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Forms of Motion 26

Linear Motion 26

Angular Motion 26

General Motion 27

Mechanical Systems 27

Standard Reference Terminology 28

Anatomical Reference Position 28

Directional Terms 29

Anatomical Reference Planes 30

Anatomical Reference Axes 31

Joint Movement Terminology 31

Sagittal Plane Movements 31

Frontal Plane Movements 32

Transverse Plane Movements 35

Other Movements 37

Spatial Reference Systems 37

Analyzing Human Movement 38

Prerequisite Knowledge for a Qualitative Analysis

39

Planning a Qualitative Analysis 40

Conducting a Qualitative Analysis 42

 Tools for Measuring Kinematic Quantities 45

Video and Film 45

Summary 46

Introductory Problems 47

Additional Problems 48

Laboratory Experiences 49
Page v

3 Kinetic Concepts for Analyzing Human Motion 55

Basic Concepts Related to Kinetics 56

Inertia 56

Mass 57

Force 57

Center of Gravity 58

Weight 58

Pressure 60

Volume 60

Density 62

Torque 62

Impulse 63

Mechanical Loads on the Human Body 64

 Compression, Tension, and Shear 64

Mechanical Stress 65

Torsion, Bending, and Combined Loads 66

The Effects of Loading 67

Repetitive versus Acute Loads 68

Tools for Measuring Kinetic Quantities 69

Vector Algebra 69

Vector Composition 70

Vector Resolution 71

Graphic Solution of Vector Problems 72

Trigonometric Solution of Vector Problems 72

Summary 74

Introductory Problems 74

Additional Problems 75

Laboratory Experiences 77

4 The Biomechanics of Human Bone Growth and

Development 81
Composition and Structure of Bone Tissue 82

Material Constituents 82

Structural Organization 82
 Types of Bones 84

Bone Growth and Development 85

Longitudinal Growth 86

Circumferential Growth 86

Adult Bone Development 87

Bone Response to Stress 87

Bone Modeling and Remodeling 87

Bone Hypertrophy 89

Bone Atrophy 89

Osteoporosis 91

Postmenopausal and Age-Associated Osteoporosis

92

Female Athlete Triad 93

Preventing and Treating Osteopenia and

Osteoporosis 94

Common Bone Injuries 94

The Biomechanics of Bone Fractures 94

Epiphyseal Injuries 96

Summary 96

Introductory Problems 97

Additional Problems 97
 Laboratory Experiences 99

Page vi

5 The Biomechanics of Human Skeletal Articulations

107
Joint Architecture 108

Immovable Joints 108

Slightly Movable Joints 109

Freely Movable Joints 109

Articular Cartilage 111

Articular Fibrocartilage 112

Articular Connective Tissue 112

Joint Stability 113

Shape of the Articulating Bone Surfaces 114

Arrangement of Ligaments and Muscles 114

Other Connective Tissues 115

Joint Flexibility 115

Measuring Joint Range of Motion 116

Factors Influencing Joint Flexibility 116

Flexibility and Injury 117

Techniques for Increasing Joint Flexibility 118

 Neuromuscular Response to Stretch 118

Active and Passive Stretching 121

Ballistic, Static, and Dynamic Stretching 121

Proprioceptive Neuromuscular Facilitation 122

Common Joint Injuries and Pathologies 123

Sprains 123

Dislocations 123

Bursitis 123

Arthritis 124

Rheumatoid Arthritis 124

Osteoarthritis 124

Summary 125

Introductory Problems 125

Additional Problems 126

Laboratory Experiences 127

Page vii

6 The Biomechanics of Human Skeletal Muscle 133

Behavioral Properties of the Musculotendinous Unit 134

Extensibility and Elasticity 134

Irritability and the Ability to Develop Tension 135

Structural Organization of Skeletal Muscle 136

Muscle Fibers 136

Motor Units 139

Fiber Types 140

Fiber Architecture 142

Skeletal Muscle Function 145

Recruitment of Motor Units 145

Change in Muscle Length with Tension

Development 146

Roles Assumed by Muscles 147

Two-Joint and Multijoint Muscles 148

Factors Affecting Muscular Force Generation 149

Force–Velocity Relationship 149

Length–Tension Relationship 150

Stretch-Shortening Cycle 151

Electromyography 152

Electromechanical Delay 153

Muscular Strength, Power, and Endurance 153

Muscular Strength 153

Muscular Power 156

Muscular Endurance 157

 Muscle Fatigue 158

Effect of Muscle Temperature 158

Common Muscle Injuries 159

Strains 159

Contusions 159

Cramps 159

Delayed-Onset Muscle Soreness 159

Compartment Syndrome 160

Summary 160

Introductory Problems 160

Additional Problems 161

Laboratory Experiences 163

Page viii

7 The Biomechanics of the Human Upper Extremity 169

Structure of the Shoulder 170

Sternoclavicular Joint 170

Acromioclavicular Joint 170

Coracoclavicular Joint 171

Glenohumeral Joint 171

Scapulothoracic Joint 173

 Bursae 173

Movements of the Shoulder Complex 174

Muscles of the Scapula 175

Muscles of the Glenohumeral Joint 176

Flexion at the Glenohumeral Joint 176

Extension at the Glenohumeral Joint 176

Abduction at the Glenohumeral Joint 178

Adduction at the Glenohumeral Joint 179

Medial and Lateral Rotation of the Humerus 179

Horizontal Adduction and Abduction at the

Glenohumeral Joint 180

Loads on the Shoulder 181

Common Injuries of the Shoulder 183

Dislocations 183

Rotator Cuff Damage 184

Rotational Injuries 185

Subscapular Neuropathy 185

Structure of the Elbow 186

Humeroulnar Joint 186

Humeroradial Joint 186

Proximal Radioulnar Joint 186

 Carrying Angle 186

Movements at the Elbow 187

Muscles Crossing the Elbow 187

Flexion and Extension 187

Pronation and Supination 188

Loads on the Elbow 189

Common Injuries of the Elbow 192

Sprains and Dislocations 192

Overuse Injuries 192

What Research Tells Us about the Biomechanics of

Baseball Pitching 193

Structure of the Wrist 194

Movements of the Wrist 195

Flexion 195

Extension and Hyperextension 195

Radial and Ulnar Deviation 197

Structure of the Joints of the Hand 197

Carpometacarpal and Intermetacarpal Joints 197

Metacarpophalangeal Joints 197

Interphalangeal Joints 198

Movements of the Hand 198

 Common Injuries of the Wrist and Hand 201

Summary 202

Introductory Problems 202

Additional Problems 203

Laboratory Experiences 205

Page ix

8 The Biomechanics of the Human Lower Extremity 213

Structure of the Hip 214

Movements at the Hip 215

Muscles of the Hip 215

Flexion 215

Extension 217

Abduction 217

Adduction 218

Medial and Lateral Rotation of the Femur 219

Horizontal Abduction and Adduction 219

Loads on the Hip 220

Common Injuries of the Hip 221

Fractures 221

Contusions 222
 Strains 222

Structure of the Knee 222

Tibiofemoral Joint 222

Menisci 222

Ligaments 224

Patellofemoral Joint 225

Joint Capsule and Bursae 225

Movements at the Knee 225

Muscles Crossing the Knee 225

Flexion and Extension 225

Rotation and Passive Abduction and Adduction

227

Patellofemoral Joint Motion 227

Loads on the Knee 228

Forces at the Tibiofemoral Joint 228

Forces at the Patellofemoral Joint 228

Common Injuries of the Knee and Lower Leg 229

Anterior Cruciate Ligament Injuries 230

Posterior Cruciate Ligament Injuries 231

Medial Collateral Ligament Injuries 231

Meniscus Injuries 231

 Iliotibial Band Friction Syndrome 232

Patellofemoral Pain Syndrome 232

Shin Splints 233

Structure of the Ankle 233

Movements at the Ankle 233

Structure of the Foot 236

Subtalar Joint 236

Tarsometatarsal and Intermetatarsal Joints 236

Metatarsophalangeal and Interphalangeal Joints

236

Plantar Arches 236

Movements of the Foot 237

Muscles of the Foot 237

Toe Flexion and Extension 237

Inversion and Eversion 237

Pronation and Supination 238

Loads on the Foot 239

Common Injuries of the Ankle and Foot 239

Ankle Injuries 240

Overuse Injuries 240

Alignment Anomalies of the Foot 240

 Injuries Related to High and Low Arch Structures
242

What Research Tells Us about Barefoot Running

242

Summary 243

Introductory Problems 244

Additional Problems 244

Laboratory Experiences 247

9 The Biomechanics of the Human Spine 255

Structure of the Spine 256

Vertebral Column 256

Vertebrae 257

Intervertebral Discs 258

Ligaments 262

Spinal Curves 263

Movements of the Spine 264

Flexion, Extension, and Hyperextension 265

Lateral Flexion and Rotation 266

Muscles of the Spine 266

Anterior Aspect 266

Posterior Aspect 268

Exploring the Variety of Random
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distinct in political complexion and economic and social interests
from the Hudson River valley and the metropolis at its mouth.
The commercial greatness of the City of New York dates from the
opening of the Erie Canal in 1825, which made New York the outlet
of the lake States. Meanwhile, however, several other foreign
invasions had taken place.
The French Huguenots, racially Nordic and almost identical with the
British, began to arrive in Colonial New York after 1685, founding the
town of New Rochelle to commemorate the French city from which
so many of them had come. Here, as elsewhere, their influence was
far in excess of their proportionately small number.
In 1711, Governor Hunter of New York became imbued with
grandiose ideas about developing the resources of his Province and
began to look for a source of cheap labor for its exploitation. He
found this in the German districts on the Rhine, broadly known as
the Palatinate, where various national elements, not merely German
and Alsatian, but French, Swiss, Moravian, and miscellaneous, were
gathered, and where the religious persecution to which they were
subjected as Protestants, and the excessive hardships which they
were compelled to endure from invasions of the armies of Louis XIV,
had reduced them to great misery.
The population was ripe for emigration and furnished the only
substantial element of non-Nordic origin in the Colonial history of
America. It is not necessary to trace in detail the innumerable petty
sects and national elements, often two or three times removed from
their original home, of which this "Palatine" emigration was
composed. For the present purpose it was pre-dominantly German-
speaking, and largely of the round-headed Alpine stock in racial
make-up.
About 1709, these Palatines began frantic efforts to escape from
their misfortunes, and within a few years some 30,000 had gone
over into Holland and even into England, where they were not
welcome. The British Government was only too glad to subsidize
their further emigration, and several thousand of them were
transported to the Hudson River valley. They soon became
discontented there and were finally colonized on the Schoharie River
in New York. Here, in turn, they were ousted by what they
considered political jobbery and many of them moved on to the
Mohawk River, a tributary of the Hudson, while others continued
down the Susquehanna River to Pennsylvania. On the whole,
therefore, the Palatines are to be considered merely temporary
inhabitants of New York State. Although a good many of them
remained, the reports they sent out as to their treatment were so
unsatisfactory that thenceforth the Palatine immigration mostly
avoided New York and landed in Pennsylvania, where it will be
encountered later.
The next influx, particularly after 1719, was of Ulster Scots, similar
to that already mentioned as invading New England. Much of Orange
County on the west of the Hudson River was settled by these
Ulstermen, beginning as early as 1729, and for the next half-century
the infiltration of this Nordic element was continuous, although more
of it came through New England than directly into New York harbor.
By the time of the Revolution the Ulster Scots had spread over much
of the eastern part of northern New York, having enough
representatives in Albany in 1760 to establish a Presbyterian church
there.
At about the same time Sir William Johnson, who had received a
grant of 100,000 acres of land north of the Mohawk River for his
valor in defending the colonies against the French at Crown Point
and Lake George in 1755, began to look about for suitable tenants
and hit upon the idea of importing Scotch Highlanders of Roman
Catholic faith. Some hundreds of these arrived just before the
Revolution, and like Sir John Johnson, son of Sir William, espoused
the cause of the Loyalists. After the Revolution, they moved
northward to Ontario where the town of Glengarry recalls their
earlier home in Inverness. There, such families as the MacDonnells,
McDougalls, Camerons, McIntyres, and Fergusons became an
important element of strength to Canada.
As noted, New York State at the time of the Revolution was still
distinctly an unimportant colony, and its greatness dates from the
invasion of New Englanders immediately after the war. Connecticut,
by virtue of its proximity, was the principal source of these settlers,
although almost every part of New England contributed. The
crossing over of the Ulster Scots has already been mentioned, but it
must not be inferred that that was the principal element in the
settlement of the State. The main immigration was of the old Puritan
English stock which still dominates all of upper New York, except
where subsequent colonies of recent immigrants in some of the
larger industrial cities have altered the local scene.
The western shores of Lake Champlain and some of the older towns
of the Hudson River valley could scarcely be recognized, after a few
years, by those who had known them previously. A mere Dutch farm
in 1784 had been changed in four years to the thriving city of
Hudson, a typical New England commercial town with warehouses,
wharves, Yankee shipping, and stores filled with Yankee notions.
A visitor to Whitesborough on the Mohawk River, in 1788, reported
that "settlers are continually pouring in from the Connecticut hive."
Binghamton was settled jointly by Connecticut and Massachusetts.
The same spirit caused a mixing up of the population within the
limits of New England so that, to take a single illustration, the men
of Middlefield, a small hill town in western Massachusetts, were
found on inquiry to come from nearly sixty different towns in
Massachusetts and Connecticut.
After the Revolution the more enterprising young men of
Massachusetts and Connecticut began to leave their home towns. Of
those who departed, a half went to other places in New England, a
quarter to western New York, and a quarter to Ohio and other points
in the then "Far West."
The extreme western part of New York State had not begun to
develop as early as the period of which we are speaking.
Canandaigua was the largest town in 1790, and it had but a hundred
inhabitants. Pioneers came from New Jersey and Pennsylvania by
way of the Susquehanna and Tioga Rivers, went to Seneca Lake,
and thence to Cayuga; others from Connecticut had entered the
valley of the Mohawk by way of Albany and Fort Schuyler. Small
settlements sprang up at Bath, Naples, Geneva, Aurora, Seneca
Falls, Palmyra, Richmond, Fort Stanwix, and Marcellus. The Erie
Canal was as yet undreamt of.
The population picture of New York State in 1790 is then a double
one. The great bulk of the State, so far as area is concerned, was a
colony of Anglo-Saxon origin almost identical with the New England
States. The Hudson valley formed a less important appendage to
this, with New York City at its mouth—a miscellaneous settlement of
people of all sorts whose interests were largely commercial.
New York was one of the States that lost most heavily by the Loyalist
migration at the end of the Revolution. This superior Nordic element
left in two great streams; one by sea to Nova Scotia, and the other
overland to Canada. Long Island was a particularly heavy loser, 3000
people going in one fleet in 1783. The influx of Loyalists into Nova
Scotia, amounting to some 35,000, was a severe burden on that
little colony. Those who went into Canada overland from New York
were more easily assimilated, and many of the important
settlements along the northern shores of Lake Erie and Lake Ontario,
such as Kingston, date from that time. To these Ontario settlers was
given, by Order in Council in 1789, the honorary name of "United
Empire Loyalists," and they formed the backbone of Upper Canada,
as the Province of Ontario was then called, and were a main element
in defeating the plans of American strategists in 1812 to capture
Canada and annex it to the Union.
Although New York is generally credited with having more Loyalists
during the Revolution than any other colony, she also furnished more
troops for the patriot army than did any other State except
Massachusetts.
New Jersey, in contrast to its neighbors on either side, was one of
the most thoroughly English of all the colonies. The settlements of
the Dutch in the north, and the squabbles of a few hundred Dutch,
Swedes, and Finlanders in the south, left little trace on the
population when colonization once started in earnest. The real
history of the colony begins in 1664 when the English proprietors, to
whom it had been granted, began to colonize it seriously.
Northern New Jersey was a chaos of rugged hills and forests which
offered little to the settler and is still largely waste land. The
southern part of the State is also largely waste land, consisting
chiefly of pine barrens so that early settlement was virtually limited
to two areas. On the North River, as the Hudson was called, the
lands along the meadows opposite Manhattan Island were inviting,
and on the South River, as the Delaware was originally designated,
there was a broad strip of fertile farm land which attracted the early
settlers. Among other centers New Haven had established a colony
there about 1640, but had been driven off by the Dutch. There was
also some extremely fertile land around Freehold and other towns on
the line between New York and Philadelphia.
Since these two areas were so inaccessible to each other by direct
communication, the State grew up in two distinct settlements; that
along the western side of New York harbor, then known as East
Jersey, and that on the Delaware, known as West Jersey. While
these two were consolidated administratively in 1702, they have
never been wholly consolidated in actual character, and the two ends
of the State are, even today, diverse enough to show their
somewhat divergent origin.
The land along the Delaware was colonized, for the most part,
directly from England by the Quakers who had secured an interest in
it, and who established the only two towns of importance in West
Jersey during the Colonial period—Burlington in 1667 and Salem in
1675. Those who established Burlington were mostly from Yorkshire
with a large group also from London, and they took opposite sides of
the town, the Yorkshire people spreading north and the London
people spreading south. Geographical difficulties checked the
southward spread so that Cape May was settled separately by
people from Connecticut and from Long Island. Later, some of the
French Huguenots went down into West Jersey, but it always
remained essentially an English colony, largely of Quaker complexion
and influenced by the close proximity of co-religionists in
Pennsylvania.
East Jersey, like western New York, represents more directly a New
England outpost. Elizabethtown had been established in 1665 by
emigrants sent direct from Great Britain, but Newark had at almost
the same time been colonized by people from Connecticut, who at
first gave to it the name of their old home, Milford. The
Elizabethtown Association somewhat later sold part of its territory to
people from New Hampshire and Massachusetts who established the
two hamlets of Woodbridge and Piscataqua, now New Brunswick.
In 1666, Connecticut Puritans also established on the Passaic River
first Guilford, and later Branford, both of which with Milford merged
in the town of Newark. The New England overflow continued until
the shores of Newark Bay had become another New England colony.
Such communities as the Oranges were chiefly transplanted Puritan
towns.
The proprietorship of East Jersey shortly passed into the hands of
Scotsmen and a steady immigration of these began about 1684. The
capital of East Jersey, Perth Amboy, was named for one of the
proprietors, James Drummond, the Earl of Perth. The colony soon
became, and has ever since remained, one of the strongholds of
Scotch Presbyterianism in America, which found its intellectual
center in the establishment of Princeton University.
For a long time the two sections of New Jersey were of about equal
size and importance. As the country between them gradually filled
up, the State grew slowly until at the time of the Revolution its
population was estimated at about 120,000. Another fifteen years
saw a healthy growth, the first census, in 1790, showing 184,139
inhabitants. The somewhat complicated details of its development
should not obscure the fact that New Jersey was one of the most
purely white, Protestant, Nordic settlements in the colonies.
Although prior to the arrival of William Penn there were several
thousand settlers on the Delaware River, in the territory now covered
by Pennsylvania and Delaware, the real settlement of that region is
generally dated from the beginning of his operations in 1681, when
Upland, now Chester, was settled as his headquarters. A year later
Philadelphia was founded, and in spite of this late start grew so
rapidly that William Penn, the Quaker, at his death, had the
satisfaction of knowing that the City of Brotherly Love was the
largest in North America.
While the foundation stock was made up of English Quakers, Penn
had ambitious ideas of establishing a headquarters for other like-
minded persons, and with this idealism was apparently mixed a solid
commercial ambition which led him and his agents to advertise the
merits of the colony widely. The land system, unlike that of Virginia
or New Netherlands, favored the settler with small means. English
and Welsh farmers rapidly appropriated to themselves the country
along the west side of the Delaware River from Trenton to
Wilmington.
Penn maintained friendly relations with the Protestant leaders in
southern Germany, and he and his agents seem to have had an
extraordinary flair for finding obscure and peculiar sects and getting
them to emigrate to the new colony. A mere list of the odd religious
denominations that soon flourished in Pennsylvania is bewildering,
and an attempt to define the characteristics, which to them seemed
more than matters of life and death, is quite beyond the capacity of
the present-day student not steeped in the knowledge of
seventeenth-century theology.
Germantown was established in October, 1673, the first outpost of
the Alpine race in the present territory of the United States. Its
founders were Mennonites; but they were later joined by Dunkards
or Tunkers, that is, Dippers, who held to the efficacy of baptism by
immersion.
Generally speaking, the Germans who came to Pennsylvania during
the first quarter-century of its settlement belong to these distinctive
sects, while after that time the immigration was made up of a
somewhat more uniform mass of adherents of either the Lutheran or
the Reformed Church. This difference soon became a recognized one
for an easy division of "the Pennsylvania Dutch," as this mixed group
of Alpines came to be called, not very correctly, from an assimilation
of Pennsylvanische Deutsche. One would ask, on hearing such a
person mentioned, "Does he belong to the sects or to the church
people?"
A few of these such as the Labadists from Friesland who settled in
New Castle County, Delaware, were either from Holland or parts of
Germany bordering Holland, but the great bulk of the "Pennsylvania
Dutch" came from the Rhine Provinces, particularly from Alsace and
the Palatinate, with a liberal sprinkling of northern French
Protestants who had been forced over the border, while others came
from Austria and Prussia and even from northern Italy. As a matter
of fact, down to the time of the World War, Americans called,
colloquially, all Germans "Dutchmen."
While the Palatinate furnished only a part of the immigration its
name was soon given to all similar newcomers, so that the term
Palatine became a general description for a German-speaking
immigrant; and one even finds in the old records such anomalies as
an allusion to "a Palatine from Hamburg." An important centre of
their dispersion was the town of Crefeld near the border of Holland.
The colonies in general, being overwhelmingly and typically British,
looked with suspicion on any alien groups, and New England, in
particular, probably would not have encouraged these Alpines to
enter at all. Virginia with its Church of England establishment and its
self-conscious English attitude was likewise not disposed to be
hospitable to such a large group of foreigners.
Governor Oglethorpe attracted some of them to Georgia, but not
very successfully, as will be mentioned later. One important group of
his settlers, in particular, the Moravians, left Georgia about 1739
because they were required to take up arms against the neighboring
Spanish in Florida. They moved to Pennsylvania where they founded,
in 1741, the town of Bethlehem, which has been their headquarters
ever since.
While New York originally welcomed the Palatines, it soon treated
them so badly that thereafter almost all the vessels bearing German
immigrants came directly from Dutch ports to the Delaware, and if
by chance an occasional ship was forced to make a landing in New
York, its passengers quickly made their way across the Jerseys into
more hospitable territory.
Even in Pennsylvania the invasion of the Germans eventually began
to cause alarm among the English-speaking and dominant part of
the population. In Virginia this attitude of exclusion of supposedly
alien races had been maintained ever since the first permanent
settlement. Inspired by visions of building up a great industry, the
proprietors of that colony had sent out with their "second supply" a
little group of eight artisans from Germany and Poland who were
skilled glassmakers. The English colonists charged them with
treasonable dealings with the Indians and the Chronicler of the
settlement refers to them disgustedly as those "damned Dutchmen."
Benjamin Franklin, who, in 1753, expressed his opinion of some of
his fellow citizens in a letter to Peter Collinson, was merely reflecting
an attitude which the English stock had more or less generally taken
when he declared:

"Those who come hither are generally the most stupid of their
own nation, and, as ignorance is often attended with credulity
when knavery would mislead it, and with suspicion when
honesty would set it right; and as few of the English understand
the German language, and so cannot address them either from
the press or the pulpit, it is almost impossible to remove any
prejudices they may entertain. Their clergy have very little
influence on the people, who seem to take a pleasure in abusing
and discharging the minister on every trivial occasion. Not being
used to liberty, they know not how to make a modest use of it.
And as Holben says of the young Hottentots, that they are not
esteemed men until they have shown their manhood by beating
their mothers, so these seem not to think themselves free, till
they can feel their liberty in abusing and insulting their teachers.
Thus they are under no restraint from ecclesiastical
government; they behave, however, submissively enough at
present to the civil government, which I wish they may continue
to do, for I remember when they modestly declined
intermeddling in our elections, but now they come in droves and
carry all before them, except in one or two counties.[7]
"Few of their children in the country know English. They import
many books from Germany; and of the six printing-houses in
the province, two are entirely German, two half German, half
English, and but two entirely English. They have one German
newspaper, and one half-German. Advertisements, intended to
be general, are now printed in Dutch and English. The signs in
our streets have inscriptions in both languages, and in some
places only German. They begin of late to make all their bonds
and other legal instruments in their own language, which
(though I think it ought not to be) are allowed in our courts,
where the German business so increases that there is continued
need of interpreters; and I suppose in a few years they will also
be necessary in the Assembly, to tell one-half our legislators
what the other half say.
"In short, unless the stream of their importation could be turned
from this to other colonies, as you very judiciously propose,
they will soon so outnumber us that we will, in my opinion, be
not able to preserve our language, and even our government
will become precarious. The French, who watch all advantages,
are now themselves making a German settlement, back of us, in
the Illinois country, and by means of these Germans they may in
time come to an understanding with ours; and, indeed, in the
last war,[8] our Germans showed a general disposition, that
seemed to bode us no good. For, when the English, who were
not Quakers, alarmed by the danger arising from the
 defenseless state of our country, entered unanimously into an
association, and within this government, and the Lower
Counties raised, armed, and disciplined near ten thousand men,
the Germans, except a very few in proportion to their number,
refused to engage in it, giving out, one amongst another, and
even in print, that, if they were quiet, the French, should they
take the country, would not molest them; at the time abusing
the Philadelphians for fitting out privateers against the enemy,
and representing the trouble, hazard, and expense of defending
the province, as a greater inconvenience than any that might be
expected from a change of government. Yet I am not for
refusing to admit them entirely into our colonies. All that seems
to me necessary is, to distribute them more equally, mix them
with the English schools, where they are not too thickly settled,
and take some care to prevent the practice, lately fallen into by
some of the shipowners, of sweeping the German gaols to make
up the number of their passengers. I say I am not against the
admission of Germans in general, for they have their virtues.
Their industry and frugality are exemplary. They are excellent
husbandmen, and contribute greatly to the improvement of a
country."

By 1727, the English in Pennsylvania had become sufficiently

alarmed over the proportions of the Palatine invasion to demand a
careful record of the numbers arriving each year so that from then
on there is full official record of all foreigners entered at the port of
Philadelphia. By that time there were probably fifteen or twenty
thousand Germans already in the province, and the record
mentioned indicates that between 1727 and 1745 approximately
22,000 arrived by ships. To this number should, of course, be added
the high natural increase of those already settled.
Since the English had pre-empted much of the desirable land along
the Delaware and around Philadelphia, the Germans, with whom the
acquisition of farming land was a dominant passion, mostly went
westward of the English settlement and formed a belt where their
language was and, in scattered groups to this day, is spoken. They
filled the Lehigh and Schuylkill valleys and occupied a band of fertile
soil beginning in eastern Pennsylvania on the Delaware, passing
westward toward the Susquehanna through the towns of Allentown,
Reading, Lebanon, Lancaster, and thence down to the Cumberland
valley on the Maryland border where they had a natural outlet to
western Virginia and to the south. The tier of counties north of this
belt and along the borders of New York was comparatively neglected
by them, and was filled largely by settlers from Connecticut. The
influx of English and German sectaries was so rapid that within three
years from its founding, Penn's province had made a growth as great
as that of New Netherlands in its first half-century.
The early Quakers who belonged to the privileged group grew
prosperous, and many of them finding the strict ordinances of their
sect somewhat oppressive became Anglicans. Thus the Church of
England gained an important position in Philadelphia which it
retained up to the Revolution. In general, it represented the Loyalist
element and therefore partly disintegrated when they left at the end
of the war. The Revolution was largely Calvinistic, and the
Established Church was in most of the northern colonies regarded
with disfavor as "loyalist."
The invasion of Ulster Scots into Pennsylvania began shortly after
the German immigration was well under way. Within a few years the
great majority of the Ulster immigrants to America were making
directly for the Delaware shores. Presbyterian congregations existed
in the important towns of the colony about 1700, and within the
next decade the Scotch had made numerous settlements in New
Castle County, Delaware, and on both sides of the Pennsylvania-
Maryland boundary at its intersection with the Delaware line.
When the great tide of emigration from Ulster set in about 1720, the
Scotch found the best and most accessible soil in Pennsylvania
occupied by the English and the next belt held firmly by the
Germans. In general, therefore, they were obliged to pass over
these two territories and settle still farther west, particularly in the
Cumberland valley of which Gettysburg, York, and Carlisle are now
important centers. In this district geographical isolation led later to
the establishment farther south of a distinct church, the Cumberland
Presbyterian, somewhat different in its tenets from the
Presbyterianism of the Philadelphia region and Delaware.
The number of Scotch who thus left Ulster for Pennsylvania is
uncertain, but may have exceeded 40,000 or 50,000. Taken in
connection with the Palatine immigration at the same period the
influx to Pennsylvania in the 1730's formed the largest migration
from Europe to the New World that ever took place until the
steamship era arrived.

TERRITORIAL GROWTH of the UNITED STATES

Seeking newer and freer land, the Scotch together with some
Germans began to follow the mountain valleys trending
southwestward from Pennsylvania. They not only filled the
Shenandoah Valley in a few years, but filtered down to the back
country of the southern colonies and to the eastern portion of what
is now Tennessee.
A good illustration of this migration is Daniel Boone, himself of
English stock, who was born on the Delaware only a few miles above
Philadelphia. The Boone family soon moved to Reading. Thence
drifting southwestward with his compatriots, Daniel Boone settled in
the North Carolina uplands, along the valley of the Yadkin, then
passed beyond into Kentucky, and, after that location began to be
civilized, went on as a pioneer to Missouri. His son appears a little
later as one of the early settlers of Kansas, his grandson as a
pioneer in Colorado.
When the land west of the Alleghanies was opened for settlement
about 1768, the Ulster Scots began to throng the mountain passes.
In addition to their aptitude for frontier life, and the insatiable desire
to find new and cheap land, they wanted to get away from their
neighbors, the Pennsylvania Dutch, with whom they usually did not
live on very good terms. Pittsburgh rapidly became a Nordic territory
settled mainly by the Ulster Scots.
These streams of immigration were sufficient by 1740 to enable
Pennsylvania to overtake and pass the population of every other
colony except Maryland, Massachusetts, and Virginia, although most
of them had been started a generation earlier than Penn's
settlement. A decade later Maryland was passed and just after the
Revolution Massachusetts was outstripped, while Philadelphia
remained the metropolis of the United States until finally excelled by
New York City in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Benjamin Franklin's offhand estimate that at the end of the Colonial
period one-third of the population of his adopted State was English,
one-third Scotch, and one-third German, was not far from the truth.
Though the population was then by a safe majority British in origin
and English-speaking, the Germans remained an element impossible
to assimilate, so long as they continued to be segregated in their
own communities of which Lancaster was the largest inland town in
the thirteen colonies.
Such of the Germans as went to the frontier States were assimilated
by the Nordic groups without much difficulty; but the experience of
the Pennsylvania Dutch farming communities is like that of some of
the city slum districts of the last century, in presenting groups almost
impossible to Americanize. Even at the present time this Alpine
island of population still retains many of its alien characteristics. For
this, among other reasons, the German element in Pennsylvania at
the time of the Revolution played a relatively unimportant part in the
affairs of the State, as suggested by the quotation from Franklin
above. The dominant element was formed by the group around
Philadelphia composed mainly of the original English Quakers; but
the Pennsylvania-Dutch, on their farms, and the Scots on the
frontier, furnished a large contingent with which the politicians had
to deal, though they were seldom represented in the government
and leadership of the colony. The German element was inclined to
follow the leadership of the Quakers under whose invitation it had
come to Pennsylvania. The Scots, on the other hand, were apt to be
in a state of rebellion when occasion arose, as conspicuously in the
Whiskey Rebellion, which formed one of the first tests of the power
of the Federal Government under Washington's presidency.
The claim that half of the Ulstermen were adherents of the
Established Church, rather than Presbyterians, is doubtless extreme,
but emphasizes the typically non-Irish and Protestant character of
this whole element of the population, as also the fact that many of
the Ulstermen were not Scots, nor even Lowland Scots, whose
ancestors had moved northward across the border from England;
but were direct emigrants from England to Ireland, some indeed as
late as and even after the time of Cromwell.
Delaware has been dealt with incidentally in what has been said
concerning Pennsylvania, because it was part of Pennsylvania during
the first period of colonization. Unimportant attempts had been
made by the Dutch and Swedes, of whom the Swedes are the best
known, to settle there but the population of the region when Penn
arrived was mainly composed of English who had moved in under
the regime of the Duke of York.
In 1633, an English nobleman, Lord Baltimore, who had for years
been seeking favor with the Stuart monarchy, announced that he
had become a convert to the papacy, and, with the zeal of a new
convert, desired to establish a colony in the New World where
Catholics, then laboring under heavy disabilities in Great Britain,
could enjoy religious freedom. He applied for, and Charles I granted,
a charter for the foundation of a semi-feudal proprietorship, with the
stipulation that freedom of worship should prevail.
If one stops to consider what a howl of outraged virtue would have
been raised by the people of Great Britain, and what a hurricane
would have descended upon the head of the monarch, had he
granted the Catholics a charter without stipulating for freedom of
worship, it will be realized that the much-vaunted "toleration" of
Lord Baltimore's colony was not entirely an evidence of his own
broad-mindedness. However, this toleration had its limits. Disbelief in
the doctrine of the Trinity was a capital offense.
In 1634, the little town of St. Mary was established as the center for
the new colony. Few Catholics of the home country seem to have
been anxious to take advantage of the opportunities offered, and
Lord Baltimore began to seek tenants elsewhere. As early as 1634,
he was writing to Boston and urging Massachusetts people to
emigrate, but the first great invasion of Puritans came in 1649.
Inspired by enthusiasm for the cause of the King, after he had lost
his head, the Virginians under the leadership of Governor Berkeley
passed ordinances expelling non-conformists from their colony, and
a thousand of these who had previously gone from New England to
Virginia were driven out and took refuge in Maryland, establishing
the settlement which later became Annapolis.
During the next generation most of the arrivals in Maryland were
either Puritans or Quakers. The policy of tolerance was not held to
apply to Quakers, who, by a law of 1659, were to be whipped out of
any town which they entered, but this measure does not seem to
have been enforced very long, and English Quakers from other
colonies soon formed an important part of the population.
In 1689, word reached the New World of the expulsion of James II,
and the occupation of the British throne by the uncompromisingly
Protestant House of Orange. While James II was on the throne a
general alarm had arisen throughout the colonies over the prospects
of Catholic aggression.
Many of the colonies contained a sprinkling of the Huguenot
refugees who had been driven out of France only a few years before
because of their Protestantism, and there were thus in every colony
men who knew the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the
terrible persecution which followed. The tragedy of the Thirty Years
War was also still fresh in the minds of many.
There was no disposition in America, therefore, to look upon the
Catholics as a group who, if in power, would distinguish themselves
by a policy of broad toleration, and the one colony in which there
was any appreciable number of Catholics, namely, Maryland,
naturally felt the situation most keenly. The number of Catholics in
the colony at that time, however, even including Negroes, was only a
few thousand, and their capital of St. Mary was a hamlet of scarcely
sixty houses. Probably eleven-twelfths of the population of Maryland
were Protestants, and of them a majority were Puritans. These lost
no time in taking steps to protect their freedom which they knew the
Catholic church would never tolerate if able to do otherwise, and by
a homemade revolution turned out the proprietary government and
set up a staunch Protestant regime. Under this new rule, however,
the few Catholic residents were subjected to no harm, but were
placed under approximately the same disabilities as they had long
lived under in Great Britain. Thereupon the little Roman Catholic
principality in the United States was at an end, and the then Lord
Baltimore, fourth of that title, shortly conformed by returning to his
ancestral Protestant faith.
The Revolution of 1689 cost St. Mary its existence, for the Puritans
transferred the capital to their own town of Providence (rebaptized
Annapolis), and the headquarters of the Roman Catholics soon
relapsed into the wilderness.
Maryland continued to be almost wholly an English colony, with more
than its share of Negroes and transported convicts, and with a very
slight sprinkling of aliens, much as all the colonies had. When the
Acadians were transported from Nova Scotia in 1755, a considerable
number of them were landed in Maryland.
Baltimore, founded in 1729, languished for a quarter of a century,
but in the decade before the Revolution it began to grow with such
rapidity that in a few years it was one of the half dozen most
considerable towns of the continent.
The back country of Maryland was settled independently from
Pennsylvania, to a considerable extent by Ulster Scots and Palatines,
though there was also a steady encroachment on this cheap land by
men from the tidewater who could not get possession of farms in
the more expensive and fashionable as well as prosperous region.
By the Revolution, Maryland had reached a population of 250,000.
Perhaps one-seventh of this was in Frederick County, where
Palatines had begun to settle as early as 1710, and into which they
began to enter in large numbers after about 1730. Despite this back-
country element, Maryland must be recognized as being, at the time
of the first census, an Anglo-Saxon colony in culture, in traditions, in
language, and in population.

FOOTNOTES:
[7] He is writing of Pennsylvania.
[8] The French and Indian War.
 VII
VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBORS
The settlement of Virginia, beginning with Jamestown in 1607, was of
a different character from that of the northern and middle colonies.
It was not a colonization project undertaken by families, but an
exploitation by adventurers. In a sense it may be compared with the
Klondike Gold Rush at the end of the nineteenth century. Men went
forth seeking fortune and expecting to return in a few years with
newly acquired wealth. The motley array of colonists sent to
Jamestown by the Company during the first decade of activity seems
to have been drawn from every part of the British Isles and every
stratum of society.
After ten or a dozen years, the proprietors recognized that the
wealth of their plantations would not consist in gold and pearls but
that they were facing an actual colonization project, which could
only be built upon the foundations of family life. An early recognition
of this fact has been one of the principal sources of strength in all
British colonization, and the proprietors of the Virginia colony, while
continuing to encourage men of all sorts to go to their settlement on
the James River, undertook one of the famous eugenic enterprises of
history by sending over several shiploads of young women to make
homes for their settlers. The undertaking seems to have been
carried out in good faith and with good judgment and the result was
notably successful. A little later, however, the continuing demand for
wives led to a sort of traffic that probably produced a less carefully
selected feminine population for the plantations. On the whole, it
would probably be fair to say that the "First Families of Virginia"
represented a higher social standard in the male than in the female
lines.
The year 1619 was racially eventful. It saw the arrival at Jamestown
both of the first shipload of "uncorrupt maydes for wives," and the
landing of the first cargo of Negroes. The next half-century brought
the development of the plantation system and the spread of Negro
slavery and the problem of miscegenation between Negro women
and the lowest and most unintelligent type of white servant came
into prominence. In this way originated the mulatto group which has
ever since been a characteristic feature of the Negroes in the United
States. Those admirers of the Mulatto who boast that he carries in
his veins the blue blood of the aristocratic families of the South,
would do well to read the actual records of Virginia and other
colonies during the seventeenth century and see what sort of white
stock actually formed the foundation of that half of this hybrid
group.
The colony continued to grow for the first quarter of a century by
attracting voluntary adventurers from whom the rule of the survival
of the fittest exacted so heavy a toll that probably the survivors were
a fairly fit lot. The abandonment of the original proprietary company
in 1624 led to a marked change in the manner of populating the
colony, and for the next generation the bulk of the immigrants were
assisted in one way or another to get to Virginia and allowed to work
out the money advanced them by their labor after their arrival.
At its best, there was little difference in the colonization plans that
British colonies have always used to get desirable settlers from
"home." In the case of Virginia it brought a vigorous population of all
sorts, and the name of "indentured servant" covers not merely the
domestic in the kitchen and the laborer in the tobacco field but
artisans' apprentices and medical students. Under the extremely
trying conditions many of these immigrants were unable to survive.
Governor Berkeley asserted that four out of five died during the first
year of residence, while Evelyn, the diarist, declared that five out of
six succumbed. Such statements at least point to an excessively high
mortality which must have spared most frequently those who were
physically and mentally superior and well adapted to be among the
founders of a new colony. Hence it seems clear that the importance
of these indentured servants in the later development of Virginia, as
of other colonies, is not to be reckoned in proportion to the number
who arrived, but to be estimated upon the much smaller number
who survived and founded families.
Another type of assisted immigrant of which a great deal has been
heard was the deported convict. Some of these were evidently men
who had cheated the gallows, for the Virginians continually
protested against their arrival. Apparently much the larger number,
however, were men of superior quality in many respects. When
nearly three hundred offenses were punishable by the death penalty
in England, many of those convicted were not persons marked by
great moral turpitude, and the so-called "transported convict" might
have been equally well a pirate, or a preacher who persisted in
expounding the gospel without proper license from the ecclesiastical
authorities so to do.
Large numbers were political prisoners who found themselves
temporarily on the losing side; still more were mere prisoners of war.
During the Protectorate, victories like Dunbar and Worcester and the
suppression of the Irish Rebellion by Cromwell in 1652 were followed
by deportations of prisoners of war to the colonies, and the
government felt fully justified in recovering part of the expense of
transportation by selling the services of these able-bodied and
intelligent men for seven years to the highest bidder. Unquestionably
most of the foundation stock of this kind that survived to perpetuate
itself would be entirely fit for colonization. During the same period
many cavaliers took refuge in Virginia.
When the royalists were again in power after 1660, a similar stream
of Commonwealth soldiers and non-conformists began to come into
the colonies. The Scotch Rebellion of 1670 brought another
accession to Virginia, and in 1685 many of the captives at the Battle
of Sedgmoor were exiled here. Such labor was welcomed by the
Virginians in marked distinction to the real criminals, of whom there
were apparently only a few thousand in all. After about 1700 the
spread of Negro slavery reduced the demand for white indentured
labor and less of it arrived.
In the great diversity of men and women brought over in these and
other ways, there are some who figure in the ancestry of the best
families of Virginia at the present time, and others who, from the
beginning, were misfits in the colony. Such of the latter as survived
the trying ordeal of the tobacco fields either ran away, or, when their
term of service expired, drifted out to the borders of the settlement.
The Virginia holdings were large and far beyond the reach of an
ordinary man without capital, in marked contrast to conditions in
New England, where the great majority of the settlers were small
landowners. The freed bondsmen therefore had to go to the frontier
or drift down into North Carolina or some other region where they
were not handicapped by their lack of funds. The most shiftless and
least intelligent of them tended to collect in the less valuable lands
at the fringe of civilization, or to drift along to other similar
settlements farther west and south. In this way originated one of the
peculiar elements of the Southern population, the "poor white
trash." Their numbers were recruited generation after generation by
others of the same sort while the able, enterprising, and imaginative
members were continually drained off to the cities or sought better
land elsewhere. These "poor whites" in the Alleghanies and through
the swamp lands of North and South Carolina have been an
interesting feature of the population for three centuries. Largely of
pure Nordic stock, they are a striking example to the eugenist of the
results of isolation and undesirable selection.
During the Stuart period Virginia was the refuge of many Puritans.
They were, however, looked upon with disfavor by the prevailing
royalist sentiment and the activities of Sir William Berkeley as
Governor were such that not less than a thousand left the colony.
Their place was taken by Royalists, invited by the Governor to find a
refuge in Virginia as soon as news arrived of the execution of
Charles I. Within the next twelve months probably a thousand
Royalists appeared bringing many of the family names which have
been conspicuous in the Old Dominion ever since. Richard Lee came
a little earlier, in 1642, but it is after the death of Charles I that one
begins to meet in Virginia such names as Randolph, Cary, Parke,
Robinson, Marshall, Washington, and Ludwell.
The place of origin in Great Britain of most of the Royalists is not so
easily traced as is that of the Massachusetts Puritans who came to
America in groups, sometimes as entire congregations, but random
samples of families which afterwards furnished distinguished
leadership show that they came from practically all over England and
Scotland: Washingtons from Northamptonshire, Marshalls and
Jeffersons from Wales, Lees from the part of Shropshire adjoining
Wales, and Randolphs from Warwickshire. James Monroe's ancestors
were Scotch and Patrick Henry's father was born in Aberdeen. They
had at least one thing in common, that they were of English and
Nordic stock. Examination of lists in the land office at Richmond
indicates that fully 95 per cent of the names of landowners during
the seventeenth century were unmistakably Anglo-Saxon.
The tidewater population was fecund and spread steadily up to the
fall-line of the rivers, by its own multiplication. Men and women
married early. Colonel Byrd described his daughter, Evelyn, as an
"antique virgin" when she was twenty. "Either our young fellows are
not smart enough for her or she seems too smart for them," he
moaned. With a high death rate second marriages were common. It
has been the custom of late for sentimental feminists to refer to the
large families of the Colonial period as having been produced by
husbands who thus killed off one wife after another. Such nonsense
is easily refuted by an examination of genealogies and of
tombstones. Many a husband had to marry several wives because of
the high death rate, but equally many wives had to marry several
husbands apiece for the same reason.
The toll taken by hard work, unhygienic conditions, and childbirth
without proper care among pioneer women, was no greater than the
toll taken by hard work, unhygienic conditions, and Indian warfare
among the men. If Colonel John Carter married five wives
successively, in an age when divorce was unknown, Elizabeth Mann
married six husbands.
While a purely Nordic population was thus occupying tidewater
Virginia east of the Blue Ridge, another Nordic invasion from a
wholly different source was entering upland Virginia on the other
side of the mountains. The Shenandoah Valley is virtually an
extension of the interior valleys of Pennsylvania; and while an
occasional pioneer pushed his way to it through the mountains from
the eastern front, the real settlement came through the side door
beginning about 1725 and reaching the proportions of an invasion
about 1732.
Ulster Scots coming down through Pennsylvania began that
penetration of the Piedmont from north to south which is such a
striking feature of the history of the South Atlantic coast during the
next century. With them were some Alpines, mostly Germans from
the Palatine, representative of the so-called Pennsylvania Dutch
stock.
When General Braddock, whose army was nearly wiped out by the
French and Indians in 1755, sighed, "Who would have thought it?"
and expired, he nevertheless had cleared a road for the rapid spread
of this immigration along the mountain valleys, not merely into
Virginia but on through the Carolinas and to Georgia. His road was
followed a few years later by General Forbes' road through the same
country, and the way was open.
The upland and mountain sections of Virginia therefore came to be
represented by a group with a very different outlook from those of
the tidewater, dominated as it was by large landholders. This
diversity of original settlement, which was of sufficient importance to
effect in the Civil War a cleavage of the State and establish West
Virginia as free soil, is still apparent and makes itself felt in the
twentieth century.

North Carolina represents an overflowing from Virginia to the South.

It was a frontier for the Old Dominion where landless men could find
new homes more easily than to the westward, where they
encountered the Blue Ridge. In 1653 a settlement was begun at
Albemarle by Virginians who were not in accord either with the
established religion or else with the political control of their colony.
Most of these were Quakers.
By adopting a remarkably liberal code of laws, which welcomed
insolvent debtors by cancelling their indebtedness, this colony
attracted an element which the more conservative Virginians
regarded with suspicion. A continual infiltration of landseekers led to
steady colonization, and gradually the tidewater section of North
Carolina developed as a separate region, not very thickly settled, not
very prosperous, not very distinguished in any way. A few French
Huguenots drifted in after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In
1710 a group of Palatines, who had left their German homes
because of religious persecution, and had sought refuge in England,
was passed on to North Carolina through the enterprise of a couple
of Swiss promoters who were looking for colonists. As a courtesy to
the promoters the settlement was given the name of New Bern,
which has led to a general supposition that the population were
Swiss. In fact, they were nearly all German Alpines.
Another immigration, this time of Nordics, began a few years later
when Scotch Highlanders, disappointed at the results of the 1715
uprising on behalf of the Old Pretender, fled the country and came to
North Carolina, starting a settlement on the Cape Fear River. Later,
following the collapse of the Young Pretender in 1745, the
Highlanders again found themselves in a bad situation at home.
Shipload after shipload landed at Wilmington in 1746 and 1747. This
emigration of Scotch Highlanders continued until the Revolution,
during which time they showed themselves, strangely enough, loyal
to the Hanoverian dynasty and mostly fought as Loyalists against the
Continentals.
The general breakup of the clan system with the accompanying
distress in the Highlands caused most of this emigration, although
some of the Scots were deported as prisoners of war. Campbelltown
was the centre of their settlement, and it is unfortunate that its
present name of Fayetteville conceals its interesting history. Some of
the Highlanders are said to have brought cattle with them, and they
pushed on into the interior of the State because of the great areas
of succulent grass and peavine stretching toward the mountains
which provided excellent fodder for their herds.
The sympathetic patronage of Gabriel Johnston, the Governor of the
Province from 1734 to 1752, was largely responsible for the welcome
extended to these Highlanders. Himself a Scotchman, he was under
strong suspicion of not being too loyal to the Crown. At any rate, his
hospitality to the Highlanders brought to North Carolina the largest
group of Highland Scotch that came to the colonies. These men of
the purest Nordic blood form a selected group anthropologically. It is
no mere coincidence that the tallest average height of a population
in the United States at the present time is in these North Carolina
counties that were settled by the Scotch Highlanders after "Bonnie
Prince Charlie" ceased to be a political possibility.
While the back country of North Carolina was thus being penetrated
from the seacoast by the Highland Scots, the Lowland Scots were
drifting into it along the foot of the mountains from Pennsylvania
and Maryland through Virginia. This was the principal source of
increase of the population during the eighteenth century, and still
gives to the State its characteristic complexion. Along with the Ulster
Scots came, as said above, some of the German settlers, thus
bringing a small Alpine element to the State. The southern tidewater
region also developed at the same time as a northern extension of
settlement from South Carolina.

South Carolina was settled only a little later than North Carolina by
the establishment of Old Charles Town in 1665. This settlement,
shortly moved across and up the river to a better location, prospered
and expanded until it became South Carolina.
Originally a sort of offshoot from the West Indies, this region caught
the attention of the Huguenot refugees a few years later, perhaps
because Coligny had marked it out a century before as a desirable
home for them. It attracted a larger proportion of the French
refugees than any other colony; and although they were unwelcome
at first to the English who were in possession, they soon assimilated
themselves to the Anglo-Saxon population with which they were
racially identical and became an important element in the upbuilding
of the State. In Colonial and Revolutionary times, Gendron, Huger,
LeSerrurier, deSaussure, Laurens, Lanier, Sevier, and Ravenel were
all Huguenots who distinguished themselves in the service of the
State.
The establishment of large-scale agriculture with plantations devoted
to rice or indigo sharply limited the possibilities of settlement in the
tidewater region of South Carolina, and it became a country of large
holdings worked by Negro slaves in charge of overseers. Meanwhile
the owners largely made their homes in or near Charleston, and
brought it to the position of the fourth city of the colonies in
importance.
The growth of the colony would have been slow had it not been for
the influx of the Ulster Scots coming along the foot of the mountains
from the north after the middle of the eighteenth century. The
upcountry thus became quite different from the tidewater, so
different, that in South Carolina as in North Carolina and Virginia it
was a question whether the State might not split on slavery a few
years before the Civil War, and the Upland population was only
whipped into line for secession by sharp practice on the part of the
political leaders in the slave-holding regions.
Other small elements were incorporated easily in the Nordic
population of the State, but the loss to the colony was heavy when
the Loyalists left after the Revolution. On the 13th and 14th of
December, 1782, 300 ships set sail from Charleston carrying not
merely the soldiery but more than 9000 civilians and slaves. Half of
these went to the West Indies, and most of the others to Florida
where such of them as had not subsequently removed were
presumably reincorporated into the United States a generation later.
On the other hand, hundreds of Hessian deserters stayed in the
community, as also occurred in others of the colonies, thus
introducing the first noticeable immigration of Nordic Germans into
the State. As previously noted, most of the so-called Palatine
immigration of Germans in the eighteenth century was Alpine, in
sharp contrast to the North German Nordics, who came to this
country in large numbers in the middle of the nineteenth century
after the futile revolutions of 1848.

Georgia was the last of the thirteen colonies to be settled. Even at

the Revolution it was so weak that it was regarded by many of the
Colonial leaders as more of a liability than an asset to the
confederation. Its establishment in 1732 by Oglethorpe was on a
basis appealing more to sentiment than to practical views. As in the
case of some other similar schemes in contemporary times,
Parliament was persuaded to appropriate nearly a hundred thousand
pounds to aid the oppressed of all countries. Most of the few
thousand persons who were settled by the original trustees were
English, and were selected with as much care as possible from
among those who were apparently "down on their luck," and who
might prosper if relieved of their debts and put back on land. Many
of these insolvent debtors were doubtless victims of political and
economic changes, but it soon transpired that in too many cases the
man who did not have sufficient capacity to make a living in
England, likewise lacked sufficient capacity to make a living in the
newer and more difficult conditions of Georgia.
In addition to these English debtors, Oglethorpe enlisted on the
Continent small bodies of oppressed Protestants and established
several other little settlements. Waldenses from Piedmont in Italy
were settled in one place, a colony of Scots in another, German
Moravians at still a third point, and a few French families elsewhere,
as well as a colony from Salzburg, made up of a pre-dominantly
Alpine stock that had suffered for its religious principles enough to
deserve all the sympathy it received. The hardy Nordics (Scotch
Presbyterian Highlanders) who had been settled on the southern
frontier, to afford protection for Georgia from the Spaniards and
Indians, were almost exterminated by the Spaniards and of all these
various undertakings Savannah was the only one that prospered.
It was necessary to abandon the attempt to create a prosperous
colony by means of establishing a refuge for the oppressed.
Unfortunately the change was accompanied by the introduction of
Negro slavery. Nevertheless, when Georgia became open to outside
settlers, there was a valuable accession from colonies to the north,
one of the most interesting of the groups being the Dorchester
Society, which came in 1752. This Protestant congregation had left
England in 1630 and founded Dorchester in Massachusetts. In 1695
a part of them had moved to South Carolina and, two generations
later, some of these went still farther south to midland Georgia.
Their example was followed, or perhaps indeed preceded, by many
other Carolina planters, so that the influx from this source became a
real element of strength to the more southerly colony. Shortly
thereafter the flood of Ulster Scots, rolling along the Piedmont,
began to reach the uplands of Georgia and assured its future.
 THE THIRTEEN COLONIES
The Georgians of the present day are descendants of the Oglethorpe
colonists in only insignificant proportions. The Nordic settlers who
came in through North Carolina, English from the tidewater region,
and Ulster Scots from the Uplands, are the real founders of the
State.
After the Revolution, Georgia benefited by the prevalent unrest and
the tide of migration that flowed in all directions. It received settlers
from all of the Southern States and some of the Northern ones, as
well as new arrivals direct from Europe.