uhmed (Ahmed) Beg, son of Bubbur (Babbar) Beg
426 Hoosain Alli (Husain Ali)
427 Khwaj Bux (Khwaj Bakhsh) son of Deedar Bux (Didar Bakhsh)
428 Ruheem (Rahim) Beg, 2nd son of Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh) Beg
429 Mohomed Bux (Mohammad Bakhsh), son of Nezamutollah
(Nizamatullah)
430 Nubee Bux (Nabi Bakhsh), son of Mohomed Bux (Mohammad
Bakhsh)
431 Moomunbeg (Muman Beg), son of Mookeem Beg (Mukim Beg)
432 Hyder Beg, son of Elahi Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Beg
433 Allee Bux (Ali Bakhsh), son of Khwaj Bux (Bakhsh), and
434 Ruheem Bux (Rahim Bakhsh), son of Khwaj Bux (Bakhsh), brothers
435 Roostum Alli (Rustam Ali), son of Hussun Alli (Hassan Ali)
436 Mohomed (Mohammad) Beg, son of Uhmed (Ahmed) Beg
437 Golam Moheeoodeen (Ghulam Mohiuddin), son of Ram Bux (Bakhsh)
438 Mowla Bux (Maula Bakhsh), son of Nujjuf (Najaf) Khan
439 Futteh Mohomed (Fateh Mohammad), son of Shamohomed (Shah
Mohammad)
440 Umjud Alli (Amjad Ali), son of Urshud Alli (Arshad Ali),
441 Kadur Bux (Qadir Bakhsh), son of Uhmed Bux (Ahmed Bakhsh).
BADSHAHPOOR (BADSHAHPUR) (18)

442 Golab (Gulab) Khan, son of Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan

443 Budderoodeen (Badruddin)
444 Kurreem Bux (Karim Bakhsh)
445 Kudrab (Kadrab)
446 Mehrab
447 Bodhee (Buddhi)
448 Ameer Alli (Ali)
449 Roostum Alli (Rustam Ali)
450 Hoosain (Husain) Khan
451 Bahadur Khan
452 Sheikh Bahadoor (Bahadur) Khan, son of Jan Mohomed (Mohammad)
453 Qadurdad (Qadirdad) Khan, son of Wuzeer (Wazir) Khan
454 Sheikh Muhrab (Mahrab), son of Sheikh Sha Mohomed (Shah
Mohammad)
455 Ullehdad (Allahdad) Khan, son of Kalley Khan
456 Summund (Samad) Khan, son of Turbrut (Tarbrat) Khan
457 Ameer Bux (Bakhsh), son of Mohomed (Mohammad) Sheikh
458 Euant Alli (Yuant Ali), son of Nujjuf Allie (Najaf Ali)
459 Kurreembux (Karim Bakhsh) Khan, son of Namdar Bux (Bakhsh)
Khan.

JHARSAH (JHARSA) (3)

460 Kowkub Alli (Koqab Ali), son of Golam Kadar (Ghulam Qadir)
461 Hooshdar (Hoshdar) Khan, son of Sabir Khan
462 Uhsan Alli (Ahsan Ali).

RAISEENAH OR RAISINA (3)

463 Secunder (Sikandar) Khan Meo

464 Buxee (Bakhshi) Khan, son of Hatim Khan
465 Meer Khan, son of Sulabut (Salabat) Khan.
SEELKOH (SILKOH) (1)

466 Nejabut (Nizabat) Khan, son of Shetab (Shitab) Khan.

PATOUDEE (PATAUDI) (1)

467 Nadir Khan.

FUTTEHPOOR (FATEHPUR) (1)

468 Mehboob (Mahbub) Khan.

MOOBARIKPOOR (MUBARIQPUR) (1)

469 Sabut (Sabat) Khan, son of Saadut (Saadat) Khan.

NANOO (NANU KALAN AND KHURD) (1)

470 Soobhan (Subhan) Khan, son of Peer Bux (Bakhsh).

KHOORUMPOOR (KHURRAMPUR) (2)

471 Sekunder (Sikandar) Khan, son of Buxoolah (Bakhshullah) Khan, and

472 Shetab (Shitab) Khan, son of Buxoolah (Bakhshullah) Khan
(brothers).

Thus there were about 150 persons who were either killed in action or
remained un-captured in the present Gurgaon district area.
Mewat District (33) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File
No.3/1858)

HOOSAINPOOR (HUSAINPUR) (8)

473 Usruf Hoosain (Ashraf Husain)

474 Mutloob Hoosain (Matlub Husain)
475 Uzeezoolah (Azizullah) Khan
476 Muzhur Alli (Maz’har Ali)
477 Ubbas (Abbas) Khan
478 Bedar Singh
479 Zuberdust (Zabardust) Khan
480 Furzind Hoosain (Farzand Husain), son of Farzind Alli (Farzand Ali).

NOH (NUH) (4)

481 Nadur Alli (Nadir Ali) Meo

482 Taj Khan, son of Zuburdust (Zabardast) Khan Meo
483 Secunder (Sikandar) Khan, son of Sundul (Sandal) Khan Meo
484 Ahmed Bux (Bakhsh), son of Imam Bux (Bakhsh) Meo.

SURAKA ALIAS SUDAKA (3)

485 Imam Ali Meo

486 Koqab Ali, son of Ghulam Qadir Meo
487 Qutab Ali, son of Ghulam Qadir Meo

FEROZEPOOR (FEROZEPUR JHIRKA) (4)

488 Futteh (Fateh) Khan

489 Mohomed (Mohammad) Ismail
 490 Ramrattan
491 Shadiram

UKHERA ALIAS AKHEIRA ALIAS AKERA (6)

492 Sufdur Alli (Safdar Ali), son of Wuzeer Alli (Wazir Ali)
493 Ellahi Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh), son of Mohomed Hashum (Mohammad
Hashim)
494 Gureeboollah (Gharibullah), son of Ruhumoolah (Rahimullah)
495 Emam Alli (Imam Ali), son of Uhsan Alli (Ahsan Ali)
496 Roostum (Rustam) Beg, son of Usgur (Asghar) Beg
497 Ruheem Bux (Rahim Bakhsh), son of Ellahi Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh).

NUGGEENA (NAGINA) (3)

498 Valant Alli (Ali), son of Emam Alli (Imam Ali)

499 Shumsoodeen (Shamsuddin), son of Nujjeboodeen (Najibuddin)
500 Kubbeer Alli (Kabir Ali), son of Valant Alli (Vilayat Ali).

O THER MEWATTI FIGHTERS

501 Majlis Khan Mewatti, subahdar.

He was with Rao Tularam at the battle of Nasibpur (Narnaul) on 16
November 1857, but was not heard of afterwards.
502 Kale Khan Mewatti.
He was present at the Raisina battle on 31 October 1857, but was not
heard of afterwards.
503 Ali Hasan Khan Mewatti.
He was the commander of the Mewatti force at the battle of Ghasera
on 8 November 1857, but nothing was heard of him thereafter.
504 Saiyed Musharraf Ali.
He was appointed tehsildar of the Hodal and Punahana parganahs by
Bahadur Shah on 25 July 1857.167
 505 Maulana Mehrab Ali Khan Mewatti.
He exhorted the people to fight against the British and to inspire them
and moved from village to village to distribute amulets and talismans
(taweez).168

Palwal District (75)169 (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220

File No. 3/1858)

PULWUL (PALWAL) TOWN (20)

506 Mohomed Bux (Mohammad Bakhsh)

507 Sheikh Murdan (Mardan), son of Sheikh Boorhan (Burhan)
508 Meer Khan, son of Bubbur (Babbar) Khan
509 Ellahi Bux (Ilahi Bakhsh), son of Sheikh Gunnee (Ghani)
510 Jeewun Alli (Jiwan Ali), son of Audil Hoosain (Adil Husain)
511 Zoolfkar (Zulfikar) Khan, son of Kamdar Khan
512 Mohomed Bux (Mohammad Bakhsh), son of Ruhumtoollah
(Rahamatullah)
513 Nubbee Bux (Nabi Bakhsh), son of Khoda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh)
514 Emam Alli (Imam Ali), son of Murdan Alli (Mardan Ali)
515 Allehyar (Allah Yar) Beg, son of Umanut (Amanat) Beg
516 Saadoollah (Sadulllah) Khan, son of Bahadur Khan
517 Muhtab (Mahtab) Khan, son of Chand Khan
518 Eradut (Iradat) Beg, son of Ameer Beg
519 Mohomed (Mohammad) Khan, son of Muhmood (Mehmud) Khan
520 Kurreem Bux (Karim Bakhsh), son of Khooda Bux (Khuda Bakhsh)
521 Ausif (Asif) Khan, son of Dedar (Didar) Khan
522 Ellahibux (Ilahi Bakhsh) Khan, son of Fyzoo (Faizu) Khan
523 Zabeeh Khan
524 Sheikh Khyrat Alli (Khairat Ali), son of Sheikh Bubbur Alli (Babbar
Ali)
525 Huffeezoodeen (Hafizuddin)
JENOULEE (JANAULI) (1)

526 Dowlutram (Daulatram), son of Behlooram (Bholuram) Aheer (Ahir)

CHANDHUT (CHAND’HAT) (1)

527 Kewul (Kewal) Jat

SOONDHUT (SAUNDHAD) (1)

528 Rajkhan.

SEOLEE (SEOLI OR SEVLI) (7)

529 Auruf Alli (Arif Ali), son of Suyed Alli (Sayed Ali)
530 Gulzar Khan, son of Khodayar (Khuda Yar) Khan Pathan
531 Namdar Khan, son of Bahadoor (Bahadur) Khan
532 Ushruf (Ashraf) Khan, son of Khoodayar (Khuda Yar) Khan
533 Bookhas (Bukhas) Khan, son of Khyratee (Khairati) Khan
534 Sepehdar Khan, son of Khodayar (Khuda Yar) Khan
535 Ahmed Khan, son of Johur (Johar) Khan.

A new source lists following nine fighters, three hailing from this village
(Seoli) and six hailing from the village of Manpur (Sr. Nos. 536–44
below):170

536 Bakhas Khan, son of Khairati Khan

537 Ahmed Khan son of Zahur Khan
538 Sikandar Khan, son of Khodayar (Khuda Yar) Khan

These appear to be same as those at Sr. Nos. 533, 534 and 535 above.
MANPUR (6)

539 Ganeshi Jat

540 Lehari Jat
541 Ghautoli (?) Jat
542 Jeenu Jat
543 Sheolal Jat
544 Balmukand Jat

All the six fighters of Manpur were sent to the kala pani.
Official record contains following twenty-eight names of persons hailing
from the villages of Chhainsa, Rasulpur, Pinghor, Khajurka, and Hassanpur
(Sr. Nos. 545–72 below):171

CHAISAH (CHHAINSA) (1)

545 Dhunee (Dhanni), son of Busteeram (Bastiram) Brahmin

RUSSOOLPOOR (RASULPUR) (6)

546 Hatim Alli (Ali)

547 Roostum Alli (Rustam) Khan
548 Besharut Alli (Bisharat Ali)
549 Soorab (Surab) Khan, son of Durrab (Darab) Khan (father)
550 Toorrebaz (Turrebaz) Khan, son of Soorab (Surab) Khan (Son)
551 Ufzul Alli (Afzal Ali), son of Mudra (Madra).

PINGHORE (PINGHOR) (3)

552 Moortza Hoosain (Murtaza Husain) Khan

553 Ruheem Alli (Rahim Ali)
554 Meer Bhan Alli (Ali), son of Inmyut Alli (Inmiat Ali).
KHUJJOORKA (KHAJURKA) (8)

555 Mosaheb (Musahib) Beg, son of Auzad (Azad) Beg

556 Surfuraz (Sarfaraz) Beg, son of Mohomed Alli (Mohammad Ali)
557 Babur (Babar) Beg
558 Audil (Adil) Beg, son of Hamed (Hamid) Beg
559 Ruheem Alli (Rahim Ali), Beg son of Kurreem (Karim) Beg (son)
560 Kurreem Beg (Karim Beg), son of Fuzl (Fazl) Beg (father)
561 Aleemoodeen (Alimuddin), son of Golam Alli (Ghulam Ali)
562 Kamdar Beg, son of Surfuraz (Sarfaraz) Beg.

HUSSUNPOOR (HASSANPUR) (10)

563 Uhsan Alli (Ahsan Ali), son of Murdan Alli (Mardan Ali)
564 Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan, son of Hyder Alli (Ali)
565 Golam (Ghulam) Hyder, son of Sheikh Ameer
566 Hyder Bux (Bakhsh), son of Kadur Bux (Qadir Bakhsh)
567 Emamoodeen (Imamuddin), son of Uhmed (Ahmed) Khan
568 Ismail Khan, son of Shetab (Shitab) Khan
569 Ruhum (Raham) Khan, son of Huffeez (Hafiz) Khan
570 Urshad Alli (Arshad Ali), son of Awuz Alli (Awaz Ali)
571 Jahan Khan, son of Peer Khan
572 Ameer Khan, son of Sepehdar Khan.
573 Rahim Bakhsh Mirasi, son of Illahi Bakhsh. He was sentenced to
transportation for life.172

A file of Delhi Division shows five more names:173

SEEKREE (SIKRI) (1)

574 Khyrat Alli (Khairat Ali), son of Golam Alli (Ghulam Ali).

SOOJWAREE (SUJWARI) (1)

 575 Wajid Alli (Ali), son of Jiwan Alli (Ali).

MOYNAH (MOHENA) (2)

576 Hedayat Alli (Hidayat Ali), son of Aosaf Alli (Asif Ali),
577 Allum Alli (Alam Ali) son of Urshad Alli (Arshad Ali).

KHATELA (1)

578 Shadi Khan

SA’ADATNAGAR (1)

579 Risaldar Saiyed Ghulam Mirza Hussain of 18th IC.174

580 Kabir Khan Mewatti, jemadar Irregular Cavalry175
His village is not known, but he was a prominent rebel leader who
led the revolt at Hansi and marched to Delhi along with his sowars.

Faridabad District (3)

581 Bhutia Silversmith, landholder176

582 Maulvi Ahmad Ali of Ballabgarh, Confidential Agent of Raja Nahar
Singh in Delhi Durbar
583 Risaldar Qalandar Bakhsh Khan of Ballabgarh Cavalry.
He was the commander of a detachment sent to Delhi.177

The total number of mutineers and rebels hailing from whole of the then
Punjab who had been sentenced to transportation by 29 June 1858 was 362,
of whom 60 were from Haryana districts namely Delhi (27), Rohtak (4),
Jhajjar (5), Hisar (22) and Sirsa (2).178 In addition there were 254 mutineers
and rebels from the Punjab, who were likely to be sentenced to transportation
by 31 December 1858, of whom 207 belonged to Haryana districts: Delhi
(30), Panipat (10), Thanesar (12), Jhajjar (5) and Sirsa (150).179 The jails in
the Punjab were crowded and in June 1858 the government were planning to
send to Port Blair all those prisoners who had been sentenced to 10 or more
years.180 Subsequently, all such persons were transported.
Thus we have a list of 583 names, but Umed Ali has been enlisted twice
(Nos. 180 and 204) while the name of Rao Tularam has been included as per
government record, though it is already in the martyrs’ list. So, actually we
have a list of 581 brave sons of Haryana who fought for freedom without
caring for the consequences for themselves or their families. The
circumstances indicate that the fighters, whom the mighty British force could
not apprehend by hook or by crook, must have perished in numerous battles
within and without Haryana. It is evident that they achieved martyrdom and
deserve respect from every Indian patriot for their supreme sacrifice for our
future. It was their courage of conviction that showed us the path of struggle
in a united way. It is conspicuous from the list that both Hindus and Muslims
fought conjointly against the firangi in a big way. It is also apparent that a
huge number of the fighters was sent to the kala pani from where none
appears to have returned. The conditions then prevalent in the jails were such
that even short term imprisonment was dreaded, hard labour in irons was
inhuman, the food served was not fit for animals and there was no chance of
survival in case of a disease.
It would not be appropriate to say that 581 fighters of this class have been
identified, rather only their names are known. Similarly, in the previous
chapter the names of 928 martyrs have been listed. Thus in total, for the first
time, the names of 1,509 great men of Haryana are before scholars, to pursue
further research in the direction of establishing their identity, which would
include the identification of their descendants in the current generation and
their mutual relationship. The names of the villages given will be helpful as a
first step.

Notes
1. HSA HD JD Bundle (File) No. 82, Case No. 539, dated 6 December 1862; D.C. Sirsa to
Commissioner Letter dated 29 October 1862, pp. 269–71.
 2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 460–1.
6. Ibid., pp. 190, 587.
7. Ibid., pp. 437, 551, 553.
8. Ibid., pp. 1301, 1313–16.
9. Ibid., Government versus Wali Mohammad Case.
10. Ibid., p. 553.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid., pp. 460–1, 709–12, 773.
14. Ibid., p. 782.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid., pp. 460–1.
17. Ibid., Govt. versus Hafiz Khan and 12 others Case, pp. 497, 529.
18. Ibid., pp. 1147–8.
19. Ibid., pp. 761, 829.
20. HSA HD Accn. No. 3561, PMF No. 70, 1857–9, p. 13.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid., pp. 13, 65.
23. Ibid., D.C. Sirsa, Letters dated 18 and 20 January 1858, pp. 57, 61.
24. Ibid., pp. 57, 61, 75–7.
25. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 72–3, 127, 225, 365.
26. HSA HD Accn. No. 3561, PMF No. 70, pp. 53–61, and Accn. No. 9319.
27. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 1157–61.
28. Ibid., pp. 459–61.
29. Ibid., … Accn. No. 9319: D.C. Sirsa, Letter dated 9 May 1859.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid., Commissioner, Letter dated 16 June 1858.
32. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 1441.
33. Ibid., pp. 1425–32.
34. Ibid., p. 194.
35. Ibid., p. 1493.
36. Ibid., pp. 833, 995.
37. Ibid., Govt. versus Golab Khan, Nizamuddin, Khoj Baksh, etc., pp. 833, 995.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. J.K. Gupta, History of Sirsa Town, Delhi, 1991, p. 84.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid.
43. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 460–1.
44. Ibid., p. 133.
45. Ibid., p. 877.
46. Ibid., p. 890.
47. Ibid., p. 59.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., p. 53.
50. Ibid., p. 55.
51. Ibid., pp. 105–11.
52. Ibid., pp. 105–6.
53. Ibid., pp. 603, 673–7.
54. Ibid., p. 713.
55. Ibid., p. 877.
56. Ibid., pp. 959, 961–2.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid., pp. 877–90.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid., p. 890.
61. Ibid., p. 877.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid., p. 890.
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid.
66. Ibid., pp. 1669, 1675–7.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid., p. 2.
69. Ibid., pp. 105–11, 169; and Bundle (File) No. 82, Judicial Case No. 281.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid., pp. 1519–23.
72. HSA HD File No. 82 Judicial Case No. 419 dated 29 October 1862, pp. 279–81.
73. Ibid.
74. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 105–11, 169; and Bundle (File) No. 82, Judicial Case
No. 281 dated 11 May 1859.
75. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 119, 181.
76. Ibid., p. 741.
77. Ibid., p. 745.
78. Ibid., pp. 741–58.
79. Ibid., p. 745.
80. Ibid., pp. 741–58.
81. Ibid., pp. 460–1.
82. Ibid., pp. 1207–19, 1241.
83. Ibid., p. 402.
84. Ibid., pp. 401–3.
85. Ibid., p. 837.
86. Ibid., pp. 845, 941.
87. Ibid., pp. 460–1.
88. Ibid., p. 401.
89. Ibid., p. 1441.
90. NAIMP Coll. No. 16, Sr. No. 4; Coll. No. 60, Sr. Nos. 134, 270; Coll. No. 71, Sr. No. 98; Coll. No.
73, Sr. No. 63; Coll. No. 100, Sr. Nos. 171, 172; Coll. No. 101, Sr. Nos. 2, 6, 7; Coll. No. 112, Sr.
No. 40; Coll. No. 114, Sr. Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 19, 23, 40, 41, 45, 46, 47, 48; Coll. No. 135, Sr. Nos. 72,
138.
91. Ibid., Coll. No. 199, Sr. Nos. 377, 378, 379; Pramod K. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, Hyderabad,
2007, pp. 272–3.
92. Ibid., Coll. No. 60, Sr. Nos. 613, 770.
93. Ibid., Coll. No. 137, Sr. No. 8.
94. Ibid. Coll. No. 113, Sr. No. 25.
95. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, p. 283.
96. Ibid., pp. 275–6.
97. Ibid.
98. NAIMP Coll. No. 135, Sr. No. 72.
99. Ibid., Coll. No. 135, Sr. No. 168.
100. Ibid., Coll. No. 114, Sr. Nos. 40, 41.
101. Ibid., Coll. No. 60, Sr. No. 270.
102. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, Govt. versus Murdan Ally … 15 others Case, pp. 317,
343, 357, 363; and Bundle (File) No. 82, Judicial Deptt., Case No. 419, dated 29 October 1862, pp.
279–81.
103. Ibid., Case No. 281, dated 11 May 1859, p. 169.
104. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 1661–3.
105. Ibid., Govt. versus Murdan Ally; and File No. 82, Case No. 419, pp. 279–81.
106. Ibid., p. 361.
107. Ibid., p. 341.
108. Ibid., p. 347.
109. Ibid., p. 345.
110. Ibid., p. 349.
111. Ibid., p. 351.
112. Ibid., p. 359.
113. Ibid., p. 355.
114. Ibid., p. 353.
115. Ibid., p. 335.
116. Ibid., p. 1161.
117. Ibid., pp. 333, 337, 339.
118. Ibid., pp. 1131–2, 1165–71.
119. Ibid., p. 847.
120. Ibid., p. 1127.
121. Ibid., pp. 460–1.
122. HSA HD Accn. No. 3560, PMF No. 69, p. 313.
123. Ibid.
124. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 40.
125. Ibid.
126. HSA HD Accn. No. 3560, PMF No. 69, p. 219.
127. Ibid., p. 223.
128. Ibid.
129. Ibid.
130. Ibid., p. 319.
131. Ibid., p. 397.
132. Ibid., p. 361.
133. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 460–1.
134. Ibid., p. 1269.
135. Ibid., pp. 453, 521–3.
136. Ibid., pp. 406–7.
137. Ibid., pp. 1147–8.
138. Ibid., p. 759.
139. Ibid., p. 1101.
140. Ibid., pp. 1111–19.
141. Ibid., pp. 1111–23.
142. Ibid., p. 405.
143. Ibid.
144. Ibid., p. 1441.
145. Ibid., pp. 406–7.
146. Ibid., pp. 1135–7, 1165–71.
147. Ibid.
148. Yashpal Gulia, Haryana Ka Riyasati Itihaas, Panchkula, 2006, p. 82.
149. Ibid., pp. 82–3.
150. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, Govt. versus Buldeo … Toolsee Case, pp. 535, 569–76.
151. Ibid., Govt. versus Yakoob Ali Khan Case, pp. 540, 569–76.
152. Ibid., Govt. versus Jungbaz Khan Case, pp. 543, 765.
153. Ibid., p. 1161.
154. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, p. 81.
155. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, Govt. versus Maz’har Ali Case, pp. 257, 565–8, 584.
156. Ibid., pp. 401–3.
157. HSA HD Accn. No. 9319.
158. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 1026.
159. The Cornhill Magazine, vol. 7, 1863, p. 53.
160. HSA AD G…P Accn. No. 1462, File No. 33/1858.
161. Ibid.
162. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, p. 1027.
163. Ibid.
164. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
165. NAIMP Coll. No. 60, Sr. No. 675.
166. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
167. NAIMP Coll. No. 151, Sr. Nos. 4, 5, 6.
168. Zakir Husain, ‘Delhi, Meos and the Great Uprising’, Indian History Congress 70th Session, Delhi,
2010.
169. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
170. Yadav: Roll of Honour.
171. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
172. D.C. Gurgaon File No. R-189 in the documents of Ex-MP Rahim Khan, President, All India Meo
Sabha.
173. HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220, File No. 3/1858.
174. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, pp. 300–1.
175. Lahore Chronicle, 1 July 1857.
176. Nayar, Trial of Bahadur Shah, p. 239.
177. Ibid., pp. 244–5.
178. The Judicial Commissioner E. Thornton’s Letter, Dated Lahore 29 June 1858, photocopy available
at pp. 38–43 of S.N. Aggarwal’s book, The Heroes of Cellular Jail; Rupa, 2007.
179. Ibid.
180. Ibid.
Chapter 15
1857–1860: The Scenario

We can broadly divide the developments in two overlapping phases. The

period to the end of 1858 was one of violence while; the second phase,
violent in another way with confiscation, deprivation, and rewards and ran
simultaneously with the first for some months; and ended in 1860, though
some cases were taken up even in the royal durbar of 1877.
The British authorities started showing their true colours with brutalities,
retribution, and vengeance in Haryana with effect from 17 May 1857, when
the first detachment of Delhi Field Force marched from Ambala. It was the
beginning of the first phase, which contained merciless scenes of killing,
execution, hanging, shooting, arrest, torture, and humiliation. This phase was
in its prime after the recapture of Delhi but had already taken a dangerous
trend with the entry of Van Cortlandt in the third week of the June from
Dabwali. The unique phenomenon of the sahibba emerged on the scene,
synonymous with the destruction of life and property. We have seen the deeds
of sahibbas in detail in the preceding chapters.
The second phase was the consequence of the first but with a different aim.
It was to create a network of spies, informers, and bogus witnesses. The
property confiscated to eliminate the patriots, their families and relatives on
the one hand; was on the other hand liberally distributed among the loyalists
and stooges who were traitors from among the Indians. The villages were
coerced to compensate the loss and heavy fines were imposed on a large
number. This is more easily comprehended if a description is given district-
wise about the contribution of a particular district to the freedom struggle as
part of the first battle theatre; and also about the rewards and rewardees.
District Sirsa

CONFISCATION AND IMPOSITION OF FINES

It has already been mentioned that total property of the Nawab Rania was
confiscated and given to the persons who were pro-British in the struggle.
There were other villages also which had taken part in the movement and
were destroyed. Odhan, Chhatrian, Khairekan, Burj Bhangu and Jodhkan were
confiscated. A fine amounting to Rs. 1,100 was imposed on 33 villages for
recovery of loss of property, jewellery, etc., belonging to the government
servants; these villages were in the parganahs of Sirsa (29), Raneea (Rania)
(3) and Rori (1).1 Similarly a fine of 18,085 rupees and 8 annas was imposed
on 34 villages, for the recovery of loss of jewellery and miscellaneous
property of the residents of Sirsa and mauzah Nandgarh; these villages fell in
the parganahs of Sirsa (29), Rania (3), Rori (1) and Goodha (1)2 during the
period ending 31 January 1859. The following persons were rewarded:

BURJ, KHAIREKAN

One Hariram Bishnoi had saved a European by concealing him at Burj

(Thehar). He was granted rent-free land of Burj village, along with half of the
total land of Khairekan village. All the Bishnois in these two villages are his
descendants. Satbir, a VLDA serving in the ‘animal husbandry department’,
son of Radheyshyam Bishnoi is one of his descendants in seventh generation.3

RISALIYA KHERA

Suthars of Kularia gotra of Risaliya Khera had helped the European fugitives
in their escape on 30 May 1857. They were given lands of seven villages
namely Chhatrian, Modia, Dhukra, Rattakhera, Ramgarhia, Risaliya Khera,
etc., measuring 9,000 bighas. But all the land has since been sold by them and
in Chhatrian the landholders are now Jats.4
SIRSA TOWN, RORI, BIKANER RAJA

Qamaruddin Khan, son of Shamsuddin Khan, resident of Khan Saheb Street in

Sirsa. His father Risaldar Shamsuddin, had requested, first of all, the Raja of
Bikaner for sending his force. He also saved a European couple. He was
killed in action at Baliali (Bhiwani), so his son Qamaruddin was rewarded
with a khillat.5
Baba Jankidass of Rori, a house worth Rs. 2,000 was got constructed for
him and initially 100 bighas of muafi land were granted, and further 1,000
bighas were granted in Fazilka in 1877.
Lala Fatehchand was made a durbari in the Lieutenant Governor’s durbar
for rendering dak service on 30 May 1857 and 1,000 bighas were granted to
his son Ramsukh Dass in Fazilka in 1877.
Begoo (Beju) Singh, thanadar Rori, was made kotwal with a salary of Rs.
60 per month at Sirsa.
Habeeboola (Habibulla) thanadar got Rs. 500 as reward.
Muhtab (Mahtab) Khan, kotegusht (kotgasht) got Rs. 200 as reward.
Jhummun (Jhamman) Lal, Chummun (Chaman) Singh, Suroop (Sarup)
Singh, Ullee Bux (Ali Bakhsh), Kullean (Kalian) Bux and Huzruth (Hazrat)
Khan, all of them shutter sowars (camel riders) got Rs. 100 each; while each
of the poor chaprasis Mullook Sing (Maluk Singh), Dhul (Dal) Singh, Peer
Singh, Ram Ruttan (Ramrattan) and Bhoor Singh got Rs. 50 only.6 Kasim Ali,
jemadar got Rs. 200.7
Bikaner Raja Sardar Singh who sent thousands of his men to crush Haryana
with his stay at Bhadra, got 41 villages of Tibbi tehsil.8
Muftis Jeewan and Manna, residents of old Roree (Rori) and dak sowars
Pertap Singh and Urgen (Arjan) Singh, too got petty rewards.
Mussammats Mahiroonnissa (Mehrunnissa) (40) and Ameeran (40),
widows of late jemadar of mounted police Qasim Ali, each got a pension
only of Rs. 10 per month. Ameeran married a sowar, Mohariff Ali, on 16
February 1860, her bill of dowry amounting to Rs. 600 was paid by the
government.9

District Hisar
This district was one of the worst sufferers.
After order had been restored 133 persons were hanged in the Hisar district for the part which they
had taken in revolt, and 3 others were sentenced to transportation for life, of whom 2 were
subsequently pardoned.10

Since in the year 1915 the district was different from that in 1857, if these
figures contained inclusive of those of Sirsa, then the statement is nothing but
a white lie. Even otherwise also there is no truth in it as far as transportation
is concerned. The patriots who were hanged have been shown to be 133, but
names of not more than 30 are available at present. We have a long list of
transported men from Hisar, including the names from that area of the Bhiwani
district which was then part of Hisar; 13 such fighters belonged to one village
namely Baliali, not to speak of the whole district; according to their own
record.11 It has a list of 9 convicts, who were undergoing punishment at the
Andamans and their release was not desirable on 29 October 1862. The
British cheaters clearly concealed the truth. These nine fighters were
exclusive of Maulvi Rukanuddin, Lambardar Karim Bakhsh Khan of Hisar
and Karim Bakhsh, son of Mehtab of Tosham. It would be relevant to see that
petition from two sons of Karim Bakhsh for his release was rejected on 13
January 1870.12 Karim Bakhsh was convicted on the charge of murder of
Tehsildar Nand Lal of Tosham during the rebellion.

CONFISCATION AND IMPOSITION OF FINE

The proprietary rights in seven villages were forfeited among them being Mangali and Jamalpur, while
fines were levied on as many more.13

These villages were Mangali (Aklan and Jhara Pannas), Jamalpur, Hazimpur,
Bhatol Ranghran (Khurd), Kharar Alipur, Rohnat and Putthi Mangal Khan (see
Figure 15.1). These seven villages were burnt and destroyed in August-
September 1857. Here the government accepted imposition of fine only on
seven villages, but the record speaks something else. The number of villages
was 123, from the tehsils Hansi (50), Tosham (13), Hisar (59), and Fatehabad
(1).14 The amount of fine realized was quite huge, amounting to Rs. 1,94,173
which included Rs. 1,823 from the big sale of a confiscated property.15
According to the Deputy Commissioner Hisar (Van Cortlandt) letter dated 24
February 1859, the villages were fined for 10 military officers, one barrack
officer and one canal officer, 18 private individuals and government
buildings.16

AUCTION OF THE CONFISCATED VILLAGES

The serial numbers indicate that excluding the two pannas of Mangali, land of
9 other villages was auctioned and sold.17 The following auction details are
available.

1. (Sr. No. 1 in the Record) Jumalpoor (Jamalpur)

Proprietors: Akkhan, Khawanee, Mardan, Abdha, and Pakharia, lumber-dars

(lambardars) and type of tenure was byachara (bhaichara). Total area was
5,152 acres, with 4,107 acres culturable and 1045 acres unculturable. The
sale price was Rs. 3,300 and date of payment 19 August 1858. The authority
was given vide Financial Commissioner Punjab letter No. 1076 dated 12
April 1858 and date of sale was 20 July, 1858. The sale certificate was
issued on 21 August, 1858 to Bhugutram (Bhagatram) and Sew Lall (Shivlal),
chowdhary (chaudhary) zamindars of Hisar, and nobody appealed against
the sale.18

2. (Sr. No. 2 in the Record) Mauzah Roonhath (Mauza Rohnat)

The proprietors were Surbhoo (Sarbhu) and Mehru, lumberdars (lambardars)

and tenure here too was bhaichara. The total area was 4315 acres comprising
of 2,434 acres culturable and 1881 acres unculturable and having a juma
(jama – land revenue rent assessed) of Rs. 530. The authority letter for sale
was the same, i.e. F.C. letter No. 1076 dated 12 April 1858
Figure 15.1: Index Plan: Location of Destroyed, Confiscated and Auctioned Rebel Villages of Hisar
District

and date of sale was 20 July 1858. The sale price was Rs. 8,100 and the
payment was made on 4 September 1858. The sale certificate was issued on 4
September 1858 to Hunsram (Hansram) and others, Jaut (Jat) zamindars of
village Oomrah (Umra) and others [D.C. Hisar 24.09.1858].19 Out of the total
area of 20,656 bighas and 19 biswas, only 13 bighas and 10 biswas were left
un-auctioned which were within the village abadi, even trees around the
village pond were not left as property of the village. The land was purchased
by 61 persons of villages Umra (29), Sultanpur (20), Bhagana (7), Muzadpur
(4), and Mehidpur (now bechrag) (1).20
The following villagers or their descendants, some of whom had been
hanged and crushed already, were uprooted and compelled to desert the
village.21 The owners according to missal bandobast (settlement file) of
1840:

1. Udmi, son of Bakhshi Jat

2. Badri, son of Bakhshi Jat
3. Balla, son of Udmi Jat
4. Aaskaran, son of Beeba Jat
5. Prem, son of Khushal Jat
6. Tulsa, son of Buddhan Jat
7. Premsukh, son of Pohlu Jat
8. Toffu, son of Dayaram Jat
9. Tehlia, son of Nahnu Jat
10. Jairam, son of Sailad Jat
11. Jakru, son of Ratia Jat
12. Deena, son of Bakhshi Jat
13. Nandram, son of Satram Jat
14. Ram Kishan, son of Maiyaram Jat
15. Ramsukh, son of Bakhshi Jat
16. Rajroop, son of Ratia Jat
17. Sarbhoo, son of Dayaram Lambardar
18. Harisukh, son of Mehroo Lambardar
19. Sadasukh, son of Kalla Jat
20. Gajja, son of Patram Jat
21. Mihyan, son of Bakhshi Jat
 22. Mohkam, son of Narayan Jat
23. Harji, son of Premsukh Jat
24. Balla, son of Nainsukh Brahmin
25. Sobha, son of Nainsukh Brahmin
26. Behari, son of Nainsukh Brahmin
27. Siya, son of Chhajju Brahmin
28. Harnand, son of Mouzi Brahmin
29. Harumal, son of Moola Brahamin
30. Jeewana, son of Manzhar Ranghar
31. Dilawar, son of Abbas Ranghar
32. Ragollah, son of Tallah Ranghar
33. Sakrullah, son of Silwa Ranghar
34. Beeroo, son of Noba Ranghar
35. Kalla, son of Parsada Ranghar
36. Balla, son of Parsada Ranghar

The maurusi (hereditary) peasants whose land was auctioned and sold:

1. Sujal, son of Bihari Mahajan

2. Sadasukh, son of Roshan Mahajan
3. Bahloo, son of Tehloo Chamar
4. Jassu, son of Sadhu Chamar
5. Kandela, son of Malka Chamar
6. Beeroo, son of Bahloo Chamar
7. Doonna, son of Khushal Chamar
8. Mallah, son of Khushal Chamar
9. Mayachand, son of Singha Chamar
10. Masania, son of Seoo Chamar
11. Jia, son of Mahna Dhanak
12. Munir, son of Deepa Dhanak
13. Majha, son of Hemu Dhanak
14. Kushala, son of Hemu Dhanak
15. Masania, son of Heera Dhanak
16. Sameru, son of Sakru Teli
17. Maman, son of Sakru Teli

The village was declared ‘rebel’ (baghi) and those who remained behind
had to face boycott from all sides. Even after freedom in 1947 nobody
bothered for the sorry plight of this village. It was about twenty years later
that someone tried to recognize the great sacrifice of this village when the
government of Punjab vide their letter dated 12 August 1966 instituted an
enquiry about the availability of land for allotment to the sufferers22 and the
Deputy Commissioner Hisar in his letter dated 23 September 1966 intimated
that 57 plots (measuring 712.5 acres) of land were available in four villages
in the Hisar Beer, Babran (27), Piranwali (2), Chikanwas (18) and
Dhandhoor (10) and that the offer was acceptable to the applicants.23 In this
context the last letter from the government was issued to the Deputy
Commissioner on 15 October 1966 but nothing came of the proposal, because
in the meantime Haryana came into existence on the 1 November 1966 and the
file was trashed.
The issue was again raised in 1970 when the government of Haryana vide
their letter dated 25 May 1970 sanctioned a meagre amount of Rs. 1,25,000
for disbursement to the actual descendants of the 25 deceased freedom
fighters.24 That was compensation for 4,300 acres of land and the sacrifice of
25 lives. Chaudhary Bhale Singh Boora, ex-havildar of the army and a
descendant of the victims continued a struggle for many years to secure justice
and recognition for his village, and the issue has been raised in the press many
a time, but politicians and bureaucrats have no real respect and sympathy for
the martyrs and freedom fighters.

3. (Sr No. 3 in the Record) Mouzah Hazeempoor (Hazimpur)

The ‘account head’ was ‘sale of land in zillah Hisar confiscated on account of
rebellion of proprietors’, the proprietors were lambardars Kandhah,
Taharoo, and Hakeem Alli (Hakim Ali). The tenure in this village was
bhaichara one. It had a total area of 1,795 acres comprising of 774 acres as
culturable and 1,021 acres as unculturable, with a jama of Rs. 600 only. The
authority letter and date of sale were the same as those of Rohnat. The total
land was sold for Rs. 1,200 only on 4 September 1858 and was purchased by
Hunsram (Hansram) and others, Jat zamindars of village Oomrah (Umra). The
certificate was issued the same day. Nobody came to appeal against the
auction of the land.25
4. (Sr. No. 10 in the Record) Panna Jharrah Mungalee (Jhara
Mangali)

The proprietors of this land were lambardars Monowur (Munawwar),

Sujwar (Sajwar) and Rickhan (Rikkhan), and the land was 2,636 acres, totally
culturable with a jama of Rs. 507. The sale authority and the date were the
same as for Hazimpur. It was sold for Rs. 4,025 and payment was made by the
purchaser Fenny Barlaw a zamindar of Hansee (Hansi) to whom the
certificate was issued on 21 August 1858.26

5. (Sr. No. 11 in the Record) Pannah Aklah Mungalee (Panna

Aklan Mangali)

Similar was the case of this village with bhaichara tenure, the proprietors
being lambardars Meer Khan, Babbur (Babar) and Seekdar. The total area
was 2,622 acres with 2,446 acres as cultivable and 176 acres as unculturable
having jama of Rs. 507. It was sold for Rs. 3,800 to Fenny Barlaw the same
day as that of Jhara Panna.27
The above documents are available in the exhibition papers file of the
repository at Hisar. The details about the remaining seven villages, Bhatol,
Putthi Mangal Khan, Kharar Alipur, Barwala (Rukanuddin’s property and
land) and Hisar (Chaudhary Kareem Khan’s and Maulvi Rukanuddin’s land
and gardens) are not available.

REWARDS AND REWARDEES

In Hansi, Hisar and Fatehabad large chunks of land belonging to Hukamchand

Jain, Shamlal, Shrikishan Dass, Saligram, Munir Beg, Ahmed Beg, Sooba,
Mohkam, Gaila Beg and Sooba Khan of Fatehabad were confiscated and
distributed as under:

HISAR
Pertabah (Partaba), son of Hurree Doss (Haridas); Ram Rattun (Ramrattan),
Mottee (Moti), son of Seetaram; Bishna, son of Dheerjee; Khushal Dass son
of Durum Doss (Dharamdas); Kanah (Kahna), son of Munna (Manna); Kirtah,
son of Manna; and Hurree Doss (Haridas), son of Roop Doss (Roopdas) of
Hisar, got rent-free land for aiding E.C. Smith in his escape to Rajgarh.28

HANSI, BIGHAR, KHARIA

Jyeshah (Jaishah) son of Kooslah (Kushala) and Teekoo, son of Roopa of

Hansi were granted rent-free land for aiding Jeffries, head clerk, in his escape
from Hisar.29 Radhakishan, son of Gangaram of Hansi got land at Hansi, Fujja
of Bighar (Fatehabad) got 84 bighas at Bighar while Ram Loll (Ramlal)
Brahmin of Hisar got a reward of Rs. 100 and a job with the police, all for
aiding and providing protection in escape to Mr. Holmes.30 Rasoolah
(Rasula) of Khareeah (Kharia) got rent-free land while Bhugtah (Bhagta),
Manhar and Dhunna (Dhanna) were rewarded for providing aid and
protection for the escape of Alexander Skinner of Hansi.31

SULTANPUR, JUGLAN, HANSI, DHER, KANA KHERA, BHIRDANA,

BIGHAR

Peerah (Pira), probably of Sultanpur village, got a cash reward of Rs. 150,
and Sultana of Rs. 20 for providing aid, protection and shelter to one Mrs
Fitzpatrick and her children.32 Mizur alias Mezir (Mizar) of Jooglan (Juglan)
village near Hisar got a pension of Rs. 5 per month for helping John Taylor,
Superintendent of the government Cattle Farm at Hisar.33
Jankee Doss (Jankidas), son of Sitaram of Hansi got 304 bighas of land,
and his own land was made rent-free.
Nawab Khan of Dhair (Dher), Mahomed (Mohammad) Momin, and Futeh
Mohammed of Kana Khera and Ukbar (Akbar) of Bhirdana were granted
pension, because their fathers were lambardars who were killed near Hansi
when employed as scouts for service to Van Cortlandt.
Mooktarah (Mukhtiara) of Beeghur (Bigher) and Sheraj of Hijrawan Kullan
(Kalan) too were rewarded for their work for Van Cortlandt. Namdar Khan
and Surwun (Sarwan) were nephews of one old Murad Bibi, who were
amongst 14 persons charged of murder of Europeans and were sentenced to
imprisonment for life. Since the old woman had provided aid to Jeffries, they
were released by the Governor General unconditionally vide his orders dated
16 July 1858 and endorsed by the Chief Commissioner on 28 July 1858.34

District Jind

PAHLWAN (UCHANA)

Lambardar Roopram, son of Lookram (Lokram), resident of village Palwana

(Pahlwan near Uchana) aged 58 years and of 6′-4″ height met Dr A. R.
Waghorn, Civil Surgeon Hisar, at his village on the morning of 30 May 1857,
when he along with Sergeant Shields had arrived there after escaping from
Hisar, and escorted them to Kytul (Kaithal) on camels. Dr Waghorn gave him
his own camel as a reward at Kaithal on that very day, and subsequently he
was given a cash reward of Rs. 300 on 24 February 1859.35

District Bhiwani
The tehsils of Bawani Khera and Tosham were part of Hisar district in 1857,
while Dadri was under the Nawab, and Bhiwani town with few villages was
part of Rohtak district in Meham-Bhiwani tehsil. The banias of Bhiwani were
British supporters, because in 1817 William Fraser, Political Resident in
Delhi, selected Bhiwani for the site of a mandi or free market.36 Up to that
time the seat of commerce of the neighbourhood had been the town of Dadri.37
In 1857, the banias and Rajputs helped local British persons and rendered
help to Van Cortlandt. The following persons were rewarded:38

BHIWANI TOWN
Pursram (Parasram) Mahajan through his efforts saved the town from being
looted and also protected Lala Bindraban, Inspector of Post (dak). He was
rewarded with a khillat and Rs. 2,000 in cash.
Bhugwunth (Bhagwant), Babal, Humreeah (Hamira), Bhopalah, Surjeet,
Sheo Singh, Oomda (Umda), Sheodan, Mulook (Malook) 1st and 2nd and
Hustee (Hasti), lambardars, each got a khillat worth Rs. 50.
Similarly, Pershadeeram (Parshadiram), Ramsurn (Ram Saran) gomashta
of Har Sahai and Gur Sahai; sowars of Ram Singh, Deocurn (Devkaran),
Tirkharam, Jamnadas, Gordhandas, Keshoram, and Ghursaram (Gharsaram)
Mahajans worked as spies and informers for Van Cortlandt and got a khillat
of value of Rs. 50 each.

BOND KHURD

Nowrung (Naurang) Singh Rajpoot of village Bond Khurd sheltered Theo

Metcalfe with the help of his brothers and cousins for 3 days and sent him safe
to Hansi. Later he accompanied him in the Showers moveable column.
Initially he was granted a huge revenue free plot in the Chhuchhakwas Beer,
and again 137 bighas in the same Beer were given in March 1870, in the
village Thomaspura or Tamaspura.39
Shahzad Singh, Hunwunt (Hanwant) Singh, Rikhan (Rikkhan) Singh,
Ramput (Rampat) Singh, and Khowan Singh of village Bond Khurd, brothers
and cousins of Naurang Singh Thakur were granted proprietary rights of 250
bighas (50 bighas each) at the ‘imperial assemblage’ in Delhi on 5 January
1877, by the Government of India, in the village of Thomaspura in the south
corner of Chhuchhakwas Beer near village Khetawas.40

MAURI (DADRI)

Anund (Anand) Ram Jat of village Mowree (Mauri) (near Makrana) of

Parganah Dadri, a big landlord of some 5,000 bighas, sheltered and
protected Heardy alias Hardy, and some European women and children for 24
days. They were handed over to him by the Nawab of Dadri and he escorted
them to Delhi camp, received huge revenue free land in the Chhuchhakwas
Beer at the village of Fordpura.41

KAIRU (TOSHAM)

Bishna of village Kyroo (Kairu) tehsil Tosham was rewarded because his
father was killed in service in the British force.42

NALOI (SIWANI)

Total land of Lekhram Jat, son of Ramdhan was confiscated and sold to one
Jaswant Singh of Bikaner state for Rs. 150 only.

District Rohtak
There was a new feature in this district. In the districts of Sirsa, Hisar and
Bhiwani (including the native state of Loharu) there were rarely any Jats,
rather only one or two, who were rewarded for their deeds during the
rebellion, but this district had the largest number of Jats as rewardees, though
number of others too was larger as compared to that of the other districts.
Many rebels were shot and hanged; property stolen was as far as possible recovered; the district was
effectually disarmed throughout; the outstanding revenue was promptly collected; the villages which
had been most prominent in evil-doing were fined Rs. 63,000; rewards were given to the deserving,
and the lands of the guilty were confiscated. The worst evil-doers of the time had been the Sheikhs of
the fort, the butchers and Ranghars, and on these the heaviest punishment fell.43

Thus the lands which belonged to the persons held guilty became available
as grants to rewardees who were as given below.

MEHIM (MEHAM)
Babber Mull Bunia (Babarmal Bania), son of Tippa Chund Bunia
(Tippachand Bania) successfully induced at least 25 Jats of Meham including
some headmen and lambardars to protect and shelter 11 Europeans, officials
of customs, their women and children; he gave information to General Van
Cortlandt about rebels and Shahzada Azim, and to add to that he bore false
testimony against the fighters in fake trials. He was the highest beneficiary:
615 bighas and 13 biswas of rent-free land in perpetuity along with Rs 500 in
cash.44
On 24 May 1857, the following persons belonging to the village of Meham
rescued a party of eleven Europeans mostly officials of the customs
department, their women and children, including C.R. Blewitt, Assistant
Patrol in-charge of Meham station, Wren, Ives, Mrs Blewitt with one child,
Mrs Wren with three children and others. They were surrounded by attackers
in the customs’ bungalow at Meham, when Babarmal Bania with the help of
persons named below managed to take them to the Jat chaupar, where they
were protected and provided with food and were subsequently escorted to
Hansi. Their rescuers were:
Lambardar Debee Singh Jat, son of Zorawar Singh; Tokha and Maharam
sons of Oodah (Udda) Jat; Khooba (Khubba), son of Dhowkul (Dhaukal) Jat;
Mamun (Maman), son of Jaggur (Jaggar) Jat; Zahilmull (Zaharmal), son of
Mottee (Moti) Jat; Koorah (Kurra), son of Bhugtah (Bhagta) Jat; Dayasook
(Dayasukh), son of Bholoo (Bhollu) Jat; Harbhuj (Harbhaj), son of Soortah
(Surta) Jat; Ramnath, son of Roopchand Jat; Dhun (Dhan) Singh, son of
Surrubsook (Sarabsukh) Jat; Umeerchaund (Ameerchand), son of Khooshala
(Khushala) Jat; Shamrick (Shyamrikh), son of Meenah (Meenha) Jat; Jheeram
(Jeeram), son of Shehra (Shera) Jat; Hurnund (Harnand), son of Dilsook
(Dilsukh) Jat; Mamun (Maman), son of Jeesook (Jisukh) Jat; Mokum
(Mohkam), son of Parsuh (Parsa) Jat; Busti (Basti), son of Jhundoo (Jhandu)
Jat; Kurma (Karma), son of Bhola Singh Jat; Bussoo (Basau), son of Debea
(Debia) Jat; Peerah (Peera), son of Nugga (Nagga) Jat; Myachund
(Miachand), son of Doorgah (Durga) Jat; Mookram (Mukhram), son of Jussah
(Jassa) Jat; Tokha, son of Myneeah (Mehnia) Jat; and Sheoram, son of Sawunt
(Sawant) Jat; Muthra Pershad (Mathura Parshad), son of Sheodial Buniah
(Bania); Shamjee Doss (Shyamjidas), son of Heerallal (Hiralal) Bania; Sunt
Loll (Sant Lal), son of Ramdial Buniah; Deah Loll (Dayalal), son of Hardiyal
Brahamin; Dalloo Carpenter (Dallu Khati), son of Moman; Shamnath, son of
Munsook (Mansukh) Jogi; Harnath, son of Chaina Jogi; and Bhoora Weaver
(Bhura Dhanak), son of Deba Dhanak (Julaha).
All landholders had their lands made rent-free for three generations and
additional lands were granted for the same term. Debi Singh lambardar got
the maximum land amongst the Jats and also a pension of Rs. 100 per month
for life. While Tokha lambardar was given 29 bighas and 14 biswas of land
with a pension of Rs. 50 per month, his brother Maharam got as much land but
without a pension. Tokha and Maharam got cash rewards of Rs. 500 and 300
respectively. Every one of the above named persons got good rewards, even
Harnath Jogi got Rs. 300 in cash.45 After the death of Debi Singh, his son
Nandram too applied for pension.46 Harnath Jogi was made sowar in the
Irregular Cavalry.47 Babarmal Bania claimed a loss of Rs. 4,956 annas 14
because of plunder of his house by Shahzada Azim.48
Kishori Lal Bania, Chaina Bania, Chandimal Bania and Shriram lambardar
of Meham also gave information to British officials about the rebels and
Shahzada Azim49 and were rewarded. Dattah Mull (Dattamal), Mathan and
Laharia too helped the British, but no record about their case is available.50

BHAINI MAHARAJPUR

Totah (Totta), son of Mehu lambardar, and Mundroop (Mandrup), son of

Koulah (Kaulla) lambardar of Bhaini Maharajpur provided food and shelter
to Blewitt and party when they crossed their village on their way to Hansi
from Meham, and some persons of their village accompanied them to Hansi;
they too were subsequently rewarded.

BALAND

Dalmee alias Dahnee (Danni) Jat, Trikha Jat and Debee Sahie Bunyah (Debi
Sahai Bania), residents of Baland village, protected and sheltered H.M.
Harcourt, a civil engineer, his wife and two children for seven days and then
conveyed them safely to Paneeput (Panipat). They were profusely rewarded.
Harcourt himself paid Rs. 80 in lieu of food and care and paid another Rs. 20
as gift, while the government gave to each of them Rs. 500 in cash.51 Dalmee
was appointed jemadar in Rohtak kotwalee by Ford, and his land of rental
value 18 rupees 3 annas and 3 pies was declared rent-free in perpetuity.
Similarly, the land of Trikha Jat with an annual rental value of 18 rupees 11
annas and 3 pies was made rent-free in perpetuity.52 However, the biggest
gainer was Debi Sahay Bania, who was granted biswedari of 150 bighas,
confiscated from an unknown rebel, in perpetuity.53

MEHAM (O FFICIALS)

Sohun Lol (Sohanlal) tehsildar Meham was an informer to Loch, Mannulal,

Van Cortlandt and Raja Jind; he got a cash reward of Rs. 1,000, whereas
Sahab (Muslim), lambardar of Meham, informer to Sohan Lal got a pugree
and dress of value Rs. 100.54 However that tehsildar, being on probation and
not rendering sufficient support to the European fugitives, was dismissed.
Bussawun (Basau) accompanied Meacham, Assistant Patrol, from Mundouttee
(Mandauthi) to Meham, sheltered and protected him for 2 days and then
conveyed him to Panipat; while Faujdar Khan, chupprassee customs Meham,
was the only Muslim employee, who stood by Blewitt and protected the
Europeans from Mohammedans and Maulvi Ismail. Faujdar Khan was granted
50 bighas of rent-free land at Bahadurgarh for three generations.55

MADINA

Suheeram Buniah (Sahiram Bania) of Mudeena (Madina) and Sookeeram

(Sukhiram) Bania of Rohtuck (Rohtak) helped in escape of Foy, head clerk,
and his family; and were rewarded. Shahamut (Shahmat) Khan, biswadar of
Mudeena (Madina), remained with J.S. Kitchen, Deputy Collector of
Gurgaon, even at the Nasibpur battle; he also acted as his dakia (postman) to
Moradabad, and got a reward of Rs. 50.56

BALAMBHA
Jotram of Bulubha (Balambha) assisted the party of C.R. Blewitt at Meham in
their escape.57 His reward is not known.

KALANAUR

Risaldar Sandal Khan and his father Mian Khan, residents of Kalanaur,
provided J.A. Loch, the Deputy Commissioner Rohtak, with a horse at Sampla
in his escape to Delhi on 10 June 1857. Sandal Khan was assigned for two
generations the revenue of village Bakra (Jhajjar).58

KHURHUR (Kharhar, now in Jhajjar district)

Saligram of village Khurhur (Kharhar) parganah Sampla assisted in the

escape of Dr John Balfour and his party.59 His reward is not known.

BOHUR (BOHAR)

Busteeram (Bastiram), lambardar of Bohur (Bohar), brought a letter to Lieut.

Colonel Thomas Seaton, CO 60th NI and took his reply to Delhi, assisted
Loch; joined Lieut W.S.R. Hodson during his raid in Rohtak in August 1857;
but he got a petty reward of Rs. 200 only.60

DUSSIAH (JASIA)

Ammenchund (Aminchand) and Soorut (Surat) Singh, both residents of Jussea

(Jasia) and lambardars of Sunghee (Sanghi) along with one Tejram assisted
Hodson when he camped there on 18 August 1857 after his defeat at Rohtak
and were rewarded, but the quantum of the reward is not known.61 Their
village has been described by the British officers as friendly, and surprisingly
it is a Jat village.
KALANAUR

Munna Khan Rajpoot, thanadar of Bahadurgarh, son of Sumund (Samad)

Khan resident of Kalanaur sheltered Eaton for four days and then conveyed
him to mauza Burhee (Barahi) on his request.

ROHTAK TOWN

Hurry Parshad (Hariprasad), jail darogha, provided information to Loch

about the disaffected sepoys of the 74th NI in the ‘treasury guard’ and about
activities of rebels in the villages around the district, and helped him escape
to Karnal.62
Boodh Singh, pensioner; Jumna Dos (Jamnadas), Bidya Patti (Vidyapati),
Girdharee, Ramsurn Doss (Ramsarandas) Brahmin, Ramsarandas Kyaths
(Kayasth), Bhugwan Doss (Bhagwandas) Kayasth and Kooshyal Raie
(Kushalrai) Kayasth, all residents of the Rohtak town were informers to the
colonial authorities and got small rewards of Rs. 100 each.63 Some
pensioners, namely Kalee Doss (Kalidas), Gopal and Chhajjuram too
rendered help and were honoured with lands in the Soonarwala Beer
(Sunarianwala Beer), named after the village of Sunarian near Rohtak.64

District Sonepat

GOHANA

Chowdree Roostum (Chaudhary Rustam) Ali Khan of Gohana was

instrumental in saving treasury and tehsil, records, buildings and building
material for structures under construction; he helped Loch on 24 May 1857 in
his escape to Panipat, assisted the canal overseer and other European
fugitives in their escape, and organized the deployment of the troops from
Jind. He had land in several villages and used to pay Rs. 4,000 as revenue
rent to the government per annum. He was rewarded with a khillat, Rs. 500 in
cash, and half of the village land was declared rent-free along with half of his
puttee (patti) in mauza Bhadoutee (Bhadauti-Gohana) in perpetuity.65 He
received a revenue assignment of Rs. 1,000 per annum in perpetuity to him
and his male heirs, but the latter failed.66 Hoosain Ali Khan his relative, who
had assisted him, got khillat along with Rs. 500 in cash; while Tool-siram,
lambardar, another helper was rewarded with a pagri and clothes of the
value of Rs. 100. Wazir Khan, Mehboob Ali Khan, Mohammad Bakhsh and
Karim Bakhsh of Gohana too got a khillat of Rs. 50 each.67

KHANPUR KALAN

Ram Kulah, lumbardar of Khanpoor Kulan (Ramkala, lambardar of Khanpur

Kalan) was the only one out of 11 lambardars, who came to the aid of British
officers and remained with Loch at Karnal and Delhi, and also with the
tehsildar of Lursowlie (Larsauli), his land at Khanpur being only 6 bighas
and 14 biswas. He had, however, 227 bighas and 4 biswas at Kylana
(Kailana) out of which 25 bighas were made rent-free in perpetuity along
with a cash reward of Rs. 100.68
Kamdar Khan, cotewal (kotwal), a resident of Gohana, took charge of a
force of 250 Ranghars and did good service; he was rewarded with
promotion to the post of tehsildar and large revenue-free land in the Beer of
Chhuchhakwas.69

ROHAD (NOW IN JHAJJAR DISTRICT)

Ram Lall (Ramlal) and other Jat zamindars of mauza Rohud (Rohad),
assisted Dr John Balfour, Civil Surgeon Delhi, and his niece Miss Smith;
Thomason, Lieutenant Engineers; wife of Tronson and others in their escape to
Karnal, taking them through the villages of their own caste. They were
collectively rewarded with the princely sum of Rs. 700!70

BAHALGARH
Ranee Mungla Dabee (Rani Mangla Devi) Brahmin and her nephew Pandit
Pirthee Singh, residents of Behalgarh, Pergunah Lursowlie (Bahalgarh,
parganah Larsauli), were the most talked about shelter and asylum providers
in the European circles, they gave shelter to a large number of the fugitives.
Yet before anything else, Metcalfe got their village burnt. Later they were
granted remission of revenue to the tune of Rs. 215 yearly!71 In the year 1912
Pandit Murarilal son of Pirthee Singh held his ancestral village mauza
Bahalgarh and few others small plots revenue free.72
Pandit Jugal Kishore received Khanpur village in jagir for his services in
1857 and because his son Meghraj naib tehsildar of Alipur was killed while
fighting the rebels at Badli-kee Sarai. In the year 1912, his other son,
Lachhman Singh was the jagirdar of Khanpur.73

RATHDHANA

Seetaram (Sitaram) Brahmin of Rathdhana, an office-bearer of the Sarvakhap

Panchayat, played false with Chaudhary Udmiram Saroha and his comrades
in 1857, when he gave information about the activities of their army. He had
them arrested and became a witness against the patriots in fake trials. He was
consequently rewarded with the revenue collection of two villages including
the confiscated village of Libaspur (Liwaspur). This village remained
deserted for 3 years after confiscation; the villagers had gone to Patti
Kalyana, Jind, etc.; subsequently they returned to become tenants of the traitor
Sitaram, and with the passage of time some of them purchased some land from
him; however, he continued to be the jagirdar. After his death his descendants
took his place until 1954, when the village common land was recovered. At
that time Jageram, lambardar; Piarelal, Balbir, Khemchand, and Nawab Kaur
Brahmin, widow of Ram Singh of Bahalgarh were the owners of the land.
Nawab Kaur was issueless, but despite coercion she did not allow her share
of land to go to the descendants of Seetaram; rather she returned the land to
the government.74

SONEPAT TOWN
Mamul Singh Brahmin of Sonepat helped the British in 1857, and was
rewarded with a jagir of Kundli and some surrounding villages as a
biswadari and muafi jagir in lieu of his services; later Ravidatt Singh his
grandson, was made zaildar of the Kundli zail.75 Pandit Rabidatt (Ravidatt)
Singh, grandson of Mamul Singh, who was granted the biswadari and muafi
rights in perpetuity of mauza Kundli, was zaildar in 1912.76
Sayyeds of Sonepat were given extensive muafi lands for their services in
1857, the forefathers of zaildar Zamin Ali and Hafiz Sarwar Hussain were the
rewardees.77

LARSAULI

Natha Singh Jat of Larsauli too was rewarded, and he got the title of Rai
Bahadur as well. In the year 1912, his grandson Kabul Singh was the zaildar
of Larsauli zail.78
Sookhum Loll (Sukhamlal), tehsildar Larsauli, who was a resident of
Muradabad, did not leave his post during the revolt though he was only 30
miles from Delhi; consequently he was rewarded with a monthly personal
allowance of Rs. 20 for life and his name was placed on the list of extra
assistant magistrate (EAM).79

MAHMUDPUR (GOHANA)

A Jat of Mahmudpur (Gohana) escorted a party of women and children to

Panipat at no small risk to himself and was consequently rewarded with a
picture of the Queen-Empress, that too by the fugitives.80

KHARKHAUDA, SONEPAT, JHAJJAR

Mir Barkat Ali Khan, risaldar of the 1st Punjab Irregular Cavalry, resident of
Kharkhauda and a brother-in-law of Risaldar Bisharat Ali, murdered by the
wily Hodson on 15 August 1857, was allowed to purchase Beer Bahadurgarh;
later known as Beer Barkatabad, to be held on a revenue fixed in
perpetuity.81
Ahmad Hassan of Sonepat accompanied Ramrichhpal Brahmin of Jhajjar
Khas in providing assistance to the European fugitives in Jhajjar area and
conveyed the wife of J.S. Kitchen from Jhajjar to Delhi camp. He was with
Ramrichhpal when the wife of Pereira was recovered from Nawab
Mohammed Hassan.82

District Panipat

PANIPAT TOWN

Hyder Baksh, a resident of Panipat, kotwal at Karnal, rendered good services

during the mutiny and was rewarded with promotion to the post of tehsildar.83
Boolee Buksh (Bu Ali Bakhsh), retired tehsildar and pensioner, a resident
of Panipat; took charge of Gharaunda tehsil, when the incumbent tehsildar
sided with the rebels and did good service during the mutiny; consequently he
was rewarded with an addition of Rs. 25 in his pension for life.84

PULRI (PALRI)

Sardara Jat of village Palri near Panipat, aided some European fugitives from
Delhi and was rewarded with a revenue free grant of land in perpetuity.85

GARHI CHHAJJU

The lambardars of village Garhi Chhajju paid their revenue into tehsil
without its being demanded, when everywhere the recovery orders were
being defied, so they were rewarded by a personal grant.86
PANIPAT PROPER

Qalandar Ali Khan of Panipat gave material assistance during the rebellion
and he was rewarded with the grant of pension.87
Sheodyal Singh, resident of Panipat and head clerk in collector’s office at
Karnal, was rewarded with promotion to the post of Deputy Magistrate and
Collector.88

District Karnal

KARNAL NAWAB AND S ARISHTADAR

The Mandal Nawab of Karnal, Ahmed Ali Khan, from the very first day
placed himself and his resources unreservedly at the disposal of British
authorities. For these services his quit-rent of Rs. 5,000 a year was released
to him and for his male heirs in perpetuity; he was presented with a khillat of
Rs. 10,000 in open durbar.89 His revenue a year was only Rs. 20,000.90 He
was also given a house, from among the confiscated houses, in Delhi.91
A Kashmiri Pandit Radha Kishan, sarishtadar of collectory, resident of
Delhi, actively helped the Delhi Field Force in its movement through Karnal,
Delhi and the UP; and was rewarded with a personal allowance of Rs. 30 per
month and an extra assistant commissioner (EAC) for life.92

COLLECTOR O FFICE KARNAL

The following persons on the establishment of magistracy and collectory of

Karnal were rewarded with a batta (bhatta-allowance) for six months.93
Baldevdas, faujdari sarishtadar; Kanhyalal, Umrao Singh, nazir; Durga
Parshad, Munshiram, moharrir; Govindroy, moharrir; Pirthu Dayal,
moharrir; Shimbhu Singh, moharrir; Chandulal, moharrir; Ganga Singh,
daffatri; Mohammad Sadiq, jemadar; and chaprasis Kunnhya Singh, Heera
Singh, Dhan Singh, Rahamullah, Amir Ali and Nanda Singh; and Seeka,
khalasi.

District Ambala
All the commutation-tenure chiefs (jagirdars), Rao Rahim Baksh of Panjlasa
and sirkardahs of Sadhaura except Mir of Garhi Kotaha were rewarded. The
details of rewards have been given in Chapter 11 of this volume.

District Jhajjar

JHAJJAR KHAS

Ramrichhpal Brahmin of Jhajjar Khas was a dewan of the Nawab Jhajjar and
proved treacherous. He gave intelligence to the British of his all doings and
activities. He kept wife of the Deputy Collector J.S. Kitchen comfortable
during her shelter in village Mauri and subsequently brought her to Jhajjar,
and from there sent her to Delhi through Ahmad Hassan. He provided
assistance to Heatherly and his family, recovered the wife of Pereira from
Nawab Mohammad Hassan; and accompanied Ford in Jhajjar.94 He was given
a cash reward of Rs 500 and also a pension.95

SIKRI KAHNAUD (MAHENDRAGARH)

Jowala Singh Brahmin, biswadar Seekree Kahnaud, took care of the wives of
J.S. Kitchen and Hardy, with two other ladies and two children, for 52 days
when they were in Kahnaud; he also rendered useful service to Lieutenant
G.G. Pearse, Captains H.A. Dwyer and G.C. Bloomfield later.96
NAWAB’S SERVANT

Mirza Hussain of toshakhana (treasure-house) of the late Nawab of Jhajjar,

took care of Mrs Kitchen and Hardy, the Deputy Collector, when they were at
mauza Mauri; and took Hardy to safety. He was given a cash reward of Rs.
700.97

BADLI

Goolab Singh Jat, son of Seeluram, resident of VPO Badli, was for some
years a high ranking officer of the Jhajjar Nawab, and knew everything about
the goings-on in the state; treacherously he conveyed all accounts of the
Nawab’s doings to the notorious Theo Metcalfe and was rewarded suitably
for that.98
Oodey Ram (Udairam) Jat, son of Busteeram (Bastiram) of Badli, helped
Hall and his family; and rendered services for Captain W.F. Eden, political
agent Jaipur; and William Ford, the Deputy Commissioner Gurgaon. He
carried their letters to and fro, was present at the battle of Nasibpur to help
the British on 16 November 1857, and was consequently profusely
rewarded.99
Hardhan Jat, son of Laikram, ex-chaprasi customs at Noona Mazra in
Perganah Bahadurgarh and resident of Badli, conveyed Eaton, patrol of
Palam Haveli station from Mehrauli area to Bahadurgarh; Dowlat (Daulat)
brother of Laikram, orderly jamadar, political agency Bharatpur, served
Nixon, the political agent, at Agra during the rebellion; Mansukh, Patram and
Sadaram other brothers of Laikram and his nephew Sheodan too served Nixon
at Agra.100 They were rewarded.

BAHADURGARH

Dilawar Khan of Bahadurgarh assisted Munna Khan, thanadar, in rendering

help to J.A. Loch, the Deputy Commissioner Rohtak, along with 10–12
fugitives; his nephew Khaddu Khan sheltered and protected Hills for 15 days
and then escorted him safely to Noona Majra.101
ISSAPUR (NOW IN NAJAFGARH, DELHI)

Baqqargarh and Issapur villages of Najafgarh tehsil of Delhi were part of

Jhajjar State in 1857–8, while the former was with freedom fighters, the latter
helped the British. Half of the village land of Bakkargarh (Baqqargarh) was
confiscated and conferred on the residents of Issapur102 because the following
eight persons had protected and sheltered the wife of E.C. Nunn and his two
children for two months and then carried them safely to Delhi camp on 31 July
1857. In addition, each of them got Rs. 500 in reward along with the land.103
Edward C. Nunn, Assistant Patrol, gave them the following certificate on 2
August 1857, ‘Hurlall, Hurdeall, Khoosheeram, and Indraj Lumberdars of
village Easapoor in the Nawab Jhujjur Territory … Zalim, Lalljee and
Dhuneeram, Todur Brahmin looked after my family.’104
Harlal, Hardev alias Hardial, Khushiram alias Khusali and Indraj
lambardars of Soora Pati of Issapur were given a pension of Rs. 100 per
month each, along with land and cash reward.105 Todur (Todar) Brahmin, and
Zalum (Zalim) with Lalji Jat kept Nunn informed about his family while
Dhaniram Jat carried intelligence to him. The Issapur Jats kept wife of Garhi
Harsaru, Customs Patrol, E. Bokum and his family concealed for more than
two months and when threatened by the villagers, they were removed to the
house of Seelukram (Silakram), lambardar of Looksur (Luksar is located in
the north of Baqqargarh).106

District Palwal

MOHENA

Hidayat Ali, risaldar of 4th Irregular Cavalry and a resident of village

Mohena, fed and quartered, and for more than a week protected, a band of
European fugitivies some thirty in number, among whom was Ford, the
Collector of Gurgaon. He was granted a dress of honour, and a splendidly
engraved and jewelled sword valued at Rs. 1,000 and also the perpetual jagir
of his village, which was assessed in 1912 at Rs. 6,000.107 Here is an
example of misleading story by the English historians and writers to arouse
the passion of their countrymen, when one writer says,
One of few pleasant scenes of the month (April, 1858), at Delhi, was the awarding of the honour and
profit to a native who had befriended Europeans in the hour of greatest need. Ten months before,
when mutiny was still new and terrible, the native troops at Bharatpore rose in revolt, and compelled
the Europeans in the neighbourhood to flee for their life. The poor fugitives, thirty-two in number-
chiefly women and children-roamed from place to place, uncertain where they might sleep in peace.
On one day they arrived at the village of Mahonah. Here they met with one Hidayat Ali, … He
received the fugitives with kindness and courtesy, fed them liberally, gave them a comfortable house,
renewed their toil-torn garments, posted village sentries to give notice of the approach of any
mutineers, disregarded a rebuke sent to him by the insurgents at Delhi, … In April the Commissioner
held a grand (gathering) at Delhi, made a complimentary speech to Hidayut Ali presented him with a
sword valued….108

The list of these fugitives has been given in Chapter 3, as published in an

English newspaper109 and it is clear from that claim about fugitives being
chiefly women and children, is totally false; except the family of one Palmer,
not even a single woman or child was there; all were male and not from the
neighbourhood of Bharatpur.

DESTRUCTION OF BHANGURI, DISRIBUTION TO GAHLAB

The land of village Bhanguri was confiscated in toto and the Gujjar residents
were banished, the land was allotted to the Jats of Gahlab village.110

AHERWAN

The original landholders of Aherwan village belonging to the Sukhnandan and

Nandkishore patis had deserted during the trial for killing Taylor and Benn.
Their land was confiscated and granted to others who deposited the revenue
of that land. At a very late stage the original owners returned and settled in the
village through purchase of their own land.111
Showers had severely punished the Meos by burning fifty of their
villages112 during his compaign, and subsequently Captains Drummond and
Ramsay burnt at least 20 more before or after the battles at Roopraka (19
November 1857) and Mahun (29 December 1857). Of the twelve villages
burnt by Drummond’s force, around Roopraka near Hathin at least one village
(Kot) was inhabited by the Brahmins. However, the fate of villages Bhanguri,
Garhi Patti Hodal, Chhajjunagar, Hassanpur and Saundhad was not different
from that of Pachanka, Gohpur, Malpuri, Chilli, Roopraka, Utwar, Kot,
Nangla Meethaka (Nangla of Kot), Khilluka, Guraksar, Maluka and Jhanda
(Raniala Khurd).

District Mewat

CONFISCATION AND AUCTION OF THE HIGHEST NUMBER OF

VILLAGES IN HARYANA

We have seen that the British had to fight at every cluster of villages for
restoration of their rule in Mewat, and at least at four Meo villages they were
challenged in straight battles: namely Raisina (31 October 1857), Ghasera (8
November 1857), Roopraka (now in Hathin, Palwal) (19 November 1857)
and Mahun (29 December 1857); a calamity for these villages could be
expected without doubt. The total land of Raisina under the biswadari of
Meos was confiscated and auctioned to Gokal Singh, son of Maz’har for just
Rs. 1,003 on 20 February 1862.113 Gokal Singh Thakur resident of Bhondsi
was forefather of Sanjay Raghav, son of Narendera Singh, sarpanch; and
Vishwapal Veer Singh, a former sarpanch of Raisina and Hariahera, known
as Johnson sarpanch.114 Similarly, Meo biswadari villages Nunera,
Mohammadpur Gujjar, Sanpki Nangli, Hariahera, Baiki, Hirmathala, etc.,
were confiscated and auctioned to the favourites of the British rulers. A
Gujjar village named Harchandpur too was confiscated.115 After executing 52
persons of Adbar, Nuh, Shahpur Nangli, Tapkan and Rehna, a fine of Rs.
3,500 was also imposed on these villages.116 The land belonging to the Meos
in Nuh, Nalhar, Nangli, and Dundakheri was confiscated under the current law
and granted to the Khanzadahs of Nuh. The land of the Duhlot Meos of village
Doha too was confiscated and auctioned to one Jugal Kishore sahukar of
Rewari. The original owners were Randhir, son of Niamat Meo and Meda,
son of Chand Khan of Doha. From Jugal Kishore this land went to Mohammad
Aminullah Khan and Inamullah Khan, sons of Mohammad Barkatullah Khan, a
Sheikh of Alvi gotra from Delhi. It was all a conspiracy of the wily Ammu
Jan, who ultimately became owner of the land through his man Ikram Khan,
who founded the village of Ikrambas.117 This was a clear case of British
deceit. Mewat was the hotly pursued target for exploitation of the innocent
peasantry, and perhaps, there was left no Meo village which did not suffer the
loss of life or property to an extent unimagined.

District Gurgaon
It has already been stated that the huge property of Chaudhary Bakhtawar
Singh Thakran was confiscated and granted to one Chainsukh Bania of his
village. Every property owner who was sentenced to death or even ordinary
imprisonment lost his property. The government accepted that thirteen villages
and parts of five other villages were confiscated for various acts of rebellion
and murder.118

District Rewari
The property of Rao Tularam, Rao Gopaldev, Rao Ramlal, Rao Kishan Singh
and all others who were declared absconders was confiscated. But the
government report showed confiscation of only four estates of Rao Tularam
and Gopal Deo.119

Nawab Jhajjar’s Territory

The British saviour Rajas of Patiala, Jind and Nabha were the top reward
getters here, who got the license to loot for the next ninety years.
Similar was the case in this district but here the rewarded were those who
were the saviours of the British. The real rewardees in the district of
Bhiwani, Jhajjar, Rewari and Mahendergarh were the chiefs of Patiala, Jind,
and Nabha.
The English were in all praise for the Raja of Patiala, ‘The conduct of
Maharaja on the outbreak of Mutiny is beyond praise. He was the
acknowledged head of the Sikhs, and his hesitation or disloyalty would have
been attended with the most disastrous results while his ability, character and
high position would have made him a formidable leader against the
British.’120
G.C. Barnes wrote, ‘His support at such crisis was worth a brigade of
English troops to us and served more to tranquillize the people than a hundred
officials’ disclaimers could have done.’121
He was splendidly rewarded with the Narnaul of Jhajjar territory initially
valued at Rs. 2,00,000 a year (but actually Rs. 1,70,000). On a representation
to the government for more territory, parts of Kahnaud and Badhwana in
Jhajjar were conferred on him.122
These portions of the above two parganahs consisted of 110 villages with
an income of about Rs. 1 lakh per annum, and were given in lieu of a nazrana
equivalent to twenty years’ revenue.123 In fact, the villages assigned, along
with the town and fort were worth Rs. 98,000 a year and thus the nazrana
amount came out to be Rs. 19,60,000; this cleared a large debt due to the Raja
which amounted in 1860 to Rs. 19,32,000.124 The confiscated house in Delhi,
formerly belonging to Begam Zinat Mahal valued at Rs. 10,000, was also
given in reward.125 The power of life and death, which was withdrawn after
the First Sikh War (1845–6) in 1847, but was exercised through the Mutiny,
too was restored formally; and right of adoption of sons was also granted vide
a sanad (certificate) dated 5 March 1862.126 In January 1860, a special
durbar was held in Ambala, where the Raja was publicly honoured,127 and he
was one of the first Indian Princes to receive the KCSI. He was made a
member of the Indian Legislative Council during Lord Canning’s
viceroyalty.128 A great addition was made to his titles as under:
Farzand Khaas Mansur-e-Zamaanaa Ameerul Umraa Maharajah Diraj Rajeshar Sri
Maharajah Rajgaan Narindar Singh Mahendar Bahadur

Special son, conqueror of the world, chief of the chiefs, Maharaja Adhiraj Rajeshwar Sree Maharajah
of Rajahs Narendra Singh Mahendra Bahadur.129
The Raja of Jind, Sarup Singh, hailed from Haryana, though his capital at that
time was mainly at Sangrur. He caused much damage to the rebellion in this
state. His ‘splendid’ services brought him a huge reward in the shape of Dadri
territory, 575 sq. miles in extent, already confiscated, and conferred on him on
9 April 1858.130 The territory was worth about Rs. 1,03,000 per annum,131
whereas his own previous revenue was only Rs. 2 lakh.132 He was also
granted nineteen villages, with a revenue of Rs. 21,000 per annum, adjoining
his new estate of Dadri, on payment of nazrana of Rs. 4,20,000 vide a sanad
dated 5 January 1861.133 He was bestowed with a house, previously
belonging to Mirza Abu Bakr, in Delhi valued at Rs. 6,000.134 The twelve
villages of Hisar district namely Banbhori, Bhada Khera, Bayana Khera,
Panihari, Dhad, Sarsana, Sotha, Sandlana, Kharak Poonia, Gyanpura, Kapro
and Chhan were exchanged for an equal number of villages of Kularan
parganah near Sangrur135 valued at Rs. 14,500 per annum. The 14 scattered
villages of the Dadri Nawab namely Chang, Mittathal, Bamla, Naurangabad,
Baund, Rankauli, Oon (Unn), Bas, Ranila, Sainpal, Kherari, Jawa, Bijna and
Changrour valued at Rs. 10,641 were transferred to the British territory in
lieu of 7 Dadri villages [Charkhi, Nanda (Nandha), Tiwala, Siswala, Pachopa
Kalan, Pachopa Khurd and Todhi] of Badhwana and Kahnaud parganahs of
the Jhajjar territory valued at Rs. 10,850 per annum to the satisfaction of the
Raja.136
His power of capital punishment which had been withdrawn in 1847, but
fully exercised during the rebellion, was restored later formally.137 His salute
was raised to eleven guns; and like the other Phulkian chiefs, he received a
sanad granting him the power of adoption in case of failure of natural heirs,
and legalizing the appointment of a successor by the two other Phulkian chiefs
in the event of the Raja’s dying without nominating an heir.138 The Raja had
been nominated a Knight Grand Commander of the Star of India a few months
before his death in 1864.139 He was given the honorary title as under:
Farzand Dilband Raskh-ul-Aitkaad Rajah Sarup Singh Bahadur Walee Jeend

Most cherished son, of true faith, Raja Sarup Singh Bahadur Wali Jind.

After the mutiny Nabha Raja Bharpur Singh was rewarded by the grant of
the divisions of Bawal and Kanti,140 taken from Jhajjar and worth Rs. 1 lakh
per year141 and he was subsequently allowed to purchase a portion of
Kahnaud sub-division of Jhajjar in liquidation of sums advanced by him to
government.142 Thus two chiefs from the Punjab were set to squeeze the
people of Haryana.

Ambala

J…K EVICTED RAJA SET AT THE NECK OF HARYANA?

Raja Jawahir Singh of Jammu … Kashmir was a nephew of Raja Gulab

Singh, who died during the rebellion, and cousin of Ranbir Singh who took
over the reins of J … K. He was at loggerheads with the ruling chiefs. He was
the first person who provided General Van Cortlandt with a force of his
Dogras, who came to destroy people at Sirsa. The Punjab government under
Lawrence managed to arrive then at a settlement between the sitting chief and
the evicted one with pressure on Ranbir Singh. This was in May 1859, when
Jawahir Singh was residing at Ambala.143 He was granted an allowance of
one lakh rupees per annum under the pressure of sahibaan aleeshan (the
British government).144 In February 1859, Jawahir Singh was granted
permission to reside in Ambala and maintain 50 footmen and 10 horsemen.145
What was the logic of setting a Dogra at the neck of Haryana? It is not beyond
comprehension that they always kept a tight hold on the noose.

Conclusion
It needs no further evidence that the Rajas of Patiala, Jind, Nabha, Bikaner
and Jaipur, and the Nawab of Karnal were the top gainers at the cost of
Haryanvis. From the analysis of data given hereinbefore it emerges that
majority of the rewardees consisted of influential persons including jagirdars,
big zamindars, lambardars, zaildars, chaudharies, seths, sahukars,
risaldars, thanadars, tehsildars, bankers, gumashtas and government
officials with vested interests. They had helped the authorities and fugitives
for being in the good books of the British officers and getting rewards directly
or indirectly. There were, of course, who out of sheer humanitarian
consideration and compassion protected and sheltered the fugitive European
men, women and children without any expectation or intention of being
rewarded, though they too were rewarded. Most of the Jat rewardees were in
this category. We have names of more than 450 individuals who were
rewarded; however, they were not individuals in the real sense, rather those
were more than 450 families or clans consisting of not less than 4,500
individual beneficiaries.
It is also apparent that not many names are available from the southern
districts of Mahendragarh, Rewari, Gurgaon, Mewat, Faridabad and Palwal.
Out of the 450 rewarded families not less than 300 hailed from Sirsa (35),
Hisar (42), Bhiwani (27), Rohtak (76), Sonepat (26), Panipat (18), Karnal
(21), Ambala (34) and Jhajjar (22) districts. In Meham alone, 43 families
were rewarded. The impact of these rewards is clear: they strengthened the
British network of spies, informers and well wishers.

Notes
1. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, Cover No. 85, p. 297.
2. Ibid.
3. Interview on 4 July 2015 with Madan Pandit (85) of village Khairekan; and Satbir Bishnoi VLDA.
4. Interview on 4 July 2015 with Jeetram Dehroo Jat (86) of village Chhatrian, his forefathers came to
this village from Mallekan.
5. Gupta, History of Sirsa, p. 84.
6. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, dated 30 July 1858, p. 211 for Sr. Nos. 7, 8 and 9.
7. Ibid.
8. Gupta, History of Sirsa, p. 84.
9. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 75–6, for Sr. Nos. 11 … 12.
10. D.G. Hisar, 1915, p. 38.
11. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 378, pp. 317, 343, 357, 363; and File No. 82, Judicial Deptt.
Case No. 419 dated 29 October 1862, pp. 279–81.
12. HSA HD Accn. No. 3492, PMF No. 37, pp. 1661–3.
13. D.G. Hisar, 1915, p. 38.
14. HSA HD Accn. No. 9319.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid., and Jagdish Bharti, Haryana Ka Shaheed Gaon Rohnat, Bhiwani, p. 5.
21. Bharti, Haryana Ka Shaheed Gaon Rohnat, pp. 9–10.
22. Additional Chief Secretary to Govt. of Punjab, Memo No. P/97/5375–3WGII-66/2408, dated
12.08.1966.
23. D.C. Hisar letter No. 4093/MAS, dated 23.09.1966.
24. Chief Secretary to Govt. of Haryana, Memo No. 3302–4PP-70/1504, dated 25.05.1970.
25. HSA HD Accn. No. 9319.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, p. 301.
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid., pp. 77, 301.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid., p. 259.
34. Ibid., p. 203.
35. Ibid. (Cover No. 82), pp. 277–87.
36. D.G. Hisar, 1915, p. 250.
37. Ibid.
38. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59 (Cover No. 78), p. 273.
39. Ibid., pp. 101–2, (Cover No. 192), pp. 631; … D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
40. Ibid. (Cover No. 207), p. 663.
41. Ibid., and D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
42. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59 (Cover No. 86), p. 30.
43. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, pp. 36–7.
44. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 117–27, 229–38 (Cover No. 64), pp. 465–70 (Cover
No. 137), p. 471 (Cover No. 140), p. 517 (Cover No. 149), p. 533 (Cover No. 154), p. 655 (Cover
No. 200).
45. Ibid., and D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
46. Ibid., p. 655 (Cover No. 200).
47. Ibid., pp. 465–70 (Cover No. 137).
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., pp. 117–19.
50. Ibid., pp. 117–27.
51. Ibid., p. 267 (Cover No. 76); and D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid., pp. 117–27, 229–38, 267, 273.
55. Ibid., pp. 419–25.
56. Ibid., pp. 117–27, p. 275 (Cover No. 78).
57. Ibid.
58. D.G. Rohtak, 1883–84, p. 26 … D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
59. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 419–25.
60. Ibid., p. 275 (Cover No. 78).
61. ibid., pp. 419–25.
62. Ibid., p. 121.
63. Ibid., p. 122.
64. Ibid., p. 601 (Cover No. 182).
65. Ibid., p. 122.
66. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
67. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, p. 122.
68. Ibid.
69. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
70. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 47–52.
71. Ibid.
72. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 69.
73. Ibid.
74. Interview on 28 July 2015 with Munshi Attar Singh, a direct descendant of Shaheed Udmiram,
resident of Liwaspur (Sonepat).
75. Gulia, Haryana Ka Riyasati Itihaas, p. 82.
76. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 69.
77. Ibid.
78. Ibid.
 79. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 47–52.
80. D.G. Rohtak, 1910, p. 37.
81. Ibid.
82. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, Pol. Deptt., Case No. 21, dated 21 May 1858, pp. 101–2.
83. Ibid., pp. 47–52.
84. Ibid.
85. D.G. Karnal, 1918, p. 41.
86. Ibid.
87. Ibid., p. 42.
88. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 47–52.
89. D.G. Karnal, 1918, p. 39.
90. Rev. John Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, Edinburgh and London, 1861, pp. 244–5.
91. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 47–52.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid., Bundle No. 59 Case No. 106, dated 9 April 1858.
94. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 101–2.
95. Mahendra Singh, Haryana Mein 1857, Hisar, 2009, p. 156.
96. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 101–2.
97. Ibid.
98. Ibid.
99. Ibid.
100. Ibid.
101. Ibid.
102. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 45.
103. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 87–9.
104. Ibid., pp. 217, 239.
105. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 45.
106. HSA HD Accn. No. 3549, PMF No. 59, pp. 87–9.
107. D.G. Delhi, 1912, p. 45.
108. George Dodd, The History of the Indian Revolt, London, 1859, p. 476.
109. Allen’s Indian Mail, 1 August 1857, pp. 464–5.
110. Sukhiram Rawat, Rawaton Ka Itihaas, Palwal, 2002, pp. 464–5.
111. Ibid., p. 341.
112. ROID-I, p. 260.
113. Maulana Hakim Abdus Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, Nuh, 1974, p. 476.
114. Interview on 19 July 2015 with Soharab Meo at Raiseena (Mewat) Distt. Gurgaon.
115. Siddique Ahmad Meo, Sangram 1857, p. 61.
116. Ibid., p. 60.
117. Shakoor, Tarikh Meo Chhatri, pp. 475–6.
118. D.G. Gurgaon, 1910, p. 25.
119. Ibid.
120. Patiala State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 49.
121. Ibid.
122. Ibid., p. 50; and Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, p. 239.
123. Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, pp. 239–42.
124. Ibid.
125. Ibid.
126. Ibid., pp. 246–51.
127. ibid., p. 254.
128. Patiala State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 50.
129. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 238.
130. Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, p. 393.
131. Ibid., pp. 393–4.
132. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, pp. 240–1.
133. Griffin, Rajas of Punjab, pp. 242, 400–1.
134. Ibid., p. 394.
135. Ibid., pp. 395, 400–1.
136. Ibid, p. 395.
137. Ibid., pp. 246–51.
138. Jind State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 217.
139. Ibid.
140. Nabha State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 342.
141. Cave-Browne, Punjab and Delhi, vol. II, p. 242.
142. Nabha State Gazetteer, 1904, p. 342.
143. HSA AD G…P Accn. No. 1474, File No. 12/1859.
144. Ibid.
145. HSA AD G…P Accn. No. 1468, File No. 6/1859.
Glossary

Abadi Population
Abode of Ahirs, the region
Ahirwal
around Rewari
Akal Famine
Akhbar Newspaper
An official in charge of the
Amil
amla, administrator
Kutchery and revenue
Amla
establishment; personnel, staff
A coin which was valued at
Anna one-sixteenth of an Indian
rupee
Atta/attah Flour
Baat Story, narrative, talk
Baboo/babu Clerk
Badmash Bad character
Baghi Rebel, revolutionary
A region not clearly
Bagar demarcated but lying in
northern Rajasthan
Those who have migrated
Bagri from the bagar country lying
in Rajasthan
Bandobast Mutual settlement of the land
revenue rates and rents,
settlement
 The village shopkeeper,
Bunia/buniah
grocer, a trading caste
Barat Marriage party
Barkandaz An armed person
Share in the crop produce
Batai
system
Batta/bhatta Allowance
Uninhabited, where no lamp is
Bechirag
lit
Beer Jungle
Bhaichara Brotherhood
Begari Labour without remuneration
A mildly narcotic plant and its
Bhang dried leaves, powdered or
otherwise.
Bhisti Water carrier
Bigaree Labour without wages
A measurement of the land
varying from place to place. In
the erstwhile Loharu state an
acre was equal to 3.6 bighas
Bigha (1 bigha = 1,344 sq. yd.)
whereas in the British ruled
Tosham it was equal to 4.8
bighas (1 bigha = 1,008 sq.
yd.).
Biswa One-twentieth of a bigha
Biswadar Original landholder
Biswedari Land ownership right
A revenue official previously
Canoongoe in charge of a parganah and
now of a circle.
Caravansaray Guest house, rest house
 Chabutara Platform, stage, raised sitting
place in front of house
Famine of vs 1840 i.e. ad
Chalisa akal
1783
Indian dress, Persian coat, a
long frock (or cassock) which
is the usual dress in Upper
India of nearly all male
natives who are not actual
Chapkan/chupkun
labourers or indigent persons
(see Hobson-Jobson: The
Anglo-Indian Dictionary). It
is almost similar to the achkan
or sherwani.
Chaprasi/chuprassee Peon
A system of fourfold
Chaubachha distribution of village demand
(tax burden)
Chaubisi A conglomerate of 24 villages
Chaudhar Headship
Chaudhary Headman
A common building used as a
Chaupal/chaupar guest house and meeting place,
village community centre
Chaurasi A conglomerate of 84 villages
Chhappar/chhuppur A thatched hut
Chobdar Mace bearer
Watchman, guard, night
Chokedar/chowkidar/chaukeedar/chaukidar
watchman
Chowki/chaukee/chauki Police or customs’ post
Measure of distance varying in
Coss different localities now
usually 2.5 km
Cossid/qusid Hand-delivering messenger,
 postman
Court of justice; office of a
Cutchery
magistrate, court house
Post, in 1857 it was a system
of conveying letters and
messages on horses or camels,
Dak and there was private one as
well. It was postal system
provided by relays of men or
mostly on horses, mail.
Dakia Postman
Sergeant in cavalry, rank
Daffadar
equivalent to petty officer
A petty official slightly above
Daftari peon responsible for placing
and retrieving office files
Court, royal court; synonym
Darbar/durbar
for government
Inspector, superintendent,
overseer. In the seventeenth-
century the was the chief
executive of the royal
household, but by the
Darogah/daroga nineteenth the term was used
for middle- or lower-ranking
officials overseeing police
stations, bridges and
individual departments within
the royal household.
Deen/din Faith, religion
Deswali/deshwali The people of local origin
Chief minister of a royal court
Dewan/diwan or of raja, minister, a high
ranking officer, minister
Dhar Grouping of sub-caste (gotra),
 caste (jat or jati) and super-
caste (pal) irrespective of the
religion in the Mewat and
Palwal area
Rest house or community
Dharmashala
centre
Dharti Land
Doolie/doli Covered litter or stretcher
Double-size shawl meant for
Doshala
males
Dumdamah/dumdameh/damdama Cantonments, mud fort
Ascetic, sufi holy man,
Faqir
wandering mendicant
Farzand Son
Fauzdari Criminal
Superintendent of office
Fauzdari
establishment dealing
sarishtadar with criminal cases
Foreigner, Christian, European
Feranghee/firangi
infidel
Dirty nullah or watercourse
Ganda nallah
carrying unclean water
Axe with a longer and sharper
Gandasi
blade
Ghadar Commotion, anarchy, chaos
A heavy and almost ankle-long
Ghaghari skirt worn by rural Haryanvi
women
Ghazee/ghazi Killer of the infidel(s)
Ghee Clarified butter
Ghomashta/ghumashta/gumasta Agent
Ghulam Slave, servant
Girree/girari Stone roller
Golandaz/golundaz Gunner
Gora White man
Sub-caste, it is the original
tribal or clan identity of any
person and precedes the caste
Gotra
formation in the history of
evolution of human society;
mostly symbol of the tribe/clan
Physician of traditional Greek
Hakeem/hakim
or Indian medicine
Hakim Administrator, officer, ruler
Havalat Lock-up
Havildar Sergeant
Hookka Hubble bubble
(istakbul – wrongly spelt by
Istakbal/istukbal Showers) Welcome, reception
with respect
Istamarar jagirdar Estate grantee in perpetuity
Istamarari jagir Grant in perpetuity
Statement or testimony
Iz’harnavis
recorder or writer in a court
Landed estate, granted for
service rendered to the state
Jagir and whose revenues could be
treated as income by the
jagirdar
Jagirdar Estate holder
Total land revenue assessed
for a plot of agricultural and
Jama/juma other property on the basis of
which government demand is
prepared
Jamadar/jemadar Native Lieutenant, now officer
of this rank is called naib
 subahdar
The mosque designated for
Jama masjid
Friday prayers
Iron pitchfork usually with
Jelly
long bamboo handle
Johar Pond, tank
Inlet channel of a pond which
Johar ka khalla
carries rain or canal water
Unlined, made of unburnt but
Kachcha/katcha/kutcha
sun-baked bricks, temporary
Kaffan/kuffun Shroud, coffin
Black water, usually referred
Kala pani to the Andamans, any distant
jail or place
Kana One-eyed
Carcass, bare skeleton of dead
Karang
body
Kardar Executive
Court of justice, court house,
Katchery/kutchery
office of magistrate
Khalasi Labourer
Khalla Watercourse, channel
Khap A voluntary social
organization of the people
belonging to a sub-caste or
caste or super-caste or
territory. Sometimes a
combination, of two or more
or all of the four constituents
mentioned above too, takes
shape of an organization as a
homogeneous unit, but
generally these are
 heterogeneous social
platforms.
Sealed Mughal brocade bag
Kharita/khureta used to send letters as an
alternative to envelope
Khewat holders, shareholders
Khewatgars
of agricultural land
Khillat/khillut Dress of honour
Depression of pretty good
Khud/khad
depth
Kirar A derogatory word for bania
Story narrated in poems
Kissa
combined with prose
Kotedaffadar Pay sergeant
Pay patrol (customs’
Kotegusht
department)
Kotepees Whist
Chief police officer of a town
Kotwal or city with magisterial
powers
Hearth, independent household
Kuddhi/kurhi
unit
Laal diggi Red reservoir or red tank
Laal sarak Red road
Village headman responsible
Lambardar/lumberdar for revenue collection in his
jurisdiction
Contingent, a rank of soldier in
Luskar
artillery
Money-lender, banker,
Mahajan
merchant
A small paper hand chit in
Maulchit
token of receipt of something
 Maurusi Hereditary
Mauza/mauzah Revenue estate
Missal File, register
File containing the record of
Missal bandobast
settlement
Mistree/mistri Mason, any artisan
Mistreekhana Workshop
A distinct quarter of a Mughal
city – a group of residential
Mohalla lanes, usually entered through
a single gate, which would be
locked at night.
A gold coin issued during the
Mohar/muhar Mughal rule and was equal to
17 rupees in 1857
Moharrir/mohurrir/muharrir Clerk, writer, munshi
Moonshee/munshi Scribe, clerk, translator
Motmid Agent, representative
Muafi Revenue/rent free, pardon
Muafijagir Revenue and rent-free estate
Revenue and rent-free estate
Muafijagirdar
holder
Muafi zamin Revenue and rent-free land
Mufsid Rioter, rebel
Munsiff Judge, junior judge
Muqaddam Head of village
Mussammat Shrimati, Ms, Madam
Naib Deputy
Native NCO equivalent to
Naick/naik
corporal
Executive magistrate, manager,
Nazim
governor
 Nazir Inspector
Symbolic gift given in Indian
courts to a superior feudal,
Nazr/nazar
ceremonial gifts from inferior
to superior
An arbitrary tax which the
Nazrana/nazarana chief was authorized to
receive from the public
Embankment of a pond made
Paall
of earth excavated from within
Pag/pagri/puggree Turban
Pahli zang-e-azadi First war of independence
A loose social organization of
Pal some sub-castes irrespective
of religion, caste and territory
Palakra A minor pal
A regiment of Indian infantry,
the word originated from the
French ‘peloton’ and later
Paltan
gained popularity from the
English word ‘platoon’, a sub
unit of the company
Street or mohalla of a village
inhabited by a particular
Panna community or by the
descendants of a common
ancestor
A revenue subdivision; a
group of mutually connected
Parganah/pergunah villages, almost similar to the
present qanungo circle under
tehsil
Pati/patti A definitely demarcated strip
or chunk of land owned by a
 community or an individual
responsible to pay the revenue
A person who is in possession
of the land as per revenue
Pattedar record, a person who is owner
of a strip or distinct chunk of
land
Village accountant, record-
Patwari
keeper of the land- holdings
large fig tree, holy fig tree
Peepul/pipal
(Ficus religiosa)
Written order or warrant,
Perwannah
letter
The word is generally used for
persons dwelling to the east of
the river Yamuna but in 1857 it
Poorbea/purbiya
was specifically used for the
soldiers hailing from Awadh
and eastern areas
Confirm, correct, staunch,
Pucca/pukka made of kiln-burnt bricks laid
in lime or cement mortar
Guest house built with kiln-
Pucka sarai burnt bricks and lime or
cement mortar
Punchh/punchhi Tail of an animal
Purani nadi Old river
Old guest house or travellers’
Purani sarai
house, inn
Qanungo See Canoongoe
Qasid See Cossid
Qila Fort
Fort keeper, official in charge
Qiladar
of fort, commandant of the fort
 Raees Rich man
Flat plated axe with longer
cutting edge and riveted to
Ranpari
slightly bent end of the
wooden handle
Rath Chariot
Troop or squadron of regular
or irregular horse The senior
Ressalah/risala Ressaldar/risaldar native commissioned officer
and commander of a ressalah
of cavalry
The senior most native
commissioned officer of a
Ressaldar Major
cavalry regiment and native
adjutant of cavalry
Master or lord, most
frequently applied to European
officers and officials, after
1857 every European
Sahib
irrespective of his or her
status was saluted by the
natives and thus all of them
were sahibs
High officers (British
Sahiban-aleeshan
government)
Sahibba A caucus or group of sahibs
Rich man, money-lender, loan
Sahukar
shark
Sanad/sannand Certificate, authority letter
Sardar/sirdar Leader, commander, nobleman
Superintendent of a department
Sarishtadar or office, office-holder,
secretary
Sarvakhap An umbrella organization of
 all khaps
Shooter Camel
Shooter sowar Camel man, camel rider
Shroff Jeweller, moneylender
Sipahi Sepoy, soldier
Cavalier, horseman, cavalry
Sowar/sawar
trooper
Senior native commissioned
officer of infantry, native
captain, administrator or in
charge of a native state or
Subahdar
territorial unit appointed by
the supreme government,
governor/lieutenant governor
of a state
The senior most native
Subahdar Major commissioned officer of an
infantry regiment
Soldier or officer of the
demobilized cavalry after the
termination of Pindari war
Sukhlambar
who was given pension and
compensation in the form of
land grant
It was a land tenure which
emerged with the grant of land
Sukhlambari
to sukhlambaran (plural of
sukhlambar)
Cotton thread tied round the
Tagri
waist of a male child or boy
Taiool/tuyul Jagir, grant of land
Talwar/tulwar Curved Indian sword
Subunits of chaubisi or
Tapas
chaurasi, a cluster of villages
 Taraf/turuf Towards
Tattoo/tattu Pony
Administrative subdivision of
a district where revenue and
Tehsil/tuhseel/tehseel/tahsil land record is maintained, and
where conveyance deeds are
executed
Tehsildar Officer-in-charge of a tehsil
Thana Police station
Official in charge of a police
Thanadar
station
Thikanadar Feudatory (in Rajputana)
Thok Subunit of panna
Tirath Place of pilgrimage
Treasure house where
valuable articles or presents
Toshakhana
are kept by chief, prince or
king
Urzee/urgee Petition, application
Representative, pleader, agent,
Vakeel/vakil
ambassador
Wali/wully Ruler, governor
Woordie Major Native adjutant
An administrative unit of
police establishment
comprising of jurisdiction
Zail
within that of a thana, usually
there were 3 to 5 zails within
one police station
Zaildar Person in charge of a zail
Zamboorchee/zumboorchee/zamburchi An operator of zamburak
Zamburak/zomburuk/zumbooruck A small gun usually carried on
a camel and mounted on a
 saddle
Landowner or landholder,
Zameendar/zumindar
landlord
Harem, women’s quarters in a
Zananah/zenanah
house, designated for ladies
Zang-e-azadi War of independence
Bibliography

Primary Sources

I. THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF INDIA (NAI), NEW DELHI

(1) The Trial Papers of Raja Nahar Singh

(2) Letter of E.C. Smith 2nd Clerk Hisar Collector’s Office, dated 7th June
1857 from Rajgarh (Rajasthan) (Smith’s letter)
(3) Mutiny Papers-Available on NAI Portal ‘Abhilekh Patal’, Foreign
Department, Persian Branch.

II. THE HARYANA STATE ARCHIVES (HSA), PANCHKULA

(A) Haryana State Archives Ambala Division (HSA AD)

(a) Files of General and Political (G…P), Department (Numbered as HSA
AD G…P Accession No. – File No. – Year)
1. HSA AD G…P 1292–20–1857
2. HSA AD G…P 1430–1–1858
(b) Other General Files (HSA AD Accession No. - File No - Year)
3. HSA AD 1295–23–1857
4. HSA AD 1301–29–1857
5. HSA AD 1305–33–1857
6. HSA AD 1309–37–1857
7. HSA AD 1310–38–1857
8. HSA AD 1311–39–1857
9. HSA AD 1315–43–1857
10. HSA AD 1318–46–1857
11. HSA AD 1319–47–1857
12. HSA AD 1321–49–1857
13. HSA AD 1330–58–1857
14. HSA AD 1331–59–1857
15. HSA AD 1332–60–1857
16. HSA AD 1333–61–1857
17. HSA AD 1334–62–1857
18. HSA AD 1336–64–1857
19. HSA AD 1339–67–1857
20. HSA AD 1382–110–1857
21. HSA AD 1423–151–1857
22 HSA AD 1424–152–1857
23. HSA AD 1431–2–1858
24. HSA AD 1438–9–1858
25. HSA AD 1440–11–1858
26. HSA AD 1441–12–1858
27. HSA AD 1453–24–1858
28. HSA AD 1456–27–1858
29. HSA AD 1462–33–1858
30. HSA AD 1468–6–1859
31. HSA AD 1474–12–1859
32. HSA AD 1481–2–1860
33. HSA AD 1486–7–1860

(B) Haryana State Archives Delhi Division (HSA DD)

(a) Judicial Department (HSA DD JD)

(b) Military Department (HSA DD MD)
(c) Political Department (HSA DD PD) (Files numbered as HSA DD JD or
MD or PD Accession No. – File No. – Year)
34 HSA DD JD 8220–3–1858
35. HSA DD MD 8177–1–1858
36. HSA DD MD 8180–4–1858
37. HSA DD MD 8175–12–1857
38. HSA DD PD 8115–7–1857
(C) Haryana State Archives Hisar Division (HSA HD)

(a) Principal Matters Files (HSA HD PMF)

39. HSA HD PMF 3492–37
40. HSA HD PMF 3493
41. HSA HD PMF 82
42. HSA HD PMF 3560–69
43. HSA HD PMF 3561–74
44. HSA HD PMF 9319

(b) HSA Political Department (HSA HD PD)

45. HSA HD PD 3549–59

III. GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS

(A) Mutiny Reports and Records

Mutiny Report by Govt. of Punjab, 1911: Reports on Events in the Cis

Satluj Division. Generally referred to as Mutiny Reports in endnotes.
Mutiny Records: Correspondence, Lahore: Punjab Govt. Press, 1911, vol.
VII, 2 Parts … vol. VIII, 2 Parts. Also mentioned as simply Mutiny
Records and referred to as M.R. VII-1 or 2, M.R. VIII-1 or 2 in endnotes.

(B) Gazetteers and Other Publication

Haryana State Gazetteer, vol. 1, Chapter 2, Revenue Department (History)

– Internet
Jind State Gazetteer 1904
Kalsia State Gazetteer 1904
Loharu State Gazetteer 1915
Nabha State Gazetteer 1904
Patiala State Gazetteer 1904
Ambala District Gazetteer 1923–24
Delhi District Gazetteer 1883–84, 1912
Ferozepur District Gazetteer 1915
Gurgaon District Gazetteer 1883–84, 1910
Gazetteer of Ulwur (Alwar): by P.W. Powlett, London, 1878
Hisar District Gazetteer 1883–84, 1892, 1915
Karnal District Gazetteer 1883–84, 1892, 1918
Rohtak District Gazetteer 1910
Chopra, P.N. (ed), Who’s Who of Indian Martyrs, 3 vols, Delhi, Government
of India Publication, 1973.
General Report on Administration of the Punjab Territories from 1856–57
to 1857–58, Lahore, 1858.
Griffin, Lepel H., The Rajas of the Punjab; Lahore, 1870.
Griffin, Lepel H. and Charles Francis Massy, Chiefs and Families of Note in
the Punjab, 3 vols., Lahore, 1909.
Hammond, Henry Walmsley, Hisar District Revenue Map 1854, Agra, 1854.
Ibbeston, Denzil Charles Jelf, Report on the Revision of Settlement of
Panipat Tehsil and Karnal Parganah of the Karnal District 1872–81,
Allahabad, 1883.
Ibbetson, Denzil, Punjab Castes, Simla, 1916.
1857 Acts (Acts XI, XIV … XVI of 1857), Ministry of Law and Justice:
Original available online on [PDF] 1857 – Ministry of Law and Justice –
Internet – lawmin.nic.in/legislative/textofcentralacts/1857.pdf-1857.pdf
1857: Itihaas Aur Sanskriti, Govt. of India Publication, Delhi, 2010.
1857 Ki Jankranti Ke Vividh Ayam, Govt. of India Publication, Delhi, 2009.
Records of the Intelligence Department (ROID) of the Government of the
North West Provinces, 2 vols. (Originally published in Edinburgh in
1902), now reprinted by A.E.S. Delhi, 2012.
Sen, Surendra Nath, 1857: Atthara-so-Sattavan (Urdu): Delhi, GoI
Publication, 2001.

(C) Other Primary Sources: Newspapers, Periodicals,

Magazines and Contemporary Books

Allen’s Indian Mail – W.M.H. Allen and Co. (Original from Oxford
University), 1857 Digitized: 10 December 2007.
Anson, Major Octavius Henry St. George, With H.M. 9th Lancers During the
Indian Mutiny, edited by his son Harcourt S. Anson, London: W.H. Allen
… Co., 1896.
Ball, Charles, The History of the Indian Mutiny, 2 vols., London: London
Printing and Publishing Company, 1858–9.
Barter, Captain Richard, The Siege of Delhi: Mutiny Memoirs of an Old
Officer, London: Folio Society, 1984.
Bartlett, David W., The Heroes of the Indian Rebellion, Columbus, Ohio:
Follet, Foster … Co., 1859.
Behan, T.L., ‘Bulletins and Other State Intelligence’, compiled and
arranged from the Official Documents published in the London Gazette
for the year 1857 (in 2 parts), 1858 (in 4 parts) and 1859 (in 2 parts),
London, 1859.
Bell’s Life in London (Supplement to) 9 August 1857.
Bell’s Life in London and Sporting Chronicle (Town Edition), 11 November
1857.
Bengal Army List 1859 (The Quarterly Army List of Her Majesty’ British
Forces on the Bengal Establishment), Calcutta, 1859, Delhi: Asian
Educational Services (AES), 2010.
Blomfield, David (ed.), Lahore to Lucknow: The Indian Mutiny Journal of
Arthur Moffatt Lang, London: Pen and Sword, 1992.
Bourchier, Colonel George, Eight Months’ Campaign Against the Bengal
Sepoy Army During the Mutiny, London: Smith, Elder, 1858.
Bush, Jane, The Warner Letters, Delhi: Rupa … Co., 2008.
Campbell, Sir George, Memoirs of My Indian Career, 2 vols., London:
Macmillan, 1893.
Cave-Browne, Rev. John, The Punjab and Delhi in 1857: Being a Narrative
of the Measures by which the Punjab was Saved and Delhi Recovered
During the Indian Mutiny, 2 vols, Edinburgh and London: William
Blackwood and Sons, 1861.
Chick, Noah Alfred, Annals of the Indian Rebellion 1857–58, Calcutta,
1859.
Dodd, George, The History of the Indian Revolt and of the Expeditions to
Persia, China and Japan, London: W. and R. Chambers, 1859.
Forbes-Mitchell, William, Reminiscences of the Great Mutiny 1857–58,
London, 1910; Delhi: AES, 2010.
Forrest, George William (ed.), The Indian Mutiny 1857–58, 4 vols,
Selection from the Letters, Dispatches and other State Papers Preserved
in the Military Department of the Government of India, Calcutta, 1893,
1902, 1902 and 1912; and Delhi: AES, 2010, vol. I for Haryana and
Delhi.
Frost, Thomas (ed.), Complete Narrative of the Mutiny in India; from its
Commencement to the Present Time, London: Read, 1858.
Garrett, H.L.O. (ed.), The Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, Delhi: Roli Books,
2007.
Greathed, Elisa F. (ed.), Letters Written During the Siege of Delhi by
Hervey Harris Greathed Letters, London: Longman, Brown, Green,
Longmans … Roberts, 1858.
Griffiths, Captain Charles John, A Narrative of the Siege of Delhi with an
Account of the Mutiny at Ferozepur in 1857, ed. Captain Henry John
Yonge of the 61st Foot Regiment, London: John Murray, 1910.
Hodson, George H. (ed.), Twelve Years of a Soldier’s Life in India: Being
Extracts from the Letters of the late Major W.S.R. Hodson, London:
John W. Parker and Son, 1859; Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1860, 1864.
Ireland, William Wotherspoon, History of the Siege of Delhi by an Officer
Who Served There, Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1861.
Irving, Miles, A List of Inscriptions on Christian Tombs or Monuments in
the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Kashmir and Afghanistan,
Lahore: The Punjab Government, 1910.
Islam, Shamsul (ed.), Jeewan Lal, Traitor of Mutiny, Delhi: Vani Prakashan,
2008.
Kaye, John William, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857–1858, 3
vols, London: W.H. Allen … Co., vol. I: 1864, vol. II: 1874 and vol. III:
1876.
Lang, Arthur Moffatt, The Indian Mutiny Journal of Arthur Moffatt Lang,
London: Pen … Sword, 1992.
Le Bas, Charles Theodore, How We Escaped from Delhi, Fraiser’s
Magazine, vol. 57, February 1858.
Lee-Warner, Sir William, Memoirs of Field Marshal Sir Henry Wylie
Norman, London: Smith, Elder … Co., 1908.
Littlewood, Arthur (ed.), Indian Mutiny … Beyond: The Letters of Robert
Shebbeare VC, Barnsley: Pen … Sword Military, 2007.
Mackenzie, Colonel A.R.D., Mutiny Memoirs: Being Personal
Reminiscences of the Great Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (1st pub., 1891), ed.
Mushirul Hasan, Delhi: Niyogi Books, 2008.
Malcolm, Henry Frederick, India and Indian Mutiny, Philadelphia: J.W.
Bradley, 1858.
Malleson, George Bruce, The Mutiny of the Bengal Army, an Historical
Narrative, Part 2, London: Bosworth and Harrison, 1858.
———, History of the Indian Mutiny, 1857–58, 3 vols., London: William
H. Allen … Co., 1878 to 1880 (vol. I: 1878, vol. II: 1879 and vol. III:
1880).
Martin, Robert Montgomery, The Indian Empire: History Topography,
Geology, vol. II, London: The London Printing and Publishing Company
Ltd., 1861.
Medley, Captain Julius George, A Year’s Campaigning in India, from March
1857 to March 1858, London: W. Thacker and Co., 1858.
Metcalfe, Charles Theophilus (tr.), Two Native Narratives of the Mutiny in
Delhi, Delhi: Seema Publications, 1974.
Mitchell, W.F., Reminiscences of the Great Mutiny 1857–59, Delhi: AES
(rpt.), 2007.
Muter, Elizabeth, My Recollections of the Sepoy Revolt, London: J. Long,
1911.
Muter, Elizabeth McMullin, Travels and Adventures of an Officer’s Wife in
India, China and New Zealand, vol. I, London: Hurst and Blackett,
1864.
Nayar, Pramod K. (ed.), The Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, Hyderabad:
Orient Longman, 2007.
Norman, Sir Henry Wylie, A Narrative of the Campaign of the Delhi Army,
London, 1858.
Norman, Sir H.W. and Mrs. Keith Young (eds.), Delhi 1857, The Siege,
Assault, and Capture as Given in the Diary and Correspondence of the
Late Colonel Keith Young, C.B., Judge-Advocate General, Bengal
(Keith Young Letters), London … Edinburgh: W. … R. Chambers, 1902.
Ouvry, Colonel Henry Aime, Cavalry Experiences and Leaves from My
Journal, Lymington: Author, 1892.
Ouvry, Mrs. Matilda Hannah alias Mittie, A Lady’s Diary Before and During
the Indian Mutiny, Lymington, Author, 1892.
Papers Relating to the East India/Indies Mutiny; Parliamentary Papers
(House of Commons); Accounts and Papers; Parliamentary Papers, 9
February 1858; Annals of British Legislation, Mutiny in India, vol. 5,
1859 (PREIM), etc., etc. These documents are available on internet under
different nomenclatures, titles and headings.
Prichard, Iltudus Thomas, The Mutinies in Rajpootana: Being a Personal
Narrative of the Mutiny at Nusseerabad, …, London: John W. Parker
and Son, 1860.
Rahim Khan, ex-MP. His papers and documents contain excerpts from the DC
Gurgaon Office File No. R-189: for two lists of Meo martyrs of 1857,
one in English and one in Hindi containing 98 and 48 names respectively.
Raikes, Charles, Notes on the Revolt in the North-Western Provinces of
India, London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans … Roberts, 1858.
Roberts, F.M.F.S. (Lord Roberts of Kandhar), An Eyewitness Account of the
Indian Mutiny (1st published in 1896), New Delhi: Mittal Publications,
2005.
———, Forty One Years in India: From Subaltern to Commander-in-
Chief, London: Macmillan and Co. (in one volume 1901); (first
published in 2 vols. by Richard Bentley and Son, vol. I in 1897 and vol.
II in 1898), Delhi: AES (rpt.), 2005.
Russell, William Howard, My Diary in India, in the Year 1858–59, 2 vols,
London: Routledge, Warne and Routledge, 1860.
Seaton, Major General Sir Thomas, From Cadet to Colonel: The Record of
a Life of Active Service, 2 vols, London: Hurst and Blackett Publishers,
1866.
The Cornhill Magazine, vol. 7: January to June 1863, ed. George Murray
Smith, John Murray, London, 1863.
The Edinburgh Gazette contains a large number of reports from the
commanding officers.
The Indian News and Chronicle of Eastern Affairs (INCEA), London, see
Newspapers and Journals Online-FIBIwiki, Bengal Army – FIBIwiki.
The Lahore Chronicle gives wide coverage to the rebellion activities in the
Haryana areas.
The London Gazette contains the report of every battle sent by the
commanding officers, e.g. Van Cortlandt, W.T. Hughes, W.J.F. Stafford,
J.P. Caulfield, George Wardlaw, J.B. Lind, J.V. Hunt, etc.
The Madras Spectator.
Vibart, Edward Daniel Hamilton, The Sepoy Mutiny: As Seen by a
Subaltern: From Delhi to Luckhnow, London: Smith, Elder … Co.,
1898.
Wagentrieber, Florence, Reminiscences of the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857,
Lahore: Government Press, 1911.
Walker, Colonel Thomas Nicholls, Through the Mutiny: Reminiscences of
Thirty Years Active Service and Sport in India 1854–83, London:
Gibbings … Company, 1907.
Wright, William, Through the Indian Mutiny: The Memoirs of James
Fairweather, 4 th Punjab Native Infantry, 1857–58, Delhi: Three Rivers
Publishers in association with Westland Ltd., 2013.
Young, Colonel Keith, Delhi – 1857: The Siege, Assault, and Capture as
Given in the Diary and Correspondence (Keith Young Letters), ed.
General H.W. Norman and Mrs. F.M. Keith Young, London and
Edinburgh, 1902.

Secondary Sources
Aggarwal, Justice S.N., The Heroes of Cellular Jail (rev. edn.), Delhi: Rupa
… Co., 2007.
Anderson, Clare, The Indian Uprising of 1857–58: Prisons, Prisoners and
Rebellion, London: Anthem Press, 2007.
Anderson, Thomas Carnegy: FIBIS Database: War Services of Officers of
the Bengal Army 1863 (Transcription from the Book Ubique: War
Services of all the Officers of H.M.’s Bengal Army 1863 by Captain
T.C. Anderson) – Available on the Internet.
Baden-Powell, B.H., The Land Systems of British India, 3 vols, Oxford,
1892; Delhi: L.P.P. Reprint, 1990.
Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – Internet.
Bengal Army – FIBIwiki – External Links – Internet. General Distribution,
and Return of the H.M.’s and E.I.C.’s Troops.
Bharti, Jagdish, Haryana Ka Shaheed Gaon Rohnat (Hindi), Shaheed
Committee Rohnat, Bawani Khera (Bhiwani), n.d.
Buckland, Charles Edward, Dictionary of Indian Biography, London: Swan
Sonnenschein … Co., 1906.
Dalrymple, William, The Last Mughal: The Fall of a Dynasty, Delhi, 1857;
Gurgaon: Penguin Books, 2007.
David, Saul, The Indian Mutiny 1857, Delhi: Penguin Books, 2002.
Divorce Court File: C-41, Appellant: Stuart Corbett. Respondent: Mary
Augusta Corbett. Co-Respondent T.J. Sadlier. Type: Husband’s
Petition[hx].discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C7971060.
D’oyly, Charles Walter, Eight Months’ Experience of the Revolt in 1857,
Blandford: Naval and Military Press, 1891.
FIBIwiki: Historical Newspapers and Books Online.
Forrest, George William, A History of the Indian Mutiny, 3 vols, Edinburgh
and London: William Blackwood and Sons, vols. I … II: 1904 and vol.
III: 1912, Delhi: AES (rpt.), 2006.
Gorakhpuria, Krishan Swaroop, Deshbahakton Kee Dharti: Gaon Dhangar
Ka Itihaas (Hindi), Fatehabad: Fatehabad Kisan Sabha, 2010.
Gulia, Yashpal, Haryana Ka Riyasati Itihaas (Hindi), Panchkula, Haryana
Sahitya Academy, 2006.
Gupta, Jugal Kishore, History of Sirsa Town, Delhi: Atlantic, 1991.
Hart, H.G., The New Annual Army List, Militia List, Yeomanry Cavalry List,
and Indian Civil Service List for 1882, London: John Murray, 1882 –
Online.
Haryana Encyclopaedia (Hindi) 10 vols, Delhi: Vani Prakashan, 2010.
Hibbert, Christopher, The Great Mutiny of India 1857, London, 1978; Delhi:
Penguin Books, 1980.
History of the British Salt Tax in India and Inland Custom Line –
Wikipedia.
Holmes, Thomas Rice Edward, A History of the Indian Mutiny (5th edn.),
London: Macmillan and Co., 1898, 1904.
Husain, Zakir, ‘Delhi, Meos and the Great Uprising: A Study of Anti-British
Resistance During 1857’, Indian History Congress 70th Session, Delhi:
University of Delhi, 2010.
Innes, Lieutenant General James John McLeod, The Sepoy Revolt: Critical
Narrative, London: A.D. Innes … Co., 1897.
Kaye, J.W., Lives in Indian Officers (New Edition), 2 vols, London: W.H.
Allen … Co., 1889.
Kaye, Sir John and G.B. Malleson, The History of Indian Mutiny of 1857–
58 (also known as Kaye’s and Malleson’s History), vol. II, London, New
York and Bombay: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1896.
Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie, The Great Uprising in India 1857–58, Untold
Stories Indian and British, Delhi: Supernova Publishers, 2010.
Malleson, G.B., The Indian Mutiny of 1857, Delhi: Rupa … Co., 2006.
Mann, Rajwanti, 1857 Kee Jankranti Aur Ballabgarh Ke Raja Nahar Singh,
Chandigarh: Jat Sabha Chandigarh, 2000.
McGovern V.C., Private John (1825–1888), Internet,
www.royalmunster.org/e6megov.htm.
Meo, Siddique Ahmad, Sangram 1857: Zara Yaad Karo Qurbani (Hindi),
Roopraka (Palwal): Haryana Mewat Vikas Sabha, 2010.
———, Sangram 1857: Mewation Ka Yogdaan (Hindi), Nuh (Mewat):
Authro, 2006
Mishra, Amresh, War of Civilizations: India a.d. 1857, 2 vols, Delhi: Rupa
… Co., 2008.
Montalembert, Charles Forbes, The Story of the Indian Mutiny 1857–58,
Edinburgh: W.P. Nimmo, Hay … Mitchell, n.d. – Online.
Mount, Ferdinand, The Tears of Rajas: Mutiny, Money and Marriage in
India 1805–1905, London: Simon … Schuster, 2015.
Qanungo, Kalika Ranjan, History of the Jats (originally published in 1925),
ed. Veer Singh, Delhi: Originals, 2003.
Rawat, Sukhiram, Rawatan ka Itihaas (Hindi), Palwal: Rawat Shodh Evam
Vikas Parishad, 2002.
Robertson, Henry Dundas, District Duties During the Revolt in the N.W.
Provinces of India in 1857; With Remarks on Subsequent
Investigations During 1858–59, London: Smith, Elder … Co., 1859.
Saini, Jagdish, Itihaas Kee Dharohar: Hansi (Hindi), Ambala: Aggarwal
Prakashan, 2012.
Sarkar, Sir Jadunath, A History of Jaipur: c. 1503–1938, Hyderabad/Delhi:
Orient BlackSwan, 1994.
Savarkar, Veer, Indian War of Independence 1857, Chandigarh: Abhishek
Publications, 2008.
Shakoor, Maulana Hakim Abdus, Tarikh Meo Chhatri (Urdu), Nuh:
Chaudhary Yasin Meo High School, 1974.
Showers Moveable Column September – November 1857 – Indian Mutiny:
FIBIwiki – Internet.
Singh, Mahendra, Haryana Mein 1857 (Hindi), Hisar: Vivek Prakashan,
2009.
Singh, Vir (ed.), People’s Role in 1857 Uprising – Delhi and Neighbouring
Region, Delhi: Originals, 2010.
Smith Bosworth, Reginald, Life of Lord Lawrence, 2 vols, London: Smith,
Elder … Co., 1883.
Stokes, Eric, The Peasant Armed: The Indian Revolt of 1857, ed. C.A.
Bayly, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986.
Temple, Sir Richard, Men and Events of My Time in India, London: John
Murray, 1882.
Thackeray, Sir Edward Talbot, Reminiscences of Indian Mutiny (1857–58),
London: Smith, Elder … Co., 1916.
The Annals of Banff compiled by William Cramond, Aberdeen: The New
Spalding Club, 1891–3.
The Revolt in Central India 1857–59; Compiled in the Intelligence Branch,
Division of the Chief of the Staff, Simla: Army Headquarters, 1908 –
Available on the Internet.
Trotter, Lionel James, The Life of John Nicholson: Soldier and
Administrator (3rd edn.), London: John Murray, 1898.
Walia, Tejinder Singh, Haryana: The Torch Bearer of 1857, Ambala:
Aggarwal Prakashan, 2010.
Yadav, K.C., The Revolt of 1857 in Haryana, Delhi: Manohar, 1977.
———, 1857: The Role of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, Delhi:
National Book Trust, 2008.
———, Roll of Honour: Haryana’s Martyrs of 1857, Gurgaon: Centre for
Study of Haryana History, Culture … Social Development, HIPA, 2008.
Younghusband, Colonel George John, The Story of Guides, London:
Macmillan, 1908
Index

Act XI of 1857 293, 336; Section VI 337

Act XIV of 1857 119, 293, 336; Section XI 337
Act XVI of 1857 118, 294, 336; Section II 336–7
Ambala; District and Cantonments, martyrs of 368–9
Ambala District, 1857–60 477, 484
Ambala division, upper region of 40
Ambala, August 1857 165–6; sepoys and native officers blown from the cannons 165–6
Ambala, June 1857, return of the British forces 117–20; Act XIV of 1857 118, 119; Act XVI of 1857
118–19; Pro-Government persons vested with unlimited powers 117–20
Ambala, March and April 1857, epicentre of revolt 44; administration 48; Azimullah Khan’s visit to
Ambala 46–7; imminent revolt, adminisration aware of 47; incendiary fires 45–6
Ambala, military history 42–8; 1st EnR or 1st EnBF, at Daghsai 43; 9th Irregular Cavalry 43; Bengal
regiment, sanctioned strength of 43; Captain Edward M. Martineau, 10th NI 42, 43; Her Majesty’s
(HM’s) 75th Foot Regiment 43; subahdar major 43
Ambala, revenue history 41–2; jagirdars, classes of 41; pattedari jagirdars 41; proclamation of 1809 41;
settlement 42; zaildars or subordinate feudatories 41
Ambala revolt; First and Second War Councils 73–6; June 1857, return of the British forces 117–20;
July 1857 149–50; native infantry 71

Bahadurgarh 59–60; Dadri, revolt in July 1857 159

Ballabgarh State: Faridabad Parganah 64–5; Ballu Jat 64; Gopal Singh Teotia Jat 64
Ballabgarh, August 1857 171
Ballabgarh, looting and capture of Raja Nahar Singh 220–2; plunder of palace 221–2
Ballabgarh, revolt in 1857 77–9, 80–2; June 1857, return of the British forces 130; July 1857, Raja
Nahar Singh welcomes Neemach Force 157; Risaldar Qalandar Bakhsh Khan 82; Raja Nahar
Singh’s help and position 130
Bengal Artillery 35
Bengal Cavalry 34–5; 10th LC 34; 3rd ELC 34; Bengal Light Cavalry (BLC) 34; European Bengal
Light Cavalry (EBLC)/Light Cavalry (LC) 34; European Light Cavalry (ELC) 34
Bengal Corps of Engineers 36
Bengal Foot Artillery (BFA) 35
Bengal Horse Artillery (BHA or HA) 35
Bengal Native Infantry (BNI/NI) 33–4; jemadars 34; non-commissioned officers (NCO) 34; sepoys 34;
subahdar major 34
Bahadurgarh, August 1857 173
Bhiwani district, 1857–60 468–9; Bhiwani Town 468; Bond Khurd 468–9; Kairu (Tosham) 469; Mauri
(Dadri) 469; Naloi (Siwani) 469
Bhiwani district, freedom fighters 429–33; Baliali 430–1; Charkhi Dadri 432–3; Dadri Town 431;
Dharwanbas 431; Kairu 431–2; Matani 432; Nawab Dadri, trial and banishment of 432–3; Tosham
430
Bhiwani district, martyrs of 354; Tosham 354
British Army 32–3; 2nd Battalion of the 60th Rifles 32; 6th Regiment of Dragoon Guards (Carabineers)
32–3; Artillery 33; Cavalry 32–3; Her Majesty’s 60th (The King’s Royal) Rifle Corps (Regiment)
32; HM’s 9th Lancers 33; infantry 32
British East India Company Army 33–6; 1st European Bengal Fusiliers (1st EnBF) 34; Bengal Cavalry
34–5; Bengal Infantry 33–4; Bengal Native Infantry (BNI/NI) 33–4; European Regiments (EnRs)
33; European Regiments 34
British Indian States Army 36
British land revenue system; after 1833 65–6
Buria 65

Camp followers 38
chaubisi chabutra 19
Chaudah kee Saal ka Ghadar (Revolt of vs 1914, i.e. ad 1857 19
Cis-Sutlej Territory 40
Corps of Sappers and Miners 36

Delhi Field Force (DFF) 25

Dujana State 60

1857, army in 31–8; British Army 32–3; Indian Native states, army of 32
1857 revolt, Haryana; British rule, re-establishment of 24; burning of tehsils and revenue records 24;
circulation of chapattis 24; main cause of 24

Faridabad district, freedom fighters 453–4

Faridabad district, martyrs of 393–6; Ballabgarh 393–4; Faridabad Town 393; Raja Nahar Singh, trial
and execution of 394–6
Farrukhnagar State 61; revolt in 1857 85
folk literature 23

Ghaghari 40–1
Ghasera Battle 270–2; Indian Casualties 272
Gurgaon, revolt in 1857 77–9; June 1857, return of the British forces 130–2; July 1857, revolt in Jaipur
contingent 158
Gurgaon 62–4; chapatti distribution 63–4; eleven parganahs 62; Ferozepur 63; Nuh 63; Parganah Jharsa
62–3; Pataudi sowars 63; Shahjahanpur 63
Gurgaon district, 1857–60 481
Gurgaon district (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858), freedom fighters 442–8; Badshahpoor
(Badshahpur) 447; Dhunkote (Dhankot) 444; Farrukhnuggur (Farrukhnagar) 443–4; Fazilpoor
(Fazilpur) 445; Futtehpoor (Fatehpur) 448; Gurhee Hursuroo (Garhi Harsru) 443; Hursuroo
(Harsaru) 442–3; Jharsah (Jharsa) 447; Kasun (Kasan) 445; Kherlah or Khedlah or Kheidlah alias
Kherla (Sohna) 446; Kherlee (Kherli Lala) 445; Khoorumpoor (Khurrampur) 448; Lokree (Lokri)
444; Moobarikpoor (Mubariqpur) 448; Nanoo (Nanu Kalan and Khurd) 448; Nowrungpoor
(Naurangpur) 445; Patoudee (Pataudi) 448; Raiseenah or Raisina 447–8; Ratheewas (Rathiwas)
 445; Seelkoh (Silkoh) 448; Shahpoor (Sayyed Shahpur) 445–6; Sonah (Sohna) 446–7; Surumthla
(Saramthala) 444
Gurgaon Sahibbas, Nawab Farrukhnagar captured 217–19: Assistant Magistrate Wigram Clifford CS,
killing of 218; column march from Taoru to Sohna 219; continued campaign and destruction 218–19
Gurgaon, August 1857 171
Gurgaon, martyrs of 377–85; Alipur 385; Badshapoor (Badshahpur) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File
No. 3/1858) 377–8; Bohorah (Bahora) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 378;
Farrukhnagar 378; Gharsi Harsaru (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 379; Gurgaon
Town (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 379–82; Hariaheda 382; Jharsa 382;
Kadarpur (Qadarpur) 383; Kasan 383; Khera (Jharsa) 383; Kherli 383; Nawab Ahmed Ali, trial and
execution of 378–9; Nurhera (Narhera) 384; Pataudi (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No.
3/1858) 384; Patli Hajipur 383; Raiseenah (Raisina) 385; Reethouj (Rithoj) 384; Sonah (Sohna) 384
Gurgaon, revolt in 1857 82–4; land revenue policy, Baden-Powell 84–5

Hansi and Hisar; fate of the Europeans killed at 103–5

Hansi district, Martyrs of 353–4
Hansi, revolt in 1857 92–7, 99–101; early impact of events in Delhi 92; proclamation and developments
at 105
Hansi, September 1857 195–202; Banias and Rajputs welcome Van Cortlandt 201–2; European officers
with Van Cortlandt who constituted a sahibba 200–1; force at 195–6; Jamalpur Battle 198–200;
Mangali Battle 196–8; Putthi Mangal Khan destroyed 200–2; Rohnat destroyed 200
Haryana, barbarities in 293–333; Act No. XI of 1857 293; Act No. XIV of 1857 292, 293–4; Act No.
XVI of 1857 292, 294; British and European officers and officials who caused loss of life and
property, list of 294–333
Hisar (Hisar) District, martyrs of 342–53; Bhatol Khurd (Rangharan) 352; Mirza Munir Beg, Lala
Hukamchand Jain and Faqirchand Jain of Hansi, trial and execution of 342–51; Rohnat (now in
Bhiwani) 353; Singhwa Ragho episode 351–2
Hisar District, 1857–60 461–7; confiscated villages, auction of 462–6; fines, confiscation and imposition
of 462; Hansi, Bighar, Kharia 467; rewards and rewardees 466; Sultanpur, Juglan, Hansi, Dher,
Kana Khera, Bhirdana, Bighar 467
Hisar District, freedom fighters 422–9; Indians, hollow charges framed against 425–7; Hansi 427; Hisar
town 422–7, 427–9; Mangali 427; Shahbaz Beg, Rukanuddin, Karim Khan, political trial of 422–5
Hisar, August 1857 178–88; contingent with Shahzada 179; golundazes 178; Hisar Battle: 19 August
1857 179–87; Tosham Battle: 22 August 1857 187–8
Hisar, revolt in 1857 77–9, 90–2, 99; Bishnois Rehabilitated during Stay at Fatehabad 160–2; July 1857
160; Van Cortlandt 160–2
Hisar, September 1857 193; Bhatol Battle: 6 September 1857 194–5; Van Cortlandt Battling Resistance
from the Peasantry 193–4
Hisar, revenue history 54–8; administrative set-up 58; Bagri Jats 56; bhaeechara tenure 56; Bhatti
soldiers 56; chaubachha (fourfold distribution) 56, 57; Dessi Jats 56; Hansi and Barwala tehsils 57;
HLI, Brahmins, Ranghars and Mewattis 57; Jat tenures, mostly bhaeechara type 56; Jats as
owners of land 54; permit lane or permit road 54; settlements and chaubachha 56
Hisar-e-Feroza 136–8
Hodson, William Stephen Raikes, Captain 1st EnBF (1821–58) 25–7, 128, 167–70, 173–8, 185, 206–11,
306–7, 309–11, 315, 320, 396

Indian saviours of the British 285–91; Bhai Anokh Singh of Arnauli 289; Bhai Jasmer Singh (d. 1897) of
Arnauli (Kaithal) 289; Captain Tafazzul Hussain Khan of Nagpur Risaldar 290; Dhanaura 287; Jind
 Raja Sarup Singh 286–7; Nawab Ahmed Ali Khan Mandal of Karnal 289; Nawab Amanullah Khan
of Panipat 289; Nawab Aminuddin Ahmad Khan and his brother Ziauddin Ahmad Khan of Loharu
290–1; Nawab Mohammad Akbar Ali of Pataudi 290; Nawab Mohammad Ali Khan and his son
Ibrahim Ali Khan of Kunjpura (Karnal) 289; Nawab of Jhajjar 285; Raja of Patiala/Patiala Raja
285–6; Rao Rahim Bakhsh of Panjlasa 288; Rustam Ali of Gohana 290; Sardar Bishan Singh of
Tangaur (Karnal) 288; Sardar Dewa Singh of Mustafabad 287; Sardar Jiwan Singh of Buria 287–8;
Sardar Jwala Singh and Bishan Singh of Jharauli 288; Sardar Lehna Singh of Sikri 288; Sardar Ram
Singh and his brother Kahan Singh of Shamgarh 288; Sardar Sheo Kirpal Singh of Shahzadpur 287;
Sardar Sobha Singh and his son Lehna Singh of Kalsia (Chhachhrauli) 287; Sardars Dharam Singh,
Kishan Singh and Partab Singh of Shahbad 288; Sirkardahs of Sadhaura 288

Jagirs 40
Jatnis (Jat women) 25
Jhajjar District, 1857–60 477–9; Badli 478; Bahadurgarh 478–9; Issapur (now in Najafgarh, Delhi) 479;
Jhajjar Khas 477–8; Nawab’s Servant 478; Sikri Kahnaud (Mahendragarh) 478
Jhajjar District, freedom fighters 436–9; villages around Nasibpur 438–9
Jhajjar District, martyrs of 369–74; Bahadurgarh 374; Dujana 374; Jhajjar cavalry, status of 369;
Mandauthi 374; Nawab Abdur Rehman Khan, trial and execution of 371–3; Patauda 374
Jhajjar State 60
Jhajjar, August 1857 172–3; defiant Nawab 172–3
Jhajjar, revolt in 1857 77–9, 86–7; Jhajjar sowars 86; July 1857 158–9; June 1857, return of the British
forces 132; Khan, Abdur Rehman 86
Jind District, 1857–60 467–8; Pahlwan (Uchana) 467–8
Jind Territory 51; Sarup Singh, First Sikh War 51
Jodhpur Legion 38

Kahnaud/Mahendragarh Sahibbas 215–17; hasty retreat 216; to chastise the Mewattis 217
Kalsia 65
Karnal District, 1857–60 477; Ahmed Ali Khan, Mandal Nawab of Karnal 477; Collector Office 477;
Karnal Nawab and Sarishtadar 477
Karnal District, martyrs of 367–8; Assandh 367; Ballah 367–8; Karnal town 367
Karnal region, brief history and revenue 48–9; land revenue, exploitation through 49
Karnal, August 1857 166
Karnal, revolt in 1857 77–9; Ballah Battle, 14 and 15 July 1857 151–7; June 1857, return of the British
forces 121–3
Khairekan Battle: 19 June 1857 141–4
Kurukshetra–Thanesar Belt 48; administration and settlement 48; martyrs of 368
Kurukshetra–Thanesar revolt; Coke’s Rifles 121; July 1857, disarming and collection of the revenue
150–1; June 1857, return of the British forces 120–1; Patiala and Jind Rajas 76–7

Lawrence, Richard Charles, Captain 3rd NI 313

Light cavalry or infantry 37
Loharu State 61
Low, William Malcolm, CS 314–15

Mahendergarh (Kahnaud) District, martyrs of 375–6; Singhana and Narnaul (HSA AD JD Accn. No.
8220 File No. 3/1858) 375–6
Mahun Battle 277–81
Meham-Bhiwani tehsil 29
Meos 66, 85, 131, 171, 219–21, 228, 260–2, 264–7, 272–3, 299, 305, 481
Metcalfe, Theophilus John CS 317–21
Mewat District (33) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No.3/1858), freedom fighters 448–50; 1857–60,
villages, confiscation and auction of 481; Ferozepoor (Ferozepur Jhirka) 449; Hoosainpoor
(Husainpur) 448–9; Noh (Nuh) 449; Nuggeena (Nagina) 449; other Mewatti fighters 449–50;
Suraka alias Sudaka 449; Ukhera alias Akheira alias Akera 449
Mewat District, martyrs of 386–407; Akhera (Akera) 388; Basai Khanzada 392; Burka (Barka)
Alimuddin (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 388; Chitora 390; Doha 391–2;
Ferozepur Jhirka 390; Ghagas 389; Gujjar Nangla 391; Gwarka (Taoru) 385; Kherki (Taoru) 385;
Mahun and its neighbourhood 391; Mandi Khera 391; Naharika 392; Noh (Nuh) 388; Nuggeenah
(Nagina)/Jargali 389; Nuglee (Shahpur Nangli) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858)
386–7; Pinanghwan 390; Rawli 392; Ruhna (Rehna) 387; Sakras 392–3; Saral 389; Shadipur 392;
Shingar 393; Sudaka (Suraka) 390; Toosainee (Tusaini) 389; Tupkun (Tapkan) 388; Udbur (Adbar)
(HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 386
Mewat: May to December 1857 260–82; Alwar contingent, defeat and rebellion in 264–5; Alwar,
rebellion in 281–2; bhaichara panchayats (brotherhood assemblies) took up the administration 265;
Doha Battle 262–4; Ferozepur Jhirka, siege of 261–2; Ghasera Battle 270–2; Mahun Battle 277–81;
Meo Chaudharies of the Nagina parganah arrested 265; Meo Chaudharies, leadership in the Mewat
263–4; Mewatti leaders 265; Raisina Battle 266–70; Roopraka Battle 272–7
Mewatti, Kabir Khan (Jemadar) 105–6

Nahar, Sahibbas advance detachment at 214–15; Mackenzie admits arbitrary killings 214–15
Nasibpur Battle 227–56; aftermath 252–3; Ambala, Thanesar, Karnal and Panipat 255–6; battlefield
236–40; biggest sahibba from Delhi, march of 229–30; British casualties reported 253–4; British
column, movement of 241–2; British commanding officer Gerrard killed 249–52; British Force,
formation of the attack line 242–3; commencement of 244–9; freedom fighters who died, number of
252; Gerrard Sahibba, march of 234–5; Hurrianah Field Force (HFF), strength of 230–1; Indian
Forces, formation of the Line of 244; Indian Patriotic Front, preparations by 235–6; Jetthu Baba
Johar Embankment, abandonment of 240–1; Jodhpur Legion 233; Lt. Colonel John Grant Gerrard’s
moveable column 228–9; sahibba, return of 254–5; strength of the column 230–3
Native States’ Armies 36
Nawab Jhajjar’s teritory, 1857–60 482–4
North-West Provinces (NWP), Delhi division of 40

Odhan Battle: 17 June 1857 139–41

palakara 260
Palwal District (HSA DDJD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858), freedom fighters 450–3; Chaisah
(Chhainsa) 452; Chandhut (Chand’hat) 451; Hussunpoor (Hassanpur) 452–3; Jenoulee (Janauli)
451; Khatela 453; Khujjoorka (Khajurka) 452; Manpur 451; Moynah (Mohena) 453; Pinghore
(Pinghor) 452; Pulwul (Palwal) Town 450; Russoolpoor (Rasulpur) 452; Sa’adatnagar 453; Seekree
(Sikri) 453; Seolee (Seoli or Sevli) 451; Soojwaree (Sujwari) 453; Soondhut (Saundhad) 451
Palwal District, 1857–60 479–80; Aherwan 480; destruction of Bhanguri, disribution to Gahlab 480;
Mohena 479–80
Palwal District, martyrs of 396–407; Bhudpur 405; Chilli 405; Chujjoonuggur (Chhajjunagar) 399–400;
Deghote (Deeghot) (Tanwar Jat Village) 400; Dhamaka 405; Dhiranki 405; Goodhrana (Gudhrana)
401; Gurhee Puttee (Garhi Patti Hodal) 400–1; Hodul (Hodal) 401; Hussunpoor (Hassanpur) 401–2;
 Jarali or Jarari 405; Khujjorka (Khajurka) 402; Malpuri 404; Mankaki 405; Maroli 405; Naloi (near
Siwani in Bhiwani district) 406–7; Palwal (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 397–8;
Roopraka (Rupraka) 403–4; Rusoolpoor (Rasulpur) 402–3; Seoli or Sevli 405; Shahjahanpur 403;
Sooltanpoor (Sultanpur) 403; Uhrwan alias Airwan (Aherwan) 398–9; Utawar 405
Panipat District, 1857–60 476–7; Garhi Chhajju 476; Panipat proper 476–7; Panipat Town 476; Pulri
(Palri) 476
Panipat District, martyrs of 366–7; Fatehpur (Kaithal) 367
Panipat, 1857 49–50, 79; August 1857 166–7; Jats join the revolt 79; July 1857, revenue recovery 157;
June 1857, return of the British forces 123; revolt in 1857 77–9; September 1857 193; Wilde’s
regiment of the Punjab infantry 193
Pataudi State 61
Pataudi, August 1857 171–2
Private Armies 36–7

Raisina Battle 266–70; Alaf Khan Meo, commander of villagers 266–7

Rewari District, 1857–60 482; August 1857, Rao Tularam 172
Rewari, revolt in 1857 77–9, 85; July 1857 158
Rewari 61–2; Ahirs, istamarari jagir (grant in perpetuity) 61
Rewari District, freedom fighters 439–42; Auseeakee (Aasiaki Gaurawas) 440; Beekaneer (Bikaner
Village) 442; Belaspoor (Bilaspur) 441; Bhatsana 442; Bolnee (Bolni) 441; Chooriawas
(Chhuriawas) 442; Dhamlawas 441; Dharoohera (Dharuhera) 440; Gooraora (Gurawara) 440;
Goorianee (Guriani) 442; Jaitpoor Sheikhoopoor (Jaitpur Shekhupur) 440; Jatoosanah (Jatusana)
442; Jurthul (Jarthal) 442; Khutaolee (Khatawali) 441; Koslee (Kosli) 440; Lissan (Lisan) 440;
Loodhana (Lodhana) 441; Maleeawas (Maliawas) 439; Nagul Puthanee (Nangal Pathani) 439;
Rajgarh 441; Rewari Town 439; Teeklayan (Teeklan) 441; Toorkeeawas (Turkiawas) 441;
Ussudpoor (Asadpur) 440
Rewari District, martyrs of 376–7; Balwari 376; Jatusana 377; Nangal Pathani 377; Rewari Town 376;
Toorkeeawas (Turkiawas) 376–7
Rohtak 58; administrative set-up 58; Beri tehsils 58; Kharkhauda-Mandauthi 58; Meham-Bhiwani tehsils
58
Rohtak and Jind districts, martyrs of 354–9; Bainsi (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 357;
Bhalauth (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 358; Kahnaur (HSA DD JD Accn. No.
8220 File No. 3/1858) 358; Kalanaur (HSA DD JD Accn No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 358; Kiloi
(HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 358; Lakhan Majra (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220
File No. 3/1858) 357; Madina 358–9; Meham 355; Rohtak Town 356–7; Sampla 359
Rohtak District, 1857–60 469–73; Balambha 472; Baland 471; Bhaini Maharajpur 471; Bohur (Bohar)
472; Dussiah (Jasia) 472–3; Kalanaur 472; Kalanaur 473; Khurhur (Kharhar, now in Jhajjar district)
472; Madina 472; Meham (Officials) 471–2; Mehim (Meham) 469–71; Rohtak Town 473
Rohtak District, freedom fighters 433–5; Bainsi 433; Kahnaur 434; Mandauthi 434–5; Meham 433–4;
Nigana 433; Rohtak Town 434
Rohtak, August 1857 173–8: Hodsons’s false claim 173–6; Khaps defeated Hodson 176–8
Rohtak, revolt in 1857 77–9; June 1857, return of the British forces 132–6; July 1857 159; Husain,
Tafazzul 88–9; Ranghars 88; Sarvakhap Panchayats 88; September 1857, liberty lost after four
months 202–3
Rohtak, Sahibbas, deployment of huge force 223
Roopraka Battle 272–7; British Casualties 275–6; Ghasera embers 272; Indian Casualties 25; Kumaon
battalion 272; peasant fighters, Meos mostly of Chhirklaut pal 275; villages burnt 276–7
Round shot and grape 37
Royal Foot Artillery (RFA) 33
Royal Horse Artillery (RHA) 33

Sahibbas 205–24; advance detachment at Nahar 214–15; at Gurgaon, Chaudhary Bakhtawar Singh,
execution of 209; at Gurgaon: Nawab Farrukhnagar captured 217–19; at Jatusana: The Jhajjar
Rebels 210–11; at Jhajjar 213–14; at Kahnaud/Mahendragarh 215–17; at Pataudi, skirmish with Rao
Tularam’s soldiers 209; at Rewari: Rao Tularam’s preparations 209–10; Ballabgarh, looting and
capture of Raja Nahar Singh 220–2; camps at Nahar and Dadri 211; combined huge march from
Bhiwani, Showers joined at Dadri 212; first moveable column 205; gigantic march on Jhajjar 212–13;
hunting at Sohna 220; Hurriana Field Force (HFF) 205; Mahendragarh (Kahnaud), preparations at
222–3; movement of 27; second moveable column 206–8; Showers, St George Daniel (Brigadier)
205; two marches and meet at Bhiwani 211
Shebbeare VC, Robert Haydon, Lieutenant 60th NI 326–8
Sheoran, Chaudhary Imartaram 19
Sheorans of Baawani 19
Showers, Brigadier St George Daniel 23, 205–18, 220–3, 227–8, 231, 266, 270, 294, 296–7, 299–301,
304–9, 311–16, 320–6, 328–9, 331–3, 378, 394, 468, 480
Siege-train 37
Singhwa Ragho episode 351–2; rebels charged under Section II of the Act XVI of 1857 and Act X of
1858 351
Sirsa District, 1857–60 459–61; Khairekan Burj 460; fines, confiscation and imposition of 459–60; Sirsa
Town, Rori, Bikaner Raja 460–1; Suthars of Kularia gotra of Risaliya Khera 460
Sirsa District, freedom fighters 415–22; Chhatrian 415–16; Customs’ Department Sirsa 417–18;
Koossur (Kussar) 415; Moju Khera 416–17; Nawab Rania, relatives of 418; Police officials 420;
Rania 420–1; Rania Nawab’s servants and employees 418–20; Sirsa Town 415; Thiraj 418; those
who escaped from jail 421–2
Sirsa District, martyrs of 337–42; Rania’s Nawab Noor Mohammad Samad Khan, trial and execution of
338–42
Sirsa, revolt in 1857 77–9, 106–9; 4th Irregular Cavalry 106; hangings and fake trials 188–90; July 1857
160; June 1857, return of the British forces 138–9; T.H. Hilliard, command of 106
Sirsa-Bhattiana or the Bhatti Territory 51–4; 4th Irregular Cavalry (IC) regiment 53; administrative set-
up 54; common land, non-existence of 53; Customs Line or Salt Line 53; Harriana Light Infantry
(HLI) battalion 53; HLI Detachment 53–4; malikan kabza 52; sukhlambaran 52; sukhlambari
grants 52; sukhlambari tenures 52; treasury at Sirsa 53–4
6-pounder and 24-pounder guns 37
Sonepat and Delhi Area, martyrs of 363–6; Allipoor or Alipore (Alipur) (HSA DD JD Accn No. 8220
File No. 3/1858) 363–5; Chowrah (Chaura) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 366;
Chundrawul (Chandrawal) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 365; Sukoorpoor
(Sakurpur) (HSA DD JD Accn. No. 8220 File No. 3/1858) 366
Sonepat District, 1857–60 473–6; Bahalgarh 474; Gohana 473–4; Khanpur Kalan 474; Kharkhauda,
Sonepat, Jhajjar 476; Larsauli 475; Mahmudpur (Gohana) 475; Rathdhana 474–5; Rohad (now in
Jhajjar district) 474; Sonepat Town 475
Sonepat District, freedom fighters 435–6; Gohana 435; Kundli 435–6
Sonepat District, martyrs of 359–62; Bhatgaon 362; Gohana 362; Khanda 362; Kharkhauda 362;
Liwaspur alias Libaspur 360–1; Murthal Khas 361; Pinana 360; Rai 361; Shamri 359–60; Sonepat
Town 362
Sonepat, revolt in 1857 77–9, 80; August 1857, W.S.R. Hodson’s Treachery at Kharkhauda 168–71;
Ganaur 59; July 1857, Repression unabated 157; June 1857, return of the British forces 123–30;
 Saroha, Chaudhary Udmiram 59; Sarvakhap Panchayat 59; Sonepat Bangar 59; Sonepat Khadar 59;
Tehsildar Bangar 59

Thanesar district, freedom fighters 435

Van Cortlandt, General Henry Charles 20, 27, 137–9, 141–3, 160–1, 178–9, 185, 188, 193–203, 296–7,
313, 321–3, 329–31, 342–8, 423–5
village chaupars 21