Caste Domination Male Domination
Caste Domination Male Domination
domination- Challapalli
Swaroopa Rani
She opens her essay by referring to the golden
jubilee celebration of India’s Independence, where
various groups, including women's organizations,
have convened to evaluate the achievements and
shortcomings of their movements. The women's
organizations observed that in the initial 25 years
following independence, women benefited very
little from the government's reforms and initiatives;
however, after 1970, when the central government
established a committee to assess the status of
Indian women, the findings of the 1974 report
revealed that women's economic and social
conditions were "pathetic." This resulted in the
declaration of 1975 as International Women’s Year,
during which the feminist movement gained
significant national attention for issues related to
education, health, and more. Consequently, the
government set up family courts, designated
separate areas for women in police stations,
established women’s commissions, and introduced
reservations for women in the Legislative Assembly
during the 1980s, alongside a rise in feminist
literature. Rani highlighted all these
accomplishments to suggest that one might
conclude the feminist movement was successful,
but was it really? She aimed to raise awareness
about which class of women has benefited the most
from this movement and whose issues are truly
represented by feminist movements or literature.
She pointed out that while feminists are advocating
against numerous atrocities faced by women, such
as murders, dowry deaths, and various forms of
physical and psychological abuse, as well as the sole
burden of domestic responsibilities, this advocacy
does not encompass women from different castes
and classes. In the view of the feminist movement
in India, all women face identical issues; however,
the reality is that our society is stratified by
differences in caste, religion, class, and region,
leading to distinct groups experiencing varied
challenges, despite some shared concerns. Dalit
women have made significant strides in education
and literature. They participated in the 1995 Beijing
conference and have begun to connect with women
from the black community. An interesting
observation made by Rani about upper caste
women and feminists is that they tend to overlook
Dalit movements because they subscribe to the
belief that "all women are one." It is ironic that
women’s organizations display images of Dalit
women prominently but do not include their voices
or discussions within the office. Dalit women are
often excluded from these spaces and
conversations, while feminist groups argue against
the need for caste-based reservations within
women-focused reservations. In contrast, some
Dalit male intellectuals claim that Dalit culture
embodies democratic patriarchy and lacks violence,
but this assertion is misleading. Consequently, a
Dalit woman finds herself caught between her
identity as a Dalit and her identity as a woman. On
one side, upper caste women claim solidarity by
saying that we are all women, while on the other
side, Dalit men speak for Dalit women by asserting
that we are all Dalits. A Dalit woman experiences
confusion as she grapples with whether to align
with other women who overlook their struggles
simply because they are women, or to join with
Dalit men who share her caste yet still perpetuate
oppression.