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 Contents

Preface xiii
About the Authors xvii

Understanding Workplace Diversity: Where

Have We Been and Where Are We Going? 1
Section I Understanding Individual Perspectives
of Diversity 8
1. Diversity Today: Fact or Fiction? 11
Carol P. Harvey
2. Diversity! 12
Jeanne M. Aurelio and Christopher Laib
3. Body Ritual Among the Nacirema 14
Horace Miner
4. Increasing Multicultural Understanding: Uncovering
Stereotypes 21
John R. Bowman
5. I am … 25
M. June Allard
6. Are You Privileged? 26
Mark Julien and Micheal T. Stratton
7. White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of
Coming to See Correspondences through Work in Women’s
Studies 29
Peggy McIntosh
8. The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences
and Conflict 38
Carole G. Parker
9. Exploring Diversity in Your Organization 45
Carol P. Harvey
10. The Pitney Bowes’ Case: A Legacy of Diversity
Management 48
Carol P. Harvey
Integrative Questions for Section I 55

vii
viii Contents

Section II Understanding the Primary Dimensions

of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity 56
11. Being An Only: A Field Assignment 59
Carol P. Harvey
12. Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 60
Michelle R. Dunlap
13. Since We Elected an African American President Twice,
Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 70
Joyce McNickles
14. Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 83
M. June Allard
15. The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 98
Carol P. Harvey
Integrative Questions for Section II 107

Section III Understanding the Primary Dimensions

of Diversity: Age, Gender, Sexual
Orientation, and Physical and Mental
Challenges 108
16. How Old Should You Be to Drive a Bus? Exploring
Ageism 110
Sharon P. McKechnie
17. Generational Diversity in the Workplace 111
Diane M. Holtzman, Evonne J. Kruger, and
Charles D. Srock
18. Exploring The Gender Gap: What Are the Issues? 120
Carol P. Harvey and Deborah L. Larsen
19. When Women Do Lead: Gender Bias 2013 Style 131
Carol P. Harvey
20. The Paradox of Male Privilege: Toward a Gender
Democracy & Democratic Manhood 133
Steven D. Farough
21. Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender
Issues in the American Workplace 142
Gerald Hunt
22. Is This Sexual Harassment? 154
Carol P. Harvey
 Contents ix

23. Musical Chairs 156

M. June Allard
24. Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and
Diversity 158
Mark E. Moore and Caryl L. Martin
25. The Cracker Barrel Restaurants 166
John Howard
26. Cracker Barrel Old Country Stores: Postscript 174
Carol P. Harvey
Integrative Questions for Section III 175

Section IV Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of

Diversity: Social Class, Religion, Appearance/
Weight, Language/Communication, and Military
Service 177
27. Does Social Class Make a Difference? 179
Carol P. Harvey
28. Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 182
Colleen A. Fahy
29. Religion in the U.S. Workplace 196
Kathleen M. Fisher, Jeanne M. McNett, and
Pamela D. Sherer
30. Understanding Intercultural Communications in
Today’s Global Environment 210
Gina Ruxton and Carol P. Harvey
31. Communicating with a Global Call Center
Exercise 219
Carol P. Harvey
32. The Culture of the U.S. Air Force and Its Impact
on a Mobile Training Team Case 222
Christopher C. Butts, Elizabeth Sanz, Kizzy M. Parks,
and Daniel P. McDonald
33. Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing
Roles in the U.S. Military 228
Joseph R. Bongiovi
34. Choosing the Board: Charting the Course with
Competing Priorities 242
M. June Allard
x Contents

35. Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in

the Workplace 244
M. June Allard
36. Fairfax Metropolitan Hospital: The Candidate 255
M. June Allard
Integrative Questions for Section IV 257

Section V Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical,

Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues 259
37. The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 261
Jeanne McNett
38. Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications
in the Workplace 273
M. June Allard
39. How Canada Promotes Workplace Diversity 282
Marc S. Mentzer
40. A Report on the Current Health of the Media 289
M. June Allard
41. Exercises in Media Diversity 299
M. June Allard
42. New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer
Markets 302
M. June Allard
43. Points of Law: The Bar Exam 317
M. June Allard
44. Chick-fil-A and the Media 319
Carol P. Harvey
Integrative Questions for Section V 323

Section VI Managing Organizational Change and

Diversity: Current Issues 324
45. What Do Organizations Do to Manage Diversity? Examining
Corporate Leadership, Training, Mentoring, Employee
Resource Groups, and Social Responsibility Programs 326
Carol P. Harvey
46. Work-Life Balance Issues: Changing When and How the Work
Gets Done 338
Carol P. Harvey
 Contents xi

47. The Six Sigma Case: Promotion at the Western

Company 347
Rana Haq
48. Diversity and Inclusion Awards: A Critical
Examination 353
M. June Allard
49. One Workplace Bully is One Too Many: The Four
Faces of Bullying 369
Andra Gumbus
50. A Case of Harassment, Discrimination, or Bullying?
You Decide… 379
Andra Gumbus
51. The Path to Inclusion: The Business Case for Diversity
at Ocean Spray 384
Carol P. Harvey
Integrative Questions for Section VI 388

Section VII Capstone Experiences for Understanding

and Managing Diversity 390
52. Creating a Case to Better Understand and Manage
­Diversity 392
Carol P. Harvey
53. Creating Diversity Awareness: A Video Project 395
Cary J. LeBlanc
54. Evaluating Diversity Management: Conducting
a Diversity Audit Using Rubrics 399
Carol P. Harvey
Integrative Questions for Section VII 406

Index 408
This page intentionally left blank
 Preface

Much has changed since we started writing diversity textbooks. Today, overt discrimination
has become less acceptable. There is more awareness of the impact of multiple social identi-
ties. There is more realization now that organizations must change the way they manage their
employees to maximize the advantages that diversity can bring to the workplace in a challenging
global economy, if they are to benefit from the richness of a diverse and productive workforce.
However, as Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) claims and recent
lawsuits substantiate, there is still considerable workplace discrimination and harassment. As
the workplace becomes more diverse because of demographic shifts, immigration, and global
business, there is an increasing need to understand that workers are not all alike and are far less
willing to assimilate than in the past. In a highly competitive marketplace, organizations need to
manage in ways that promote a feeling of inclusion in order to tap into all the creativity and tal-
ent that diversity has the potential to contribute. This is why we write these books.

Focus of The Sixth Edition

We see diversity, the ways we differ that may affect our organizational experiences, as a change
process that occurs on three levels: the individual, the social identity group level, and the organiza-
tional level. Beginning the study of diversity requires that each of us take an introspective look at
our beliefs and our own socialization. While most people will deny that they have any prejudices at
all, that is simply not the reality. Although it is often an unconscious process, it is quite natural to
tend to favor some people over others. We do feel more at ease with some people and less comfort-
able with others. Once we realize that others may experience the world differently, we need to be
open to learning about others’ social identities. It is not always easy to understand what a differ-
ence race, gender, physical abilities, religion, appearance, and sexual identity may make in other
people’s lives. Lastly, we examine and evaluate what organizations are doing or not doing to man-
age the needs of today’s diverse workforce. Are they maximizing productivity and minimizing
conflict? Are they working toward inclusion by tapping into the potential of their diverse workers?
Because of space constraints, focus of this text is primarily on North American diversity.
However, we are well aware that global diversity is an important topic. So, we have added a
Global Notes feature to incorporate some international perspectives on diversity issues.

New In The Sixth Edition

Ever responsive to the constant changes in workplace diversity, the proliferation of online educa-
tion, the growth of global business, feedback from our reviewers, and the 2013 revision of AACSB
business accreditation standards, we have incorporated many pedagogical and topical changes
into this edition. However, we have retained our interdisciplinary approach to diversity with
contributions from experts in management, psychology, economics, sociology, law, and business.
New content features include:
• New cases that illustrate today’s important diversity issues: Six Sigma (work-life balance),
Joy’s Dilemma (bullying), Professor on Wheels (physical challenge), Chick-fil-A (sexual

xiii
xiv Preface

orientation, ethics, and law), Ocean Spray (the business case for diversity), the U.S. Air
Force in Central America (intercultural communication), and When Women Do Lead
(gender harassment). Additional cases are available in the Instructor’s Manual.
• Three capstone assignments—complete with grading rubrics: A case writing research
project, the production of a diversity video, and the diversity audit assignments provide a
broader selection of capstone course assignments.
• New material, significant revisions, and updates: In addition to new cases, articles, and
exercises we have substantially revised and updated 14 articles and 5 exercises and added
many additional Points of Law, Diversity on the Web, Writing Assignment, and Best
Practices boxes.
New pedagogical features include:
• Global Notes—which illustrate diversity issues in an international context.
• Rubrics—for evaluating all of the capstone assignments.
• Linkages for Active Learning—an integrated approach to the organization of the book
that begins each section with an expanded introduction followed by an interactive exer-
cise. Laws are placed within the context of their relevant topics. Each section concludes
with a major case and integrative questions that synthesize readings and encourage critical
thinking.
• Did You Know …?—introductory features to capture students’ interest.

Organization of The Text

This edition is organized into seven main sections. To provide additional linkages for learning,
articles are placed with the exercises and cases that illustrate their topics.

Building the Foundation for Understanding Diversity

Section I—Provides students with a foundation for the course. The goals here are to illustrate
that diversity is still a workplace issue in the twenty-first century by providing students with
basic information by challenging them to examine their own beliefs about differences.

Primary and Secondary Diversity

Sections II and III—Focus on understanding the primary dimensions of diversity: race,
ethnicity, gender, age, physical/mental challenges, and sexual orientation.
Section IV—Covers secondary aspects of diversity, such as social class, religion, appear-
ance/weight, communication/first language, and the military experience.

Managing Diversity: Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues

Section V—Explores contextual elements that impact diversity such as ethics, the laws in
the United States and Canada, the media, and marketing opportunities.

Managing Organizational Change and Diversity: Current Issues

Section VI—Focuses on what organizations can do to improve the ways that they man-
age diversity and covers emerging issues. Topics include diversity leadership, employee
 Preface xv

resource groups, mentoring, flexible work arrangements, training, social responsi­bility,

diversity awards, marketing opportunities, work-life balance, the flexible workplace,
­bullying, and the business case for diversity.
Section VII—Features three capstone assignments with grading rubrics that provide
­students with opportunities to synthesize their learning.

The Association To Advance Collegiate Schools

of Business (AACSB)
In accordance with AACSB’s 2013 academic standards that require accredited institutions
to demonstrate that diversity is included in their programs in a manner consistent with their
­individual missions and cultural contexts, our structure and format allow instructors to ­easily
customize the diversity components of their courses according to their individual needs. In
­keeping with AACSB’s focus on assurance of learning, in this edition we have included ­learning
goals at the beginning of each section of the book, integrative questions at the end of each sec-
tion, and goals for individual articles in the Instructor’s Manual, as well as capstone course
assignments complete with grading rubrics.

Faculty Resources
The materials listed below are available online in a downloadable digital format at http://www.
pearsonhighered.com/educator.
• Instructor’s Manual—This extensive resource features course, article, and case outlines,
case teaching notes, pedagogical tips, answers to discussion questions, extra cases, assess-
ment materials, and tips for teaching with film.
• PowerPoint Slides—These are available at http://www.pearsonhighered.com/educator

Acknowledgments
We are most grateful to our contributing authors, whose expertise and writing talent makes this
text possible. Special thanks to Martin Mitchell from Ocean Spray, who gave so willingly of his
time for numerous interviews, and to Maria Alicata, Jillian Pentergast, Lucia A. Doucette, and
Katy Beach from Assumption College for their assistance in preparing this manuscript. Thanks
to our reviewers.
This page intentionally left blank
 About The Authors

Carol P. Harvey, EdD, is Professor Emerita from Assumption College where she was the former
Chair of the Business Studies Department and Director of the MBA program. She received her
EdD from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, her MBA and CAGS from Northeastern
University, and an MA in Psychology from Assumption College. Formerly employed as a man-
ager at the Xerox Corporation, she is currently teaching leadership and organizational behavior at
Suffolk University in Boston, and is teaching Diversity in Organizations online for the University
of Southern Maine.
Dr. Harvey received the 2011 ALANA faculty award from Assumption College, is the co-
recipient of the Roethlisburger award for the best article published in 2002 in the Journal of
Management ­Education from the Organizational Behavior Teaching Society, and received a vol-
unteer of the year award for her m
­ entoring of female entrepreneurs from the Center for Women
in Enterprise. She can be reached at ­[email protected] or [email protected].

M. June Allard, PhD, is Professor Emerita from Worcester State University where she served as
Chair of the Psychology and the Social and Behavioral Science departments. She holds a PhD
from Michigan State University in Social Psychology with a specialization in cross-cultural re-
search. She is the recipient of nine national fellowships, numerous Distinguished Service and
Outstanding Teaching awards, and is listed in numerous national and international directories of
scientists and women leaders.
Dr. Allard has conducted academic program reviews and evaluations for over 30 years and
is a ­recognized expert in this field. She currently maintains a consulting practice, designing and
conducting research and project evaluations. Formerly employed as a senior scientist in the re-
search and development industry in Washington, D.C., she has directed a wide range of projects
on government contracts in industry as well as in university research institutes.
She has been a site visitor for the New England Association of Schools and Colleges for
­collegiate ­accreditation and on the doctoral Accreditation Visiting Committee for the ­American
Psychological ­Association (APA), as well as a member of the APA Departmental C ­ onsulting
Service. Dr. Allard has l­ectured on program evaluation in over a dozen different countries
­([email protected]).
Please feel free to contact us at any time to share ideas and resources for teaching about
diversity in the workplace.
Always,
Carol P. Harvey & M. June Allard

xvii
This page intentionally left blank
 Understanding Workplace
Diversity: Where Have We Been
and Where Are We Going?
Carol P. Harvey
Suffolk University,
Assumption College, Professor Emerita

A
lthough there is little agreement on the definition, we have chosen to define diversity
as the ways in which people differ that may affect their organizational experiences in
terms of performance, motivation, communication, and inclusion. Our definition is
broad enough to recognize the impact of multiple dimensions of diversity and the ever-changing
categories of group memberships that matter to people. To understand where diversity manage-
ment is today, it is necessary to examine where it has been.

The Historical Context of Workplace Diversity—the Early

Years (1960s and 1970s)
We have been writing about diversity for almost twenty years and in that timeframe much has
changed. Historically, the United States has always had a diverse population due to its heritage of
immigration, slavery, and religious freedom. However, in the 1960s, early civil rights legislation
(see Points of Law) became a catalyst for workplace change. The initial focus was on “righting
the wrongs” experienced by people with visible differences, particularly race and gender. During
this period, there was much confusion about how to accomplish this goal, especially in terms of
the Executive Orders that required Affirmative Action plans. Because responsibility for diversity
often resided in Human Resources departments that had minimal power to initiate change, most

1
2 Understanding Workplace Diversity

diversity training focused on how to avoid lawsuits. This approach often led to hiring unquali-
fied workers to fulfill what was interpreted as a “quota” of women and minorities. At times,
people were hired or promoted simply because of their race or gender which set them up for
failure. Even when qualified women and people of color were selected, they were often expected
to behave, dress, and talk like white men. The analogy often used then was that of a “melting pot”
where everyone was expected to blend into the organization and minimize their differences. This
led to poor morale, job turnover, and even backlash against the very groups the legislation was
designed to benefit.

The Valuing Diversity Era—(1980s and 1990s)

In 1987, The Hudson Institute published a landmark study, Workforce 2000: Work and
Workers for the Twenty-First Century (Johnson & Packer). This report analyzed the popula-
tion trends and projected the growth of nonwhites, women, and older employees in the work-
force, and anticipated the expansion of global business. The authors stated that by 2000 the
net newcomers to the U.S. workforce would be primarily women and racial minorities. While
the need to understand diverse perspectives was increasing, many managers struggled to do it
effectively. The reality was that the workplace was becoming more diverse in terms of not just
race and gender but also age, ethnicity, people with physical challenges, and so on. Training
tended to focus on identifying differences between groups, which were often generalizations
that failed to recognize that people hold multiple group identities, some more important to
them than others.
Diversity theorists responded to these changes. Organizations began to realize that work-
force differences could potentially offer business advantages and that differences were far broader

G Points of Law
Early U.S. Federal Equal Employment Opportunity Laws
Equal Pay Act (1963)—Males and females must receive the same salary for jobs that ­require
equal skill, effort and responsibility.
Civil Rights Act (1964)—Prohibits discrimination in employment in terms of hiring, pro-
motion, firing, etc. on the basis of race, sex, national origin, religion and color.
Executive Orders, 10925, 11246, and 11375 (1961 and 1965)—Required organizations that
accept ­federal funds and/or have federal contracts to submit a written Affirmative Action
plan. The plans were i­ntended to demonstrate that the organization was making progress
in the hiring and promotion of people from groups that had been previously discriminated
against in the past.
Age Discrimination in Employment Act (1974)—Protects workers over forty years of age
from discrimination in terms of hiring, firing, promotion, benefits, training and pay.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 CHAP. V.
The power established by the Mahommedans in India has never
varied in its character from their first invasion of that country to the
present time. The different qualities of the individuals by whom it
has been exercised, have introduced a variety of shades both in the
mode and substance of their rule, but the general features have
remained the same. The Mahommedan emperors of Delhi, the
Subadars of divisions of the empire, and the Nabobs and chiefs of
kingdoms and principalities, supplanted and expelled, or extirpated,
sovereigns and princes of the Hindu military tribe:—but while they
succeeded to the power which these potentates had held, the
management of the finance and revenue, and all those minuter
arrangements of internal policy, on which the good order of the
machine of government must ever depend, remained very nearly in
the same hands in which the Mahommedans had found them. The
unwarlike but well-educated Hindus of the Brahmin or the mercantile
castes continued, as under the martial princes of their own tribe, to
manage almost all the concerns of the state. A Hindu, under the
denomination of minister, or as Naib (or deputy), continued at the
head of the exchequer; and in this office he was connected with the
richest bankers and monied Hindus of the country. Princes had
private hoards,—but there was no public treasury. Advances were
made to individuals and bodies of men by bankers (denominated
Seits or Soucars), who were repaid by orders on the revenue, and
obtained a double profit on the disbursement and the receipt of
money. The proud and thoughtless Mahommedan prince, anxious
only for the means necessary for his purposes of pleasure or
ambition, was not over-scrupulous as to the terms he granted to the
financial agents: and the advantages they gained, combined with
their simple and frugal habits[123], enabled them to amass immense
wealth. This they well knew how to employ, for purposes both of
accumulation, and of establishing political influence; commanding,
as they did, the money resources of the country, the prince, his
officers, and army, were all in a great degree dependent upon them;
and to treat them with extreme severity was certain to incur
obloquy, and often defeated its aim, since, by their natural character,
they were as patient of suffering as they were tenacious of their
gains.
Besides, the wealth of Hindu ministers and managers was usually
deposited with bankers; and the injury done to credit by acts of
injustice or oppression towards any of the latter class, affected such
numbers, as to prove ruinous to the reputation, and often to the
interests, of the despot by whom it was attempted.
The Hindu ministers, or revenue officers, had not the same number
of retainers as the Mahommedan. They were, therefore, seldom in
the same degree objects of jealousy or dread: but though they were
from this cause less exposed to extreme violence, they were more
frequently objects of extortion; and for this they were better
prepared, both from the great profits they made, and from their
parsimonious habits.
A very quick and intelligent Mahommedan prince[124], on being
asked why he gave so decided a preference to Hindu managers and
renters over those of his own religion, replied, "that a Mahommedan
was like a sieve,—much of what was poured in went through; while
a Hindu was like a sponge, which retained all, but on pressure gave
back, as required, what it had absorbed!"
But there were other reasons which prompted Mahommedan princes
to employ and encourage Hindus, both at their court and in their
armies. They formed a counterbalance to the ambition and
turbulence of their relatives, and of the chiefs and followers of their
own race. This feeling operated from the emperors on the throne of
Delhi, when in the very plenitude of their power, down to the lowest
chief: and it is from its action combined with that influence which
the wealth and qualities of the Hindus obtained, that we are, in a
great measure, to account for the easy establishment and long
continuance of the Mahommedan power in India. The new dominion
was attended with little of change, except to the Hindu sovereign
and his favourites. The lesser Rajas (or princes) gave their allegiance
and paid tribute to a Mahommedan instead of a Hindu superior,
while their condition and local power continued nearly the same.
Hindu ministers and officers served probably to greater profit the
idle and dissipated Moghul, than they could have done a master of
their own tribe; and as there was complete religious toleration, and
their ancient and revered usages were seldom or never outraged,
they were too divided a people upon other subjects to unite in any
effort to expel conquerors, who, under the influence of various
motives, left to them almost all, except the name, of power.
From the composition and character of such governments, it is
obvious that neither individuals nor the community can recognise,
much less feel an attachment to what we call the state, as separated
from the persons who, for the time being, preside over the different
branches of its administration. The sovereign has his servants and
adherents; his tributaries, chiefs, commanders, and officers have
theirs; but the latter owe no fidelity or allegiance, except to their
immediate superiors. Each individual of this body has personal
privileges, and enjoys protection in certain rights, from established
usages, which, affecting all of the class to which he belongs, cannot
be violated with impunity: but as there is no regular constitution of
government supported by fixed succession to the throne, men derive
no benefit from the state, and owe it therefore no duty. From these
facts it is evident that nothing can be so erroneous as to judge the
conduct of the natives of India, amid the changes and revolutions to
which the governments of that country are continually exposed, by
those rules which apply to nations which enjoy civil liberty and equal
laws. Treachery and ingratitude to their chief or patron are with
them the basest of crimes: and obedience and attachment to those
who support them, the highest of virtues. According as they fail in,
or fulfil, the obligations which the relations of the society in which
they live impose, men are deemed infamous or praise-worthy: and
to the reciprocal ties by which such bands are held together, the
prince and chief are as often indebted for their safety, as their
followers for the just reward of their devoted service. The monarch
is secure upon his throne no longer than while he can preserve a
body of personal adherents. The chief that is threatened by his
sovereign looks to his followers for support or revenge; while the
latter, in the lesser vicissitudes to which they are subject, expect
with equal confidence the protection of him to whom they give their
allegiance.
In countries where men are influenced by such motives, the
dethronement of a prince is regarded as no more than the fall of a
successful leader or chief of a party; and the frequency of such an
occurrence has perhaps tended, more than all other causes, to
temper the exercise of despotic power, and to compel sovereigns
who owned no other check to seek its continuance, by reconciling to
their rule those by whom it was so liable to be subverted.
The construction of the government of Suraj-u-Dowlah was like that
of other Mahommedan states: but the elements of which it was
composed wanted the controlling spirit of a superior like Aliverdi
Khan.
Among the chiefs of the army there were several who early took
alarm at the excesses of their young prince, and who, confiding
more in their own influence and strength than in his justice or
consideration, assumed an attitude of very doubtful allegiance.
The greater number of these leaders enjoyed jaghiers, or estates, on
the produce of which they maintained a band of followers. The
principal person of this class was the Bukhshee, or commander, of
the army, Meer Jaffier, a soldier of fortune, who had raised himself
so high in the estimation of Aliverdi Khan, that he had not only
promoted him to the highest military rank, but had given him his
daughter in marriage.
The country of Bengal has ever been famous for the wealth and
talent of the higher classes of its Hindu inhabitants; and we find,
throughout its history, that these have filled the chief offices of the
state. This was the case at the period of which we are treating. The
managers and renters—of whom Ramnarrain the governor of the
province of Patna, and Raja Ram the manager of Midnapore, were
the principal—were almost all Hindus. Nor were the station and
influence of this tribe less in the army and at court. Monick Chund,
who had been governor of Calcutta, held a high military rank, and
Roydullub, the dewan, or minister of finance, had great influence,
which was increased by his being intimately associated with Jugget
Seit, the representative of the richest soucar, or banking firm, in
India; and who, through means of his riches and extensive
connections, possessed equal influence at Lucknow[125] and Delhi as
at Moorshedabad.
The above were the leading persons of the state, each of whom had
numerous adherents who looked to them, not to the prince, for
support and advancement. It is a very remarkable fact, and one that
singularly illustrates the character of Suraj-u-Dowlah, that he
appears to have been the only person for whom no one felt
attachment, and in whom no one had confidence. The Nabob, like
princes of similar character, had unworthy favourites, among whom
a Hindu, named Mohun Lal, held a distinguished place, and without
filling any high office, had at one period more power than any
person in this weak and divided government.
Considerations of mutual security had for some time led Roydullub
and Meer Jaffier to a secret understanding, and pledges of friendship
had passed between them; but this connection appears to have
been, at first, formed more for their personal security than with any
purpose hostile to the Nabob; for it was not until a chief called
Khuda Yar Khan Lattee, who aimed at the musnud, had made
proposals to Mr. Watts, which were supported by Jugget Seit, that
Meer Jaffier came forward with an offer to act in concert with the
English for the dethronement of a prince, the continuance of whose
reign, all seemed to agree, must prove destructive to the country.
We cannot have a more convincing proof of the mixed contempt and
dread with which his own subjects regarded Suraj-u-Dowlah, than is
afforded by the transactions of Moorshedabad at this period. Even
the professional caution of Jugget Seit was roused into bold action,
and his name was added to the list of those who invited the English
to a confederacy, which soon spread too wide for concealment; and
which, combining men of all classes and all interests, could only
obtain success by the existence of a general sentiment of distrust
and detestation of the ruler, against whom it was directed.[126]
Notwithstanding appearances and professions, it was with the
greatest hesitation that the Committee of Calcutta ventured on the
scene[127] that now opened to them; and certainly nothing could
have justified the course of proceeding that was adopted, but a
conviction that a change in the reigning prince was indispensable to
the existence of the English in Bengal, combined with a firm belief
that the means which presented themselves were the best to effect
that change: but it was the genius of Clive which guided their
councils, and pointed out the road by which he was to lead them to
safety and honour, through a labyrinth of such apparently
inextricable windings that even his experience and courage were at
times startled by its intricacies.
Clive, having received several despatches from Mr. Watts[129], which,
while they established the justice of the conclusions regarding what
was to be expected from Suraj-u-Dowlah, pointed out the dangers of
delay, wrote to Admiral Watson, requesting his opinion on the
measures to be pursued; but the Admiral declined giving it; "as the
squadron," he observes, "is at present in no condition to act; or,
indeed, if the ships were, do I know of any use they would be at
present in this river, when every thing is done that they are capable
of undertaking. You, gentlemen of the Committee, will therefore best
judge what steps will now be necessary for the Company's interest."
[130]

In a letter to Mr. Watts, of the 23d of April, Clive expresses the

following sentiments upon the extraordinary conduct of the Nabob:
—"I have received both your favours of the 14th and 18th. The
Nabob's behaviour makes it very difficult to pursue such measures
as may not, in their consequence, be approved or disapproved of
according to our success. His late transactions carry with them the
appearance of an amendment in the situation of his affairs: surely
he has received some hope of Bussy's approach, or has
accommodated matters with the Patans. If they were approaching, I
think he would never put us at defiance, which I think he has done
by his message to you.
"If he has ordered the French out of his dominions, why are they to
take the route to Patna? a route directly contrary to that of
Golconda. I wish, at all events—now the French are gone—you
would send the money and effects to Calcutta immediately, for fear
of the worst.
"If Mr. Law and all the gentlemen could be prevailed upon to allow
the common men to be made prisoners, and themselves to be free
on condition of going to Pondicherry, it would be better than letting
them travel through the country."
Clive, in this letter, alludes to a message which the Nabob had
desired Mr. Watts to send to him, intimating that the conduct of the
English, in the proceedings regarding the French, "looked more like a
desire to rekindle war, than having their thoughts fixed on trade and
merchandise."
In a private letter from the Resident to Mr. Walsh[131], secretary of
Colonel Clive (dated 20th April), he observes, "Before I received your
letter enclosing the Nabob's, that letter which was forwarded by
Nuncomar[132] was delivered, on which the Nabob was much
displeased; and on our vakeel going to him this afternoon, before he
had time to speak or deliver the Colonel's letter to him he ordered
him out of his presence; and said, that notwithstanding, to satisfy
us, he had permitted us to take Chandernagore, and had ordered
the French here out of his dominions, yet we were not contented,
but were continually plaguing him with letters about delivering up
the French and their effects: therefore, having done so much to
please us, his patience was worn out. He could suffer no more, but
saw he must be obliged again to march down against us."
Other circumstances occurred at this period, which distinctly proved
the jealous and hostile spirit with which Suraj-u-Dowlah continued to
view the English. A small detachment of sepoys, under Captain
Grant, had been ordered to Cossimbazar; but Mr. Watts wrote,
desiring that officer to return. In his letter to Clive, of the 28th of
April, he observes, "As the Nabob will not allow a Tellingy[133]
soldier, or any ammunition, to come this way, and as he has
threatened to treat those he takes severely, I thought it prudent to
desire Captain Grant and his party to return, lest they should meet
with some affront."
Clive, in a letter to Mr. Watts[134], observes, "After the Nabob's last
message I cannot depend upon his friendship; and therefore shall
get every thing ready for a march. I shall consult the Committee,
and not willingly undertake any thing which may occasion a rupture
without I am obliged to it; notwithstanding I shall write the Nabob in
high terms. I dare say there will be no objection to sparing the fifty
cannon, if the Nabob will but convince us of his sincerity of intention
by securing the French."
A letter of the same date was despatched to Mr. Collet, in charge of
the factory at Cossimbazar.
"I think it necessary to advise you," Clive states, "that at a
committee held here this day, it was agreed, in consideration of the
uncertainty of the Nabob's disposition, to withdraw all money and
effects from the subordinates as fast as possible, and that no more
than a corporal and six men, with the Bucksarries, should remain at
Cossimbazar; the rest to return here with the treasure. I shall send
up by boat two of my officers and twenty sepoys, with some spare
arms and ammunition, to escort the treasure likewise; as most of
your people are deserters, and I am uncertain if with arms. You will
please to get the treasure properly packed up, and provide boats, as
well for that as the men of the garrison who are to come. No
particular secrecy is to be used in this matter, but to be transacted in
the usual manner."
Notwithstanding these preparations, it appears that even at this
period hopes were entertained of Suraj-u-Dowlah changing his
proceedings so far as to make it possible to preserve peace with
him. In answer to a letter[135] from Mr. Watts, Clive observes, "I
wrote the Nabob a letter a few days ago, which will reconcile him to
us, and calm his resentment:" but emphatically adds, "If he is
resolved to sacrifice us, we must avoid it by striking the first blow."
Suraj-u-Dowlah continued, however, to pursue his course in the
most infatuated manner, while the storm gathered thick around him.
The state of the Nabob's mind, and the intrigues now forming, are
strongly depicted in a secret letter[136] from Clive to Admiral
Watson. "I should be very glad," he observes, "to pay you my
respects at Calcutta; but the critical situation of the Company's
affairs will not admit of my quitting the camp on any consideration.
The last letter I wrote the Nabob he tore in a violent passion, and
ordered our vakeel out of the durbar. He sent for Meer Jaffier, and
offered him ten lacs of rupees if he would march down and destroy
us; and he has been often heard to say they would extirpate the
English. The next morning he was sorry for what he had done, sent
for the vakeel, and gave him a dress. I have not received a letter
from him this many a day. In short, there is such a confusion and
discontent at Moorshedabad, from the Nabob's weak conduct and
tyranny, that I have received certain advice of several great men;
among whom are Jugget Seit and Meer Jaffier, being in league
together to cut him off, and set up Khuda Yar Khan Lattee, a man of
great family, power, and riches, supported tooth and nail by Jugget
Seit."
Clive, at this critical juncture, was not merely left alone to the
resources of his own mind, but was embarrassed by the conduct of
those who should have aided him. The Committee of Calcutta,
though they had approved of the communications which had passed
between him and Meer Jaffier, now stated their opinion that the
negotiation into which he had entered was of too delicate a nature
to be trusted to paper, and proposed sending a confidential
European agent to Mr. Watts. The Committee also expressed
themselves dissatisfied with the expense which attended the troops
having remained so long in the field.
Clive, in his reply to this letter[137], after stating his surprise at its
purport, observes, "You surely forget, gentlemen, that at a
committee held here as late as the 23d, I laid my letters before you,
consulted with you on the general measures to be taken in the
conduct of our affairs with the Government, and was desired to
manage a certain secret correspondence at the durbar. What has
since come to my knowledge I have communicated to the President;
and, indeed, I cannot think I have ever been deficient in acquainting
you with all particulars, and advising with you whenever the subject
was important enough to require it.
"It will not be improper to send a European of capacity and secrecy,
as you observe, to Mr. Watts; but if you mean thereby, that nothing
on so nice a subject is to be committed to writing, you may have
occasion to despatch many such persons before the negotiation is
concluded. Let me observe to you, a correspondence in cyphers, as
now practised, is not less secret, and doubtless much more
expeditious, which is of great moment in particular conjunctures.
"By your manner of expressing yourselves, with regard to putting
the troops into garrison, it somewhat appears as if I had
unnecessarily kept them in the field. Give me leave to say,
gentlemen, I am equally desirous with you of saving every possible
expense to the Honourable Company, and that it is long that I have
waited for an opportunity of going into quarters: but let me ask you,
whether the situation of affairs has admitted of it hitherto? I fully
intend, in a day or two, to put the coast troops into garrison at
Chandernagore, and to send the rest to Calcutta, if nothing very
material occurs to prevent it. The former are entirely under my
command; and you may be assured, as I will never make use of the
power vested in me to the injury of the Honourable Company's
affairs, that I will be as far from suffering you to take away any part
of it. I say thus much to prevent further disagreeable intimations,
which can tend to no good end."
About this period, a letter was received by Clive from the Paishwah
Badjerow, expressing his indignation at the treatment the English
had received from Suraj-u-Dowlah, and offering his aid to avenge
their wrongs. The Paishwah proposed, on their co-operating with his
troops in the invasion of Bengal, to repay double the amount of the
losses that had been sustained, and to vest the commerce of the
Ganges exclusively in the East India Company. Though this letter
was delivered by the Mahratta agent at Calcutta, a doubt appears to
have been entertained as to the character of the communication. It
was even surmised to be an artifice of Suraj-u-Dowlah to discover
the real sentiments and designs of the British authorities. Clive, who
had no intention of inviting the destructive aid of a Mahratta army,
sent the letter to the Nabob, concluding, that, if it was genuine, he
would receive such a mark of confidence as a proof of friendship;—
and if he had himself forged it, there could not be a more complete
counteraction of his design. The letter was genuine; and the Nabob
expressed himself much gratified by the conduct of Clive, who, on
this occasion and others, endeavoured to remove the suspicions that
Suraj-u-Dowlah entertained of the designs of the confederates.
As one means of lulling him into security, he ordered the English
troops into garrison, stating that he had done so in expectation that
the Nabob would follow his example, by recalling the detachment
from Plassey. He observed, in a letter to the Nabob, "that, while the
armies continued in the field, their enemies would be endeavouring
to interrupt that perfect harmony and friendship which subsisted
between them; that he had therefore put his army into quarters; and
though he had no reason to doubt his Excellency's strict adherence
to, and full compliance with, all the articles of the treaty, yet,
nevertheless, he wished he could disappoint those hopes their
mutual enemies entertained, by withdrawing his army from Plassey;
and that he would hasten the payment of the money, and other
articles of the treaty."
The Nabob expressed great satisfaction with these proofs of
friendship; but, either from a suspicion of their sincerity, or from an
obstinate perseverance in his plans against the English, he limited
himself to promises, and met them with no corresponding acts.
Clive, alluding to his continuing the troops at Plassey, observes, in a
letter to Mr. Watts, of the 30th of April,—"The Nabob is a villain, and
cannot be trusted; he must be overset, or we must fall." And in a
subsequent communication of the 2d of May, he gives him full
authority to come to a settlement with Meer Jaffier upon terms
which he specifies, stating, also, that every thing is prepared for
immediate action. In this letter he observes, "Your letter of the 29th
is come to hand,—every thing is settled with the Committee,—
enclosed are the proposals, and if there be any other articles which
you and Omichund think necessary to be added, you have full liberty
to do so, or leave out any thing which you think may hurt our cause,
or give disgust. As for any gratuity the new Nabob may bestow on
the troops, it is left to his generosity, and to your and Omichund's
management.—Now for business.
"To-morrow morning we decamp; part of our forces go to Calcutta,
the other will go into garrison here; and, to take away all suspicion, I
have ordered all the artillery and tumbrils to be embarked in boats
and sent to Calcutta.
"I have wrote the Nabob a soothing letter: this accompanies another
of the same kind, and one to Mohun Lal agreeable to your desire.
Enter into business with Meer Jaffier as soon as you please. I am
ready, and will engage to be at Nusary in twelve hours after I
receive your letter, which place is to be the rendezvous of the whole
army. The major[138], who commands at Calcutta, has all ready to
embark at a minute's warning, and has boats sufficient to carry
artillery-men and stores to Nusary. I shall march by land and join
him there: we will then proceed to Moorshedabad, or the place we
are to be joined at, directly. Tell Meer Jaffier to fear nothing;—that I
will join him with five thousand men who never turned their backs;
and that if he fails seizing him, we shall be strong enough to drive
him out of the country. Assure him I will march night and day to his
assistance, and stand by him as long as I have a man left."
Clive, in his letter to Mr. Watts, of the 5th of May, expressed his
opinion, that Omichund, on account of his services, should have all
his losses made good by an express article in the treaty. He also
proposed, that a sum, not exceeding fifty lacs of rupees, should be
granted for the reimbursement of private losses: and that ten lacs
should be given to the Company for the expense of the expedition,
and as a gratuity for the army.
At this critical period, it must have been a satisfaction to Clive to
receive such aid as could be afforded by Admiral Watson, who,
though he declined, for very sound reasons, any share of the
responsibility of an enterprise, in which he could not co-operate, and
offered his honest advice as to the hazards with which he thought it
would be attended, no sooner perceived that Clive was determined
to proceed alone towards his object, than he made every effort in
his power to strengthen him, and expressed wishes for his success,
in a manner that showed how cordially he went along with him in
every point, except in the anticipation of the result.
When quite prepared to commence operations, Clive made an
application for two hundred seamen to accompany the troops, with
which the Admiral immediately complied. He appears, however, from
the letter in which he promises this aid, to have still entertained
fears for the result of the expedition. "I don't think," he observes,
"your letters convey the most promising appearance of success. You
cannot, therefore, be too cautious to prevent a false step being
taken, which might be of very fatal consequences to our affairs."
This letter was written on the 29th of May. In one of the 17th of
June, we find him inspired with better hopes. "I am glad to hear," he
states, "that Meer Jaffier's party increases. I hope every thing will
turn out in the expedition to your wishes, and that I may soon have
to congratulate you on the success of it. I most heartily pray for your
health and a speedy return crowned with laurels."
This letter has importance, as written after the troops had marched,
and after all arrangements connected with the intended enterprise
had been completed. Admiral Watson had been informed of every
transaction, and though he might have differed in opinion upon
many points, and have withheld himself from a participation in
others, it is a reflection upon his memory to believe that he could, at
this period, have written in such terms had he entertained the
sentiments regarding any part of Clive's conduct, which were
afterwards imputed to him.
The warm temper of this gallant seaman might have led to the
occasional utterance of some hasty and unqualified opinions; but his
manly mind was incapable of such a compromise of his honest
feelings, as to express himself in terms of friendship and regard for
the individual whose acts he was at the same moment
describing[139] as dishonourable and iniquitous.
We discover from Clive's private letters, and those of Mr. Walsh, his
secretary, that, from the period when Meer Jaffier's overture was
accepted, he considered that the revolution was effected. He
remained, however, in a state of the most anxious solicitude. He
dreaded delay, both as it tended to increase the hazard of discovery,
and as the season of the rains was fast approaching, when military
operations would be impracticable. Yet it was difficult to accelerate
the execution of a plan, in which so many interests were to be
consulted, and which was liable to be impeded by so many events.
At one time there appeared great danger lest it should be altogether
defeated by a violent and premature rupture between Meer Jaffier
and the Nabob; nor was the reconciliation that took place between
these parties of a nature calculated to give Clive confidence in his
new ally, who, within a few days, had sworn upon the Koran to be
faithful both to the English and to their enemy Suraj-u-Dowlah.
Notwithstanding these changes, Mr. Watts continued confident in
Meer Jaffier and those with whom he was combined; but he had for
some time taken alarm at Omichund, with whom he had been
associated in all his negotiations at Moorshedabad.
This Hindu merchant possessed great wealth, and was among the
sufferers at the capture of Calcutta. He had, on that occasion, as
well as on others, made himself very useful to the English; and,
though known to be one of the most avaricious and grasping of
human beings, yet the reputation he had for good sense, and the
obvious and admitted profits and advantages which he must derive
from being faithful to the trust reposed in him, banished all fear of
his treachery, and led to his employment as one of the most active
instruments in forming the combination by which the Nabob was to
be dethroned.
Meer Jaffier early expressed his doubts of Omichund; whose
conduct, in several instances, had made the same impression on the
mind of Mr. Watts. It appeared to both, that the success or failure of
the enterprise was considered, by this sordid man, as secondary to
the promotion of his personal interests; and that he chiefly valued
the confidence placed in him, as he could make it subservient to his
private views. Clive appears to have been very reluctant to admit the
truth of the suspicions entertained of Omichund; and it was not till
proof which he deemed conclusive as to his treachery was brought
forward, that he consented, with the Committee, to have his name
left out of the treaty.
Mr. Watts, in his letter to Colonel Clive, of the 17th of May, states,
"Meer Jaffier is determined he will by no means trust Omichund. If I
had followed the interested counsel of the latter, all affairs would
have been overset, all confidence of us lost. Contrary to Petrus's[140]
and my advice, he went yesterday to the Nabob, and told him he
had a secret of great importance to communicate to him; which, if
discovered, he should lose his life. The Nabob promised secrecy; on
which he told him the English had sent two gentlemen to Ganjam, to
consult with M. Bussy; that we had made peace together, and that
he was coming here to join us. By this lie, which he himself
acquainted me he had told the Nabob, he has gained the Nabob's
favour, who has granted him a perwannah on the Burdwan Rajah,
for the paying him four lacs of rupees which he owes him, as also
express orders for the payment of the ready money the Nabob had
taken of his, and for the delivery of the remainder of his goods: he
was till ten o'clock at night receiving them. This lie of his, I am
apprehensive, will alarm the Nabob, and prevent his withdrawing his
army, which will be very detrimental to our scheme; and for this
reason Petrus and I advised him positively against this measure
when he proposed it; but self-interest overruled. We are outwardly
great friends, and it is necessary to appear so." Mr. Watts, in the
concluding paragraph of his letter, adds, "Cojah Wazeed desires his
respects to you. He is so strictly looked after that he cannot write.
From him I have learned many particulars relating to Omichund,
which would be too tedious to mention: they will astonish you."
These acts, however, were only the prelude to one more daring.
Omichund waited on Mr. Watts, when all was prepared for action,
and threatened instant discovery of the whole plot, unless it was
settled that he should receive thirty lacs of rupees, in reimbursement
of losses and reward of services. Omichund had recently received
from the Nabob, as the reward of his feigned attachment, an order
for four lacs of rupees, the estimated amount of his losses at
Calcutta. The ground of the present demand, therefore, rested
exclusively on his means of enforcing it, from being in possession of
a secret which, if revealed, must not only sacrifice the life of Mr.
Watts, of Meer Jaffier, and of all connected with them, but prove
most injurious, if not ruinous, to the interests of the English. They, if
the objects of the confederacy were defeated, could only hope for
safety by calling in the Mahrattas; whose invasion, whatever other
consequences might attend it, was certain to spread desolation over
the whole country.
Mr. Watts, under dread of the consequences of the threatened
discovery, soothed Omichund by promises; while he conveyed, as
speedily as he could, intelligence of his conduct to Clive. The
account of this transaction was probably communicated through
Cojah Wazeed, or some confidential person, as we find no details of
what passed with Omichund in any of Mr. Watts's letters.[141] In one
to Mr. Scrafton, of the 20th of May, he merely states, "We are
deceived,—Omichund is a villain; but this to yourself."
The obvious results of his treachery were not expected to deter
Omichund from his purpose: he was believed to be so infatuated by
the love of gain, that neither the ties of former service, nor the
principles of honesty, would weigh against his desire of enriching
himself. Such was the opinion of all who knew him; and there
appeared no medium between submitting to his exorbitant demands,
or deceiving him into a belief that he would receive, in due season,
the exorbitant price he had fixed upon his fidelity.
Though Clive was aware of the sordid character of Omichund, yet,
deeming him an useful agent, he had been desirous that he should
be treated with favour and liberality. He had advocated his cause
when his character was before questioned; and had censured Mr.
Watts on account of the suspicions he had frequently expressed of
his honesty. These circumstances made him receive with equal
surprise and indignation the incontrovertible proofs now offered of
his guilt. Viewing him, from the position which he had taken, as a
public enemy, he considered (as he stated at the period, and publicly
avowed[142] afterwards), every artifice that could deceive him to be
not only defensible, but just and proper.
"I have your last letter[143]," he observes to Mr. Watts, in his
communication on this subject, "including the articles of agreement.
I must confess the tenor of them surprised me much. I immediately
repaired to Calcutta; and at a committee held, both the admirals and
gentlemen agree that Omichund is the greatest villain upon earth;
and that now he appears in the strongest light, what he was always
suspected to be, a villain in grain. However, to counterplot this
scoundrel, and at the same time to give him no room to suspect our
intentions, enclosed you will receive two forms of agreement; the
one real, to be strictly kept by us; the other fictitious. In short, this
affair concluded, Omichund will be treated as he deserves. This you
will acquaint Meer Jaffier with."
Two treaties were accordingly framed; one real, the other fictitious.
In the former there was no mention of Omichund; the latter had an
article which expressly stipulated that he should receive twenty lacs
of rupees; and Mr. Watts was desired to inform him, that "thirty lacs"
was not inserted, as it might give rise to suspicion; but that a
commission of five per cent. should be given to him upon all sums
received from the Nabob, which would fully amount to the other ten
lacs. Though Omichund appeared satisfied with this proceeding, Mr.
Watts conceived there was no safety till he left Moorshedabad. But
he had yet received only half the money for which the Nabob had
given him orders: and such was his avarice, that he could not suffer
the thoughts of leaving the other half unpaid, even though he stayed
at the hazard[144] of his life.
Though Mr. Watts had succeeded in persuading Omichund that he
could be employed by Clive in a manner that would make up all
losses, and had prevailed upon him to accompany Mr. Scrafton, that
gentleman, when he reached Cossimbazar, missed his companion;
and the messenger despatched in search of him found the old man
seated with the Nabob's treasurer, trying to obtain some more of the
promised money. Seeing this fruitless, he set out on his journey; but
again disappeared. When he rejoined Mr. Scrafton, he said he had
been to visit his friend Roydullub, at Plassey, from whom he was
surprised to learn that his name was not in the treaty; but Mr.
Scrafton told him, with truth, that the last secret treaty had not, for
various reasons, been communicated to Roydullub.
When Omichund arrived at Calcutta, he was received by Clive and by
the members of the Committee with apparent cordiality; for Mr.
Watts had written that his life, and those of all at Moorshedabad
concerned in the confederacy, depended upon his entertaining no
suspicion of being deceived. Not satisfied, however, with the
enormous amount he deemed himself certain of receiving, this
avaricious old man commenced further intrigues.
In a letter, under date the 8th of June, Mr. Watts, after repelling the
charge of having been duped, and of having improperly submitted to
delays and evasions, refers to Omichund as the real cause of the
impediments that had occurred; and to satisfy Clive of the fact, he
transmits him a letter to Petrus, of the following purport:
—"Omichund's compliments to Petrus. There's letters gone down for
Mr. Watts, to forbid his coming down till permission is given him
from hence. You and I are one; let us consider what is for our own
interests, and act so as to endeavour to make it pass that we have
had the whole management of this affair. If our friend is not set out,
keep him a few days. Affairs are not yet settled here; hereafter I will
write you the particulars. You have a good understanding, therefore
there's no occasion to write you much. Our success depends upon
each other; all my hopes are in you."
This communication aggravated the impressions before entertained
of Omichund's conduct, and every caution was taken to avoid giving
him any opportunity of further interference; it being quite evident,
that his views in being employed were exclusively limited to
pecuniary gain, to which he was ready to sacrifice every other
object.
Mr. Watts having communicated to the Committee of Calcutta, that
Meer Jaffier was disposed to give a sum to the amount of forty lacs
of rupees to the army and navy, through whose exertions he hoped
to mount the throne; Mr. Becher, a member of the Committee,
stated, that as they (the Committee) had set the machine in motion,
it was reasonable and proper that they should be considered.[145]
This suggestion, as may be imagined, was unanimously adopted,
and Clive stated to Mr. Watts[146], that the Committee had agreed,
"that Meer Jaffier's private engagement should be obtained in
writing, to make them (the Committee, in which you are included) a
present of twelve lacs of rupees, and a present of forty lacs to the
army and navy, over and above what is stipulated in the agreement.
All preliminaries being arranged, and Meer Jaffier having agreed to
separate himself, with a large body of troops, from the Nabob's
army, and join the English on their advance, Clive determined to
commence operations. The intelligence from Moorshedabad was still
unsatisfactory; but relying on Mr. Watts's assurance, that Meer
Jaffier continued firm to his engagement, he re-assembled his army,
which, in the beginning of May, had been sent into quarters, partly
in Chandernagore, partly in Calcutta. On the 12th of June the troops
which were in Calcutta, reinforced by one hundred and fifty sailors
from the fleet, proceeded to Chandernagore. Next day, one hundred
seamen being left as a garrison in the place, the whole army was
put in motion, the Europeans, artillery, and stores proceeding up the
river in boats, while the sepoys marched in the same direction by the
high road. On the 14th, at Culna, they were joined by Mr. Watts,
who, on the preceding day, had succeeded in making his escape
from Moorshedabad. Continuing their course up the right bank of the
river, the army, on the 16th, halted at Patlee; whence, on the 17th,
Major Coote, with a party, was pushed forward to attack the fort of
Cutwa, which next day fell into his hands. The same evening, the
army reached Cutwa and encamped in the plain; but on the 19th the
rainy season began with such violence, that the troops were obliged
to seek shelter in huts, and in the town.
Meanwhile the flight of Mr. Watts had greatly alarmed Suraj-u-
Dowlah, whose terrors were increased by the receipt of a letter from
Clive, despatched the day on which the army set out from
Chandernagore, in which all the injuries and wrongs he had inflicted
on the Company were recapitulated; and while he was reproached
for connecting himself with the French, he was accused of not
fulfilling the treaty into which he had entered; of having infringed its
main article, by proffering only a fifth part of the sum to be paid into
the treasury, and yet demanding a receipt for the whole[147]; and of
cherishing the intention of attacking the English settlements, the
moment the absence of the fleet and troops gave him a prospect of
doing so with success.
For these reasons, Clive stated in this letter[148], "he had determined
(with the approbation of all who are charged with the Company's
affairs) to proceed immediately to Cossimbazar, and submit their
disputes to the arbitration of Meer Jaffier, Roydullub, Jugget Seit,
and others of his great men: that if it should be found that he (the
Colonel) deviated from the treaty, he then swore to give up all
further claims; but that if it appeared his Excellency had broke it, he
should then demand satisfaction for all the losses sustained by the
English, and all the charges of their army and navy." He concluded
by telling him, "that the rains being so near, and it requiring many
days to receive an answer, he found it necessary to wait upon him
immediately!"
The style of this communication, and the military movements which
followed, left no doubt as to the hostile intentions of the English;
and the Nabob hastened to assemble his whole force, with which he
advanced to Plassey.
Clive marched with an army[149] of about three thousand men, and
nine pieces of artillery, and was for some days, after the
commencement of operations, in a state of extreme anxiety, from
there being no appearance of Meer Jaffier's separating himself and
his adherents from the Nabob; whence it might be concluded, either
that he was treacherous, or that his party was much weaker than
had been represented.
Under these impressions Clive wrote to the Secret Committee[150]:
"The party I sent has taken Cutwa town and fort. Both are strong.
Notwithstanding which, I feel the greatest anxiety at the little
intelligence I receive from Meer Jaffier; and, if he is not treacherous,
his sangfroid or want of strength will, I fear, overset the expedition. I
am trying a last effort, by means of a Brahmin, to prevail upon him
to march out and join us. I have appointed Plassey the place of
rendezvous, and have told him at the same time, unless he gives
this or some other sufficient proof of the sincerity of his intentions, I
will not cross the river: this, I hope, will meet with your approbation.
I shall act with such caution as not to risk the loss of our forces;
and, whilst we have them, we may always have it in our power to
bring about a revolution, should the present not succeed. They say,
there is a considerable quantity of grain in and about this place. If
we can collect eight or ten thousand maunds[151], we may maintain
our situation during the rains, which will greatly distress the Nabob;
and either reduce him to terms which may be depended upon, or
give us time to bring in the Beer-Boom[152] Rajah, Mahrattas, or
Ghazee-u-Deen.[153] I desire you will give your sentiments freely,
how you think I should act, if Meer Jaffier can give us no
assistance."
On the 21st of June, two days after he had despatched this letter,
Clive held a council of war[154], to which he proposed the following
question:—"Whether in our present situation, without assistance,
and on our own bottom, it would be prudent to attack the Nabob; or
whether we should wait till joined by some country power?"
A majority of the officers composing the council voted against an
immediate attack; a minority for giving battle to the Nabob; and at
the head of the latter was Eyre Coote, subsequently so distinguished
in Indian history.
Clive, though he had voted with the majority, appears, almost
immediately afterwards, to have satisfied himself, that there was no
other road to safety and honour, but by moving forward; and
without consulting[155] any individual, much less the council of war
he had so unwisely assembled, on the very evening of the day on
which the council had been held[156], changing his purpose, he
determined to march against the enemy, and accordingly gave
orders for his army to cross the river the following morning.
It is stated[157], that before he carried this resolution into effect, he
had received a letter from Meer Jaffier, which, though it in some
degree removed the doubts he had before entertained of the
sincerity of that leader, confirmed him in his opinion, that the
success of the enterprize must wholly depend upon the advance of
the British troops.
Though mature deliberation appears to have convinced Clive, that
the object he had in view, the security of the English in Bengal, quite
warranted the hazard which was incurred for its attainment, he still