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Ml 1-1--------------~..:_ _

0.8 --l----------~>--"",--.,Jj~---------
z [
fl4 '
~ 0.4 ·1·---------------------
0.2 4----------------------
0 j ----·-··"·---~------~---~ ·--~
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1
Monomer prices, $/lb

Chapter 2
~• r • • • •

0
Mol. Wt. (100 A) = (weight/molecule) x 6.02 10°3
= («0o/6).x 6.02 x 10°3
=
Mo1. wt.(l micron) = Mo.wt.(1oo
3.15 x 10 g/g-mole
~) 10° = 3.15 1o g/s-mole

Mol. wt.(1 c) = Mol.wt.(Io0 i) x 101= 3.15 107° g/s-mole

-3•
2-2 Possible stereoisomers are:
0) £is» trans, mixture (because of double bond)
b) isotactic, syndiotactic, atactic (because of -CHCl•
group). However, because of distance between -CHCI- groups
tacticity is unlikely to influence ability to crystallize
unless rest of groups are all gis or trans.

Use 1.l
1.5l"
~ for" C-0 = a
Cc-C =b
108° for C-0-C = o
110° for C-C-O = a

2.3 Graphical solution is easiest using protractor and ruler.

Vector summation can be used, also.

If by syndiotactic we mean a succession of d and I monomer

units, the distance turns out to be the same. Another
structure is possible with methyls alternating so that the
repeat distance would be doubled.
2-4 Refer to Table 2-, Fig. 2-l.
. Polyisobutylene in cyclohexane:
X - 0.l36, V, = 108, vaz =0.10
NV = 2.45 103, so that N = 2.27 x 105 mole/en°
Same in toluene:
X
.T5 _
=0.557, V, = 106, W, = 2.lo x 10°, then va = o.21
ie., swells to original volume.

2-5 N =o/M, moles/volume = (g/vol)/(g/mole)

If M = Mol.Wt. per repeat unit = 58 for C5He0 ( chain atoms)
o 5000 x 58
then M,, = Mol.Wt. between cross-links = g/mole

- #5s313 -.a=1o" meta°

V = 102 x 1.2l 10 /0.800 = 1.58 1o7
From Fig. 2-: va = 0.069
Assume additive volumes. Basis: Total volume = l an°
1.0 c? =v=v +Va=0.931 + 0.069

.4.-
2-5 (cont'd):

total weight/cn° = 0.931 x 0.80 + 0.069 1.2 = 0.745 + 0,083

= 0.828g/c (sasole density)
2-6 Let y = dose, R = cross-link density of lowest dose,
(/2) = YR, r = 1, 2, , 8, 16
Substitute in Ea. 2-5:
- 2y,(%a'·-val2) = 1(1-va) +va + _'X
Rearrange to
Y = 2RV,x +X

where Y = (n(1-va) + va)/v ana x =y(va/° - v./2)/_°

See plot (p. 7). Intercept gives 'X 0.l9, slope gives
2RV = 6.5 x 10•
Therefore, (N/2) = l x 10° mole/an°.
2-7 (a)

S;

- '#
I
l

= 1.6(cos 70° + cos 32° + cos 38° + cos 0°) = 1.~ x 2.978
y=1.6(sin 70° + sin 32° - sin 33°) = 1.6 x 0.85
0
L=1.6+ x 3.098 = 5.080 A/2 units, so for 1000 units,
0
5L= 2,50 A or 25 nm.

-5•
\

\ 2-7 (cont'd):

(b)

•
c /
TL5 <=o
o~·
1+3

x= l.5(cos 70.5°+ cos 3) + 1.43(cos O°+ cos 6.5°+ cos 73.5°

· > + cos 67°)
y=l.5(sin 70.5°+ sin 3°) 1.43(sin 6.5° + sin 73.5° + sin
67°) x= 5.87, y = 4.33, L = 7.32/2 units
For 100 units, SL = 366 n
(e)
L=2x l.5 x cos 35.25° = 2.52 %

For 1000 units, L = 252 nm

c pg .a"
---•
() 70

c
x= l.43(cos 72° + cos 2° + cos 70° - cos 0°) = 3.790 }

y = 1.43(sin 72° + sin 2° - sin 70°) = 0.066

L= 3.79 /z units, For 1000 units, EL = 189.5 nm

-6•
 e 5
[> ""
0.
o
~>
4e-
II
~
eAu
>'
j

.., ,4
-:,,,.... :::,..

..L...
F
5
Gr
t I

p4
o
Li« e
I
a \.,
o o

-7•
 a) In planar, zig-zag form, repeat distance is about 0.2 nm
2-8 for every two chain atoms. Molecular weight per two chain
atoms is l2.
Lenee - £4S o.2 10°°an -L2 1o?_a

b)
2_of g es 10-7 an°
Volume = 6.62 xi~molecule 6.966g 0.537
" =3.7 Io?mp =
.
3.7 10° 0
A°

2.9 N=2x(0.1mo1)/1000cm? =0.2 x 10? mol/cm?

NV1 = Nx92.14 g/mo1/0.867 g/cm = 0.00212

v2 = 1/4.35 =0.23
1n(0.77) +0.23 + 11(0.232 = -0.00212 {(0.23)1/3 -0.23/2)

-0.003136 ++ 11(0.23 =-0.001055 So = 0.002081/(0.23)? = 0.393

[Nomograph gives ; =0.41]

New value of v2 = 1/3.45 = 0.29

Using 2¥=0.39 gives NVI = 0.0039

Using ¥=0.41 gives NVI = 0.0037

Thus N/2 = (NV1/2)x(0.867/92.14) = 1.83 x 10 crosslinks/ cm?
Also Amount of sulfur = (28 x 10/32) =0.875 x 10 mols of S/cm?
Therefore, each crosslink contains an equal amount of sulfuir

The amount of sulfur in each crosslink is = 0.875 x 10/1.83 r 10+= 478 S/crosslink

-8•
2-10
Case I: Concentration of 0.020 g A/100 g P = c1

v2 =5/75 = 0.067
¥= ~+V1/RT)(6I -62? and so¥= 3 /=0.475
Therefore NV1)r = 5.8 10 from equation 2-5 using v2 and ¥.
Case II: Concentration = c2
We want v2 = 5/25 = 0.200
(NVD)I = 0.85 x 10? from equation 2-5 using new v2 and same ¥.
Since VI does not change, the concentrations used are just proportional to N or NV1:
c2/c1 = (NVD)I/QNVD)I =0.0085/0.00058 = 14.6
Thus we need 0.020 x 14.6 =0.29 g Of A/IOOgP=C2

2-11 In solvent A:
-8 + (y,/R)(5, - ·) +, - 0.33
8_ = (CED)'2 (85)3/ = 9.22
P
From Fig. 2-A, if 1,
=0.33 at va =0.l, then at va =0.2,
lg mst equal 0.52. That is, (NV,) = 5.0 x 103 1n either
solvent. Ten 1, = 6, + (-/R)(5,- 9)
or 0.52 = 0.33 + (100/600)( 0, - 9.22)°
9=9.22 ± 1.07 = 8.15 or 10.29. But all 1actones
(Figure'2-6) have high solubility parameters, so lower value
is ruled out.

2-12 N =2C where C = number of moles of crosslinks

a) c =[I] =(o.5/2l2) o.gr = 2.0 10° no1es/an°
1.00

=l.or1o moles of chains/a"

b) V =l.o 89 105 =3.56 x 10°, x = 0.lo
Figure 2-l gives (a =5) vz = 0.105

Swollen volume = l/va = 9.5 en°

-9•
 2-13 N =1.00 mole/(25 78) en° = 3.07 x 105 mole/en°
, = 11/0.703 = 162 en/mole NV, = .89 105
From Figure 2-h, vz = 0.175. Swollen volume = l/vz = 5.Tl an°
2-14
In S: v2= 1/4.55 =0.220 and ;=0.5 so NVI =8.63 110 (Eq. or graph)
In Q: ~0=(29,900 x0.860/88.0)1/2= 17.1 (MPa)/2
In Q: 2¥=0.40 +(88.0/0.86)(1/300)(1/8.31)(17.1 -16.0? = 0.450
New value of (NV1) in Q =NV1) in S {VI(Q/VIS)} = 8.63 x103(88.0/0.86)/216)

So f(NV)in Q=4.09 10 and Eq. or graph gives v2 =0.133 = 1/7.52

That is, the polymer swells in Q to Z52im
tes its original (dry) volume.
2-15 2 2
= 0.300+ [100/(26300)117.00 --6,l = 0.300 + [100/(21300))[8.80 -6,]

So ±(7.00 - 6,) = 8.80 - 6,

5. P =(7.70
• + 8.80)/2 = 15.80/2 =7.90.

X± = Ile = 0.435 inA:vy,=0.25

So Nv,=2.1 x10(Using nomograph, Ea. gives = 2.08 10)
In C:(NV,r = 2.5(NV,)» = 5.2x10
1¢ = 0.300 + (250/(2 x 300))(8.20 - 7.90 = 0.3375
z '
Nomograph gives v, = 0.30 so swollen volume = (1/v,) = 3.33 cm
2-i6 3
, '
X = 0.43, V1 = 112.5/1.10 = 102an /iDOI ~1'1~ N-f!.-N+N-
tN V
· · ·
There are 2 nitrogens's for each chain (each segment between crosslinks)
(

Concentration of chains = 0.5 x concentration of nitrogen

Conc. of nitrogen = (2.10 g/liter)/(14.0 g/ mol of nitrogen) = 0.15 mol/liter

Conc. of chains =0.15/2= 0.075 mo/liter

NV, = (0.075 mol/liter)x(102 cm/muoD) x(liter/1000 ca') =7.65 x10?
From equation or nomograph, v =0.167 = 1/6.00

So 1 cm' swells to 6.00cm.

-10•
2.17
Each PE is a crosslink and corresponds to two chains:

200 x 58 = 11,600
1x136 = 136
2x 110 = 120
Total =11,956 g = 2 mols of chains
N = (2mols/11,956 g)x1.06 g/cm? =0.177 10 mol/cm°
V, = (92.14 g/moD)/(0.862 g/an) = 106.9 cn'/mol
NV, = 18.9<10, and v,=1/3.57 = 0.280 1.:°
; (from nomograph or equation) = 0.50 (actually 0.495 from equation)

=B +(V/RT(5, - 6,)
0.495 = 0.300 + [106.9/(1.987x300)1[8.90 - 61
0.1955.576 = 1.087 = [8.90 - 6,
~, = 8.90 ± 1.04 (but9.94 is more likely than 7.86 on basis of polarity.)

2-18
¥=0.48 Calculate NV; from equation 2-5 using known v2:
"Doubly cross-linked"
v2 = 10/55.6 = 0.180 (NV1) =6.11 x 103

"After hydrolysis"
· v2=10/83.3 =0.120 (NV1) =2.13 103

Mols crosslinks/volume = N/2 (One crosslink: for each two chain segments)
Covalent crosslinks/Total crosslinks = 2.13/6.11 = 0.349
Therefore, ester bonds were 1.000 - 0.349 =0.651 of original total.

-11•
2-19

(1)

Need to determine .z.'a] [=

3y,
'T,N,
' N,
1 'T,N,
,and 3N
1 'T,N,

lil-Alt..Fis, (2)

a«arms
where V, is the volume of dry polymer.

-[5$t] 1 'T,N,
--$, 1 'T,N,
(
3)

. · -2/3)
OV 2 _ -~v-s13 ( ov2 J _ 2 -s13 ( ov2 J 2,,3/3 2/3/3

Finally·1 ( aN,
I 'T,N,
3'? 0N,
'T,N,
;' av
1 'T,N,
=- I 2
3 N,
=- I 2
3 V
where V= N,V, +V_,= total volume (4)

Substitution of Eqs. (2)- (4) into Eq. (1) yields:

where N = (/V, is the density of elastic strands in the dry state.

At equilibrium, (·'),
0AG
aN, "
-,° =0 and Eq. (2.17) 0f the text is recovered.

-12•
2-20

a)
o, M -'jj-Dr
h·,-o
1
n
,-i -a» .n,

1 (z-1GD! '•
9= =a [HG-ri)
h: n mi,=0

xn2 ( 1 )n2 (x-1) n2 -1

•
hgy l +-' [I"-7l;,»
(1)
n,! n o

::) o»"
{[:-•-)er

Substitution into Eq. (1) yields Eq. A2.7 of the text:

-13•
2-20 (continued)

b) Taking the natural logarithm of the preceding equation, we get:

In 9¢ n(x-1)[In(z-1)- Inn] + xnlnx -In n! + x[In(n/x)! - In(n/x- n2!]

Using Sterling's approximation: Inn! = nlnn -n and the fact that n=
n; + xn2, we get:

In 9¢=n,(x-1)[In(z-1) - Inn] + xnlnx -n, In n +n, + x[In(n/x)! -- In(n/x)!]

In 9 =n(x-1)[In(z-I) -Inn] + xnlnx -n2 Inn2 +n,

+ x[(n/x)(Inn - Inx) - n/x -(n/x)( Inn; - Inx) + n/x]

Further algebraic simplifications using n=n; + xn give:

that can be rewritten as:

In 9¢=-nln(n/n) -nln(n/n) + n(x - D)In(z-1) -n(x -1)

Finally, from S,= k In Qwe recover Eq. (A2.9) of the text:

= -k[n1 In + n2 ln ] + k(x- l)n2 [ln(z -1)-1]

SM
n, +n,xn nz
n +xn)

-14-
2-21

From Eq. (A2.9), setting n = 0, we get

S=-k[nlnl +0]+0= 0; (1)
and for n = 0, we get:
S,=k[0+nln(1/)]+ kx - Dn[In(z-1) - 1]. (2)

Substitution of Eqs. (A2.9), (1) and (2) into:

AS,= SM -S-S, gives:
As,- -]i";+n"; [e-»[at-9-1]
- kn{In()] + (x- D) [nz-1)- 1]}.

This can be rewritten as: AS¢=- k[n,ln(n/n) + nln(nx/n)] (3)

Because x= V/V,,
n/n=n/(n+ nx) =n, V/(n, V+ n Y)=v, and
nx/n =n V/(n, V+ nV)= v.

Substitution in Eq. (3) gives the desired result:

AS=-k(n,lnv,+ nlnv)=R(N,Inv+ N,Inv).

2-22

Use the group contribution method formula:

=p FVE M
where p, F and M, are the density of the polymer, the attraction constant of
group i and the molar mass of group i, respectively.

For PE, we get:

0¢=0.86 g/cm'x 135 cal'em/ 14g=8.29 cal'cm?
or 16.97 (MPa)" approx.. 4.7% from experimental value.

For PVC, we get:

6vc = 1.39 g/cm'x (135+60+230) 135 cal'em"/62.48 g
= 9.45 cal"cm? or 19.34 (MPa)
approx. 2.3 % from experimental value.

-15•
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 XVI.
THE close of the last article left my command on the Washita, still
surrounded by a superior but badly defeated force of Indians. We
were burdened with a considerable number of prisoners and quite a
number of our own and the enemy’s wounded, and had in our
possession nearly nine hundred ponies which we had just captured
from the enemy. We were far away—just how far we did not know—
from our train of supplies, and the latter with its escort was in danger
of capture and destruction by the savages if we did not act to prevent
it. We felt convinced that we could not, in the presence of so large a
body of hostile Indians, hope to make a long march through their
country, the latter favorable to the Indian mode of attack by surprise
and ambush, and keep with us the immense herd of captured
ponies. Such a course would only encourage attack under
circumstances which would almost insure defeat and unnecessary
loss to us. We did not need the ponies, while the Indians did. If we
retained them they might conclude that one object of our expedition
against them was to secure plunder, an object thoroughly consistent
with the red man’s idea of war. Instead, it was our desire to impress
upon his uncultured mind that our every act and purpose had been
simply to inflict deserved punishment upon him for the many murders
and other depredations committed by him in and around the homes
of the defenceless settlers on the frontier. Impelled by these motives,
I decided neither to attempt to take the ponies with us nor to
abandon them to the Indians, but to adopt the only measure left—to
kill them. To accomplish this seemingly—like most measures of war
—cruel but necessary act, four companies of cavalrymen were
detailed dismounted, as a firing party. Before they reluctantly
engaged in this uninviting work, I took Romeo, the interpreter, and
proceeded to the few lodges near the centre of the village which we
had reserved from destruction, and in which were collected the
prisoners, consisting of upward of sixty squaws and children. Romeo
was directed to assemble the prisoners in one body, as I desired to
assure them of kind treatment at our hands, a subject about which
they were greatly wrought up; also to tell them what we should
expect of them, and to inform them of our intention to march
probably all that night, directing them at the same time to proceed to
the herd and select therefrom a suitable number of ponies to carry
the prisoners on the march. When Romeo had collected them in a
single group, he, acting as interpreter, acquainted them with my
purpose in calling them together, at the same time assuring them
that they could rely confidently upon the fulfilment of any promises I
made them, as I was the “big chief.” The Indians refer to all officers
of a command as “chiefs,” while the officer in command is
designated as the “big chief.” After I had concluded what I desired to
say to them, they signified their approval and satisfaction by
gathering around me and going through an extensive series of hand-
shaking. One of the middle-aged squaws then informed Romeo that
she wished to speak on behalf of herself and companions. Assent
having been given to this, she began the delivery of an address
which for wisdom of sentiment, and easy, natural, but impassioned
delivery, might have been heard with intense interest by an audience
of cultivated refinement. From her remarks, interpreted by Romeo, I
gathered much—in fact, the first reliable information as to what band
we had attacked at daylight, which chiefs commanded, and many
interesting scraps of information. She began by saying that now she
and the women and children about her were in the condition of
captivity, which for a long time she had prophesied would be theirs
sooner or later. She claimed to speak not as a squaw, but as the
sister of the head chief of her band, Black Kettle, who had fallen that
morning almost the moment the attack was made. He it was who
was the first to hear our advance, and leaping forth from his lodge
with rifle in hand, uttered the first war-whoop and fired the first shot
as a rally signal to his warriors, and was almost immediately after
shot down by the opening volley of the cavalry. Often had she
warned her brother of the danger the village, with its women and
children, was exposed to, owing to the frequent raiding and war
parties which from time to time had been permitted to go forth and
depredate upon the settlements of the white men. In the end it was
sure to lead to detection and punishment, and now her words had
only proven too true. Not a chief or warrior of the village in her belief
survived the battle of the forenoon. And what was to become of all
these women and children, bereft of everything and of every friend?
True, it was just. The warriors had brought this fate upon themselves
and their families by their unprovoked attacks upon the white man.
Black Kettle, the head chief and the once trusted friend of the white
man, had fallen. Little Rock, the chief second in rank in the village,
had also met his death while attempting to defend his home against
his enemies; others were named in the order of their rank or prowess
as warriors, but all had gone the same way. Who was left to care for
the women and children who still lived? Only last night, she
continued, did the last war party return from the settlements, and it
was to rejoice over their achievements that the entire village were
engaged until a late hour dancing and singing. This was why their
enemies were able to ride almost into their lodges before they were
aroused by the noise of the attack. For several minutes she
continued to speak, first upbraiding in the bitterest terms the chiefs
and warriors who had been the cause of their capture, then
bewailing in the most plaintive manner their sad and helpless
condition. Turning to me she added, “You claim to be a chief. This
man” (pointing to Romeo) “says you are the big chief. If this be true
and you are what he claims, show that you can act like a great chief
and secure for us that treatment which the helpless are entitled to.”
After the delivery of this strongly melodramatic harangue there
was introduced a little by-play, in which I was unconsciously made to
assume a more prominent part than either my inclinations or the
laws of society might approve. Black Kettle’s sister, whose name
was Mah-wis-sa, and whose address had just received the hearty
approval of her companions by their earnest expression of “Ugh!” the
Indian word intended for applause, then stepped into the group of
squaws, and after looking earnestly at the face of each for a
moment, approached a young Indian girl—probably seventeen years
of age—and taking her by the hand conducted her to where I was
standing. Placing the hand of the young girl in mine, she proceeded
in the Indian tongue to the delivery of what I, in my ignorance of the
language, presumed was a form of administering a benediction, as
her manner and gestures corresponded with this idea. Never
dreaming of her purpose, but remembering how sensitive and
suspicious the Indian nature was, and that any seeming act of
inattention or disrespect on my part might be misunderstood, I stood
a passive participant in the strange ceremony then being enacted.
After concluding the main portion of the formalities, she engaged in
what seemed an invocation of the Great Spirit, casting her eyes
reverently upward, at the same time moving her hands slowly down
over the faces of the young squaw and myself. By this time my
curiosity got the better of my silence, and turning to Romeo, who
stood near me, and who I knew was familiar with Indian customs, I
quietly inquired, “What is this woman doing, Romeo?” With a broad
grin on his swarthy face he replied, “Why, she’s marryin’ you to that
young squaw!” Although never claimed as an exponent of the peace
policy about which so much has been said and written, yet I
entertained the most peaceable sentiments toward all Indians who
were in a condition to do no harm nor violate any law. And while
cherishing these friendly feelings and desiring to do all in my power
to render our captives comfortable and free from anxiety regarding
their future treatment at our hands, I think even the most strenuous
and ardent advocate of that peace policy which teaches that the
Indian should be left free and unmolested in the gratification of his
simple tastes and habits, will at least not wholly condemn me when
they learn that this last touching and unmistakable proof of
confidence and esteem, offered by Mah-wis-sa and gracefully if not
blushingly acquiesced in by the Indian maiden, was firmly but
respectfully declined. The few reasons which forced me to deny
myself the advantages of this tempting alliance were certain
circumstances over which I then had no control, among which was a
previous and already solemnized ceremony of this character, which
might have a tendency to render the second somewhat invalid.
Then, again, I had not been consulted in regard to my choice in this
matter—a trifling consideration, but still having its due influence. I
had not had opportunities to become acquainted with the family of
the young damsel who thus proposed to link her worldly fate with
mine. Her father’s bank account might or might not be in a favorable
condition. No opportunity had been given me to study the tastes,
disposition, or character of the young lady—whether she was fond of
music, literature, or domestic duties. All these were questions with
which I was not sufficiently familiar to justify me in taking the
important step before me. I did not, however, like certain candidates
for office, thrice decline by standing up, and with my hand pressed to
my heart say, “Your husband I cannot be”; but through the
intermediation of Romeo, the interpreter, who from the first had been
highly entertained by what he saw was an excellent joke on the big
chief, and wondering in his own mind how I would extricate myself
without giving offence, I explained to Mah-wis-sa my due
appreciation of the kindness intended by herself and her young
friend, but that according to the white man’s laws I was debarred
from availing myself of the offer, at the same time assuring them of
my high consideration, etc. Glad to get away to duties that called me
elsewhere, I left with Romeo. As soon as we had turned our backs
on the group, I inquired of Romeo what object could have been in
view which induced Black Kettle’s sister to play the part she did.
“That’s easy enough to understand; she knows they are in your
power, and her object is to make friends with you as far as possible.
But you don’t believe anything she tells you, do you? Why, that
squaw—give her the chance, and she’d lift your or my scalp for us
and never wink. Lord, I’ve heerd ’em talk fine too often to be catched
so easy. To hear her talk and abuse old Black Kettle and the rest that
I hope we’ve done for, you’d think that squaw never had had a hand
in torturin’ to death many a poor devil who’s been picked up by them.
But it’s a fact, ’taint no two ways ’bout it. I’ve lived with them people
too long not to know ’em—root and branch. When she was talkin’ all
that palaver to you ’bout protectin’ ’em and all that sort of stuff, if she
could ’a know’d that minute that these outside Injuns was ’bout to
gobble us up she’d ’a been the very fust one to ram a knife smack
into ye. That’s the way they allus talk when they want anythin’. Do
you know her game in wantin’ to marry that young squaw to you?
Well, I’ll tell ye; ef you’d ’a married that squaw, then she’d ’a told ye
that all the rest of ’em were her kinfolks, and as a nateral sort of a
thing you’d ’a been expected to kind o’ provide and take keer of your
wife’s relations. That’s jist as I tell it to you—fur don’t I know? Didn’t I
marry a young Cheyenne squaw and give her old father two of my
best ponies for her, and it wasn’t a week till every tarnal Injun in the
village, old and young, came to my lodge, and my squaw tried to
make me b’lieve they were all relations of hern, and that I ought to
give ’em some grub; but I didn’t do nothin’ of the sort.” “Well, how did
you get out of it, Romeo?” “Get out of it? Why, I got out by jist takin’
my ponies and traps, and the first good chance I lit out; that’s how I
got out. I was satisfied to marry one or two of ’em, but when it come
to marryin’ an intire tribe, ’scuse me.”
At this point Romeo was interrupted by the officer in command of
the men detailed to kill the ponies. The firing party was all ready to
proceed with its work, and was only waiting until the squaws should
secure a sufficient number of ponies to transport all the prisoners on
the march. The troopers had endeavored to catch the ponies, but
they were too wild and unaccustomed to white men to permit them to
approach. When the squaws entered the herd they had no difficulty
in selecting and bridling the requisite number. These being taken off
by themselves, the work of destruction began on the remainder, and
was continued until nearly eight hundred ponies were thus disposed
of. All this time the Indians who had been fighting us from the outside
covered the hills in the distance, deeply interested spectators of this
to them strange proceeding. The loss of so many animals of value
was a severe blow to the tribe, as nothing so completely impairs the
war-making facilities for the Indians of the Plains as the deprivation
or disabling of their ponies.
In the description of the opening of the battle in the preceding
chapter, I spoke of the men having removed their overcoats and
haversacks when about to charge the village. These had been
disposed of carefully on the ground, and one man from each
company left to guard them, this number being deemed sufficient, as
they would be within rifle-shot of the main command; besides, the
enemy as was then supposed would be inside our lines and
sufficiently employed in taking care of himself to prevent any
meddling on his part with the overcoats and haversacks. This was
partly true, but we had not calculated upon Indians appearing in
force and surrounding us. When this did occur, however, their first
success was in effecting the capture of the overcoats and rations of
the men, the guard barely escaping to the village. This was a most
serious loss, as the men were destined to suffer great discomfort
from the cold; and their rations being in the haversacks, and it being
uncertain when we should rejoin our train, they were compelled to
endure both cold and hunger. It was when the Indians discovered
our overcoats and galloped to their capture, that one of my stag-
hounds, Blucher, seeing them riding and yelling as if engaged in the
chase, dashed from the village and joined the Indians, who no
sooner saw him than they shot him through with an arrow. Several
months afterward I discovered his remains on the ground near where
the overcoats had been deposited on that eventful morning.
Many noteworthy incidents were observed or reported during the
fight. Before the battle began, our Osage allies, in accordance with
the Indian custom, dressed in their war costume, painting their faces
in all imaginable colors, except one tall, fine-looking warrior, who
retained his ordinary dress. Upon inquiring of the chief, Little Beaver,
why this one did not array himself as the others had done, he
informed me that it was in obedience to a law among all the tribes,
under which any chief or warrior who has had a near relative killed
by an enemy belonging to another tribe, is not permitted to don the
war costume or put on war paint until he has avenged the murder by
taking a scalp from some member of the hostile tribe. A war party of
the Cheyennes had visited the Osage village the preceding summer,
under friendly pretences. They had been hospitably entertained at
the lodge of the warrior referred to by his squaw, he being absent on
a hunt. When ready to depart they killed his squaw and destroyed
his lodge, and until he could secure a scalp he must go on the war
path unadorned by feathers or paint. After the battle had been
waged for a couple of hours in the morning, I saw this warrior
approaching, his horse urged to his highest speed; in his hand I saw
waving wildly overhead something I could not distinguish until he
halted by my side, when I perceived that it was an entire scalp, fresh
and bleeding. His vengeance had been complete, and he was again
restored to the full privileges of a warrior—a right he was not long in
exercising, as the next time I saw him on the field his face was
completely hidden under the stripes of yellow, black, and vermilion,
the colors being so arranged apparently as to give him the most
hideous visage imaginable.
Riding in the vicinity of the hospital, I saw a little bugler boy
sitting on a bundle of dressed robes, near where the surgeon was
dressing and caring for the wounded. His face was completely
covered with blood, which was trickling down over his cheek from a
wound in his forehead. At first glance I thought a pistol bullet had
entered his skull, but on stopping to inquire of him the nature of his
injury, he informed me that an Indian had shot him in the head with a
steel-pointed arrow. The arrow had struck him just above the eye,
and upon encountering the skull had glanced under the covering of
the latter, coming out near the ear, giving the appearance of having
passed through the head. There the arrow remained until the bugler
arrived at the hospital, when he received prompt attention. The arrow
being barbed could not be withdrawn at once, but by cutting off the
steel point the surgeon was able to withdraw the wooden shaft
without difficulty. The little fellow bore his suffering manfully. I asked
him if he saw the Indian who wounded him. Without replying at once,
he shoved his hand deep down into his capacious trousers pocket
and fished up nothing more nor less than the scalp of an Indian,
adding in a nonchalant manner, “If anybody thinks I didn’t see him, I
want them to take a look at that.” He had killed the Indian with his
revolver after receiving the arrow wound in his head.
After driving off the Indians who had attacked us from the
outside, so as to prevent them from interfering with our operations in
the vicinity of the village, parties were sent here and there to look up
the dead and wounded of both sides. In spite of the most thorough
search, there were still undiscovered Major Elliott and nineteen
enlisted men, including the sergeant-major, for whose absence we
were unable to satisfactorily account. Officers and men of the
various commands were examined, but nothing was elicited from
them except that Major Elliott had been seen about daylight charging
with his command into the village. I had previously given him up as
killed, but was surprised that so many of the men should be missing,
and none of their comrades be able to account for them. All the
ground inside of the advanced lines held by the Indians who
attacked us after our capture of the village was closely and carefully
examined, in the hope of finding the bodies of some if not all the
absentees, but with no success. It was then evident that when the
other bands attempted to reinforce our opponents of the early
morning, they had closed their lines about us in such manner as to
cut off Elliott and nineteen of our men. What had been the fate of this
party after leaving the main command? This was a question to be
answered only in surmises, and few of these were favorable to the
escape of our comrades. At last one of the scouts reported that soon
after the attack on the village began he had seen a few warriors
escaping, mounted, from the village, through a gap that existed in
our line between the commands of Elliott and Thompson, and that
Elliott and a small party of troopers were in close pursuit; that a short
time after he had heard very sharp firing in the direction taken by the
Indians and Elliott’s party, but that as the firing had continued for only
a few minutes, he had thought nothing more of it until the prolonged
absence of our men recalled it to his mind. Parties were sent in the
direction indicated by the scout, he accompanying them; but after a
search extending nearly two miles, all the parties returned, reporting
their efforts to discover some trace of Elliott and his men fruitless. As
it was now lacking but an hour of night, we had to make an effort to
get rid of the Indians, who still loitered in strong force on the hills,
within plain view of our position. Our main desire was to draw them
off from the direction in which our train might be approaching, and
thus render it secure from attack until under the protection of the
entire command, when we could defy any force our enemies could
muster against us. The last lodge having been destroyed, and all the
ponies except those required for the pursuit having been killed, the
command was drawn in and united near the village. Making
dispositions to overcome any resistance which might be offered to
our advance, by throwing out a strong force of skirmishers, we set
out down the valley in the direction where the other villages had
been reported, and toward the hills on which were collected the
greatest number of Indians. The column moved forward in one body,
with colors flying and band playing, while our prisoners, all mounted
on captured ponies, were under sufficient guard immediately in rear
of the advanced troops. For a few moments after our march began
the Indians on the hills remained silent spectators, evidently at a loss
at first to comprehend our intentions in thus setting out at that hour of
the evening, and directing our course as if another night march was
contemplated; and more than all, in the direction of their villages,
where all that they possessed was supposed to be. This aroused
them to action, as we could plainly see considerable commotion
among them—chiefs riding hither and thither, as if in anxious
consultation with each other as to the course to be adopted. Whether
the fact that they could not fire upon our advance without
endangering the lives of their own people, who were prisoners in our
hands, or some other reason prevailed with them, they never offered
to fire a shot or retard our movements in any manner, but instead
assembled their outlying detachments as rapidly as possible, and
began a precipitate movement down the valley in advance of us, fully
impressed with the idea no doubt that our purpose was to overtake
their flying people and herds and administer the same treatment to
them that the occupants of the upper village had received. This was
exactly the effect I desired, and our march was conducted with such
appearance of determination and rapidity that this conclusion on
their part was a most natural one. Leaving a few of their warriors to
hover along our flanks and watch our progress, the main body of the
Indians, able to travel much faster than the troops, soon disappeared
from our sight in front. We still pushed on in the same direction, and
continued our march in this manner until long after dark, by which
time we reached the deserted villages, the occupants—at least the
non-combatants and herds—having fled in the morning when news
of our attack on Black Kettle’s village reached them. We had now
reached a point several miles below the site of Black Kettle’s village,
and the darkness was sufficient to cover our movements from the
watchful eyes of the Indian scouts, who had dogged our march as
long as the light favored them.
Facing the command about, it was at once put in motion to reach
our train, not only as a measure of safety and protection to the latter,
but as a necessary movement to relieve the wants of the command,
particularly that portion whose haversacks and overcoats had fallen
into the hands of the Indians early in the morning. By ten o’clock we
reached the battle ground, but without halting pushed on, following
the trail we had made in striking the village. The march was
continued at a brisk gait until about two o’clock in the morning, when
I concluded it would be prudent to allow the main command to halt
and bivouac until daylight, sending one squadron forward without
delay, to reinforce the guard with the train. Colonel West’s squadron
was detailed upon this duty. The main body of the troops was halted,
and permitted to build huge fires, fuel being obtainable in abundance
from the timber which lined the valley of the Washita—our march still
leading us up the course of this stream.
At daylight the next morning we were again in our saddles and
wending our way hopefully toward the train. The location of the latter
we did not know, presuming that it had been pushing after us since
we had taken our abrupt departure from it. Great was our joy and
satisfaction, about ten o’clock, to discover the train safely in camp.
The teams were at once harnessed and hitched to the wagons, and
without halting even to prepare breakfast, the march was resumed, I
being anxious to encamp at a certain point that night from where I
intended sending scouts through with despatches to General
Sheridan. Early in the afternoon this camp was reached; it was near
the point where we had first struck the timbered valley, at the time
not knowing that it was the valley of the Washita. Here men and
horses were given the first opportunity to procure a satisfactory meal
since the few hasty morsels obtained by them during the brief halt
made between nine and ten o’clock the night we arrived in the
vicinity of the village. After posting our pickets and rendering the
camp secure from surprise by the enemy, horses were unsaddled,
tents pitched, and every means taken to obtain as comfortable a
night as the limited means at our disposal and the severities of the
season would permit. After partaking of a satisfactory dinner, I began
writing my report to General Sheridan. First I sent for California Joe,
and informed him that I desired to send a despatch to General
Sheridan that night, and would have it ready by dark, so that the
bearer could at once set out as soon as it was sufficiently dark to
conceal his movements from the scouts of the enemy, who no doubt
were still following and watching us. I told California Joe that I had
selected him as the bearer of the despatch, and he was at liberty to
name the number of men he desired to accompany him, as it was a
most perilous mission on which he was going. The exact distance he
would have to ride in order to reach General Sheridan’s
headquarters at Camp Supply could not be determined. The
command had occupied four days in accomplishing it, but California
Joe, with his thorough knowledge of the country, and the experience
of our march, would be able to follow a much more direct route than
a large command moving with a train.
He did not seem in the least disturbed when told of his selection
for this errand, so full of danger. When informed that he might name
the number of men to accompany him, I supposed he would say
about twelve or more, under command of a good non-commissioned
officer. Very few persons in or out of the military service would have
cared to undertake the journey with much less than ten times that
force, but he contented himself by informing me that before
answering that question he would walk down to where the scouts
were in camp and consult his “pardner.” He soon returned saying,
“I’ve just been talkin’ the matter over with my pardner, and him and
me both concludes that as safe and sure a way as any is for him and
me to take a few extra rounds of ammunition and strike out from
here together the very minnit it’s dark. As for any more men, we
don’t want ’em, because yer see in a case of this ’ere kind thar’s
more to be made by dodgin’ an’ runnin’ than thar is by fightin’, an’
two spright men kin do better at that than twenty; they can’t be seen
half as fur. Besides, two won’t leave as much of a trail for the Injuns
to find. If my pardner an’ me kin git away from here as soon as it is
plum dark, we’ll be so fur from here by daylight to-morrer mornin’ the
Injuns never couldn’t tetch hide nor har of us. Besides, I don’t reckon
the pesky varmints ’ll be so overly keen in meddlin’ with our
business, seein’ as how they’ve got their han’s tolerable full settin’
things to rights at home, owin’ to the little visit we’ve jist made ’em. I
rather s’pect, all things considerin’, them Injuns would be powerful
glad to call it quits for a spell any way, an’ if I ain’t off the trail
mightily, some of them ’ere head chiefs as ain’t killed will be headin’
for the nighest Peace Commissioner before they git the war paint
clean off their faces. This thing of pumpin’ ’em when the snow’s a
foot deep, and no grass for their ponies, puts a new wrinkle in these
Injuns’ scalp, an’ they ain’t goin’ to git over it in a minnit either. Wal,
I’m goin’ back to the boys to see if I can borrer a little smokin’
tobacker. I may want to take a smoke on the way. Whenever you git
yer dockiments ready jist send your orderly down thar, and me and
my pardner will be ready. I’m mighty glad I’m goin’ to-night, for I
know Gineral Sheridan ’ll be monstrous glad to see me back so
soon. Did I tell yer I used to know the Gineral when he was second
or third lootenant and post quartermaster in Oregon? That must ’a
been afore your time.”
Leaving California Joe to procure his “tobacker,” I assembled all
the officers of the command and informed them that as there was but
an hour or two in which I was to write my report of the battle of the
Washita, I would not have time, as I should have preferred to do, to
send to them for regular and formally written reports of their share in
the engagement; but in order that I might have the benefit of their
combined knowledge of the battle and its results, each officer in
response to my request gave me a brief summary of some of the
important points which his report would have contained if submitted
in writing. With this information in my possession, I sat down in my
tent and penned, in as brief manner as possible, a report to General
Sheridan detailing our movements from the time Elliott, with his three
companies, discovered the trail, up to the point from which my
despatch was written, giving particularly the main facts of our
discovery, attack, and complete destruction of the village of Black
Kettle. It was just about dark when I finished this despatch and was
about to send for California Joe, when that loquacious personage
appeared at the door of my tent. “I’m not so anxious to leave yer all
here, but the fact is, the sooner me and pardner are off, I reckon the
better it’ll be in the end. I want to put at least fifty miles ’tween me
and this place by daylight to-morrer mornin’, so if yer’ll jest hurry up
yer papers, it’ll be a lift for us.”
On going outside the tent I saw that the “pardner” was the scout
Jack Corbin, the same who had first brought the intelligence of
Elliott’s discovery of the trail to us at Antelope Hills. He was almost
the antipodes of California Joe in regard to many points of character,
seldom indulging in a remark or suggestion unless prompted by a
question. These two scouts recalled to my mind an amicable
arrangement said to exist between a harmonious married pair, in
which one was willing to do all the talking and the other was perfectly
willing he should. The two scouts, who were about to set out to
accomplish a long journey through an enemy’s country, with no
guides save the stars, neither ever having passed over the route
they proposed to take, and much of the ride to be executed during
the darkness of night, apparently felt no greater, if as great, anxiety
as to the result of their hazardous mission than one ordinarily feels in
contemplating a journey of a few hours by rail or steamboat.
California Joe was dressed and equipped as usual. About his waist
and underneath his cavalry greatcoat and cape he wore a belt
containing a Colt revolver and hunting knife; these, with his
inseparable companion, a long Springfield breech-loading rifle,
composed his defensive armament. His “pardner,” Jack Corbin, was
very similarly arrayed except in equipment, his belt containing two
revolvers instead of one, while a Sharps carbine supplied the place
of a rifle, being more readily carried and handled on horseback. The
mounts of the two men were as different as their characters,
California Joe confiding his safety to the transporting powers of his
favorite mule, while Corbin was placing his reliance upon a fine gray
charger. Acquainting the men with the probable route we should
pursue in our onward march toward Camp Supply, so that, if
desirable, they might be able to rejoin us, I delivered my report to
General Sheridan into the keeping of California Joe, who, after
unbuttoning numerous coats, blouses, and vests, consigned the
package to one of the numerous capacious inner pockets with which
each garment seemed supplied, with the remark, “I reckon it’ll keep
dry thar in case of rain or accident.” Both men having mounted, I
shook hands with them, wishing them God-speed and a successful
journey. As they rode off in the darkness California Joe, irrepressible
to the last, called out, “Wal, I hope an’ trust yer won’t have any
scrimmage while I’m gone, because I’d hate mightily now to miss
anything of the sort, seein’ I’ve stuck to yer this fur.”
After enjoying a most grateful and comparatively satisfactory
night’s rest, the demands of hunger on the part of man and beast
having been bountifully supplied from the stores contained in our
train, while a due supply of blankets and robes, with the assistance
of huge camp-fires, enabled the men to protect themselves against
the intense cold of midwinter, our march was resumed at daylight in
the direction of Camp Supply. Our wounded had received every
possible care and attention that a skilful and kind-hearted medical
officer could suggest. Strange to add, and greatly to our surprise as
well as joy, Colonel Barnitz, who had been carried into the village
shot through the body and, as all supposed, mortally wounded, with
apparently but a few minutes to live, had not only survived the rough
jostling of the night march made after leaving the village, but the
surgeon, Dr. Lippincott, who was unceasing in his attentions to the
wounded, reported indications favorable to a prolongation of life if
not a complete recovery. This was cheering news to all the
comrades of Colonel Barnitz. I well remember how, when the
Colonel was first carried by four of his men, in the folds of an army
blanket, into the village, his face wore that pale deathly aspect so
common and peculiar to those mortally wounded. He, as well as all
who saw him, believed his end near at hand. But like a brave soldier,
as he was and had proven himself to be, death had no terrors for
him. When asked by me, as I knelt at the side of the litter on which
he was gasping for breath, whether he had any messages to send to
absent friends, he realized the perils of his situation, and in half-
finished sentences, mingled with regrets, delivered, as he and all of
us supposed, his farewell messages to be transmitted to dear ones
at home. And yet, despite the absence of that care and quiet, not to
mention little delicacies and luxuries, regarded as so essential, and
which would have been obtainable under almost any other
circumstances, Colonel Barnitz continued to improve, and before
many weeks his attendant medical officer was able to pronounce him
out of danger, although to this day he is, and for the remainder of life
will be, disabled from further active duty, the ball by which he was
wounded having severed one of his ribs in such a manner as to
render either riding or the wearing of a sabre or revolver too painful
to be endured. By easy marches we gradually neared Camp Supply,
and had begun to descend the long slope leading down to the valley
of Wolf creek, the stream on which we had encamped three nights
when we first set out from Camp Supply in search of Indians.
 With two or three of the Osage guides and as many of the
officers, I was riding some distance in advance of the column of
troops, and could indistinctly see the timber fringing the valley in the
distance, when the attention of our little party was attracted to three
horsemen who were to be seen riding slowly along near the edge of
the timber. As yet they evidently had not observed us, the troops
behind us not having appeared in view. We were greatly at a loss to
determine who the three horsemen might be; they were yet too
distant to be plainly visible to the eye, and the orderly with my field
glass was still in rear. While we were halting and watching their
movements we saw that they also had discovered us, one of their
number riding up to a small elevation near by from which to get a
better view of our group. After studying us for a few moments he
returned at a gallop to his two companions, when all three turned
their horses toward the timber and moved rapidly in that direction.
We were still unable to determine whether they were Indians or white
men, the distance being so great between us, when my orderly
arrived with my field glass, by which I was able to catch a glimpse of
them just as they were disappearing in the timber, when whose
familiar form should be revealed but that of California Joe, urging his
mule to its greatest speed in order to reach the timber before we
should discover them. They had evidently taken us for Indians, and
well they might, considering that two of our party were Osages and
the others were dressed in anything but the regulation uniform. To
relieve the anxious minds of California Joe and his companions, I put
spurs to my horse and was soon bounding down the plains leading
into the valley to join him. I had not proceeded over half way when
the scouts rode cautiously out from the timber, and California Joe,
after shading his eyes with his hand and looking for a few moments,
raised his huge sombrero from his matted head, and waving it above
him as a signal of recognition, pressed his great Mexican spurs deep
into the sides of his humble-looking steed, if a mule may receive
such an appellation, and the three scouts were soon galloping
toward us.
The joy at the meeting was great on both sides, only dampened
somewhat on the part of California Joe by the fact that he and his
comrades had taken to the timber so promptly when first they
discovered us; but he explained it by saying, “I counted on it bein’
you all the time when I fust got my eye on yer, until I saw two Injuns
in the squad, an’ forgettin’ all about them Osages we had along, I
jumped at the conclusion that if thar war any Injuns around, the
comfortablest place I knowed for us three was to make fur the
timber, and there make a stand. We war gettin’ ready to give it to yer
if it turned out yer war all Injuns. Wal, I’m powerful glad to see yer
agin, an’ that’s sure.”
From his further conversation we were informed that Jack Corbin
and himself had made their trip to General Sheridan’s headquarters
without hindrance or obstacle being encountered on their way, and
that after delivering the despatches and being well entertained in the
mean time, they, with one other scout, had been sent by the General
to endeavor to meet us, bringing from him a package of orders and
letters.
While the column was overtaking us, and while California Joe,
now in his element, was entertaining the attentive group of officers,
scouts, and Osages who gathered around him to hear him relate in
his quaint manner what he saw, heard, and told at General
Sheridan’s headquarters, I withdrew to one side and opened the
large official envelope in which were contained both official and
personal despatches. These were eagerly read, and while the
satisfaction derived from the perusal of some of the letters of a
private and congratulatory nature from personal friends at Camp
Supply was beyond expression, the climax of satisfaction was
reached when my eye came to an official-looking document bearing
the date and heading which indicated department headquarters as
its source. We had but little further to go before going into camp for
that night, and as the command had now overtaken us, we moved
down to the timber and there encamped; and in order that the
approving words of our chief should be transmitted promptly to every
individual of the command, the line was formed and the following
order announced to the officers and men:

Headquarters Department of the Missouri, in the Field,

Depot on the North
 Canadian, at the Junction of Beaver Creek, Indian
Territory,
November 29, 1868.
General Field Orders No. 6.—The Major General
commanding announces to this command the defeat, by the
Seventh regiment of cavalry, of a large force of Cheyenne
Indians, under the celebrated chief Black Kettle, reënforced by
the Arrapahoes under Little Raven, and the Kiowas under
Satanta, on the morning of the 27th instant, on the Washita river,
near the Antelope Hills, Indian Territory, resulting in a loss to the
savages of one hundred and three warriors killed, including
Black Kettle, the capture of fifty-three squaws and children, eight
hundred and seventy-five ponies, eleven hundred and twenty-
three buffalo robes and skins, five hundred and thirty-five
pounds of powder, one thousand and fifty pounds of lead, four
thousand arrows, seven hundred pounds of tobacco, besides
rifles, pistols, saddles, bows, lariats, and immense quantities of
dried meat and other winter provisions, the complete destruction
of their village, and almost total annihilation of this Indian band.
The loss to the Seventh Cavalry was two officers killed,
Major Joel H. Elliott and Captain Louis McL. Hamilton, and
nineteen enlisted men; three officers wounded, Brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel Albert Barnitz (badly), Brevet Lieutenant-
Colonel T. W. Custer, and Second Lieutenant T. Z. March
(slightly), and eleven enlisted men.
The energy and rapidity shown during one of the heaviest
snow-storms that has visited this section of the country, with the
temperature below freezing point, and the gallantry and bravery
displayed, resulting in such signal success, reflect the highest
credit upon both the officers and men of the Seventh Cavalry;
and the Major-General commanding, while regretting the loss of
such gallant officers as Major Elliott and Captain Hamilton, who
fell while gallantly leading their men, desires to express his
thanks to the officers and men engaged in the battle of the
Washita, and his special congratulations are tendered to their
 distinguished commander, Brevet Major-General George A.
Custer, for the efficient and gallant services rendered, which
have characterized the opening of the campaign against hostile
Indians south of the Arkansas.
By command
of
Major-General P. H. Sheridan.
(Signed) J. Schuyler Crosby, Brevet Lieutenant-
Colonel, A. D. C., A. A. A. General.

This order, containing as it did the grateful words of approval

from our revered commander, went far to drown the remembrance of
the hunger, cold, and danger encountered by the command, in the
resolute and united effort made by it to thoroughly discharge its duty.
Words like these, emanating from the source they did, and upon
an occasion such as this was, were immeasurably more welcome,
gratifying, and satisfactory to the pride of officers and men than
would have been the reception of a budget of brevets, worded in the
regular stereotyped form and distributed in a promiscuous manner,
having but little regard to whether the recipient had bravely imperilled
his life on the battle-field in behalf of his country, or had taken
particular care to preserve that life upon some field far removed from
battle.
The last camp before we reached Camp Supply was on Wolf
creek, about ten miles from General Sheridan’s headquarters. The
weather had now moderated to the mildest winter temperature, the
snow having melted and disappeared.
From this point I sent a courier to General Sheridan soon after
going into camp, informing him of our whereabouts and the distance
from his camp, and that we would reach the latter at such an hour in
the forenoon, when the officers and men of my command would be
pleased to march in review before him and his staff as we finished
our return march from the opening of the winter campaign. Officers
and men, in view of this, prepared to put on their best appearance.
At the appointed hour on the morning of December 2, the command
moved out of camp and began its last day’s march toward Camp
Supply. Considering the hard and trying character of the duty they
had been engaged in since leaving Camp Supply, the appearance of
officers, men, and horses was far better than might naturally have
been expected of them. When we arrived within a couple of miles of
General Sheridan’s headquarters, we were met by one of his staff
officers with a message from the General, that it would give him
great pleasure to review the Seventh Cavalry as proposed, and that
he and his staff would be mounted, and take up a favorable position
for the review near headquarters. In approaching Camp Supply by
the route we were marching, a view of the camp and depot is first
gained from the point where the high level plain begins to descend
gradually, to form the valley in the middle of which Camp Supply is
located; so that by having a man on the lookout, to report when the
troops should first make their appearance on the heights overlooking
Beaver creek, the General was enabled not only to receive timely
notice of our approach, but to take position with his staff to witness
our march down the long gradual slope leading into the valley. The
day was all we could wish—a bright sun overhead, and favorable
ground for the manœuvring of troops.
I had taken the precaution to establish the formation of the
marching column before we should appear in view from General
Sheridan’s camp, so that after our march began down the beautifully
descending slope to the valley, no change was made. In many
respects the column we formed was unique in appearance. First
rode our Osage guides and trailers, dressed and painted in the
extremest fashions of war according to their rude customs and ideas.
As we advanced these warriors chanted their war songs, fired their
guns in triumph, and at intervals gave utterance to their shrill war-
whoops. Next came the scouts riding abreast, with California Joe
astride his faithful mule bringing up the right, but unable, even during
this ceremonious and formal occasion, to dispense with his pipe.
Immediately in rear of the scouts rode the Indian prisoners under
guard, all mounted on Indian ponies, and in their dress, conspicuous
by its bright colors, many of them wearing the scarlet blanket so
popular with the wild tribes, presenting quite a contrast to the dull
and motley colors worn by the scouts. Some little distance in rear
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