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 What Readers Are Saying About
Seven Languages in Seven Weeks

Knowing multiple paradigms greatly influences our design abilities, so I’m always
on the lookout for good books that’ll help me learn them. This book nicely brings
prominent paradigms together. Bruce has experience learning and using multiple
languages. Now you can gain from his experience through this book. I highly
recommend it.

➤ Dr. Venkat Subramaniam

Award-winning author and founder, Agile Developer, Inc.

As a programmer, the importance of being exposed to new programming languages,

paradigms, and techniques cannot be overstated. This book does a marvelous job
of introducing seven important and diverse languages in a concise—but nontriv-
ial—manner, revealing their strengths and reasons for being. This book is akin
to a dim-sum buffet for any programmer who is interested in exploring new
horizons or evaluating emerging languages before committing to studying one in
particular.

➤ Antonio Cangiano
Software engineer and technical evangelist, IBM
Fasten your seat belts, because you are in for a fast-paced journey. This book is
packed with programming-language-learning action. Bruce puts it all on the line,
and the result is an engaging, rewarding book that passionate programmers will
thoroughly enjoy. If you love learning new languages, if you want to challenge
your mind, if you want to take your programming skills to the next level—this
book is for you. You will not be disappointed.

➤ Frederic Daoud
Author, Stripes ...and Java Web Development Is Fun Again and Getting Started
with Apache Click

Do you want seven kick starts into learning your “language of the year”? Do you
want your thinking challenged about programming in general? Look no further
than this book. I personally was taken back in time to my undergraduate computer
science days, coasting through my programming languages survey course. The
difference is that Bruce won’t let you coast through this course! This isn’t a
leisurely read—you’ll have to work this book. I believe you’ll find it both mind-
blowing and intensely practical at the same time.

➤ Matt Stine
Group leader, Research Application Development at St. Jude Children’s
Research Hospital

I spent most of my time as a computer sciences student saying I didn’t want to

be a software developer and then became one anyway. Seven Languages in Seven
Weeks expanded my way of thinking about problems and reminded me what I
love about programming.

➤ Travis Kaspar
Software engineer, Northrop Grumman
I have been programming for 25 years in a variety of hardware and software
languages. After reading Seven Languages in Seven Weeks, I am starting to under-
stand how to evaluate languages for their objective strengths and weaknesses.
More importantly, I feel as if I could pick one of them to actually get some work
done.

➤ Chris Kappler
Senior scientist, Raytheon BBN Technologies
 Seven Languages in Seven
Weeks
A Pragmatic Guide to Learning Programming Languages

Bruce A. Tate

The Pragmatic Bookshelf

Dallas, Texas • Raleigh, North Carolina
Many of the designations used by manufacturers and sellers to distinguish their products
are claimed as trademarks. Where those designations appear in this book, and The Pragmatic
Programmers, LLC was aware of a trademark claim, the designations have been printed in
initial capital letters or in all capitals. The Pragmatic Starter Kit, The Pragmatic Programmer,
Pragmatic Programming, Pragmatic Bookshelf, PragProg and the linking g device are trade-
marks of The Pragmatic Programmers, LLC.
Every precaution was taken in the preparation of this book. However, the publisher assumes
no responsibility for errors or omissions, or for damages that may result from the use of
information (including program listings) contained herein.
Our Pragmatic courses, workshops, and other products can help you and your team create
better software and have more fun. For more information, as well as the latest Pragmatic
titles, please visit us at http://pragprog.com.

The team that produced this book includes:

Jackie Carter (editor)
Potomac Indexing, LLC (indexer)
Kim Wimpsett (copyeditor)
Steve Peter (typesetter)
Janet Furlow (producer)
Juliet Benda (rights)
Ellie Callahan (support)

Copyright © 2010 Pragmatic Programmers, LLC.

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or

transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording, or otherwise, without the prior consent of the publisher.

Printed in the United States of America.

ISBN-13: 978-1-934356-59-3
Printed on acid-free paper.
Book version: P5.0—March 2012
 Contents
Dedication . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . xi

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
1.1 Method to the Madness 19
1.2 The Languages 21
1.3 Buy This Book 22
1.4 Don’t Buy This Book 24
1.5 A Final Charge 26

2. Ruby . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2.1 Quick History 28
2.2 Day 1: Finding a Nanny 29
2.3 Day 2: Floating Down from the Sky 37
2.4 Day 3: Serious Change 49
2.5 Wrapping Up Ruby 57

3. Io . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
3.1 Introducing Io 61
3.2 Day 1: Skipping School, Hanging Out 62
3.3 Day 2: The Sausage King 74
3.4 Day 3: The Parade and Other Strange Places 83
3.5 Wrapping Up Io 91

4. Prolog . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
4.1 About Prolog 96
4.2 Day 1: An Excellent Driver 96
4.3 Day 2: Fifteen Minutes to Wapner 108
viii • Contents

4.4 Day 3: Blowing Up Vegas 118

4.5 Wrapping Up Prolog 129

5. Scala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
5.1 About Scala 133
5.2 Day 1: The Castle on the Hill 137
5.3 Day 2: Clipping Bushes and Other New Tricks 150
5.4 Day 3: Cutting Through the Fluff 164
5.5 Wrapping Up Scala 173

6. Erlang . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
6.1 Introducing Erlang 177
6.2 Day 1: Appearing Human 181
6.3 Day 2: Changing Forms 191
6.4 Day 3: The Red Pill 202
6.5 Wrapping Up Erlang 214

7. Clojure . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
7.1 Introducing Clojure 217
7.2 Day 1: Training Luke 219
7.3 Day 2: Yoda and the Force 236
7.4 Day 3: An Eye for Evil 249
7.5 Wrapping Up Clojure 257

8. Haskell . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261
8.1 Introducing Haskell 261
8.2 Day 1: Logical 262
8.3 Day 2: Spock’s Great Strength 277
8.4 Day 3: The Mind Meld 286
8.5 Wrapping Up Haskell 300

9. Wrap-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
9.1 Programming Models 305
9.2 Concurrency 308
9.3 Programming Constructs 310
9.4 Finding Your Voice 313

A1. Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . 315

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
 Dedication
The five months from December 2009 through April 2010 were among the
most difficult of my life. My brother, not yet 47 years old, had emergency
bypass surgery. No one had any clue that anything was wrong at all. (He
came through the surgery without further incident and is doing well.) In
late March, my sister was diagnosed with breast cancer. The biggest shock
of all came in early March. My mother was diagnosed with terminal cancer.
A few short weeks later, she was gone.

As you would expect, I am left to struggle with the grief of a jarring and
unexpected loss because of a brutally efficient disease. I would not be human
otherwise. But strangely, this experience has not been an entirely negative
one. You see, my mother was at peace with the remarkable life she lived,
her relationships with her family were strong and fulfilling, and she was
exactly where she wanted to be with her faith.

Lynda Lyle Tate put her creative energy into painting with watercolors. She
shared her art primarily through her Madison Avenue Art Gallery and her
classes. Before I left home, I had the opportunity to take a few lessons from
her. For someone from a technical profession, the experience was always a
little disorienting. I would visualize the masterpiece on my blank canvas.
As the actual image took shape, it drifted further and further from my
original vision. When I despaired that things were beyond my ability to fix,
Mom looked over my shoulder and told me what she saw. After a few flicks
of her talented wrist added darks to accentuate depth and highlights to add
clarity and detail, I would realize that I had not been too far astray at all. It
just took a gifted touch to bring back my creation from the brink of disaster.
Then, I would throw my excited arms up in victory and tell everyone in the
class about this thing I had created, not yet realizing that each member of
the class was going through their own private burst of joy.

After a little while, I learned that Mom was working on another canvas as
well. Through her church and through her profession, she’d find broken

report erratum • discuss

x • Dedication

people. Encountering a lost spouse here or a troubled marriage there, my

mother would bring them into class where she would use the paint and
paper to slightly open a door that had been slammed shut. As we spent our
last week together, person after person would come through her room dev-
astated at the thought of losing their teacher, but Mom would tell the perfect
joke or offer the right word of kindness, comforting those who came to
comfort her. I got to meet the human canvases who had been put right by
the master and gone on to do great things. It was a humbling experience.

When I told my mother that I would dedicate this book to her, she said that
she would like that, but she had nothing to do with computers. That is true
enough. The very thought of Windows would leave her helpless. But Mom,
you have had everything to do with me. Your well-timed words of encourage-
ment inspired me, your love of creativity shaped me, and your enthusiasm
and love of life guide me even now. As I think about these experiences, I
can’t help but feel a little better and a little stronger because I, too, am a
canvas shaped by the master.

This book is dedicated with love to Lynda Lyle Tate, 1936–2010.

report erratum • discuss

 Acknowledgments
This is the most demanding book I have ever written. It’s also the most
rewarding. The people who have offered to help in various ways have made
it so. Thanks first and foremost to my family. Kayla and Julia, your writing
amazes me. You can’t yet imagine what you can accomplish. Maggie, you
are my joy and inspiration.

In the Ruby community, thanks to Dave Thomas for turning me on to the

language that turned my career upside down and helped me have fun again.
Thanks also to Matz for your friendship and your offer to share your thoughts
with my readers. You invited me to Japan to visit the place where Ruby was
born, and that experience inspired me much more than you will ever know.
To Charles Nutter, Evan Phoenix, and Tim Bray, thanks for the conversations
about topics in this book that must have seemed tiresome but helped me
refine and shape the message.

In the Io community, thanks to Jeremy Tregunna for helping me get plugged

in and sharing some cool examples for the book. Your reviews were among
the best. They were timely and helped build a much stronger chapter. Steve
Dekorte, you’ve created something special, whether or not the marketplace
ever recognizes it as so. The concurrency features rock, and the language
has intrinsic beauty. I can definitely appreciate how much of this language
feels right. Thanks for helping this neophyte debug his installation. Thanks
also for your thoughtful reviews and your interview that helped me capture
the essence of Io. You captured the imagination of the beta readers and
created the favorite language of many of them.

In the Prolog community, thanks to Brian Tarbox for sharing your remark-
able experience with my readers. The dolphin projects, featured on Nova,
certainly add a dramatic flair to the Prolog chapter. Special thanks go to
Joe Armstrong. You can see how much your feedback shaped the chapter
and the overall book. Thanks also for contributing your map-coloring example

report erratum • discuss

xii • Acknowledgments

and your ideas for Append. They were the right examples delivered at the
right time.

In the Scala community, thanks to my good friend Venkat Subramaniam.

Your Scala book is both rich and understandable. I leaned on it heavily. I
greatly appreciate your review and the little bits of help that you offered
along the way. Those little bits of your time saved me tremendous anguish
and let me focus on the task of teaching. Thanks also to Martin Odersky
for helping this stranger by sharing your thoughts with my readers. Scala
takes a unique and brave approach to integrating functional programming
paradigms with object-oriented paradigms. Your efforts are greatly
appreciated.

In the Erlang community, I again thank Joe Armstrong. Your kindness and
energy have helped me form the ideas in this book. Your tireless promotion
of the way distributed, fault-tolerant systems should be built is working.
More than any other idea in any other language in this book, Erlang’s “Let
it crash” philosophy makes sense to me. I hope to see those ideas more
broadly adopted.

In the Clojure community, thanks to Stuart Halloway for your reviews and
ideas that forced me to work harder to bring a better book to my readers.
Your insights into Clojure and your instincts helped me understand what
was important. Your book was also hugely influential in the Clojure chapter
and actually changed the way I attacked some problems in other chapters
as well. Your approach in your consulting practice is greatly appreciated.
You’re bringing much-needed simplicity and productivity to this industry.
Thanks also to Rich Hickey for your thoughtful ideas on the creation of the
language and what it means to be a Lisp dialect. Some ideas in Clojure are
intensely radical and yet so practical. Congratulations. You’ve found a way
to make Lisp revolutionary. Again.

In the Haskell community, thanks to Phillip Wadler for the opportunity to

look inside the process that created Haskell. We share a passion for teaching,
and you’re very good at it. Thanks also to Simon Peyton-Jones. I enjoyed
working through your interview, the insights you added, and the unique
perspective you brought to these readers.

The reviewers did an outstanding job with this book. Thanks to Vladimir G.
Ivanovic, Craig Riecke, Paul Butcher, Fred Daoud, Aaron Bedra, David
Eisinger, Antonio Cangiano, and Brian Tarbox. You formed the most effective
review team I’ve ever worked with. The book is much stronger for it. I know
that reviewing a book at this level of detail is thankless, demanding work.

report erratum • discuss

 • xiii

Those of us who still like technical books thank you. The publishing business
could not exist without you.

I also want to thank those of you who shared your ideas about language
choice and programming philosophy. At various times, Neal Ford, John
Heintz, Mike Perham, and Ian Warshak made significant contributions.
These kinds of conversations made me look smarter than I really am.

Beta readers, thank you for reading the book and keeping me working. Your
comments have shown me that a good number of you are working through
the languages rather than casually skimming. I’ve changed the book based
on hundreds of comments so far and expect to do even more throughout
the life of the book.

Finally, to the team at the Pragmatic Bookshelf, I offer my sincerest gratitude.

Dave Thomas and Andy Hunt, you have had an incalculable impact on my
career as a programmer and again as an author. This publishing platform
has made writing viable again for me. We can take a book like this one that
might not be as attractive to the mass market and make it financially
worthwhile. Thanks to all the members of the publishing team. Jackie Carter,
your gentle hand and guidance were what this book needed, and I hope you
enjoyed our conversations as much as I did. Thanks to those who labored
in my shadow to make this book the best it could be. Specifically, I want to
thank the team that labored so hard to make this book look good and correct
all of my bad habits, including Kim Wimpsett, the copy editor; Seth Maislin,
the indexer; Steve Peter, the typesetter; and Janet Furlow, the producer.
This book would not be what it is without you.

As always, mistakes that slipped through this fine team are all mine. For
those of you I missed, I offer my sincerest apologies. Any oversight was not
intentional.

Finally, thanks to all of my readers. I think that real hard-copy books have
value, and I can follow my passion and write because you do, too.

Bruce Tate

report erratum • discuss

 Foreword
From the yet to be written “How Proust Can Make You a Better Programmer”
by: Joe Armstrong, Creator of Erlang

“The Gmail editor cannot get typographic quotes right.”

“Disgraceful,” said Margery, “the sign of an illiterate programmer and a decadent culture.”

“What should we do about it?”

“We must insist that the next programmer we hire has read all of ‘A la recherche du temps
perdu.’”

“All seven volumes?”

“All seven volumes.”

“Will it make them better at punctuation and make them get their quotes right?”

“Not necessarily, but it will make them a better programmer. It’s a Zen thing….”

Learning to program is like learning to swim. No amount of theory is a

substitute for diving into the pool and flailing around in the water gasping
for air. The first time you sink under the water, you panic, but when you
bob to the surface and gulp in some air, you feel elated. You think to yourself,
“I can swim.” At least that’s how I felt when I learned to swim.

It’s the same with programming. The first steps are the most difficult, and
you need a good teacher to encourage you to jump into the water.

Bruce Tate is such a teacher. This book gives you the opportunity to start
with what is the most difficult part of learning to program, namely, getting
started.

Let’s assume that you’ve actually managed the difficult task of downloading
and installing the interpreter or compiler for the language you are interested
in. What should you do next? What will be your first program?

Bruce neatly answers this question. Just type in the programs and program
fragments in this book to see whether you can reproduce his results. Don’t
think about writing your own programs yet—just try to reproduce the

report erratum • discuss

xvi • Foreword

examples in the book. As you grow in confidence, you will be able to tackle
your own programming projects.

The first step in acquiring any new skill is not being able to do your own
thing but being able to reproduce what other people have done before you.
This is the quickest way to mastering a skill.

Getting started with programming in a new language is not so much a deep

exercise in understanding the underlying principles that a language embod-
ies; it is rather a matter of getting the semicolons and commas in the right
places and understanding the weird error messages that the system spits
out when you make an error. It is not until you get beyond the messy busi-
ness of entering a program and getting it through the compiler that you can
even start to think about the meaning of the different language constructs.

Once you’ve gotten through the mechanics of entering and running programs,
you can sit back and relax. Your subconscious does the rest. While your
conscious brain is figuring out where to put the semicolons, your subcon-
scious is figuring out the deep meaning that lies underneath the surface
structures. Then you’ll wake up one day suddenly understanding the
deeper meaning of a logic program or why a particular language had a
particular construct.

Knowing a small amount about many languages is a useful skill. I often find
that I need to understand a bit of Python or Ruby to solve a particular
problem. The programs I download from the Internet are often written in a
variety of languages and need a little tweaking before I can use them.

Each language has its own set of idioms, its strengths, and its weaknesses.
By learning several different programming languages, you will be able to
see which language is best suited to the kinds of problems that interest you
most.

I’m pleased to see that Bruce’s taste in programming languages is eclectic.

He covers not only the well-established languages such as Ruby but also
less-well-appreciated languages like Io. Ultimately, programming is about
understanding, and understanding is about ideas. So, exposure to new ideas
is essential to a deeper understanding of what programming is all about.

A Zen master might tell you that to be better at mathematics you’d better
study Latin. Thus it is with programming. To better understand the essence
of OO programming, you should study logic or functional programming (FP).
To be better at FP, you should study Assembler.

report erratum • discuss

 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
 In 1805, the intrigues of Buonaparte, who sought to involve Turkey
in his continental system, prevailed upon the Porte to adopt a line of
conduct which Russia could not otherwise interpret, than as a
systematic violation of its existing engagements, and an approaching
alliance with France, notwithstanding that a public audience of the
Sultan was given to the Russian envoy, Mr. d’Italinsky, in which a
formal exchange of ratifications took place of a late treaty of
defensive alliance concluded between the two powers.
The Hospodars, Ipsilanti and Mourousi, were suddenly recalled,
without the participation of the Russian embassy; the latter was
replaced by Charles Callimacki, and the former by Alexander Sutzo, a
man who was looked upon as a partisan of Buonaparte, and who had
always been obnoxious to the interests of Russia.
Previous to this circumstance, a certain degree of coolness already
existed between the courts of St. Petersburgh and Constantinople; it
originated in the Porte’s sudden resolution of suppressing foreign
protections, in abolishing all letters-patent, until then granted to
individuals, natives of Turkey, who were authorised by such letters to
place themselves under the protection of foreign courts, although
residing and trading in the Ottoman dominions. More particularly in
carrying that resolution into effect, by forcibly and publicly
compelling all such individuals, protected by Russia, to give up their
titles, without paying the least regard to the representations of the
Russian embassy.
Ipsilanti’s and Mourousi’s deposition brought things to a crisis. A
Russian army was immediately sent to the frontiers to enforce the
treaties, and having occupied the fortresses of Bender and Hotim,
the Porte looked upon the measure as a declaration of war, and the
Mufti issued his Fetvaa[31], which declared it legal to repel force by
force.
The rupture was soon followed by another with England, who had
joined Russia to oppose the increasing influence of Buonaparte over
the Porte. When, in 1805, the English ambassador, Mr. Charles
Arbuthnot, arrived at Constantinople, the Porte expressed a wish of
renewing the treaty of accession made in 1799, the term of which
(eight years) was drawing to its end. That treaty, framed upon the
wisest principles, completed the triple alliance between England,
Russia, and Turkey, from which so many important advantages have
accrued to the common cause.
Mr. Arbuthnot not being invested with full powers for that
particular object, wrote home for instructions, and received them a
short time after; and when on their arrival an offer was made to the
Turkish ministers to commence the work, they very unexpectedly
began to draw back, and an actual recantation took place, which
naturally created the greatest surprise.
The intrigues of the French ambassador, and Buonaparte’s
progressive encroachments in Europe, had made on the minds of the
Sultan and his ministers such an impression, that no remonstrance,
no threat could now induce them to perform what they themselves
had shown so much wish for before.
On the other hand, the British embassy could not remain
indifferent to the recall of the Hospodars, and to the manner in
which the foreign protections had been suppressed.
From an impulse of official regard to the complaints and interests
of those individuals who were patentees under the English
protection, and in consequence of the Russian envoy’s solicitations
that their efforts might be joined for the purpose of resisting the
violent measures pursued by the Turkish government, the British
ambassador made many representations to the Porte against its
proceedings, and although impartial in principle as to the practice of
granting protection to natives of the country, he, at all events,
recommended moderation, and a less offensive mode of carrying the
new system into execution. But having soon discovered and
ascertained beyond a doubt, that all interference was of no avail, that
the resolution of the Turkish cabinet was such as to hazard all,
sooner than withdraw from the adopted plan, he deemed it expedient
to advise the British patentees to proceed, as if from their own
accord, and give up their titles to the Porte, and in the mean time
recommended in a private manner, the property and personal safety
of such individuals, who, by this means, not only avoided the
resentment of the Turkish government, but were all well treated, and
some taken into favour.
The British ambassador, however, showed less disposition to
compliance with regard to the other proceedings of the Porte, and
having insisted with Russia on the immediate reinstatement of the
Hospodars Ipsilanti and Mourousi, the subject was discussed at the
divan, where the general opinion inclined to a firm resistance of
those pretensions; but the Sultan finally declared, that however
humiliating might be the alternative of ceding to them, he was
resolved to recur to it rather than break with England.
This decision was at the time carried into execution, to the extreme
disappointment of the French ambassador, Sebastiani, whose great
object was to kindle the fire he had raised. But very soon after,
advices being received that the Russian troops had already entered
the Moldavian territory, affairs underwent a total change; the
Russian envoy was dismissed, and the Grand Vezier took the field.
To represent these events in a more proper point of view, it is
necessary to observe, that it was neither the intention of England,
nor the wish of Russia, to engage in a serious war with Turkey. Their
object was to bring the Porte to a sense of its true interests, in
diverting it from a line of conduct which bore every appearance of a
change in its political system, and was every way calculated to
confirm the suspicion that the Sultan was contracting an alliance
with Buonaparte.
In order to separate the Porte from the French party, and induce it
to return to the connexions which had formerly existed with the
allies of Turkey, a plan of coercive measures had been found
necessary; and, to give them a greater weight, it had been
determined that Russia should send an army from the north, and
England a fleet from the south.
When the English fleet appeared before Constantinople, it
naturally occasioned the greatest confusion and alarm. The Sultan
lost no time in sending on board to offer terms of peace, and
negotiations were commenced with Mr. Arbuthnot, who was in the
flag-ship, the Royal Sovereign. But they were carried on with much
less vigour than it was necessary to give them, and left time to the
French intrigues to gain the advantage. Buonaparte’s active agents,
General Sebastiani and Franchini[32], were the more anxious to
counteract the operations of the English plenipotentiary, as they
were aware that the first result of his success would have been the
expulsion of the French embassy from Constantinople. They
employed for that purpose every means in their power, and they
succeeded by the following stratagem.
 The chief of the Janissaries, Pehlivan-Aga, had formerly been
colonel of a regiment, which had acted once as guard of honour,
given to a French embassy at the Porte. Having remained some time
in that station, he had contracted a lasting connexion with the
French, to whose party, since that period, he devoted himself. When
General Sebastiani saw that peace with England was on the point of
being concluded, he sent Franchini to him to suggest a plan which
the Turkish officer carried into immediate execution. He went to the
seraglio[33], as if in great haste, and having obtained audience of the
Sultan, he thus addressed his imperial chief:—
“May God preserve your sacred person and the Ottoman empire
from every possible evil. A pure sense of duty brings me before your
Royal Person, to represent that so strong and general a fermentation
has arisen amongst my Janissaries since the appearance of the
infidel’s fleet before your royal palace: they express so great a
discontent at the measures pursued by your ministers in negotiating
with the English, from a shameful fear that the appearance of that
fleet has thrown them into; that a general insurrection is on the point
of breaking out, unless the negotiations be laid aside, and all offers of
peace be rejected with scorn. They declare that it is beneath the
dignity and fame of the Ottoman empire, to submit to such an act of
humiliation, as to sign a treaty, because a few ships have come to
bully its capital, and dictate their own terms to the Ottoman
sovereign. Your brave Janissaries will not suffer so disgraceful a stain
to tarnish the splendour of the Ottoman arms. They are all ready to
sacrifice themselves in defence of your residence, and in vindication
of the honour and faith of the Ottoman nation. But they can never
consent to stand tacit witnesses of a submission so ignominious to
the Turkish name.”
Sultan Selim, a prince naturally timid and credulous, no sooner
heard a message of this sort delivered in the name of the Janissaries,
then in good understanding with the chiefs of government, and
apparently united with the troops of the Nisam-y-gedid[34], than he
ordered all communications with the English fleet to be suspended,
and immediate preparations of defence to be made, in the event of its
commencing hostilities.
This manœuvre, unknown at the time, and with which very few
persons are yet acquainted, was the true cause of the failure of the
negotiations which, at the commencement, bore so sure a prospect of
success.
The fleet returned without even having made a show of hostile
intentions, and left to the triumphant French party the most decided
influence in the Seraglio.
Before we enter into further observations on the events which
followed, it may not be amiss to make a few remarks on the character
of those who were then at the head of the Turkish administration, as
it is to them that the whole change of system of the Porte is to be
attributed.
Haffiz-Ismaïl Pashah, Grand Vezier, appointed early in 1805, was a
low-bred, ignorant man, so poor and thirsty after money, that the
moment he was elevated to his station, he formed the plan of
operating a change in the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia,
although the time prescribed by the treaties was not yet near, with a
view of getting a subsidy, and securing to himself an income which
the candidates, who took no small advantage of the Vezier’s
inexperience and selfish views, had promised to allow him when the
appointment should have taken place.
Ibraïm-Aga, Kiaya-Béÿ, or minister of the interior, a man of little
experience and great ambition, under the idea of ingratiating himself
with his master, and rendering, as he thought, a signal service to the
state, undertook the affair of protections which he treated in a
manner so insulting and provoking, that it was impossible for any
foreign power, jealous of its own dignity, to suffer it to remain
unnoticed.
The Mufti, Sheriff-Zaadé-Attaa-Effendi, and the chief of the
Janissaries, Pehlivan-Mehmet Aga, were entirely devoted to the
French party. They willingly seconded the adoption of any measures
which tended to alienate the Porte from England and Russia, and
appeared calculated to promote Buonaparte’s scheme of
overthrowing the triple alliance.
Galib Reïs-Effendi, minister of foreign affairs, and Yussuf-Aga,
Validay-Kiayassi or chancellor to the Emperor’s mother, were the
only two men in power friendly to the common cause. They
disapproved of the measures pursued, but their opinion was over-
ruled, and they both thought it prudent to retire from business, in
order to screen themselves from responsibility with respect to the
consequences they foresaw.
The military operations on the Danube be between the Russians
and the Turks, which followed the first acts of hostility, were not
more successful with regard to the object that brought them on, than
the threats of the English fleet.
The peace of Tilsit took place; and the Porte, which had reason to
expect an effective interference on the part of Buonaparte in behalf of
its differences with Russia, gained no other advantage than the
conclusion of a long armistice, the first condition of which was the
retreat of the Russian armies from the principalities, whence,
however, they did not remove. Negotiations for peace were,
notwithstanding, set on foot; and the great revolutions, which
overthrew the Sultan Selim, and consigned him to death, finally
established a new order of things at Constantinople, and operated a
complete change in the political system of the Turkish cabinet. The
Porte remained no longer blind to the equivocal conduct of
Buonaparte since his reconciliation with Russia, and began to look
upon its state of hostility with England not only as useless, but even
injurious to the interests of the country.
In 1808, an English[35]plenipotentiary had been for the second
time[36] sent to treat at the Dardanelles, and peace was definitively
signed in the month of December of the same year.
At the same time the Turkish plenipotentiaries, sent to Bukorest
during the armistice, were endeavouring to adjust the differences
with Russia; but the interview of the Emperor Alexander with
Buonaparte took place at Erfurth, and the failure of their joint
proposals to the court of London[37] was followed by instructions to
Prince Prosoroffsky, commander-in-chief of the Russian armies in
Moldavia and Wallachia, to signify to the Ottoman plenipotentiaries
that, as the Emperor Alexander had acceded to the Continental
System, the chief object of which was a continual state of warfare
with England, he could no longer enter upon terms of peace with
Turkey, unless the English ambassador, lately admitted at
Constantinople, were sent out of the Ottoman dominions.
The Turkish ministers expressed astonishment at the versatility of
the court of Russia, which, having made the first overtures for a
negotiation, had not then in any manner alluded to England; they
demanded time, however, for the arrival of instructions which were
necessary to regulate their official reply to a communication so
unexpected. They dispatched a messenger to Constantinople for that
purpose, and he was accompanied by an aide-de-camp of Prince
Prosoroffsky, Colonel Bock, who, on his arrival, signified to the Porte
the Emperor’s ultimatum, through the channel of the French
minister Latour Maubourg.
The Ottoman government, without much hesitation, recalled the
Turkish plenipotentiaries from the congress of Bukorest, and
hostilities were renewed.
A plan of partition had been formed at Erfurth between the
emperors Alexander and Napoleon, by which the Turkish provinces
were to fall to the share of Russia, and Spain to that of France. It was
after this understanding between the two sovereigns that overtures
were made to England. The English negotiation took time, and
before it came to a decided issue, Buonaparte declared to his senate
that the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia were annexed to
the dominions of his friend and ally the Emperor Alexander. When,
however, Buonaparte found England determined to treat upon no
basis which did not expressly admit of the evacuation of Spain, and
that by entering into such terms he left a decided advantage to
Russia with respect to Turkey, without reaping any benefit to himself
from the political bargain made at Erfurth, he changed his views. The
continental system, which he endeavoured to justify in attributing
the general calamities of Europe to a tyrannical perseverance in war
on the part of England, furnished him with a sufficient pretext for
engaging Russia to continue her war against Turkey, who had just
entered into terms of friendship with England. On the other hand, he
prevailed upon the Turkish government to insist on the restitution of
the principalities occupied by the Russian armies, and to continue
hostilities so long as the Russian court should withhold its consent to
that measure. His desire of keeping these two powers at variance
with each other could not but increase when he had subsequently
formed the plan of invading Russia, who, molested on one side by the
Turks, and on the other by the Persians, was thus forced to employ
considerable armies on distant frontiers.
The exhausted state of Turkey, the mediation of England, and the
impatience of Russia, who was pressed by the hostile preparations of
France, evidently intended against her, hastened the conclusion of
peace in 1812 between the Mussulman powers and the Russians; but,
critical as the circumstances were, the Court of St. Petersburgh
signed a most advantageous treaty with both.
Galib Effendi, who, since the great changes of government at
Constantinople, had resumed the functions of minister of foreign
affairs, was chief plenipotentiary at the congress of Bukorest in 1811
and 1812; but the Greek prince Demetrius Mourousi, who, in his
quality of state-interpreter, was present at the negotiations,
conducted the greatest part of them, and was indeed intrusted with
extensive power. He had, with his two brothers, been invariably
attached to the Russian party since the beginning of his public
career, and his hopes of being appointed to one of the principalities,
the greatest objects of his ambition, after the restoration of peace,
appeared grounded upon the best foundation. His office, his services
at the congress, and the support of the court of Russia, were, in fact,
considerations which appeared to render his nomination certain.
The cession of Wallachia and Moldavia could not, therefore, by any
means, suit his views, and he combated it with energy and success;
but, in rendering so important a service to the Porte, some proof of
attachment to Russia was also necessary on his part; and although by
insisting on the entire restitution of the principalities, no doubt but
the Russian plenipotentiaries, who were instructed to hasten the
conclusion of peace upon any terms not beyond that restitution,
would have consented without hesitation, Mourousi, who was aware
of it, finally settled the conditions by ceding to Russia the finest part
of Moldavia, that which is situated between the rivers Dniester and
Pruth, thus fixing the future line of demarcation of the Russian
frontiers by the direction of the latter river.
The vigilant agents of Buonaparte at Constantinople did not suffer
the conduct of Mourousi to remain unnoticed. When, after the
signing of the treaty, they saw themselves frustrated in the hope of
inducing the Porte to continue the war, they sought to bring the
Mourousi family into disgrace, that they might, at least, prevail upon
the Ottoman government to place at the head of the principalities
persons of their own choosing. They represented the Prince
Demetrius as a traitor who had been bribed by the Russians to serve
their interests, at a time when it was in his power to obtain the most
advantageous terms of peace.
Meanwhile hostilities commenced between France and Russia, and
the Porte having evinced a resolution of remaining neutral, unwilling
to give umbrage to either of the contending powers in the choice of
the new Hospodars, resolved to fix upon two individuals whose
political principles had never been connected with foreign parties. A
great number of candidates offered their services, but none of them
being qualified for the appointments, their claims were rejected.
Halett-Effendi, intimate counsellor of the sultan, was instructed to
make a choice, and he fixed it on the prince Charles Callimacki[38] for
Moldavia, and Yanco Caradja for Wallachia. Halett-Effendi had been
several years before Turkish secretary to Callimacki’s father, whilst at
the head of the Moldavian government, and on terms of intimate
friendship with Caradja, who had also a subaltern employment
under the same prince. Being perfectly acquainted with the personal
character of both, he recommended them to the sultan as the fittest
persons in those circumstances, and they were appointed in August
1812.
Demetrius Mourousi, who, with Galib Effendi, had not yet
departed from Wallachia, received the news of the nominations at a
time that he expected with confidence that of his own. He was at the
same time secretly informed that his return to Constantinople would
expose him to the greatest dangers, and advised to retire into a
Christian country. Offers were made him of an asylum in Russia,
with a considerable pension from the government; but, fearful that
his flight might direct the vengeance of the Porte on his family, who
had remained in the power of the Turks, and in the hope of justifying
his conduct, since the whole responsibility of the transactions at the
congress ought properly to have fallen on Galib Effendi, he made up
his mind to accompany that minister back to the capital. He little
suspected, however, that the Turkish minister, whose conduct had
been disapproved of, had removed every unfavourable impression
relative to himself from the mind of the Sultan, by attributing the
conditions of peace to which he had subscribed, to the intrigues and
treachery of Mourousi; and that he had, in consequence, received
secret orders to arrest the Greek prince the moment they crossed the
Danube together, and send him prisoner to the Grand Vezier, who
had not yet removed his head-quarters from Shumla.
Mourousi, still more encouraged by the friendly assurances of
Galib Effendi, left Bukorest in September, and from Rustehiuk was
conveyed under an escort to Shumla, where, on entering the gates of
the Vezier’s dwelling, he was met by several Chiaoushes[39] who fell
upon him with their sabres and cut him in pieces. His head was sent
to Constantinople, where it was exposed three days at the gates of the
Seraglio, with that of his brother Panayotti Mourousi, who, during
the absence of Demetrius had filled his place at the Porte, and was
accused of having been his accomplice in betraying the Ottoman
interests.
The Hospodars Caradja and Callimacki took possession of their
respective governments on the 3d of October, 1812, the day fixed for
the restitution of the principalities; and the Porte, whose present
security on the side of Russia, in a great measure depends on the
strictest adherence to its treaties with that power, has made no
attempt of removing the princes previous to the expiration of the
seven years.
The Hospodar Caradja, however, having in the course of six years’
residence in Wallachia, amassed immense wealth, apprehensive of
being called to account on his return to Constantinople for laying
aside so many riches for his own use, judged it prudent to make a
timely retreat, and to settle in some Christian country of Europe
beyond the reach of Turkish influence. He remitted all his money to
European banks, and one day in October, 1818, he assembled some
of the principal Boyars, consigned to them the reins of government,
and left Bukorest with all his family for Kronstadt in the Austrian
dominions, where he arrived in safety after a short journey.[40]
After his departure, the Boyars petitioned the Sultan that he would
no longer appoint Greek princes to govern Wallachia, but confide the
administration to the members of the divan, who engaged to accept
and maintain any tributary conditions that he would think proper to
prescribe to them. The Ottoman cabinet, however, did not conceive it
prudent to listen to the proposal; and after communicating with the
Russian ambassador, appointed to the principality the same
Alexander Sutzo, who had been so strongly opposed by the Russian
Envoy in 1805.
 Russia had no longer reasons to object to his nomination; and no
doubt but the Prince Sutzo, who is an enlightened and well-thinking
statesman, will acquit himself of his charge as well as the
circumstances in which he is situated, will permit. But the harassing
and ruinous system of government, still maintained in the
principalities, offers, it must be confessed, no small matter of regret
on the indifference of the Porte with regard to the adoption of
measures better calculated for their welfare and prosperity.
The Ottoman court has often witnessed the consequences of the
dread with which the Greeks employed in its service are impressed,
and has felt on various occasions how much its policy must tend to
alienate from the Turks every sentiment of good-will of the
inhabitants of those provinces, and make them desirous and ready to
throw themselves into the arms of the first nation whose armies
approach their territory to make war on Turkey; and yet it continues
in the same system. Greek princes, however devoted to the interests
of the Porte, would certainly do little without armies, in the event of
an unexpected revolution in Wallachia and Moldavia. Their presence
alone is by no means sufficient to maintain in them the Turkish
authority. The fortified places on the Danube, are the only
guarantees of the fidelity of the principalities. In suffering the two
nations to be governed entirely by their own natural authorities,
would the Ottoman supremacy incur the least diminution of power?
and would it not continue to maintain the same commanding
advantages?
The inattention of the Turkish cabinet is not to be exclusively
ascribed to the general system of governing the empire, but chiefly to
the selfish views and personal avidity of the ministers who compose
it. They have accustomed themselves to look upon Wallachia and
Moldavia as two rich provinces over which they have but a
momentary authority; and, instead of seeking the means most
calculated to secure a permanent possession of them, they shorten
the possibility by a systematic devastation of all their resources.
The Sultan himself, who takes a much more active part in the
affairs of state than many of his predecessors have done; whose
talents and liberal sentiments would claim equality with those of any
other sovereign, were they not so much restrained by the religious
prejudices and stubborn ignorance of his Mahometan subjects: and
whose chief attention has of late years been directed to a new
organization of the empire, unfortunately seems equally averse to
any changes which might tend to improve the condition of Wallachia
and Moldavia.
 CHAPTER VII.
CLIMATE.—ITS INFLUENCE.—EDUCATION
OF THE BOYARS.—SCHOOLS.—
WALLACHIAN TONGUE.—MODERN GREEK.
—NATIONAL DRESS, MUSIC, AND DANCE.—
AMUSEMENTS.—HOLIDAYS.—MANNERS OF
SOCIETY.—MARRIAGES.—DIVORCES.—
RELIGION AND SUPERSTITION.—
AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH.—ITS
INDEPENDENCE OF THE PATRIARCHAL
CHURCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE.

The proximity of the Black Sea and of Mount Hæmus on one side,
and that of the Carpathian Mountains on the other, render the
climate of the principalities variable, and subject to sudden changes
from heat to cold.
When the wind comes from the north-east, even in the middle of
summer, it cools the atmosphere to such a degree, as to force the
inhabitants to cover themselves with additional clothing. The
southerly wind brings heat and fine weather; but it seldom lasts any
length of time.
A great quantity of rain falls during the summer, and in the
months of June and July it is always accompanied by storms of wind
and thunder, which regularly return every day at the same hour
towards the evening.
The winter is almost always long and tedious, and the summer
heats set in all at once at the beginning of May, so that the beauties
of a regular spring are little seen or known.
The severest part of the winter begins early in December, and the
same degree of cold, with little variation, lasts until the middle of
February, when a damp and unhealthy temperature succeeds, and
continues until May. The Danube and all the rivers that fall into it
from the principalities generally remain frozen for six weeks, and the
ice is thick enough to bear with perfect safety the heaviest artillery.
The snow lies on the ground the whole of January and February, and
communications with every part of the country are carried on with
sledges.
From the latter part of September to the middle, and frequently to
the end of, November, the days are the finest in the year. But the
nights are excessively cold, and the night air particularly
unwholesome. Travellers who do not take care to guard against its
influence by flannels and thick clothing, are exposed to the danger of
various kinds of fevers, and of the pleurisy.
The irregularity of climate, the damp quality of the soil, and an
abundance of marshy places throughout the principalities, produce a
visible influence over the animals of the various sorts which are
common to them, as well as over the vegetation. The bears, wolves,
and foxes, are of the most timid nature; hardly any danger is to be
apprehended from them, unless they are met in numerous flocks, as
is common enough during the coldest winter nights.
The domestic animals are also remarkable for mildness. The beef,
pork, mutton, poultry, and game, have rather an insipid taste; the
vegetables an inferior flavour, and the flowers little perfume.
Finally, man, the chief work of nature, is here of a dull and heavy
disposition: with weak passions, no strength of mind, and betraying
a natural aversion to a life of industry or of mental exertion. Moral
causes may indeed produce such effects upon the human frame; but
here, those of a physical kind evidently act in unison with them, and
with equal force.
The education of the Boyars is usually confined to the mere
knowledge of reading and writing the language of the country, and
the modern Greek. Some few add to this superficial stock of learning,
a few of the rudiments of the French language, which has been
introduced by the Russian officers among them. Many more
understand and speak it without the least knowledge of its letters or
grammar. If any are able to talk familiarly, though imperfectly, of
one or two ancient or celebrated authors, or make a few bad verses
that will rhyme, they assume the title of literati and poets, and they
are looked upon by their astonished countrymen as endowed with
superior genius and abilities. An early propensity to learning and
literature receives but little encouragement; and, at a more advanced
period in life, the allurements of public employment, the petty
intrigues at court, and the absence of every obstacle to pursuits of
gallantry and pleasure, induce even the best disposed to set aside
every other occupation.
Public schools have, since several years, been established both at
Bukorest and Yassi. They are supported at public expense, and
attended by masters for the Wallachian, ancient and modern Greek
languages, writing, and arithmetic. The number of students at each
school amounts at the present moment to about two hundred. They
are the sons of inferior Boyars and tradesmen. The children of the
principal Boyars receive their education at home from private tutors,
commonly Greek priests, who are not natives of the principalities.
The education of the women is not more carefully attended to than
that of the men; sometimes it is inferior, on account of the prevailing
custom of marrying them at a very early age.
Neither sex is regularly instructed in religion, and it is by the mere
intercourse of life that they derive their notions of it, and by the
examples of their elders that their principles in it are regulated.
These circumstances, naturally arising from the discouragement
given by the government to every improvement in civilisation, keep
the state of society very backward, and are productive of the most
pernicious influence over its moral character.
The Boyars, indeed, although so little susceptible of great virtues,
cannot be taxed with a determined propensity to vice. Established
prejudices, which the general state of ignorance has rooted in the two
nations, and a universal system of moral corruption, render them,
however, familiar with it.
Money is their only stimulus; and the means they generally employ
to obtain it are not the efforts of industry, nor are they modified by
any scruples of conscience. Habit has made them spoliators; and in a
country where actions of an ignominious nature are even
encouraged, and those of rapacity looked upon as mere proofs of
dexterity and cunning, corruption of principles cannot fail to become
universal.
The prodigality of the Boyars is equal to their avidity; ostentation
governs them in one manner, and avarice in another. They are
careless of their private affairs, and, with the exception of a few more
prudent than the generality, they leave them in the greatest disorder.
Averse to the trouble of conducting their pecuniary concerns, they
entrust them to the hands of stewards, who take good care to enrich
themselves at their expense, and to their great detriment. Many have
more debts than the value of their whole property is sufficient to pay;
but their personal credit is not injured by them, neither do they
experience one moment’s anxiety for such a state of ruin.
The quality of nobility protects them from the pursuits of the
creditor; and the hope of obtaining lucrative employments, by the
revenues of which they may be able to mend their affairs, sets their
minds at ease, and induces them to continue in extravagance. Some
bring forward their ruin as a pretext for soliciting frequent
employment, and when the creditors have so often applied to the
prince as to oblige him to interfere, they represent that the payment
of their debts depends upon his placing them in office. The office is
finally obtained, and the debts remain unpaid. When a sequester is
laid upon their property, they contrive to prove that it came to them
by marriage; and as the law respects dowries, they save it from public
sale.
The Wallachian or Moldavian language is composed of a corrupt
mixture of foreign words, materially altered from their original
orthography and pronunciation. Its groundwork is Latin and
Slavonic. For many centuries it had no letters, and the Slavonic
characters were used in public instruments and epitaphs. The
Boyars, whose public career rendered the knowledge of a few letters
most necessary, knew merely enough to sign their names. The Bible
was only known by reputation. In 1735, Constantine
Mavrocordato,who had undertaken the task of replacing barbarism
by civilisation in both principalities, made a grammar for the jargon
that was spoken, in characters which he drew from the Slavonic and
the Greek. He caused several copies of the Old and New Testament in
the new language to be distributed, and he ordered the Gospel to be
regularly read in the churches. He encouraged the inhabitants to
study their language according to the rules of his grammar, and in a
few years the knowledge of reading and writing became general
among the higher orders.[41]
The modern Greek, introduced by the Hospodars, is the language
of the court, but it is perfectly understood by the Boyars, with whom
it has become a native tongue. It is spoken in Wallachia with much
greater purity than in any other country where it is in use. In many
parts of Greece, different dialects have been adopted, some of which
have but little affinity with the Hellenic, whilst in others the greater
part of the words have been so disfigured as to render their origin
difficult to trace. The Greek spoken in Wallachia differs but little
from the Hellenic. The Moldavians are less in the habit of making use
of it; and the study of French and other foreign languages is more
general among them.
The national dress of the Boyars does not differ from that which
belongs to the higher classes of Turks, with the only exception of the
turban, to which they substitute a kind of cap of an extraordinary size
called calpack, made of grey Astracan fur, in the shape of a pear. It is
hollow, and the largest part of it is about three feet in circumference,
with a proportionable height. It is altogether a very ugly and
ridiculous head-dress, and not at all adapted to the beauty and
magnificence of the rest of the costume.
The ladies dress entirely in the European style; but they combine
the fashions with oriental richness and profusion of ornament. Their
persons, in general, have not much beauty; but this deficiency is
made up by a great share of natural grace and pleasant humour, and
by a peculiar neatness of shape.
The Wallachian music has some resemblance with that of the
modern Greeks, although more regular in time, and altogether more
harmonious. Its style has hardly any variety, and all the tunes are
uniformly played in minor keys. Some would produce good effect if
played with proper delicacy and expression. The instruments mostly
used are the common violin, the Pan-pipe, and a kind of guitar or
lute peculiar to the country. The bands are composed of these three
kinds of instruments, all of which play the leading part without
variation of accompaniment; they are only introduced on occasions
of mirth or festivity. The Boyars, being no admirers of music, never
make a study of it, and their gypsy slaves are the only persons who
profess it. Their women, however, are partial to the German style of
it, and several of them perform on the pianoforte; but want of
perseverance keeps them from reaching to any degree of perfection,
and want of emulation from persevering.
The dance, formerly common to all the classes of the natives, and
which, at present, is the only one known to the lower orders, is of a
singular style. Fifteen or twenty persons of both sexes take each
other by the hands, and, forming a large circle, they turn round and
round again, at a very slow pace; the men bending their knees now
and then, as if to mark the time of music, and casting a languishing
look on each side, when holding the hands of women. This kind of
dance has some years since been thrown out of fashion in the first
circles of society, and English country-dances, waltzing, and the
Polish mazurka have been introduced. Most of the ladies dance them
well, but the men very indifferently, their dress being a great obstacle
to perfection in the accomplishment.
In the daily occupations and pastimes of the Boyars, little variety
takes place. Those who hold no place under government, spend their
leisure in absolute idleness, or in visiting each other to kill time. In
Wallachia, the management of their estates and other private
concerns, which do not relate to public appointment, does not
occupy much of their attention, and sometimes the finest of their
lands are left in total neglect, or in the hands of mercenary agents,
who enrich themselves with their spoils. They hardly ever visit their
country possessions, which some let out for several years, for much
less than their real value, when they find customers who are willing
to pay the whole amount of rent in advance. They build fine country-
houses which they intend never to inhabit, and which, in a few years,
fall into ruin. The most delightful spots in their beautiful country
have no power to attract them, neither is it at all customary with
them to quit the town residence at any season of the year.
The Boyars in Moldavia, like those in Wallachia, are the great
land-proprietors; but they bestow much more of their attention and
time to the improvement of their estates, which they make their
principal source of riches. The revenues of some of the most opulent,
from landed property, amount to two or three hundred thousand
piasters, and their appointment to public employment is generally
unsolicited.
During the winter, the chief amusements of the Boyars at Bukorest
consist in attending public clubs, established on the plan of the
redoutes at Vienna. Masked balls are given in them three or four
times a week, which attract great numbers of people. There are,
however, clubs adapted to the different ranks; the principal of them,
to which the court and first Boyars subscribe, is distinguished by the
appellation of Club-noble; it is very numerously attended towards
the end of the Carnival, and although its title indicates a perfect
selection of society, it does not the less allow entrance to people of all
descriptions under masks. The most genteel do not dance here,
unless they are masked; but they play at the pharao-table, and at
other games, of which the place offers a variety.
Private balls are also given sometimes, but no other kind of regular
evening parties are customary. Formalities of invitation, however,
are never expected; and the tables of the Boyars, and their houses,
are at all times open to their friends and acquaintance.
The summer evenings are generally spent at a place called
Hellesteo. It is a lake situated about a mile’s distance out of town, on
the borders of which, the company walk or sit two or three hours.
Near the most frequented part is a coffee-house, where ices and
other refreshments are to be had. On Sundays, the number of
carriages coming to this place, amounts sometimes to six or seven
hundred; and the multitude of fashionables, as well as the great
display of dress and jewels of the ladies, certainly render it a gay and
pretty scene. The walks are not shaded by trees, and the only
advantage they offer, is an extensive view round the country.
At the distance of a mile from the Hellesteo, is situated a beautiful
little grove called Banessa, to which a part of the company frequently
drive. It is the property of a Boyar of the name of Vakaresko, and
forms a kind of park to his country-house, situated behind it. This
gentleman is not only good enough to keep it open to the public, but
even makes every possible improvement for their accommodation, at
his own expense. Both he and his lady do the honours of it to their
friends, in the most obliging manner.
All the company return to town from these places at the same
time; the line of calèches, endless to the sight, raise clouds of dust, to
the no small derangement of the ladies’ toilets. Some spend the
remainder of the evening in riding up and down the principal streets,
and others assemble at different houses to play at cards.
In winter, the afternoon rides are confined to the streets of the
town, where the number and splendour of sledges is equal to that of
the calèches in the fine season.
Last year a company of German actors came to Bukorest, and after
some performances, were encouraged to establish a regular theatre.
They gave German operas, and comedies translated into Wallachian,
and the first two or three months they attracted crowds from all the
classes, who, without exception, seemed to have taken a true liking to
the new sort of amusement; but latterly the charm of novelty had
begun to wear off, and the Boyars of the first order, with some of the
principal foreign residents, seemed to be the only persons disposed
to support the continuance of the establishment, more with the view
of making it a place of general union of the society, than from the
attractions of the stage.
The days of Christmas, new-year, the prince’s anniversary, Easter,
and some others, are chiefly devoted to etiquette visits at court. From
nine o’clock in the morning to one in the afternoon, the prince and
princess, seated at the corner of a very long sopha, and covered with
jewels and the most costly apparel, receive the homage of all those
who are entitled to the honour of kissing their hands, an honour
which the foreign consuls, their wives, and officers attached to their
suite, alone, think proper to dispense with. No other persons residing
in the country can be received at court on gala days without going
through that formality. The wives of Boyars are allowed to sit in the
presence of the prince and princess; they take seat according to the
rank or office of their husbands, who without exception are obliged
to stand at a respectful distance. On similar occasions, the crowd at
court is immense; the whole of the outer apartments are filled with
persons of every description, and the audience-chamber is not less so
by the number of visitors. On new-year’s-day it is customary to make
presents of money to the servants attending the court; they have no
other pecuniary allowance for their services; and the bustle and
confusion occasioned by the avidity of this crowd of harpies is as
difficult to be described as it is inconsistent with the dignity of a
court who expects and ordains universal homage to its chiefs.