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ANSWERS TO FILL-IN-THE-BLANK QUESTIONS
1. position 2. scalar 3. vector 4. distance 5. speed 6. constant or uniform
7. time, t2 8. gravity 9. m/s2 10. centripetal (center-seeking) 11. 4 12. acceleration

ANSWERS TO SHORT-ANSWER QUESTIONS

1. Mechanics.
2. An origin or reference point.
3. Length per time (length/time).

4. A scalar has magnitude, and a vector has magnitude and direction.

5. Distance is the actual path length and is a scalar. Displacement is the directed, straight-line
distance between two points and is a vector. Distance is associated with speed, and
displacement is associated with velocity.
6. They both give averages of different quantities.
7. (a) They are equal. (b) The average speed has a finite value, but the average velocity is zero
because the displacement is zero.

8. Either the magnitude or direction of the velocity, or both. An example of both is a child going
down a wavy slide at a playground.

9. Yes, both (a) and (b) can affect speed and therefore velocity.

10. No. If the velocity and acceleration are both in the negative direction, the object will speed
up.

11. Initial speed is zero. Initial acceleration of 9.8 m/s2, which is constant.
12. The object would remain suspended.
13. Yes, in uniform circular motion, velocity changing direction, centripetal acceleration.
14. Center-seeking. Necessary for circular motion.
15. Yes, we are in rotational or circular motion in space.
16. Inwardly toward the Earth's axis of rotation for (a) and (b).

17. g and vx
18. Greater range on the Moon, gravity less (slower vertical motion).
19. Initial velocity, projection angle, and air resistance.

20. No, it will always fall below a horizontal line because of the downward acceleration due to
gravity.
 21. Both have the same vertical acceleration.
22. Less than 45o because air resistance reduces the velocity, particularly in the horizontal
direction.

ANSWERS TO VISUAL CONNECTION

a. speed, b. uniform velocity, c. acceleration (change in velocity magnitude), d. acceleration

(change in velocity magnitude and direction)

ANSWERS TO APPLYING-YOUR-KNOWLEDGE QUESTIONS

1. More instantaneous. Think of having your speed measured by a radar. This is an
instantaneous measurement, and you get a ticket if you exceed the speed limit.

2. (a) The orbital (tangential) acceleration is small and not detected. (b) The apparent motion of
the Sun, Moon, and stars.

3. (a) toward the center of the Earth, (b) toward the axis, (c) zero
4. Yes, neglecting air resistance.
2(11 m)
5. d  ½ gt 2 , so t  2d / g   1.5 s Balloon lands in front of prof. Student gets
9.8 m/s 2

an “F” grade.
6. (a) updraft, slow down, reach terminal velocity later. (b) downdraft, speed up, terminal velocity
sooner.

7. Escaping air stabilizes chute – prevents rocking.

8. Streamlines. Prevents air blocking.

ANSWERS TO EXERCISES
1. 7 m
2. 5 m south of east
3. v = d/t = 100 m/12 s = 8.3 m/s
4. 1.6 m/s
5. t = d/v = 7.86  1010 m/ 3.00  108 m/s = 2.62  l02 s. Speed of light (constant).
6.. t = d/v = 750 mi/(55.0 mi/h) = 13.6 h
7. (a) d = v t = (52 mi/h)(1.5 h) = 78 mi (b) v = d/t = 22 mi/0.50 h = 44 mi/h
(c) v = d/t = 100 mi/2.0 h = 50 mi/h
7. v = d/t = 7.86  1010 m/ 2.62  l02 s = 3.00  108 m/s. Speed of light (constant).
8. (a) d/150 s. (b) d/192 s., (c) d/342 s. Omission. d inadvertently left out. Assuming 100 m,
(a) 100 m/150 s = 0.667 m/s. (b) 100 m/192 s = 0.521 m/s. (c) 200 m/ 342 s = 0.585 m/s.
9. (a) v = d/t = 300 km/2.0 h = 150 km/h, east. (b) Same, since constant.
10. (a) v = d/t = 750 m/20.0 s = 37.5 m/s, north. (b) Zero, since displacement is zero.
11. a = (vf – vo )/t = (12 m/s – 0)/6.0 s = 2.0 m/s2
12. (a) a = (vf – vo )/t = (0 – 8.3 m/s)/1200 s = –6.9  10–3 m/s2
(b) v = d/t = (5.0  103 m)/(1.2  103 s) = 4.2 m/s (Needs to start slowing in plenty of time.)
13. (a) a = (vf – vo )/t = (8.0 m/s – 0)/10 s = 0.08 m/s2 in direction of motion.
(b) a = (12 m/s – 0)/15 s = 0.80 m/s2 in direction of motion.
14. (a) (a) 44 ft/s/5.0 s = 8.8 ft/s2, in the direction of motion. (b) 11 ft/s2, (c) -7.3 ft/s2
(b) a = (88 ft /s – 44 ft /s)/4.0 s = 11 ft /s2 in direction of motion.
(c) (66 ft /s – 88 ft /s)/3.0 s = –7.3 ft /s2 opposite direction of motion.
(d) a = (66 ft /s – 0)/12 s = 5.5 ft /s2 in direction of motion.
15. No, d = ½ gt 2 = ½ (9.8 m/s2) (4.0)2 = 78 m in 4.0 s.
16. v = vo + gt = 0 + (9.8 m/s2)(3.5 s) = 34 m/s
17. d = ½ gt2, t = sq.root [2(2.71 m)/9.80 m/s2] =7.4 s
18. d = ½ gt2. t as in 17. 4.3 s – 2.5 s = 1.8 s.
19. (a) ac = v2/r = (10 m/s)2/ 70 m = 1.4 m/s2 toward center.
(b) ac /g = (1.4 m/s2 )/(9.8 m/s2 ) = 0.14 or 14%‚ yes.
20. 90.0 km/h = 25.0 m/s. ac = v2/r = (25.0 m/s)2/500 m = 1.25 m/s2.
21. 0.55 s. Vertical distance is the same.
22. 45o – 37o = 8o, so 45o + 8o = 57o.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
“It is well, aye, well, old Erin! The sons you give to me
Are symboled long in flag and song—your Sunburst on the Sea.
All mine by the chrism of Freedom, still yours by their love’s belief;
And truest to me shall the tenderest be in a suffering Mother’s grief.
Their loss is the change of the wave to the cloud, of the dew to the
river and main;
Their hope shall persist through the sea and the mist, and thy
streams shall be filled again.
As the smolt of the salmon go down to the sea, and as surely come
back to the river,
Their love shall be yours while your sorrow endures, for God
guardeth His right forever.”

THE PILGRIM FATHERS

In every land wherever might holds sway
The Pilgrims’ leaven is at work to-day.
The Mayflower’s cabin was the chosen womb
Of light predestined for the nations’ gloom.
God grant that those who tend the sacred flame
May worthy prove of their Forefathers’ name.
More light has come,—more dangers, too, perplex:
New prides, new greeds, our high condition vex.
The Fathers fled from feudal lords and made
A freehold state; may we not retrograde
To lucre-lords and hierarchs of trade.
May we, as they did, teach in court and school
There must be classes, but no class shall rule:
The sea is sweet, and rots not like the pool.
Though vast the token of our future glory,
Though tongue of man hath not told such a story,
Surpassing Plato’s dream, More’s phantasy, still we
Have no new principles to keep us free.
As Nature works with changeless grain on grain,
The truths the Fathers taught we need again.
Depart from this, though we may crowd our shelves
With codes and precepts for each lapse and flaw,
And patch our moral leaks with statute law,
We cannot be protected from ourselves!
Still must we keep in every stroke and vote
The law of conscience that the Pilgrims wrote;
Our seal their secret: Liberty can be;
The State is freedom if the Town is free.
The death of nations in their work began;
They sowed the seed of federated man.
Dead nations were but robber-holds, and we
The first battalion of Humanity!
All living nations, while our eagles shine,
One after one, shall swing into our line;
Our freeborn heritage shall be the guide
And bloodless order of their regicide;
The sea shall join, not limit; mountains stand
Dividing farm from farm, not land from land.
O People’s Voice! when farthest thrones shall hear;
When teachers own; when thoughtful rabbis know;
When artist minds in world-wide symbol show;
When serfs and soldiers their mute faces raise;
When priests on grand cathedral altars praise;
When pride and arrogance shall disappear,
The Pilgrims’ Vision is accomplished here!

LIBERTY LIGHTING THE WORLD[5]

Majestic warder by the nation’s gate,
Spike-crowned, flame-armed like Agony or Glory,
Holding the tablets of some unknown law,
With gesture eloquent and mute as Fate,—
We stand about thy feet in solemn awe,
Like desert-tribes who seek their sphinx’s story,
And question thee in spirit and in speech;
What art thou? Whence? What comest thou to teach?
What vision hold those introverted eyes
Of revolutions framed in centuries?
Thy flame—what threat, or guide for sacred way?
Thy tablet—what commandment? What Sinai?
Lo! as the waves make murmur at thy base,
We watch the somber grandeur of thy face,
And ask thee—what thou art.

I am Liberty—God’s daughter!
My symbols—a law and a torch;
Not a sword to threaten slaughter,
Nor a flame to dazzle or scorch;
But a light that the world may see
And a truth that shall make men free.

I am the sister of Duty,

And I am the sister of Faith;
To-day adored for my beauty,
To-morrow led forth to death.
I am she whom ages prayed for;
Heroes suffered undismayed for;
Whom the martyrs were betrayed for!

I am Liberty! Fame of nation or praise of statute is naught to me:

Freedom is growth and not creation: one man suffers, one man is
free.
One brain forges a constitution; but how shall the million souls be
won?
 won?
Freedom is more than a resolution—he is not free who is free alone.

Justice is mine, and it grows by loving, changing the world like the
circling sun;
Evil recedes from the spirit’s proving as mist from the hollows when
night is done.
Hither, ye blind, from your futile banding; know the rights and the
rights are won;

Wrong shall die with the understanding—one truth clear and the
work is done.
Nature is higher than Progress or Knowledge, whose need is ninety
enslaved for ten;
My word shall stand against mart and college; The planet belongs to
its living men!
And hither, ye weary ones and breathless, searching the seas for a
kindly shore,
I am Liberty! patient, deathless—set by love at the nation’s door.

AMERICA[6]
O Land magnanimous, republican!
The last for Nationhood, the first for Man!
Because thy lines by Freedom’s hand were laid,
Profound the sin to change or retrograde.
From base to cresting let thy work be new;
’Twas not by aping foreign ways it grew.
To struggling peoples give at least applause;
Let equities, not precedent, subtend your laws;
Like rays from that great Eye the altars show,
That fall triangular, free states should grow,
The soul above, the brain and hand below.
Believe that strength lies not in steel nor stone;
That perils wait the land whose heavy throne,
Though ringed by swords and rich with titled show,
Is based on fettered misery below;
That nations grow where every class unites
For common interests and common rights;
Where no caste barrier stays the poor man’s son,
Till step by step the topmost height is won;
Where every hand subscribes to every rule,
And free as air are voice and vote and school!
A nation’s years are centuries. Let Art
Portray thy first, and Liberty will start
From every field in Europe at the sight.
“Why stand these thrones between us and the light?”
Strong men will ask, “Who built these frontier towers
To bar out men of kindred blood with ours?”

Oh, this thy work, Republic! this thy health,

To prove man’s birthright to a commonwealth;
To teach the peoples to be strong and wise,
Till armies, nations, nobles, royalties,
Are laid at rest with all their fears and hates;
Till Europe’s thirteen monarchies are states,
Without a barrier and without a throne,
Of d f d ti lik !
Of one grand federation like our own!
 HANS MATTSON
Hans Mattson was the son of an independent freeholder
and successful farmer of the parish of Onnestad, near the
city of Kristianstad, Sweden. In an unpretending little
cabin built by his father he spent the first years of his
happy and peaceful childhood. On one occasion he was
taken by his parents to see the king, who was to pass by
on the highway near his home. In the midst of the
confusion he did succeed in getting a glimpse of King
Oscar I. In his childish mind he had fancied that the king
and his family and all others in authority were the peculiar
and elect people of the Almighty, but after this event he
began to entertain serious doubts as to the correctness of
his views on this matter.
After a year and a half in the Swedish army he decided to
leave the service and try his luck “in a country where
inherited names and titles were not the necessary
conditions of success.” He says: “At that time America was
little known in our part of the country, only a few persons
having emigrated from the whole district. But we knew
that it was a new country, inhabited by a free and
independent people, that it had a liberal government and
great natural resources, and these inducements were
sufficient for us.”
From the time of his arrival at Boston until his final settling
in Minnesota, his career is but typical of that of the many
sturdy and enterprising pioneers of Scandinavian origin
who have contributed so much to the building of the
Northwest. He served as a colonel in the Civil War, and in
1869 was elected as Secretary of State in Minnesota. Later
he was Consul General of the United States in India.
 The selection that follows is taken from the final chapter
of his “Reminiscences,” the English translation of which
was published in 1892.

SCANDINAVIAN CONTRIBUTION TO
AMERICAN NATIONALITY
It is a great mistake which some make, to think that it is only for
their brawn and muscle that the Northmen have become a valuable
acquisition to the American population; on the contrary, they have
done, and are doing, as much as any other nationality within the
domain of mind and heart. Not to speak of the early discovery of
America by the Scandinavians four hundred years before the time of
Columbus, they can look back with proud satisfaction on the part
they have taken in all respects to make this great republic what it is
to-day.
The early Swedish colonists in Delaware, Pennsylvania and New
Jersey worked as hard for liberty and independence as the English
did in New England and in the South. There were no tories among
them, and when the Continental Congress stood wavering equal in
the balance for and against the adoption of the Declaration of
Independence, it was a Swede, John Morton (Mortenson), of the old
Delaware stock, who gave the casting vote of Pennsylvania in favor
of the sacred document.
When, nearly a century later, the great rebellion burst upon the land,
a gallant descendant of the Swedes, Gen. Robert Anderson, met its
first shock at Fort Sumter, and, during the bitter struggle of four
years which followed, the Scandinavian-Americans were as true and
loyal to their adopted country as their native-born neighbors, giving
their unanimous support to the cause of the Union and fighting
valiantly for it. Nor should it be forgotten that it was the Swede,
John Ericsson, who, by his inventive genius, saved the navy and the
great seaports of the United States, and that it was another Swede
by descent, Admiral Dahlgren, who furnished the model for the best
guns of our artillery. Surely love of freedom, valor, genius, patriotism
and religious fervor was not planted in America by the seeds brought
over in the Mayflower alone.
Yes, it is verily true that the Scandinavian immigrants, from the early
colonists of 1638 to the present time, have furnished strong hands,
clear heads and loyal hearts to the republic. They have caused the
wilderness to blossom like the rose; they have planted schools and
churches on the hills and in the valleys; they have honestly and ably
administered the public affairs of town, county and state; they have
helped to make wise laws for their respective commonwealths and in
the halls of Congress; they have, with honor and ability, represented
their adopted country abroad; they have sanctified the American soil
by their blood, shed in freedom’s cause on the battle-fields of the
Revolution and the Civil War; and, though proud of their
Scandinavian ancestry, they love America and American institutions
as deeply and as truly as do the descendants of the Pilgrims, the
starry emblem of liberty meaning as much to them as to any other
citizen.
Therefore, the Scandinavian-American feels a certain sense of
ownership in the glorious heritage of American soil, with its rivers,
lakes, mountains, valleys, woods and prairies, and in all its noble
institutions; and he feels that the blessings which he enjoys are not
his by favor or sufferance, but by right;—by moral as well as civil
right. For he took possession of the wilderness, endured the
hardships of the pioneer, contributed his full share toward the grand
results accomplished, and is in mind and heart a true and loyal
American citizen.
 JACOB RIIS
Jacob Riis, who may well stand as a representative of the
best that America has received from the Scandinavian
countries, was born at Ribe, Denmark, May 3, 1849. He
emigrated to the United States in 1870, where he
subsequently obtained a position as reporter on The New
York Tribune and The Evening Sun. It is at the close of his
well-known autobiography that he relates how he came to
a realization that he was indeed an American in heart as
well as in name. In words of patriotic fervor he says:—
“I have told the story of the making of an American. There
remains to tell how I found out that he was made and
finished at last. It was when I went back to see my
mother once more and, wandering about the country of
my childhood’s memories, had come to the city of
Elsinore. There I fell ill of a fever and lay many weeks in
the house of a friend upon the shore of the beautiful
Oeresund. One day when the fever had left me, they
rolled my bed into a room overlooking the sea. The
sunlight danced upon the waves, and the distant
mountains of Sweden were blue against the horizon. Ships
passed under full sail up and down the great waterway of
the nations. But the sunshine and the peaceful day bore
no message to me. I lay moodily picking at the coverlet,
sick and discouraged and sore—I hardly knew why myself.
Until all at once there sailed past, close inshore, a ship
flying at the top the flag of freedom, blown out on the
breeze till every star in it shone bright and clear. That
moment I knew. Gone were illness, discouragement, and
gloom! Forgotten weakness and suffering, the cautions of
doctor and nurse. I sat up in bed and shouted, laughed
and cried by turns, waving my handkerchief to the flag out
 there. They thought I had lost my head, but I told them
no, thank God! I had found it, and my heart, too, at last. I
knew then that it was my flag; that my children’s home
was mine, indeed; that I also had become an American in
truth. And I thanked God, and, like unto the man sick of
the palsy, arose from my bed and went home, healed.”
Besides being the author of several books, such as “The
Battle with the Slum,” “How the Other Half Lives,” and
“The Children of the Poor,” dealing with the life of the
people of New York’s East Side, he was an active and
practical reformer. In the course of his struggles to
ameliorate the condition of the poor, he met Theodore
Roosevelt and formed the friendship which inspired the
volume represented in the following selection. Riis and
Roosevelt had much in common. There was in both a
great deal of the old Anglo-Saxon fighting spirit, ennobled
by modern influences and employed in defense of right
and justice. Their mutual and steadfast devotion to each
other resembled that of ancient liegeman and lord. This
hero-worship is, after all, not unique in our history. It
should be a cause for great pride that so many of our
leaders, of whom, of course, Lincoln is the most striking
example, by embodying the noblest and the best in
American life, have been the living ideal of countless
immigrants.

A YOUNG MAN’S HERO: AN IMMIGRANT’S

TRIBUTE TO ROOSEVELT
There was never a day that called so loudly for such as he, as does
this of ours. Not that it is worse than other days; I know it is better.
I find proof of it in the very fact that it is as if the age-long fight
between good and evil had suddenly come to a head, as if all the
questions of right, of justice, of the brotherhood, which we had seen
in glimpses before, and dimly, had all at once come out in the open,
craving solution one and all. A battle royal, truly! A battle for the
man of clean hands and clean mind, who can think straight and act
square; the man who will stand for the right “because it is right”;
who can say, and mean it, that “it is hard to fail, but worse never to
have tried to succeed.” A battle for him who strives for “that highest
form of success which comes, not to the man who desires mere easy
peace, but to him who does not shrink from danger, from hardship
or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate
triumph.” I am but quoting his own words, and never, I think, did I
hear finer than those he spoke of Governor Taft when he had put by
his own preferences and gone to his hard and toilsome task in the
Philippines; for the whole royal, fighting soul of the man was in
them.
“But he undertook it gladly,” he said, “and he is to be considered
thrice fortunate; for in this world the one thing supremely worth
having is the opportunity coupled with the capacity to do well and
worthily a piece of work the doing of which is of vital consequence
to the welfare of mankind.”
There is his measure. Let now the understrappers sputter. With that
for our young men to grow up to, we need have no fear for the
morrow. Let it ask what questions it will of the Republic, it shall
answer them, for we shall have men at the oars.
This afternoon the newspaper that came to my desk contained a
cable despatch which gave me a glow at the heart such as I have
not felt for a while. Just three lines; but they told that a nation’s
conscience was struggling victoriously through hate and foul play
and treason: Captain Dreyfus was to get a fair trial. Justice was to
be done at last to a once despised Jew whose wrongs had held the
civilized world upon the rack; and the world was made happy. Say
now it does not move! It does, where there are men to move it,—I
said it before: men who believe in the right and are willing to fight
for it. When the children of poverty and want came to Mulberry
Street for justice, and I knew they came because Roosevelt had
been there, I saw in that what the resolute, courageous, unyielding
determination of one man to see right done in his own time could
accomplish. I have watched him since in the Navy Department, in
camp, as Governor, in the White House, and more and more I have
made out his message as being to the young men of our day,
himself the youngest of our Presidents. I know it is so, for when I
speak to the young about him, I see their eyes kindle, and their
handshake tells me that they want to be like him, and are going to
try. And then I feel that I, too, have done something worth doing for
my people. For, whether for good or for evil, we all leave our mark
upon our day, and his is that of a clean, strong man who fights for
the right and wins.
Now, then, a word to these young men who, all over our broad land,
are striving up toward the standard he sets, for he is their hero by
right, as he is mine. Do not be afraid to own it. The struggle to
which you are born, and in which you are bound to take a hand if
you would be men in more than name, is the struggle between the
ideal and the husk; for life without ideals is like the world without
the hope of heaven, an empty, meaningless husk. It is your business
to read its meaning into it by making the ideals real. The material
things of life are good in their day, but they pass away; the moral
remain to bear witness that the high hopes of youth are not mere
phantasms. Theodore Roosevelt lives his ideals; therefore you can
trust them. Here they are in working shape: “Face the facts as you
find them; strive steadily for the best.” “Be never content with less
than the possible best, and never throw away the possible best
because it is not the ideal best.” Maxims, those, for the young man
who wants to make the most of himself and his time. Happily for the
world, the young man who does not is rare.
 JACOB VAN DER ZEE
“The Hollanders of Iowa,” by Jacob Van der Zee, was
published at Iowa City in 1912 by the State Historical
Society of Iowa. The following facts regarding the author
and his book are given in the introduction of the editor,
Mr. Benjamin F. Shambaugh:—
“The author of this volume on ‘The Hollanders of Iowa’
was admirably fitted for the task. Born of Dutch parents in
The Netherlands and reared among kinsfolk in Iowa, he
has been a part of the life which is portrayed in these
pages. At the same time Mr. Van der Zee’s education at
The State University of Iowa, his three years’ residence at
Oxford as a Rhodes scholar, and his research work in The
State Historical Society of Iowa have made it possible for
him to study the Hollanders objectively as well as
subjectively. Accordingly, his book is in no respect an
overdrawn, eulogistic account of the Dutch people.
“The history of the Hollanders of Iowa is not wholly
provincial: it suggests much that is typical in the
development of Iowa and in the larger history of the
West: it is ‘a story of the stubborn and unyielding fight of
men and women who overcame the obstacles of a new
country and handed down to their descendants thriving
farms and homes of peace and plenty.’”
The selection here given comprises chapter four of the
book.

WHY DUTCH EMIGRANTS TURNED TO

AMERICA
Such was the condition of things in The Netherlands that thousands
of people lived from hand to mouth, the prey of poverty and hunger,
stupefied by the hopelessness of securing the necessities of life, and
barely enabled through the gifts of the well-to-do to drag out their
wretched lives. At the same time many of these unfortunate persons
were hopeful and eager to find a place where they might obtain a
livelihood, lead quiet lives of honesty and godliness, and educate
their children in the principles of religion without let or hindrance.
The leaders of the Separatists looked forward to a life of freedom in
a land where man would not have to wait for work, but where work
awaited man, where people would not rub elbows by reason of the
density of population, and where God’s creation would welcome the
coming of man.
When social forces such as these, mostly beyond human control,
began to operate with increasing power, the Dutch people were not
slow to recognize the truth that emigration was absolutely
necessary. The seriousness of the situation dawned upon all thinking
men,—especially upon state officials, who feared that unless the
stream of emigration could be directed toward the Dutch colonies,
their country would suffer an enormous drain of capital and human
lives. Accordingly the attention of prospective emigrants was called
to the Dutch East Indies,—chiefly to the advantages of the rich
island of Java, “that paradise of the world, the pearl in Holland’s
crown.”
The religion of the Dissenters, however, was responsible for turning
the balance in favor of some other land. To them Java was a closed
door. Beside the fear of an unhealthful climate towered the certainty
of legislation hostile to their Christian principles and ideals. Moreover,
could poor men afford the expense of transportation thither, and
could they feel assured of getting land or work in Java? State
officials, men of learning, and men of business from several parts of
the country were summoned to an important conference at
Amsterdam to discuss the whole emigration movement. The
Separatist leaders were asked why they should not remain
Netherlanders under the House of Orange by removing to the
colonies just as the people of the British Isles found homes in the
English colonies. Two Separatist ministers appealed to the
government to direct the flood of emigration toward Java by
promises of civil and religious liberty. But the attempt to secure a
free Christian colony in Java produced only idle expectations.
Then it was that the people turned their eyes away from the East
toward the United States of North America,—a land of freedom and
rich blessings, where they hoped to find in its unsettled interior
some spot adaptable to agriculture, and thus rescue themselves
from the miseries of a decadent state. To the discontented,
ambitious Hollander was presented the picture of a real land of
promise, where all things would smile at him and be prepared, as it
were, to aid him. It was said that “after an ocean passage of trifling
expense the Netherlander may find work to do as soon as he sets
foot on shore; he may buy land for a few florins per acre; and feel
secure and free among a people of Dutch, German and English birth,
who will rejoice to see him come to increase the nation’s wealth.”
Asserting that they could vouch for the truthfulness of this picture,
as based on the positive assurances and experiences of friends
already in America, the Separatist clergyman-pamphleteers openly
declared that they would not hesitate to rob Holland of her best
citizens by helping them on their way to America.
Of the people and government of the United States, Scholte, who
was destined to lead hundreds of his countrymen to the State of
Iowa, at an early date cherished a highly favorable opinion, which he
expressed as follows:—
“I am convinced that a settlement in some healthful region there will
have, by the ordinary blessing of God, excellent temporal and moral
results, especially for the rising generation.... Should it then excite
much wonder that I have firmly resolved to leave The Netherlands
and together with so many Christian relatives adopt the United
States as a new fatherland?
“There I shall certainly meet with the same wickedness which
troubles me here; yet I shall find also opportunity to work. There I
shall certainly find the same, if not still greater, evidence of unbelief
and superstition; but I shall also find a constitutional provision which
does not bind my hands in the use of the Sword of the Spirit, which
is the Word of God; there I can fight for what I believe without being
disobedient to the magistrates and authorities ordained by God.
There I shall find among men the same zeal to obtain this world’s
goods; but I shall not find the same impulse to get the better of one
another, for competition is open to all; I shall not find the same
desire to reduce the wages of labor, nor the same inducement to
avoid taxation, nor the same peevishness and groaning about the
burden of taxation.
“There I shall find no Minister of Public Worship, for the separation
of Church and State is a fact. There I shall not need to contribute to
the support of pastors whose teachings I abhor. I shall find no
school commissions nor school supervisors who prohibit the use of
the Bible in schools and hinder the organization of special schools,
for education is really free. I shall find there the descendants of
earlier inhabitants of Holland, among whom the piety of our
forefathers still lives, and who are now prepared to give advice and
aid to Hollanders who are forced to come to them.”
Scholte, however, never claimed to be a refugee from the oppression
of the Old World. He left Europe because the social, religious, and
political condition of his native country was such that, according to
his conviction, he could not with any reasonable hope of success
work for the actual benefit of honest and industrious fellow-men.
Very many members of Scholte’s emigrant association felt certain
that they and their children would sink from the middle class and
end their lives as paupers, if they remained in Holland.
Later emigration to America was in no small degree due to a cause
which has always operated in inducing people to abandon their
European homes. After a period of residence in America, Hollanders,
elated by reason of their prosperity and general change of fortune,
very naturally reported their delight to friends and relatives in the
fatherland, strongly urging them to come and share their good luck
instead of suffering from want in Holland. They wrote of higher
wages, fertile soil, cheapness of the necessities of life, abundance of
cheap land, and many other advantages. If one’s wages for a day’s
work in America equalled a week’s earnings in Holland, surely it was
worth while to leave that unfortunate country. Such favorable reports
as these were largely instrumental in turning the attention of
Hollanders to the New World as the one great land of opportunity.
 EDWARD BOK
Although it was impossible to include in this volume
selections from “The Americanization of Edward Bok,”
recently published, it seems that some mention should be
made of this delightfully reminiscent autobiography and of
its author, who came to this country in 1870 as a little
Dutch boy of six years.
There are entertaining chapters on his passion for
collecting autographs from famous people, on his visit to
Boston and Cambridge to see Holmes and Longfellow and
Emerson, on his relations with prominent statesmen and
other notable men of his time, and on his experiences as
editor of an influential and successful magazine; but most
pertinent to the purpose of this work are the last two
chapters of the book, “Where America Fell Short with Me,”
and “What I Owe to America,” which should be read by all
those actively interested in the Americanization of the
foreign-born. In the first of these he points out that
America failed to teach him thrift or economy; that the
importance of doing a task thoroughly, the need of quality
rather than quantity, was not inculcated; that the public
school fell short in its responsibility of seeing that he, a
foreign-born boy, acquired the English language correctly;
that he was not impressed with a wholesome and proper
respect for law and authority; and that, at the most critical
time, when he came to exercise the right of suffrage, the
State offered him no enlightenment or encouragement.
Yet, in spite of all this, he is able to say: “Whatever
shortcomings I may have found during my fifty-year
period of Americanization; however America may have
failed to help my transition from a foreigner into an
American, I owe to her the most priceless gift that any
nation can offer, and that is opportunity.”
 OSCAR SOLOMON STRAUS
Oscar S. Straus, formerly United States Ambassador to
Turkey, was born in Bavaria. Besides the degree A.B. from
Columbia University, he has received honorary degrees
from various institutions. He was appointed a member of
the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, 1902,
and Secretary of Commerce and Labor in the cabinet of
President Roosevelt, and has held many other prominent
positions in civil and political affairs.
His chief writings are: “The Origin of Republican Form of
Government in the United States,” 1886; “Roger Williams,
the Pioneer of Religious Liberty,” 1894; “The American
Spirit,” a collection of various addresses, published in one
volume by the Century Company in 1893. The address
selected for quotation here is that delivered at the
banquet of the American Hebrew Congregations, in New
York, January 18, 1911.

AMERICA AND THE SPIRIT OF AMERICAN

JUDAISM
The spirit of American Judaism first asserted itself when Stuyvesant,
the Governor of New Amsterdam, would not permit the few Jews
who had emigrated from Portugal to unite with the other burghers in
standing guard for the protection of their homes. When the tax-
collector came to Asser Levy to demand a tax on this account, he
asked whether that tax was imposed on all the residents of New
Amsterdam. “No,” was the reply, “it is only imposed upon the Jews,
because they do not stand guard!” “I have not asked to be
exempted,” replied Asser Levy. “I am not only willing, but I demand
the right to stand guard.” That right the Jews have asserted and
exercised as officers in the ranks of the Continental Army and in
every crisis of our national history from that time until the present
day.
The American spirit and the spirit of American Judaism were
nurtured in the same cradle of Liberty, and were united in origin, in
ideals, and in historical development. The closing chapter of the
chronicles of the Jews on the Iberian peninsula forms the opening
chapter of their history on this Continent. It was Luis Santangel, “the
Beaconsfield of his time,” assisted by his kinsman Gabriel Sanches,
the Royal Treasurer of Aragon, who advanced out of his own purse
seventeen thousand florins which made the voyages of Columbus
possible. Luis de Torres, the interpreter as well as the surgeon and
the physician of the little fleet, and several of the sailors who were
with Columbus on his first voyage, as shown by the record, were
Jews.
Looking back through this vista of more than four centuries, we have
reason to remember with justified gratitude the foresight and signal
services of those Spanish Jews who had the wisdom to divine the
far-reaching possibilities of the plans of the great navigator, whom
the King and the Queen, the Dukes and the Grandees united in
regarding as merely “a visionary babbler” or, worse than this, as “a
scheming adventurer.” The royal patrons were finally won over by
the hope that Columbus might discover new treasures of gold and
precious stones to enrich the Spanish crown. But not so with the
Jewish patrons, who caused Columbus, or, as he was then called,
Christopher Colon, to be recalled, and who, without security and
without interest, advanced the money to fit out his caravels, since
they saw, as by divine inspiration, the promise and possibility of the
discovery of another world, which, in the words of the late Emilio
Castelar—the historian, statesman, and one time President of Spain
—“would afford to the quickening principles of human liberty a
temple reared to the God of enfranchised and redeemed conscience,
a land that would offer an unstained abode to the ideals of
progress.” Fortunately, the records of these transactions are still
preserved in the archives of Simancas in Seville.
It is idle to speculate upon hypothetical theories in the face of the
facts of history. Of course, America would have been discovered and
colonized had Columbus never lived; but had the streams of the
beginnings of American history flown from other sources in other
directions, it would be futile even to make an imaginative forecast of
the effect they would have produced upon the history and
development of this Continent. The merciless intolerance of an
ecclesiastical system and the horror of its persecutions stimulated
the earliest immigration, and subsequently brought about the
Reformation in Saxon and Anglo-Saxon lands, and the same spirit
drove to our shores the Pilgrim and the Puritan fathers; which chain
of circumstances destined this country from the very beginning to be
the land of the immigrant and a home for the fugitive and the
persecuted.
The difference between government by kings and nobles and
government under a Democracy is, that the former rests upon the
power to compel obedience, while the latter rests essentially upon
the sacrifice by the individual for the community, based upon the
ideals of right and justice. If the Pilgrims, the Puritans, and the
Huguenots brought with them, as they certainly did, the
remembrance of sufferings for ideals and the spirit of sacrifice, how
much longer was that remembrance, and with how much greater
intensity did that spirit glow in the souls of the Jews, whose whole
history is a record of martyrdom, of suffering, and of sacrifice for the
ideals of civil and religious liberty; concerning whom it has been
said: “Of all the races and nations of mankind which quarter the
arms of Liberty on the shields of their honor, none has a better title
to that decoration than the Jews.”
The spirit of Judaism became the mother spirit of Puritanism in Old
England; and the history of Israel and its democratic model under
the Judges inspired and guided the Pilgrims and the Puritans in their
wandering hither and in laying the foundation of their
commonwealths in New England. The piety and learning of the Jews
bridged the chasm of the Middle Ages; and the torch they bore
amidst trials and sufferings lighted the pathway from the ancient to
the modern world.
“The historical power of the prophets of Israel,” says James
Darmesteter, “is exhausted neither by Judaism nor by Christianity,
and they hold a reserve force for the benefit of the coming century.
The twentieth century is better prepared than the nineteen
preceding it to understand them.” While Zionism is a pious hope and
a vision out of despair in countries where the victims of oppression
are still counted by millions, the republicanism of the United States is
the nearest approach to the ideals of the prophets of Israel that ever
has been incorporated in the form of a state. The founders of our
government converted the dreams of philosophers into a political
system,—a government by the people, for the people, whereunder
the rights of man became the rights of men, secured and
guaranteed by a written constitution. Ours is peculiarly a promised
land wherein the spirit of the teachings of the ancient prophets
inspired the work of the fathers of our country.
American liberty demands of no man the abandonment of his
conscientious convictions; on the contrary, it had its birth, not in the
narrowness of uniformity, but in the breadth of diversity, which
patriotism fuses together into a conscious harmony for the highest
welfare of all. The Protestant, the Catholic, and the Jew, each and all
need the support and the sustaining power of their religion to
develop their moral natures and to keep alive the spirit of self-
sacrifice which American patriotism demands of every man,
whatever may be his creed or race, who is worthy to enjoy the
blessings of American citizenship.
I do not wish to be misunderstood as claiming any special merit for
the Jews as American citizens which is not equally possessed by the
Americans of other creeds. They have the good as well as the bad
among them, the noble and the ignoble, the worthy and the
unworthy. They have the qualities as well as the defects of their
fellow-citizens. In a word, they are not any less patriotic Americans
because they are Jews, nor any less loyal Jews because they are
primarily patriotic Americans.
The Jew is neither a newcomer nor an alien in this country or on this
continent; his Americanism is as original and ancient as that of any
race or people with the exception of the American Indian and other
aborigines. He came in the caravels of Columbus, and he knocked at
the gates of New Amsterdam only thirty-five years after the Pilgrim
Fathers stepped ashore on Plymouth Rock.
 FELIX ADLER
Felix Adler, lecturer and writer on moral and ethical
subjects, was born in Alzey, Germany, in 1851. He
received the degree A.B. from Columbia University, and
continued his studies at Berlin and at the University of
Heidelberg. From 1874 to 1876 he was professor of
Hebrew at Cornell University. Since 1902 he has been
professor of political and social ethics at Columbia. He has
produced numerous works on moral and ethical topics. In
1915 there was published his book, “The World Crisis and
its Meaning,” the third chapter of which is here quoted in
part.
Adler’s keen interest in international ethics has been
expressed in several addresses delivered before the New
York Society of Ethical Culture, which was founded by him
in 1876. Among other things he pleads for altruism among
the nations, and truthfulness, and believes in a purified
nationalism instead of anti- or inter-nationalism.

THE AMERICAN IDEAL

The American ideal is that of the uncommon quality latent in the
common man. Necessarily it is an ethical ideal, a spiritual ideal;
otherwise it would be nonsense. For, taking men as they are, they
are assuredly not equal. The differences between them, on the
contrary, are glaring. The common man is not uncommonly fine
spiritually, but rather, seen from the outside, “uncommonly”
common. It is therefore an ethical instinct that has turned the
people toward this ethical conception.
It is true that in Germany and in England, side by side with the
efficiency and the mastery ideals, there has always existed this same
spiritual or religious ideal; side by side with the stratification and
entitulation of men, the labelling of them as lower and higher, as
empirically better or worse, there has always been the recognition
that men are equal,—equal, that is to say, in church, but not outside,
equal in the hereafter, but not in this life. If we would fathom the
real depth and inner significance of the democratic ideal as it
slumbers or dreams in the heart of America, rather than as yet
explicit, we must say that it is an ideal which seeks to overcome this
very dualism, seeks to take the spiritual conception of human
equality out of the church and put it into the market place, to take it
from far off celestial realms for realization upon this earth. For men
are not equal in the empirical sense; they are equal only in the
spiritual sense, equal only in the sense that the margin of
achievement of which any person is capable, be it wide or narrow, is
infinitesimal compared with his infinite spiritual possibilities.
It is because of this subconscious ethical motive that there is this
generous air of expectation in America, that we are always
wondering what will happen next, or who will happen next. Will
another Emerson come along? Will another Lincoln come along? We
do not know. But this we know, that the greatest lusters of our past
already tend to fade in our memory, not because we are irreverent,
but because nothing that the past has accomplished can content us;
because we are looking for greatness beyond greatness, truth
beyond truth ever yet spoken. The Germans have a legend that in
their hour of need an ancient emperor will arise out of the tomb
where he slumbers to stretch his protecting hand over the
Fatherland. We Americans, too, have the belief that, if ever such an
hour comes for us, there will arise spirits clothed in human flesh
amongst us sufficient for our need, but spirits that will come, as it
were, out of the future to meet our advancing host and lead it, not
ghosts out of the storied past. For America differs from all other
nations in that it derives its inspiration from the future. Every other
people has some culture, some civilization, handed down from the
past, of which it is the custodian, and which it seeks to develop. The
American people have no such single tradition. They are dedicated,
not to the preservation of what has been, but to the creation of
what never has been. They are the prophets of the future, not the
priests of the past.
I have spoken above of ideals, of what is fine in a nation, of fine
tendencies. The idea which a people has of itself, like the idea which
an individual has of himself, often does not tally with the reality. If
we look at the realities of American life,—and, on the principle of
corruptio optimi pessima, we should be prepared for what we see,—
we are dismayed to observe in actual practice what seems like a
monstrous caricature,—not democracy, but plutocracy; kings
expelled and the petty political bosses in their stead; merciless
exploitation of the economically weak,—a precipitate reduction of
wages, for instance, at the first signs of approaching depression, in
advance of what is required,—instead of respect for the sacred
personality of human beings, the utmost disrespect. Certainly the
nation needs strong and persistent ethical teaching in order to make
it aware of its better self and of what is implied in the political
institutions which it has founded.
But ethical teaching alone will not suffice. It must be admitted that a
danger lurks in the idea of equality itself. The danger is that
differences in refinement, in culture, in intellectual ability and
attainments are apt to be insufficiently emphasized; that the
untutored, the uncultivated, the intellectually undeveloped, are apt
presumptuously to put themselves on a par with those of superior
development; and hence that superiority, failing to meet with
recognition, will be discouraged and democracy tend to level men
downward instead of upward. This will not be true so much of such
moral excellence as appears in an Emerson or a Lincoln,—for there is
that in the lowliest which responds to the manifestations of
transcendent moral beauty,—but it will hold good of those minor
superiorities that fall short of the highest in art and science and
conduct, yet upon the fostering of which depends the eventual
appearance of culture’s richest fruits.
In order to ward off this danger we must have a new and larger
educational policy in our schools than has yet been put in practice.
Vocational training in its broadest and deepest sense will be our
greatest aid.
Democracy, the American democracy, is the St. Christopher. St.
Christopher bore the Christ child on his shoulders as he stepped into
the river, and the child was as light as a feather. But it became
heavier and heavier as he entered the stream, until he was well nigh
borne down by it. So we, in the heyday of 1776, stepped into the
stream with the infant Democracy on our shoulders, and it was light
as a feather’s weight; but it is becoming heavier and heavier the
deeper we are getting into the stream—heavier and heavier. When
we began, there were four or five millions. Now there are ninety
millions. Heavier and heavier! And there are other millions coming.
When we began we were a homogeneous people; now there are
those twenty-three languages spoken in a single school. And with
this vast multitude, and this heterogeneous population, we are trying
the most difficult experiment that has ever been attempted in the
world,—trying to invest with sovereignty the common man. There
has been the sovereignty of kings, and now and then a king has
done well. There has been the sovereignty of aristocracies, and now
and then an English aristocracy or a Venetian aristocracy has done
well—though never wholly well. And now we are imposing this most
difficult task of government, which depends on the recognition of
excellence in others, so that the best may rule in our behalf, on the
shoulders of the multitude. These are our difficulties. But our
difficulties are also our opportunities. This land is the Promised Land.
It is that not only in the sense in which the word is commonly taken
—that is to say, a haven for the disadvantaged of other countries, a
land whither the oppressed may come to repair their fortunes and
breathe freely and achieve material independence. That is but one
side of the promise. In that sense the Anglo-American native
population is the host, extending hospitality, the benefactor of the
immigrants. But this is also the land of promise for the native
population themselves, in order that they may be penetrated by the
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