G L O B A L C U LT U R E

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 G L O B A L C U LT U R E
Media, Arts, Policy, and Globalization

Edited by
Diana Crane, Nobuko Kawashima,
and Ken’ichi Kawasaki
First published in 2002 by Routledge

Published 2016 by Routledge

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Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,
and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with
permission, in this textbook appear on appropriate page within text.

The chapters by Toepler and Zimmer, Lindsay, and Iwabuchi appeared in somewhat different form in
the following publications:
StefanToepler And Annette Zimmer (1999) The subsidized muse: government and the arts in West-
ern Europe and the United States,” Journal of Cultural Economics, 23, 1–2: 33–49.
Jennifer Lindsay (1995) Cultural policy and the performing arts, Bijdragen, 151-IV: 655–671. Printed
with permission from Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Royal Institute of
Linguistics and Anthropology), Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koichi Iwabuchi (1998) Marketing ‘Japan’: Japanese cultural presence under a global gaze, Japanese
S t u d i e s, 18,2: 165–180. For more information about Taylor & Fr a n cis Ltd. Journals see:
http://www.tandf.co.uk.

Cover of “Killah Babe” spring/summer 1999 catalog courtesy of SIXTY S.p.A., Via Piaggio, 35, Chieti
66013 (Italy)
Front and back cover of music CD “Xche’ Si!” by Articolo 31 courtesy of BMG Ricordi, S.p.A., Via
Berchet, 2, 20121 Milano (Italy)

ISBN: 9780415932295 (hbk)

ISBN: 9780415932301 ( pbk)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Global culture : media, arts, policy, and globalization /
edited by Diana Crane, Nobuko Kawashima, and Ken’ichi Kawasaki.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-415-93229-5 — ISBN 978-0-415-93230-1 ( pbk.)
1. Mass media and culture. 2. Mass medi a — S o cial aspects.
3. Cultural policy. I. Crane, Diana, 1933–
II. Kawashima, Nobuko. III. Kawasaki, Ken’ichi.

P94.6 .G57 2002

302.23—dc21 2001049113
 Contents

Acknowledgments ix

1 Culture and Globalization 1

Theoretical Models and Emerging Trends
Diana Crane

PA RT I. C U LT U R A L P O L I C Y A N D N AT I O N A L C U LT U R E S :
P R E S E RV I N G T R A D I T I O N A N D R E S I S T I N G M E D I A I M P E R I A L I S M

2 Subsidizing the Arts 29

Government and the Arts in Western Europe
and the United States
Stefan Toepler and Annette Zimmer

3 Building National Prestige 49

Japanese Cultural Policy and the Influence
of Western Institutions
Kuniyuki Tomooka, Sachiko Kanno, and Mari Kobayashi

4 A Drama of Change 63
Cultural Policy and the Performing Arts
in Southeast Asia
Jennifer Lindsay

5 Identifying a Policy Hierarchy 78

Communication Policy, Media Industries,
and Globalization
Alison Beale

v
vi Contents

PA RT II. R E G E N E R AT I N G C U LT U R A L R E S O U R C E S :
U R B A N A N D O R G A N I Z AT I O N A L S T R AT E G I E S

6 Urban Cultural Policy and Urban Regeneration 93

The Special Case of Declining Port Cities—
Liverpool, Marseilles, Bilbao
J. Pedro Lorente

7 The Local and the Global in Popular Music 105

The Brazilian Music Industry, Local Culture, and Public Policies
Luciana Ferreira Moura Mendonça

8 Cultural Policy as Marketing Strategy 118

The Economic Consequences of Cultural Tourism
in New York City
Rosanne Martorella

9 Democratization and Institutional Change 132

A Challenge for Modern Museums
Catherine Ballé

PA RT III. R E F R A M I N G U R B A N C U LT U R E S
FOR LOCAL AND GLOBAL CONSUMPTION

10 Cultural Policy and the City-State 149

Singapore and the “New Asian Renaissance”
Kian-Woon Kwok and Kee-Hong Low

11 The Immaterial City 169

Ferrara, a Case Study of Urban Culture in Italy
Maria Antonietta Trasforini

12 Blackface in Italy 191

Cultural Power Among Nations in the Era of Globalization
Richard L. Kaplan
 Contents vii

PA RT I V. R E F R A M I N G M E D I A C U LT U R E S FOR GL O B A L CO N S U M P T I O N

13 Markets and Meanings 215

The Global Syndication of Television Programming
Denise D. Bielby and C. Lee Harrington

14 Globalization of Cultural Production 233

The Transformation of Children’s Animated Television,
1980 to 1995
David Hubka

15 From Western Gaze to Global Gaze 256

Japanese Cultural Presence in Asia
Koichi Iwabuchi

Contributors 275

Index 279
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 Acknowledgments

We thank the Japanese Ministry of Education and Science for a Grant-in-Aid for Sci-
entific Research (1997–2000) which permitted our international group of researchers
(including, in addition to ourselves, Sachiko Kanno, Kian-Woon Kwok, Kee-Hong
Low, Rosanne Martorella, and Keniyuki Tomooka) to meet in a number of “global”
cities, including Tokyo, Singapore, Barcelona, Birmingham, and New York, where we
were able to discuss, learn, and present preliminary drafts of papers on issues related
to international cultural policy and globalization. These sessions generated perspec-
tives that were useful in developing this volume. We are also grateful to the other
authors of the essays in this volume, who constitute with us a “global” group repre-
senting nine countries. We appreciate their willingness to respond patiently to numer-
ous requests during the two years in which this book was in progress. We also thank
the Department of Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania for secretarial assis-
tance. Finally, we are very grateful to Ilene Kalish at Routledge for her confidence in
us and in this book.
The chapters by Crane and Ballé appeared in a somewhat different form in the fol-
lowing publications:
Diana Crane, As culturas nacionas na era de globalização cultural. Sociedade e
Estado, XV, Janeiro-Junho, 2000: 33–51. (translated by João Gabriel L. C. Teixeira).
Catherine Ballé, Le public: un enjeu des musées contemporains. In Analyser le
musée. Travaux du Centre de recherches semiologiques. août, 1996: 49–58.

Diana Crane
Nobuko Kawashima
Ken’ichi Kawasaki
May, 2001

ix
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 1
Culture and Globalization
Theoretical Models and Emerging Trends

Diana Crane

Globalization has become an immensely popular topic among social scientists despite
the fact that it is poorly defined and difficult to research systematically. In this vol-
ume, cultural globalization—as opposed to economic, political, or technological glob-
alization—refers to the transmission or diffusion across national borders of various
forms of media and the arts.1 Generally the circulation of cultural products or artifacts
occurs among advanced or advancing countries, particularly those that constitute
desirable markets for media or that possess sufficient levels of revenue for investment
in the arts and in arts institutions. It is important to realize that cultural globalization
is no longer conceptualized in terms of the emergence of a homogenized global cul-
ture corresponding to Marshall McLuhan’s global village. Instead, cultural globaliza-
tion is recognized as a complex and diverse phenomenon consisting of global cultures,
originating from many different nations and regions.
Assuming that all forms of culture construct and deconstruct social identities and
social relations, cultural globalization raises important and controversial issues con-
cerning its effects on national and local cultures and their responses to it. Do global
cultures differ in important ways from national or local cultures? Does the existence
of global cultures imply homogeneity in the tastes of publics located in different coun-
tries? What policies, if any, should national governments undertake in order to adjust,
adapt, or resist the effects of global cultures? Understanding cultural globalization
requires an examination of economic organizations and political institutions that con-
tribute to it or attempt to respond to it. What are the implications of changes in the
character and ownership of international media conglomerates, of the roles of regional
and national cultures in relation to global cultures, and in the complexity of the pub-
lic’s responses to global cultures?
My objectives in this chapter are: (1) to review the principal theoretical models
that have been used to explain or interpret cultural globalization; (2) to propose an

1
2 Diana Crane

additional model; and (3) to discuss the status of these models in relation to recent lit-
erature on globalization. Cultural globalization is sufficiently complex that no single
theory can be expected to explain it adequately. The four models I will discuss are the
following: the cultural imperialism thesis, the cultural flows or network model, recep-
tion theory, and a model of national and urban strategies toward cultural globaliza-
tion (see fig. 1.1). The first three models have been undergoing substantial revision as
new information becomes available and as factors driving cultural globalization
change. As a result, these models are substantially different from what they were when
first proposed. In the chapters that follow, the authors have been guided, implicitly or
explicitly, by these approaches in developing their arguments or conducting their
studies.

Theoretical Models of Cultural Globalization

The best known model of cultural globalization is cultural imperialism theory. This
theory emerged in the 1960s as part of a Marxist critique of advanced capitalist cul-
tures, including their emphasis on consumerism and mass communications. Building
on ideas from world-systems theory, the theory argues that the global economic system

Figure 1.1 Models of Cultural Globalization

Model Process of Cultural Principal Actors, Possible

Transmission Sites Consequences

Cultural imperialism Center-periphery Global media Homogenization

Media imperialism conglomerates of culture

Cultural flows/ Two-way flows Regional Hybridization of

networks and national culture
conglomerates and
corporations

Reception theory Center-periphery; Audiences, publics, Negotiation,

multidirectional cultural resistance
entrepreneurs,
gatekeepers

Cultural policy Framing of national Global cities, Competition,

strategies cultures museums, heritage negotiation
e.g., preservation, sites, cultural
resistance, reframing, memory, media,
glocalization ministries of culture
and trade
 Culture and Globalization 3

is dominated by a core of advanced countries while Third World countries remain at

the periphery of the system with little control over their economic and political devel-
opment (Tomlinson 1991:37). Multinational or transnational corporations are key
actors in this system, producing goods, controlling markets, and disseminating prod-
ucts, using similar techniques. The theory is similar to ideas developed by the Frank-
furt School in Germany insofar as it presupposes a relatively homogenous mass culture
that is accepted passively and uncritically by mass audiences.
The strong version of cultural imperialism theory refers to the imposition upon other
countries of a particular nation’s beliefs, values, knowledge, behavioral norms, and style
of life (Salwen 1991). Cultural imperialism is defined as a kind of cultural domination
by powerful nations over weaker nations. It is viewed as purposeful and intentional
because it corresponds to the political interests of the United States and other powerful
capitalist societies. The effects of this type of cultural domination, reflecting the atti-
tudes and values of Western, particularly American, capitalist societies, are viewed as
extremely pervasive and as leading to the homogenization of global culture, as sug-
gested by the following comment by an Australian scholar (White 1983): “The Ameri-
canization process becomes far more formidable when the fundamental concepts of a
society’s national identity are remodeled in the American image” (pp. 120–21).
The concept of cultural imperialism is inherently vague and implies a negative
evaluation of the behavior and intentions of advanced countries, particularly the
United States, toward other advanced countries and toward poorer countries. Critics
have argued that the term “imperialism,” which can be seen as the imposition of power
from rich to poor, from powerful to weak, implies a degree of political control by pow-
erful countries that no longer exists. According to John Tomlinson (1991), “The idea of
imperialism contains . . . the notion of a purposeful project: the intended spread of a
social system from one center of power across the globe.” He contrasts imperialism
with the concept of “globalization,” which suggests “interconnection and interdepen-
dency of all global areas” happening “in a far less purposeful way” (p. 175).
Despite its weaknesses, cultural imperialism, reconceptualized as media imperial-
ism (see below), remains a useful perspective because it can be used to analyze the
extent to which some national actors have more impact than others on global culture,
and therefore are shaping and reshaping cultural values, identities, and perceptions.
Since the scope and influence of global cultures are rapidly expanding, these are
important issues.
In contrast to cultural imperialism theory in which the source of cultural influence
is Western civilization, with non-Western and less developed countries viewed as being
on the periphery—as the receivers of cultural influences—the cultural flows or net-
work model offers an alternative conception of the transmission process, as influences
that do not necessarily originate in the same place or flow in the same direction.
Receivers may also be originators. In this model, cultural globalization corresponds to
a network with no clearly defined center or periphery (see, for example, Appadurai
1990). Globalization as an aggregation of cultural flows or networks is a less coherent
and unitary process than cultural imperialism and one in which cultural influences
move in many different directions. The effect of these cultural flows, which Arjun
4 Diana Crane

Appadurai identifies as consisting of media, technology, ideologies, and ethnicities on

recipient nations is likely to be cultural hybridization rather than homogenization.2
A third model, reception theory, has been used to explain responses to cultural
globalization by publics in different countries. This theory hypothesizes that audiences
respond actively rather than passively to mass-mediated news and entertainment and
that different national, ethnic, and racial groups interpret the same materials differ-
ently. This model does not view globally disseminated culture as a threat to national or
local identities. Multiculturalism rather than cultural imperialism is perceived as the
dominant trend. Critics of reception theory argue that audience response has little
effect on global media conglomerates or cultural policy. Media conglomerates treat
audiences as undifferentiated consumers of their products rather than as citizens with
distinct rights and preferences.
A fourth approach, which I propose, focuses on the strategies used by nations, global
cities, and cultural organizations to cope with, counter, or promote cultural globaliza-
tion. Specifically, nations, global cities, and cultural organizations engage in strategies
for preserving and protecting inherited cultures, strategies for rejuvenating traditional
cultures, strategies for resisting cultural globalization, and strategies for altering or
transforming local and national cultures for global consumption. From this perspec-
tive, cultural globalization is a process that involves competition and negotiation as
organizations and countries attempt to preserve, position, or project their cultures in
global space. Countries vary in their emphasis upon preservation as opposed to pro-
duction of culture for exportation. In this approach, cultural globalization is seen as a
disorderly process, fraught with tension, competition, and conflict.
In the following sections, I will review the current status of these models to show
how they are being adapted to changes in our understanding of the level and character
of cultural globalization.

From Cultural Imperialism to Global Capitalism

and Media Imperialism
Major forces leading to cultural globalization are economic and organizational. Cul-
tural globalization requires an organizational infrastructure. One form of globalization
occurs as a result of the activities in advanced countries of news and entertainment
media that produce films, television programs, and popular music and distribute them
to countries all over the world. Dominance of a particular country in the global media
marketplace is more a function of economic than cultural factors. American corpora-
tions particularly have benefited from the size of their national market and the avail-
ability of funds for investment.
A small number of media conglomerates, based in a few Western countries, domi-
nate the production and global distribution of film, television, popular music, and
book publishing. Robert W. McChesney (1999) has documented the existence of a
global media market that has developed as a result of new technologies and the dereg-
ulation of national media industries. This market is oligopolistic. Because of high pro-
 Culture and Globalization 5

duction and distribution costs, the level of investment required to enter this market is
very high. These vertically integrated corporations make huge profits by selling the
same product in different media. For example, a film may be shown in movie theaters
and on pay cable television and sold in the form of a CD-ROM, a book, or as comics.
A spin-off may be used for a television series. Merchandise based on the film generates
additional profits. According to McChesney, corporations without access to this type
of “synergy” are incapable of competing in the global marketplace.
Though some of the global media conglomerates are European, American media
products continue to dominate in global markets. Foreign conglomerate owners invest
heavily in American media companies. Several major American film studios have
recently been bought by foreign companies, but this has had little effect on the nature
of the Hollywood film product. Australian-American media magnate Rupert Murdoch
owns more American television stations than anyone else. He has also created a suc-
cessful television network (Fox) that competes with the three major American televi-
sion networks. A German conglomerate (Bertelsmann) purchased the largest
American book publishing company.
Because of the huge audience for films in the United States, American companies
producing and distributing films earn enormous profits in their own country. As a
result, American producers can afford to make more expensive films than their com-
petitors in other countries, and this in turn increases profits. The more expensive a
film is to produce, the more money it is likely to make. Blockbusters attract the largest
international audiences (Phillips 1982). These expensive films represent a type of
homogenous, uniform culture permeated by Western capitalistic values. They are full
of elaborate technical effects and concentrate on stunts, action, and violence rather
than character and emotion. Action films are more easily understood in diverse, non-
English-speaking cultures than other types of films. Given the enormous cultural diver-
sity among the potential audiences for globally marketed films, filmmakers have to
find common denominators that are universal in a weak sense and will attract audi-
ences in different countries.
Hollywood has dominated the international market for films for several decades
because American film companies have been more successful in creating film distrib-
ution networks in other countries than local film companies have been. Film indus-
tries in many other countries have declined. Two exceptions are India, with its huge
internal market, and France, which has heavily subsidized this form of popular cul-
ture. India is the leading producer of fiction films in the world, but, with few excep-
tions, they circulate entirely within Indian Asia and Indian Africa (Straubhaar
1997:289).
The United States also predominates in the production and sale of television pro-
grams (Barker 1997:50) for reasons that have more to do with economic factors than
with cultural attitudes and values. Hoskins and Mirus (1990) argue that the success of
American television programs in the international market is largely a result of the con-
ditions under which they are produced. Again, the size and wealth of the country
means that successful programs are extremely lucrative. Consequently, the high costs
6 Diana Crane

of television production (more than $1 million per episode) can be recouped locally.
Programs can be sold for export at substantially lower prices than indigenous producers
can offer. In Latin America, for example, American companies have been accused of
flooding the media scene by “dumping” old movies and television shows (Sreberny-
Mohammadi 1991:128). In some countries, U.S. television represents about 50 percent
of the programs, although in many European countries the figure is less than one-third
(Curran 1998). Many other countries are unable to invest at the American level in tele-
vision programming because they cannot meet the costs of production through distrib-
ution in their own countries, and they cannot afford distributing and marketing costs in
other countries. The cost of an imported television drama can be less than one-tenth of
the cost of creating an original production (Curran 1998). Nevertheless, Mexico’s Tele-
visa is the largest single exporter of television programming in the world (Hallin 1998).
Changes in the availability of technology in developing countries have led to an
increase in transnational dissemination of television programs and in expansion of world
demand for programming (Straubhaar 1991:47). International satellite delivery systems
have been very important in disseminating television programs from advanced coun-
tries to less advanced countries (Sinclair 1996:52–53). In Latin America, increases in the
availability of VCRs, cable TV, and direct satellite reception have expanded audiences
for U.S. and European television. In countries where the availability of media has been
severely limited or restricted, the arrival of foreign programming may greatly increase
the range of cultural choices.3 In countries that have the resources to produce their own
media, foreign programming disseminated by powerful media conglomerates may
reduce the profitability of national programming and consequently limit the range of
cultural choices. However, there are still many less developed countries that have few
media resources of their own and lack the resources to receive media. According to
Peter Golding (1998:145), the developed world has nearly six times as many radios per
capita as the developing world and nearly nine times as many television sets. The level
of communication in many poor countries is indicated by the fact that approximately
half the people in the world have never made a telephone call (Golding 1998:145–46).
Global musical culture disseminated by media conglomerates generally concen-
trates upon artists from English-speaking countries and excludes artists from other
countries, particularly those who do not speak English (Negus 1996:184–85). The inter-
national repertoires of major record companies have increasingly focused on a small
number of international stars and excluded local artists. The American cable company
MTV, which specializes in music videos and which has aggressively marketed its prod-
ucts in Europe, Asia, and Latin America, includes primarily artists from the United
States and the United Kingdom, particularly those being distributed by major music
conglomerates, and pays little attention to artists from other countries (Banks 1996).
For example, MTV Europe plays mainly American and British artists. Jack Banks
states: “The spotlight on U.S. and U.K. acts reinforces the dominance of these acts
throughout the continent, consigning indigenous artists to the margins of popular cul-
ture even within their own countries” (p. 91). A vehicle for American advertisers, MTV
glorifies a consumer lifestyle that is often inappropriate for audiences in less developed
countries and that has been accused of subverting traditional values.
 Culture and Globalization 7

The influence of American television as a form of global culture can be seen in the
media products of some countries whose populations have been heavily exposed to
these shows. In these countries locally produced television programs have been
described as “pale copies of Western genres” (Nain 1996:173). The Brazilian telenovela
which has been touted as one of the great successes of Third World media resembles
American soap operas in its strong emphasis on consumer values as seen in the mer-
chandizing of products in the story lines (Sreberny-Mohammadi 1991: 128; Biltereyst
and Meers 2000). Similar criticisms have been made of Peruvian media.
As these developments indicate, cultural imperialism with political motives has been
replaced by media imperialism based on global capitalism, although some media indus-
tries fit this model more than others. A small number of media conglomerates based in a
few countries (the United States, Germany, France, and Great Britain) have continually
extended their control over the television, film, music, and publishing industries and
hence the global reach of their products. Douglas Kellner (1999) identifies a new postin-
dustrial form of “techno-capitalism . . . characterized by a decline in the power of the
state and increased power of the market” (p. 246). He states that mergers of major enter-
tainment and information conglomerates have produced “the most extensive concentra-
tion and conglomeration of information and entertainment industries in history” (p.
243). However, this model does not explain all the dimensions of cultural globalization.

Cultural Globalization as Network Flows

Two contradictory trends are operating in the phenomenon of cultural globalization.
On the one hand, international media conglomerates are extending their influence
and control over certain types of global culture. On the other hand, the increasing
importance of regions as producers of and markets for their own media provides sup-
port for a network model of cultural globalization. Regions exhibit subnetworks of
denser connections within the global network but are also linked less strongly to other
areas. Jan Nederveen Pieterse (1995) states: “What globalization means in structural
terms is the increase in available modes of organization: transnational, international,
macro-regional, national, micro-regional, municipal, local” (p. 50).
The numbers of producers of media content and of countries producing such con-
tent are steadily increasing, contributing to the diversification of global culture. The
influence of Western global cultures is being offset by the development of regional
cultures within global cultures. Some scholars claim that world television is not so
much global as regional (Sinclair et al. 1996), consisting of several distinct regions in
which television programming circulates. Regional cultures represent shared commu-
nities of language and culture. Each major region, Asia, Middle East, and Latin Amer-
ica, is dominated by one or two countries that are centers of audiovisual production,
such as Mexico and Brazil in Latin America, Hong Kong and Taiwan in Chinese Asia,
and India in Indian Asia and Indian Africa. A Francophone market links France to its
former colonies, and an Arab market links the Arab-speaking countries. The decreas-
ing cost and increased flexibility of television production technology have led to an
expansion of television production in these countries. A few developing countries (e.g.,
8 Diana Crane

Brazil, Egypt, India, and Mexico) have become exporters of film and television pro-
gramming (Sreberny-Mohammadi 1991:121; Straubhaar 1997).
Each region has its own dynamic. Mexican television has benefited from the exis-
tence of a large Spanish-speaking population in the United States, as a lucrative mar-
ket for its programming. The most successful television genre in Latin America is the
telenovela, which is produced in several countries, including Brazil, Colombia, Mex-
ico, and Venezuela, and which attracts more viewers in the region than American soap
operas. The major Brazilian television network exports telenovelas to more than 100
countries.
Each region draws its audiences from within and outside its area, including
migrants now living in other regions. For example, Zee TV in India claims to be “the
world’s largest Asian television network, covering Asia, Europe, the United States, and
Africa, catering to the 24 million-strong Indian diaspora who live outside the region
but retain their linguistic and cultural links with the subcontinent” (Thussu 1998:279).
In Asia, three major countries, China, Singapore, and Malaysia, have exercised tight
control over their television programming, but other countries in the region have ben-
efited from the development of Pan-Asian satellite services that bring in programming
from other Asian countries.
Consequently, Joseph Straubhaar (1991) argues that television industries in develop-
ing countries are moving away from simple dependency on the American industry and
toward “a greater but still asymmetrical interdependency” (p. 55). Regional markets
are developing as well as increasing interdependence of the world television market,
as seen by the fact that Latin American countries import television series from Asia as
well as the United States. Television in European countries is becoming increasingly
regional as well (McAnany and Wilkinson 1992:732). Straubhaar (1991) states:
“Although the United States still dominates world media sales and flows, national and
regional cultural industries are consolidating a relatively more interdependent posi-
tion in the world television market” (p. 56).
The popular music industry also fits the network model of cultural globalization in
some respects. The American share of the global music market has changed in the
past decade. The relatively low cost of making recordings (compared to television pro-
grams and film) and the ways in which new music is created (which frequently occurs
outside the huge corporations that market it), make it possible for new music to
develop in many different countries and at times to compete with the American prod-
uct. Today only one of the top five record companies in the global market is owned by
an American conglomerate. According to one scholar:

To the extent that the United States is identified as the main imperialist culprit in the
export of pop and rock, it must be noted that the U.S. is no longer the main beneficiary
of the profits. The economic foundation of the cultural imperialism thesis has shifted
so radically as to require a wholly new formulation. (Garofalo 1995:29)

Popular music is less identified with dominant American culture than film or tele-
vision in the sense that it draws from numerous ethnic cultures, both in the U.S. and
 Culture and Globalization 9

elsewhere (p. 33). Reebee Garofalo says, “There is a strong interaction between inter-
national pop and indigenous music that simply doesn’t exist with other mass cultural
forms.” In Brazil, sales of American music are declining while Brazilian music consti-
tutes about 80 percent of recordings broadcast on radio (see Mendonça, chap. 7 in this
volume). Even the multinational recording companies become involved in recording
local music in the countries in which they have branches. A scholar who has written
extensively about the popular music industry claims that “globally successful sounds
may now come from anywhere” (Frith 1996:172). However, international, if not Amer-
ican, global musical culture constitutes a major point of reference for local music.
Simon Frith (cited in Mitchell, 1993) referring to local music originating in non-Anglo-
Saxon countries outside the World Music commercial circuit, states:

All countries’ popular musics are shaped these days by international influences and
institutions, by multinational capital and technology, by global popular norms and val-
ues. Even the most nationalistic sounds—carefully cultivated “folk” songs, angry local
dialect punk, preserved (for the tourist) traditional dance—are determined by a cri-
tique of international entertainment. (p. 311)

Nevertheless, this does not necessarily mean that popular music in other countries is
purely an imitation of genres disseminated internationally. Mendonça, for example,
studied rock bands in a Brazilian city, and found that they blended rock music and tradi-
tional local music with African and Iberian roots. Dave Laing (1997) identified three
principal regional or linguistic-based production centers for popular music that are
beginning to compete with Anglo-American music: Mandarin and Cantonese Chinese
in Asia, Spanish-speaking regions in the Americas and Europe, and Continental Europe.
The extent to which cultural products emanating from a specific country or region
dominate international markets varies by media industry and even by the nature of the
product within a particular cultural industry. Some forms of media are so widely dis-
seminated that they appear to constitute a homogenous global culture. At the same
time the availability of diverse cultural forms and styles is steadily increasing. Global-
ization is said to “pluralize the world by recognizing the value of cultural niches and
local abilities” (Waters 1995:136). James Curran and Myung-Jin Park (2000) state that
“minorities too small to be catered for in national contexts are aggregated into viable
global markets. Globalization selects elements of neatly partitioned national cultures,
and remixes them in new ways for an international public” (p. 8). To summarize, the
network model views globalization as “a process that is increasing international dia-
logue, empowering minorities, and building progressive solidarity” (Curran and Park,
2000:10). Further research is required to determine the relative importance that should
be attributed to this model in comparison with the previous model.

Cultural Globalization and Reception Theory

Unlike the previous models, which focus on the creators and organizations that dis-
seminate global cultures, reception theory concentrates on the responses of audiences
10 Diana Crane

and publics. On the one hand, reception theory looks at people’s responses to specific
cultural products. On the other hand, it theorizes the long-term effects of cultural
products on national and cultural identity. Theories of globalization have stressed two
major consequences of globalization, homogenization of cultures and hybridization of
cultures (Nederveen Pieterse 1995; Robertson 1995). The first concept suggests that all
national cultures will absorb a homogenous global culture and will become increas-
ingly similar; the second concept suggests that national cultures will assimilate aspects
of many other cultures and become more diverse. Global cultures may render tradi-
tional identities less salient or produce hybridized identities as local cultures absorb
and respond to these influences.
In contrast to theories of the mass audience and of ideological indoctrination by
the media, reception theory views the audience as capable of interpreting media texts
in different ways. Members of the audience may or may not interpret texts in terms of
dominant ideologies as the producers of the texts intended (Hall 1981). Variations in
the ways in which texts are interpreted depend on the context and on the social char-
acteristics of the receiver (class, gender, race, and age). For example, studies have
found that gender roles affect responses to Western television programs (Salwen 1991).
One of the most elaborate studies of cross-cultural differences in responses to televi-
sion programs is Liebes and Katz’s (1990) analysis of the American television program
Dallas. They found that different aspects of the program were salient to different eth-
nic groups in Israel and in the United States.
A number of factors offset the dominant role of Western and specifically American
products in global culture. The first is the attitude of consumers toward globally dis-
seminated television programs. Audiences generally prefer local programs, because they
find it easier to identify with the style, values, attitudes, and behaviors expressed (Bil-
tereyst 1991, 1995; Chadha and Kavoori 2000). This is known as the “cultural discount.”
Consequently, national programs tend to be shown during prime-time hours and Amer-
ican imports in off-hours (Straubhaar 1991:50). In some countries, studies have found
that the preference for national material is related to social class. Lower-middle-class,
working-class, and poor viewers tend to prefer national and local culture, which rein-
forces their regional and ethnic identities. Upper-middle- and upper-class viewers, who
are better educated, tend to prefer American programs (Straubhaar 1991:51).
Certain countries, among them Japan, are said to be particularly resistant to Amer-
ican television programs. In the 1950s and 1960s, Japan relied heavily on Hollywood
for its television programs. Now only 5 percent of television broadcasts in Japan origi-
nate in the United States, much lower than in European countries (Iwabuchi, chap. 15
in this volume). MTV has also been relatively unsuccessful in Japan, in part because
of competition from Japanese music video programs and the fact that MTV Japan
emphasized American artists while Japanese viewers tend to prefer Japanese artists
(Banks 1996). 4
One of the most difficult questions to study is how foreign programs affect national
and cultural identity. Recent theories (Hall 1992) have stressed the problematic aspects
of the concepts of national and cultural identity. The idea of homogenous national
cultures that confer specific identities and values on all its citizens, to the exclusion of
 Culture and Globalization 11

others, is no longer tenable; nations are becoming increasingly multicultural. One

author states that “real concerns arise as to whether ‘national’ media cultures ade-
quately represent ethnic, religious, political and other kinds of diversity” (Sreberny-
Mohammadi 1991:129).
Consequently, national identities are not necessarily unitary but may be perceived
in different ways depending upon race and ethnicity. Cultural identities often transcend
national boundaries. Transnational programming performs an important role in creat-
ing a sense of cultural identity that crosscuts nationality. For example, regional pro-
grams in the form of telenovelas have redefined national identity for viewers in some
Latin American countries and created a new sense of cultural identification with other
Spanish-speaking countries for Hispanic viewers in the United States (Lopez 1995).
Aihwa Ong (1997) explains the significance of regional programming in Asia as follows:

Ethnic Chinese, like other people, are inhabitants of a diversity of communities, and
defined by a plurality of discourses that situate them in different subject positions. . . .
As Chinese cultural identity becomes destabilized, fragmented, and blurred outside of
nationalist definitions, the mass media has [sic] become an extremely important realm
for reworking subjectivity. (p. 196)

Koichi Iwabuchi (see chap. 15 in this volume) discusses the emergence of a new
sense of regional identity among affluent young Asian consumers. They look for media
products that represent “a common experience of modernity in the region that is based
on an ongoing negotiation between the West and the non–West-experiences that
American popular culture cannot represent.”
To summarize, audience responses to global programming are highly differenti-
ated, depending in part on levels of exposure to national, regional, and global fare and
in part on the social characteristics of specific publics. Availability of foreign program-
ming, even if it is widely watched, does not necessarily imply that its values and ideo-
logical content are accepted uncritically. On the other hand, provided that cultural
imports are widely consumed, audience resistance has little significance for media
conglomerates in charge of programming.
Some new studies suggest that further understanding of reception can be gleaned
from studies of cultural innovators in countries on the receiving end of global culture.
These individuals act as cultural gatekeepers, translating global products into local
idioms and assimilating them with ideas of their own. For example, Richard L. Kaplan
(chap. 12 in this volume) undertakes to explain the “pervasive presence of American
blacks in the Italian ‘mediascape.’” While availability of American media products in
Italy can be explained in terms of agreements between Italian media conglomerates
and American media conglomerates, the high level of enthusiasm for certain Ameri-
can media products has to be understood in other ways. He points out that with respect
to entertainment involving blacks and black themes the two countries share a long his-
tory of depictions of blacks in minstrelsy in the United States and in marionette pup-
petry in Italy. In fact Italian black marionettes were one of the sources for American
minstrelsy in the nineteenth century. In this sense, the two cultures were not distinct
12 Diana Crane

but “cross-pollinating and feeding off one another.” Today, local industries in Italy sell-
ing fashion and popular music mediate between the two cultures in order to market
specific elements of American media culture, based on their own selections, emphases,
and biases. Cultural entrepreneurs draw on black American styles in order to define
what is hip and cool for the youth scene.
Arguing that rock music contains an aesthetic that constitutes “a global cultural
component with which contemporary local and national styles of popular music are
constructed,” Motti Regev (1997:131–136; see also Bennett 1999) develops a typology of
uses and appropriations of rock by musicians and audiences in different countries.
Rock music may be used in its original Anglo-American versions, imitated through the
creation of original rock music with lyrics in the local language, or hybridized through
adaptation and mixture with traditional music of a specific country or region. All three
types may coexist in a particular country.
In other words, the study of reception of global cultures needs to expand beyond
the examination of audience reactions to specific globalized media products in order
to include artists, promoters, and distributors who market those products and who also
create new products based on particularly salient themes and images. Reception can-
not be explained in terms of content alone but needs to be supplemented by an analy-
sis of “the mediating role of ‘gatekeepers’ in creating a reception context”
(Cunningham and Jacka 1997:308). This is particularly true for imports from periph-
eral countries. Such studies also reveal the ways in which the influence of global media
products extends beyond the consumption of the product itself and contributes to the
production of new media products in the receiver country.

National, Organizational, and Urban Strategies

toward Cultural Globalization
Cultural policy can be viewed as the stage where power struggles are waged on the
national and international levels to set global policies and priorities for cultural global-
ization and to resist threats to the dissemination of national or regional media. Cul-
tural policy is a political instrument that countries use in an attempt to control the
types of channels and types of content that enter and leave their territory. A country’s
success in responding to the pressures of cultural globalization has major consequences
for the future of the country’s culture.
The outcomes of these power struggles have implications for the preservation of
cultural heritage and cultural memory, the survival of public as opposed to private
broadcasting, for the roles of members of global publics as consumers or as citizens,
and for the existence of transnational public spheres as compared to free trade zones
for media products.
The capacity of national governments to control the dissemination of culture within
their borders has been greatly diminished by recent technological developments, such
as satellite broadcasting, and international trade policies favoring deregulation and pri-
vatization that have increased market penetration by foreign companies (Richards and
French 1996:41). According to John Street (1997), “As more television is transmitted by
 Culture and Globalization 13

satellite, the less significance attaches to national borders and the presumption of
national control” (p. 78).
Nevertheless, strategies are available to national governments, urban governments,
and cultural organizations for preserving, protecting, and enhancing their cultural
resources. On the international level, three goals of cultural policy can be identified:
(1) Protecting the country’s culture from domination by the cultural achievements of
other countries and from encroachments by the media industries of other countries;
(2) Creating and maintaining international images of the country or of a region or city
within the country; and (3) Developing and protecting international markets and venues
for the country’s international “exports.” To what extent does the country project con-
sistent or inconsistent cultural images? What aspects of the culture are chosen, either
deliberately or by market forces, to represent the country’s culture on the international
scene? Cultural policy is not exclusively the domain of national governments.
Regional and local governments pursue such policies in an attempt to obtain eco-
nomic benefits and to provide satisfying environments for residents. The so-called
global city performs a major role in increasing awareness of a country’s culture in other
countries (Zukin 1995; Trasforini, chap. 11 in this volume; Kwok and Low, chap. 10 in
this volume). Cultural images of certain cities are widely disseminated globally, draw-
ing both producers and consumers of culture to those cities, which in turn leads to the
reinforcement of local cultural policies.
In a sense, cultural policy provides a frame for a country’s culture, indicating how
the country’s leaders perceive the culture and the value they place on different aspects
of it. In the United States, a cultural policy that provides minimal resources for high
culture signifies the ambivalence of lawmakers toward this type of culture, their fear of
being viewed as supporting elitist institutions, and their distrust of culture creators who
might challenge traditional views of what the country stands for. At the same time,
lawmakers provide financial incentives for investing in high culture to the rich and
the powerful. The government’s protection of media conglomerates reflects the impor-
tance of media culture in the country’s economy and as a major component of its
exports to other countries.
Strategies that countries, cultural organizations, and global cities use to preserve,
protect, and enhance their cultural resources include the following:

(1) Preserving and protecting national and local cultures. In countries that are increas-
ingly being exposed to global culture, traditional and classical cultures may be the
object of concerted efforts for preservation and protection. In some countries, such as
Japan, preservation and protection have been the major focus of cultural policies and
have constituted these countries’ primary responses to cultural globalization
(Tomooka, Kanno, and Kobayashi, chap. 3 in this volume). Southeast Asian countries
view the arts as an expression of their social and national identities (Lindsay, chap. 4 in
this volume). Government support is a form of patronage in which, for example, per-
forming artists are commissioned to perform because of their contribution to the main-
tenance of national identity and a strong commitment to protecting indigenous
cultural heritage. Their governments exert considerable control over artistic content
14 Diana Crane

and performance. In the past three decades, many European governments have rede-
fined the museum as a major repository of cultural heritage and cultural memory and
therefore as an essential resource for the public and for society as a whole (Ballé, chap.
9 in this volume). Exhibitions of museum art collections that travel from country to
country have become an important form of globally disseminated culture. Museums
perform significant roles in sustaining and transmitting global cultural alternatives to
commercial culture.
The role of culture in urban regeneration has been widely discussed (Bianchini
and Parkinson 1993). Regeneration of cultural resources involves the increasingly
important role of certain cities as global cultural actors. For example, in response to
economic, political, and cultural pressures engendered by various forms of globaliza-
tion, certain forms of culture, both local and global, have been used to rejuvenate
urban neighborhoods and local cultures. J. Pedro Lorente (chap. 6 in this volume)
explains how depressed neighborhoods in cities that have suffered economically from
economic globalization have been revived and transformed through strategic construc-
tion of museums in their midst. Luciana Mendonça (chap. 7 in this volume) shows
how local ethnic musical traditions in a Brazilian city have been reinvigorated as a
result of the success of local rock bands influenced by globally disseminated music.
Traditional local organizations that created and performed music for Carnival parades
and had been in danger of disappearing more than quadrupled in number during the
1990s, in large part as a result of the increased recognition for popular music and cul-
ture that stemmed from the success of local rock bands.

(2) Resisting global culture. Understanding national strategies toward cultural globaliza-
tion requires an understanding of various aspects of resistance to global cultures. Using
taxes, tariffs, and subsidies, many governments attempt to control channels for the dis-
semination of imported culture to preserve national cultural sovereignty and national
cultural diversity. Advanced and developing countries alike have resorted to strategies
for resisting global media cultures. Television and film have been subject to import
quotas. Brazil, India, and Iran have placed limits on the amount of imported program-
ming (Sreberny-Mohammadi 1991:127; Chadha and Kavoori 2000). France subsidizes its
film industry and has a system of quotas for non-French films and television programs.
Fifty percent of the content of cable channels must be European (Hedges 1995:153).
Other European countries have similar policies (Curran 1998). Australia has also had
media content requirements and has subsidized its film industry (Cunningham and
Flew, 2000). The European Commission recently took steps to curb American film
companies’ control over distribution of films in Europe on the grounds that their system
discriminates against European films (Andrews 1998). A few countries have taken even
more stringent measures. Some developing countries in which Islamic fundamentalists
are in control have totally banned foreign news and entertainment media.
Popular music is another area where some countries have resorted to protectionism
and various forms of state assistance to musicians and music industries. In 1986, the
French government mandated that public radio stations must devote more than half
their musical programs to French popular music (Crane 1992:154). The goal of the pol-
 Culture and Globalization 15

icy was to prevent French radio stations from becoming waste bins for American pop-
ular music that had failed in the United States. The Canadian government has devel-
oped policies for curbing American influence in music video. It requires Canadian
video cable services to program a proportion of Canadian music (Banks 1996:111).
National television channels in developing countries such as Nigeria and Jamaica also
have policies supporting indigenous music (Banks 1996:112). Governments of coun-
tries including France, Denmark, Sweden, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Australia,
and Canada, have implemented policies for assisting musicians and bands in produc-
ing, distributing, and performing both nationally and internationally (Negus 1996:185)
in order to resist the emphasis placed on Anglo-American repertoires by the interna-
tional music industry (Negus 1997).
These forms of resistance lead to political conflicts with countries that are major
exporters of commercial culture as well as with multinational organizations that are
concerned with profit rather than the public interest (Beale, chap. 5 in this volume).
However, protectionism is becoming less effective because the United States is able to
obtain rulings from the World Trade Organization to overturn such legislation.
The American government has strenuously opposed regulations designed to limit
access of American cultural products to foreign markets. It is unwilling to concede
that other nations might be justified in attempting to protect their cultural identities
and generally views such measures as nothing more than protectionism (Sinclair
1996:51). American arguments against protectionism center on issues of free speech
and free trade (Munro 1990:526). From the American perspective, culture can be
traded like any other commodity (Boddy 1994). Ironically, the United States itself is
remarkably resistant to imported cultural products, but not through protectionist mea-
sures. Instead, tight control by media conglomerates over film distribution systems and
cable and broadcasting networks in the United States effectively restricts the availabil-
ity of foreign films and foreign television programs in the American market. One of
the few exceptions are the programs produced by the British BBC, which are heavily
used by American public television channels. Significantly, the United States retains
the right to limit foreign investment in the media and broadcasting areas and to admin-
ister direct grants, tax incentives, and other forms of subsidy (Beale, chap. 5).
Negotiations concerning international trade agreements often pit these two orienta-
tions toward policy against one another (French and Richards 1996; McAnany and
Wilkinson 1996). Countries that favor protectionist policies have attempted to exclude
the media from international trade agreements in the name of national cultural sover-
eignty. A recent strategy has been to argue for protectionism in the name of cultural
diversity rather than national cultural sovereignty. Using this approach, some coun-
tries have lobbied for cultural trade protections for minority cultures that are ill served
by national public media and the mainstream press instead of the traditional protec-
tionist approach that was directed toward cultural industries (see Beale, chap. 5).

(3) Globalizing national or local cultures. Understanding the process of cultural glob-
alization requires an understanding of how national and local cultures are transformed
in order to make them more attractive and meaningful to foreign visitors or foreign
16 Diana Crane

consumers. This type of activity takes several forms. The first three strategies transform
cultural sites within a particular country in order to project new images of the coun-
try’s culture to the outside world. The fourth and fifth types of strategies involve creat-
ing or re-creating national cultural items for global export.
The first three strategies of national or local transformation are processes of refram-
ing. For example, retooling is a type of policy in urban neighborhoods and historical
sites that provides more activities for tourists and more commercial outlets to serve
them (Zukin 1995). Traditional arts and performances may be reframed to make them
more interesting and understandable for tourists. Kian-Woon Kwok and Kee-Hong
Low (chap. 10 in this volume) show how turning Singapore into a “global city for the
arts” affected the preservation of cultural memory through historic sites and the iden-
tity of the city-state itself. In Singapore, historic sites and traditional neighborhoods
have been simulated and replicated rather than conserved, replacing chaotic, disor-
derly areas with sanitized substitutes.
Another form that reframing takes is Disneyfication, influenced by the Disney
theme parks and Walt Disney’s vision of a utopian city. For example, a city’s historic
sites will be categorized and publicized in terms of specific themes that lead the citi-
zen or tourist to view them from a particular perspective. Kwok and Low examine the
consequences of Disneyfication for the types of cultural images that Singapore projects.
An alternative and less frequently used strategy for reframing local culture is post-
modern upscaling. This strategy attempts to use the arts to attract elite international
audiences to major events featuring artistic celebrities. Trasforini (chapter 2 in this vol-
ume) discusses the advantages and disadvantages of this strategy for an urban economy
and for traditional arts groups that may be excluded from this process. Trasforini shows
that a particular type of artistic event, the so-called Great Event that draws audiences
from outside the region, tends to displace other types of artistic performance and pro-
ductions that are directed toward local publics.
Two other strategies are used in preparing cultural products for global markets.
Negotiated modification is an important phenomenon, but it is almost invisible to
those outside the entertainment industry. Carefully selected national cultural prod-
ucts, such as television series, are globalized by editing or revising them to suit the
tastes of consumers in other countries (Bielby and Harrington, chap. 13 in this vol-
ume). Details of these negotiated modifications are worked out at annual sales meet-
ings where media companies present their wares for purchase on the international
market. Co-productions in which companies from different countries jointly produce
television series and films are an important site in which cultural products are adapted
or modified to suit the needs of consumers in different countries (Hubka, chap. 14 in
this volume). Conglomerates selling recorded music target countries and regions with
different types of repertoires, such as international, regional, and domestic, depending
on feedback from these areas based on sales and other types of information (Negus
1996). Considerable importance is placed on audiovisual exports by many countries,
including those that are less developed:

These are fostered both as a form of cultural diplomacy, and for intrinsic economic rea-
sons. . . . In the case of the Middle East, one commentator has observed that the popu-
 Culture and Globalization 17

larity of Egyptian television exports in the Arab states has a number of cultural and
even political “multiplier effects” . . . and carries with it a potential acceptance and
recognition of Egyptian accents and performers that can operate as a “soft-sell com-
mercial for Egyptian values” which is then translated into indirect political leverage.
(Cunningham, Jacka, and Sinclair 1998:188)

Another approach to preparing cultural products for global markets is referred to as

global localization or glocalization. Robertson (1995:28) discusses the ways in which
global genres are adapted for local audiences so that the global blends with the local.
This process does not lead to global homogenization but to a situation in which cul-
tural forms that originated in the West and that diffuse globally, such as soap operas,
are adapted to local conditions and primarily carry messages about local cultures
(Straubhaar 1997:288). Audiences often prefer local imitations of American popular
culture to American popular culture itself.
In some cases, this process completely eliminates traces of the country of origin, by
framing the items as having originated in the countries to which they are being mar-
keted (Iwabuchi, chapter 15 in this volume; Robertson 1995). In this situation, cultural
forms being marketed outside the country assimilate aspects of the local cultures in the
receiving country in a process that challenges the binary opposition between global and
local. The Japanese, with their long experience of assimilating foreign influences, are
particularly adept in this area. They create culturally neutral products for sale in other
parts of Asia, including animated films in which physical, racial, and ethnic differences
have been erased or softened. They also export popular music that listeners in other
Asian countries think is a local product but actually consists of cover versions of Japan-
ese songs. What the Japanese attempt to create in these products is not an authentic tra-
ditional Asian identity but a kind of combination of Asian and Western culture. This
strategy results in hybrid products that are a combination of the foreign and the indige-
nous. Japanese “glocalized” popular culture has been very successful in Asia.
As this discussion suggests, national governments, cultural organizations, and global
cities have responded to cultural globalization in various ways. Cultural globalization
can be seen as a major threat to national identities or at the very least as contributing
to a decline in people’s identification with nation-states. While national governments
and cultural organizations are losing their power to completely control the dissemina-
tion of global cultures within their borders, they can and do resort to a number of
strategies for preserving or reframing their cultures or for positioning their cultures in
the global marketplace.

Conclusion
What can one conclude about the relevance of these four models for understanding
the nature and effects of globally disseminated cultures? First, the cultural imperial-
ism model has been reconceptualized as the media imperialism model in which the
motivation for dissemination is economic rather than political. As such, it is evident
that global media culture is dominated by, and in the future will increasingly be dom-
18 Diana Crane

inated by, media conglomerates with huge holdings in all forms of popular culture.
Though ownership of these conglomerates was largely American in the past, recently
some of these organizations have been bought by companies based in other major
industrial countries. However, the content of the global culture transmitted by these
organizations, whether American or non-American, remains heavily influenced by
American media industries (music, film, television). A more accurate term for this
type of culture might be transnational culture rather than global culture since many
less developed countries are not perceived as attractive markets.
It is important to keep in mind that the factors that ensure the dominance of a par-
ticular type of global culture are constantly changing. American dominance today is
based on economic and technological advantages that are probably diminishing as a
result of technological changes and of changes in other countries. At the beginning of
the twenty-first century, the media are on the verge of the digital revolution, which
will merge communications, broadcasting, and computer industries. The speed and
variety of communications will increase enormously. These changes will have impor-
tant effects on cultural globalization. They will increase access to all forms of media
and reduce the impact of powerful organizations, such as those based in the United
States. Specifically, it will reduce their power as distributors of global culture because
distribution will become freer and cheaper. Some experts predict that in the future the
impact of American programming will be primarily in North America, Europe, and
Australia. In other words, its impact will be confined to a specific region, defined more
in terms of shared culture than geography. However, the digital revolution will also
increase the value of American companies’ stocks of existing films and TV programs,
because there will be an enormous demand for cultural materials and for experienced
creators of cultural products, such as those based in Los Angeles.
At the same time, the digital revolution will make it more difficult to control the
circulation of media across borders. Cultural policies based on restricting imports of
American media will face losing battles. The increasingly rapid dissemination of all
types of media will pose problems for the maintenance of national identities as cul-
tures undergo increasing hybridization.
The second model, the cultural flows or network model, is useful for understand-
ing the roles of regional cultures. They tend to be more multicultural and diverse than
global cultures and, in some areas of the globe, tend to perform more important roles.
They generally have more links to Third World national cultures. They are, however,
heavily influenced by international media conglomerates that often invest in specific
regions and perform important roles in creating regional cultures. The combination of
transnational culture and regional culture is closer to the network model, as regions
begin to send cultural products to other regions. In the future, the network model
should be increasingly relevant to the study of cultural globalization as more regions
and more countries produce various forms of media culture and send them to other
countries. A truly global media culture that mingles cultural traditions and social val-
ues from many different countries has yet to emerge.
The third model, reception theory, requires modification to be useful in today’s
complex global environment. Understanding the public’s responses to global culture
 Culture and Globalization 19

in different countries and in different settings within those countries necessitates a

broader conceptualization of reception theory, one that goes beyond focusing entirely
on the audience itself and instead examines the relationships between the imported
culture and the national culture, as well as the roles of cultural entrepreneurs.
Finally, the fourth model shows that the various strategies that are open to national
governments, global cities, and cultural organizations for coping with and responding
to influences from global and regional cultures need to be better understood. Although
national governments are sometimes presented as being relatively powerless in the
face of these influences, the relative weight and influence of global cultures in com-
parison with regional, local, and national cultures is an issue that requires more empir-
ical research. In some cases, the cultures of global cities are as visible to global publics
as those of nations and perform important roles in disseminating national culture.
By contrast, opportunities for local cultures representing diverse ethnic, religious,
and political groups within particular countries to influence national, regional, and
global cultures are different in each media industry. Popular music, in which record-
ing costs are relatively low, offers the most opportunity for local cultures; film and tele-
vision, in which production costs are generally much higher, offer the least opportunity
for local cultures.
To conclude, each of these four models is useful for explaining specific aspects of
the phenomenon of cultural globalization. Since cultural globalization is not static
but an ongoing process with dimensions that are continually evolving and conse-
quences that are difficult to predict, we can expect that new models will emerge.

Overview of the Volume

The studies in this book reveal the importance of examining closely how countries,
cities, and cultural organizations are actually producing and responding to global cul-
tures. The articles in part I of the volume reveal the similarities and differences among
cultural policies in Europe, the United States, and Asia. The first chapter compares
national cultural policies of three countries. Stefan Toepler and Annette Zimmer pro-
vide an overview of developments in national cultural policies since World War II and
identify three models of cultural policy, as exemplified by the French top-down
bureaucratic model, the Swedish corporatist approach, which permits private organi-
zations to influence public policy, and the American “third-party” approach, which
relies on private organizations to implement federal programs. Toepler and Zimmer’s
analysis reveals the influence of historical traditions in the evolution of national cul-
tural policies and the importance placed on preserving and enhancing such legacies.
In the second chapter, Kuniyuki Tomooka, Sachiko Kanno, and Mari Kobayashi
trace the evolution of Japanese cultural policy, showing how the country’s policymak-
ers have responded to cultural influences from the West and how the country’s arrange-
ments for funding the arts and for providing culture to its citizens have developed
distinctive characteristics related to the historical and social context of Japan. In the
second half of the nineteenth century, when Japan was adapting to Western cultural,
social, and economic influences, cultural policy performed an important role in the
20 Diana Crane

dissemination of Western arts and culture to the Japanese people. By the second half
of the twentieth century, cultural policy had been relegated to a relatively minor role,
that of preserving rather than renewing the country’s cultural heritage.
Jennifer Lindsay shows a similar pattern in several countries in Southeast Asia. She
examines the impact of national policies, administrative structures, and public support
on performing arts organizations in Southeast Asia, where the performing arts have
become a major repository of national identity and cultural memory. She shows that
governments in these countries have a strong commitment to protecting their indige-
nous cultural heritage. She also finds that cultural policies in these countries are con-
verging, presumably as a result of what might be considered a subcategory of
globalization—“regionalization”—and of increasing awareness of mutual identity
among countries located in the same region.
A central thesis of this volume is that cultural policy is always conducted on an
international stage. Alison Beale’s chapter highlights the tensions between national
policies for the arts and the globalization of media organizations and industries. Beale
shows why national policies for media industries are so frequently a subject of interna-
tional debate, contention, and controversy.
The subject of part II of the volume is the regeneration of cultural resources in
cities and cultural organizations. Culture and cultural policy contribute to gentrifica-
tion in run-down areas of cities through, for example, the creation of new museums
and other attractions for the public, while improving the image of these cities in global
culture. J. Pedro Lorente discusses the role of museums and other arts organizations in
the gentrification of poor neighborhoods in Liverpool, Marseilles, and Barcelona.
Specifically, Lorente examines how the strategic location of museums initiates a series
of changes in such neighborhoods that lead to urban regeneration.
Considerable debate has been devoted to the effects of global media on local media
organizations. Whether these effects are negative or positive varies broadly with the type
of media and local conditions. Media that are very expensive to produce, such as film
and television entertainment, tend to be hurt by global competition with international
media conglomerates, while popular music, which is less costly to create, is more likely
to benefit when musicians are exposed to foreign musical influences. Luciana Ferreira
Moura Mendonça focuses on the impact of musicians on cultural life in Recife in
Brazil. The success of local rock bands in the global music industry led to renewed
interest in traditional music in the city and to increased appreciation of the role of pop-
ular music and popular musicians among policymakers and citizens alike.
Rosanne Martorella analyzes cultural organizations and cultural policy in New York
in terms of their contributions and benefits to the local economy. In the case of New
York, cultural organizations are important components of the urban economy and also
contribute to the city’s role as a site for global tourism.
Catherine Ballé traces the evolution of museums, particularly in Europe, from the
pinnacle of their success in the nineteenth century to their decline in the early twentieth
century and their eventual renewal in the late twentieth century. Museums in different
countries have evolved in similar ways, disseminating their own form of global culture
and facing similar problems in communicating this type of culture to the public.
 Culture and Globalization 21

A major goal of cultural policy is to influence the way a country’s culture is viewed
and esteemed by relevant actors in other countries at a similar or more advanced stage of
development. The subject of part III is the ways in which cultural policies have led to
the reframing of urban cultures and the transformation of urban images. As Kian-Woon
Kwok and Kee-Hong Low discuss in their chapter, cultural policy has performed a cru-
cial role in the definition of the city-state, Singapore. Cultural policy has redefined the
city’s history and reshaped the meaning of the city. A major goal of Singapore’s cultural
policy has been to position Singapore as a world city in which culture and the arts con-
tribute to and enhance the city’s economic potential and political image.
Maria Antonietta Trasforini analyzes the effects of reframing a city as a center of
postmodernity dedicated to cultural events and performances for global audiences.
She examines the remarkable development of cultural policy for the arts in the small
Italian city of Ferrara, which was bypassed by the Industrial Revolution but which is
highly successful as a postmodern, postindustrial center for the arts and media culture.
These changes raise the question of how the traditional role of the arts in the city as a
repository of collective memory has been affected by the city’s commitment to Great
Events that draw audiences from outside the region.
Richard Kaplan examines the reception of one country’s culture in another coun-
try. Specifically, he looks at the sources of the attraction of elements of African Ameri-
can popular culture for Italian youth and the ways in which this culture has been
“reframed” in the Italian context. His analysis helps to elucidate the conditions that
foster transnational communication.
Little is known about the process of marketing television programs for international
distribution. The findings of two studies described in part IV challenge the long-standing
assumption that American media products can simply be “imposed” upon foreign audi-
ences, regardless of the content of the products and the cultural climate of countries at
the receiving end. Denise Bielby and C. Lee Harrington examine how perceptions of
foreign audiences and their tastes influence the selection of American television series
for export and lead to important modifications in these exports to increase their salabil-
ity. David Hubka discusses barriers to the international dissemination of television pro-
gramming and shows how these barriers have been overcome in children’s animated
television programs through international co-productions and dubbing.
Finally, Koichi Iwabuchi’s analysis shows that Japanese strategies for producing
popular culture for export to other Asian countries are entirely different from the strate-
gies used by American media industries. The Japanese attempt to conceal their pres-
ence in the international media markets while the Americans use every channel of
publicity and advertising to call attention to their cultural exports. At the same time,
while Japanese cultural products are often adaptations of Western genres, these genres
are increasingly used as containers for Asian cultural repertoires.
22 Diana Crane

Notes
An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the Cultural Dynamics Conference, Prince-
ton University, Princeton, March 30, 2001.

1. This term could also refer to “ways of life,” religions, and popular attitudes. These are
excluded from discussion for reasons of space.
2. Appadurai also includes financial flows in his discussion.
3. One example is the case of Turkey in the early 1990s, where the introduction of a satel-
lite television service completely changed the formerly monopolistic television industry, pro-
viding not only a wider range of entertainment options but uncensored news and talk
programs (Sahin and Aksoy, 1993).
4. MTV claims to present programming that reflects the culture of its audience but given
the number of countries and languages it serves, the results are bound to be superficial (Banks,
1996: 100).

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 Culture and Globalization 23

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24 Diana Crane

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Arnold.
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 Culture and Globalization 25

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Biltereyst, D. (1991) ‘Resisting American hegemony: a comparative analysis of the reception of
domestic and US fiction,’ European Journal of Communication, 6: 469–497.
Biltereyst, D. (1995) ‘European audiovisual policy and the cross-border circulation of fiction: a
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Vital Speeches, 56 (June 15): 524–527.
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television,’ pp. 157–180 in David French and Michael Richards (eds.) Contemporary Television;
Eastern Perspectives, New Delhi: Sage Publications.
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<etal>et al</etal>. (eds.) Global Modernities, Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
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and A. Sreberny-Mohammadi (eds.) Globalization, Communication and Transnational Civil
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Negus, K. (1997) ‘Global harmonies and local discords: transnational policies and practices in
the European recording industry,’ pp. 270–283 in A. Sreberny-Mohammadi , D. Winseck , J.
McKenna , and O. Boyd-Barrett (eds.) Media in Global Context: A Reader, London: Arnold.
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Identifying a Policy Hierarchy

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Urban Cultural Policy and Urban Regeneration

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The Local and the global in Popular Music

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Cultural Policy as Marketing Strategy

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