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____ 18. The first electronic digital computers, sometimes called mainframe computers, consisted of vacuum tubes,
wires, and plugs, and filled entire rooms.

____ 19. In the early 1940s, computer scientists realized that a symbolic notation could be used instead of machine
code, and the first assembly languages appeared.

____ 20. The development of the transistor in the early 1960s allowed computer engineers to build ever smaller,
faster, and less expensive computer hardware components.

____ 21. Moore’s Law states that the processing speed and storage capacity of hardware will increase and its cost
will decrease by approximately a factor of 3 every 18 months.

____ 22. In the 1960s, batch processing sometimes caused a programmer to wait days for results, including error
messages.

____ 23. In 1984, Apple Computer brought forth the Macintosh, the first successful mass-produced personal
computer with a graphical user interface.

____ 24. By the mid 1980s, the ARPANET had grown into what we now call the Internet, connecting computers
owned by large institutions, small organizations, and individuals all over the world.

____ 25. Steve Jobs wrote the first Web server and Web browser software.

____ 26. Guido van Rossum invented the Python programming language in the early 1990s.

____ 27. In Python, the programmer can force the output of a value by using the cout statement.

____ 28. When executing the print statement, Python first displays the value and then evaluates the expression.

____ 29. When writing Python programs, you should use a .pyt extension.

____ 30. The interpreter reads a Python expression or statement, also called the source code, and verifies that it is
well formed.

____ 31. If a Python expression is well formed, the interpreter translates it to an equivalent form in a low-level
language called byte code.

Multiple Choice
Identify the choice that best completes the statement or answers the question.

____ 32. The sequence of steps that describes a computational processes is called a(n) ____.
a. program c. pseudocode
b. computing agent d. algorithm
____ 33. An algorithm consists of a(n) ____ number of instructions.
a. finite c. predefined
b. infinite d. undefined
____ 34. The action described by the instruction in an algorithm can be performed effectively or be executed by a
____.
a. computer c. computing agent
b. processor d. program
____ 35. In the modern world of computers, information is also commonly referred to as ____.
a. data c. input
b. bits d. records
____ 36. In carrying out the instructions of any algorithm, the computing agent starts with some given information
(known as ____).
a. data c. input
b. variables d. output
____ 37. In carrying out the instructions of any algorithm, the computing agent transforms some given information
according to well-defined rules, and produces new information, known as ____.
a. data c. input
b. variables d. output
____ 38. ____ consists of the physical devices required to execute algorithms.
a. Firmware c. I/O
b. Hardware d. Processors
____ 39. ____ is the set of algorithms, represented as programs in particular programming languages.
a. Freeware c. Software
b. Shareware d. Dataset
____ 40. In a computer, the ____ devices include a keyboard, a mouse, and a microphone.
a. memory c. input
b. CPU d. output
____ 41. Computers can communicate with the external world through various ____ that connect them to networks
and to other devices such as handheld music players and digital cameras.
a. facilities c. racks
b. ports d. slots
____ 42. The primary memory of a computer is also sometimes called internal or ____.
a. read-only memory (ROM) c. flash memory
b. random access memory (RAM) d. associative memory
____ 43. The CPU, which is also sometimes called a ____, consists of electronic switches arranged to perform
simple logical, arithmetic, and control operations.
a. motherboard c. chip
b. computing agent d. processor
____ 44. Flash memory sticks are an example of ____ storage media.
a. semiconductor c. optical
b. magnetic d. primary
____ 45. Tapes and hard disks are an example of ____ storage media.
a. semiconductor c. optical
b. magnetic d. primary
____ 46. CDs and DVDs are an example of ____ storage media.
 a. semiconductor c. optical
b. magnetic d. primary
____ 47. A ____ takes a set of machine language instructions as input and loads them into the appropriate memory
locations.
a. compiler c. loader
b. linker d. interpreter
____ 48. A modern ____ organizes the monitor screen around the metaphor of a desktop, with windows containing
icons for folders, files, and applications.
a. GUI c. terminal-based interface
b. CLI d. applications software
____ 49. ____ programming languages resemble English and allow the author to express algorithms in a form that
other people can understand.
a. Assembly c. Low-level
b. Interpreted d. High-level
____ 50. Early in the nineteenth century, ____ designed and constructed a machine that automated the process of
weaving.
a. George Boole c. Herman Hollerith
b. Joseph Jacquard d. Charles Babbage
____ 51. ____ took the concept of a programmable computer a step further by designing a model of a machine that,
conceptually, bore a striking resemblance to a modern general-purpose computer.
a. George Boole c. Herman Hollerith
b. Joseph Jacquard d. Charles Babbage
____ 52. ____ developed a machine that automated data processing for the U.S. Census.
a. George Boole c. Herman Hollerith
b. Joseph Jacquard d. Charles Babbage
____ 53. ____ developed a system of logic which consisted of a pair of values, TRUE and FALSE, and a set of
three primitive operations on these values, AND, OR, and NOT.
a. George Boole c. Herman Hollerith
b. Joseph Jacquard d. Charles Babbage
____ 54. ____ was considered ideal for numerical and scientific applications.
a. COBOL c. LISP
b. Machine code d. FORTRAN
____ 55. In its early days, ____ was used primarily for laboratory experiments in an area of research known as
artificial intelligence.
a. COBOL c. LISP
b. Machine code d. FORTRAN
____ 56. In science or any other area of enquiry, a(n) ____ allows human beings to reduce complex ideas or entities
to simpler ones.
a. abstraction c. module
b. algorithm d. compiler
____ 57. In the early 1980s, a college dropout named Bill Gates and his partner Paul Allen built their own
operating system software, which they called ____.
a. LISP c. MS-DOS
 b. Windows d. Linux
____ 58. Python is a(n) ____ language.
a. functional c. interpreted
b. assembly d. compiled
____ 59. To quit the Python shell, you can either select the window’s close box or press the ____ key combination.
a. Control+C c. Control+Z
b. Control+D d. Control+X
____ 60. In Python, you can write a print statement that includes two or more expressions separated by ____.
a. periods c. colons
b. commas d. semicolons
____ 61. The Python interpreter rejects any statement that does not adhere to the grammar rules, or ____, of the
language.
a. code c. definition
b. library d. syntax
1
Answer Section

TRUE/FALSE

1. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 2

2. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 3
3. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 3
4. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 3
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15. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 9
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17. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 15
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26. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 23
27. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 25
28. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 25
29. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 28
30. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 30
31. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 30

MULTIPLE CHOICE

32. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 3

33. ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 3
34. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 3
35. ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 4
36. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 5
37. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 5
38. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 6
39. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 6
40. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 6
41. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 6
42. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 7
43. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 7
44. ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 8
45. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 8
46. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 8
47. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 8
48. ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 9
49. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 9
50. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 14
51. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 14
52. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 14
53. ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 14-15
54. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 17
55. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 17
56. ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 18
57. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 21
58. ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 23
59. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 25
60. ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 25
61. ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 30
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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 These two phenomena typical of the last period of capitalist
civilisation are those which have reduced the enormous importance
which was attributed to Parliament. To sum up, Parliament can no
longer contain all the life of the nations, because modern life is
exceptionally complicated and difficult.
But this does not mean that we wish to abolish Parliament. We
wish rather to improve it, to make it more perfect, make it a serious,
if possible a solemn institution. In fact, if I had wished to abolish
Parliament, I would not have introduced an Electoral Reform Bill.
This Bill logically presupposes the elections, and through these
elections there will be deputies—(Laughter.)—who will form
Parliament. In 1924, therefore, there will be a Parliament.
But must the Government be towed along by Parliament? Must it
be at the mercy of Parliament? Must it be without a will, or a head
before Parliament? I cannot admit that.

The Great Fascista Council. They say that Fascismo has created
duplicate institutions. These duplicates do not exist. The Great
Fascista Council is not a duplicate of the Council of Ministers or
above it. It met four times and never dealt with problems which
concerned the Council of Ministers. With what, then, did the Great
Fascista Council deal? In the February meeting it devoted itself to
the National Militia and Freemasonry; it paid a tribute to the
Dalmatians and to the people of Fiume, and dealt with Fascismo
abroad. In the March meeting it arranged the ceremony for the
anniversary of the foundation of Rome and dealt with Syndicalism.
In its fourth meeting it devoted itself to the Congress of Turin and
again to Syndicalism.
All the great problems dealing with State administration, with the
reorganisation of armed forces, with the reform of our judiciary
circuits, with the reform of the schools, all the measures of a
financial nature have been adopted directly by the responsible body,
the Council of Ministers.
 And then what is the Great Fascista Council? It is the organ of co-
ordination between the responsible forces of the Government and
those of Fascismo. Among all the organisations created after the
October revolution, the Great Fascista Council is the most
characteristic, the most useful, the most efficient. I have abolished
the High Commissioners, because they duplicated the Prefects and
also embarrassed the authority of the latter, who alone have the
right to wield authority. But I could never think of abolishing the
Great Fascista Council, not even if to-morrow by chance the Council
of Ministers were composed entirely of Fascisti.

Our Magnanimity must not be taken advantage of! This

Government, which is depicted as hostile to liberty, has been
perhaps too generous. The October revolution has not been
bloodless for us; we have left dozens and dozens of dead. And who
would have prevented us from doing in those days that which all
revolutions have done, from freeing ourselves once for all from those
who, taking advantage of our magnanimity, now render our task
difficult? Only the Socialists of the newspaper La Giustizia, of Milan,
have had the courage to recognise that if they still exist they owe it
to us, who did not wish that, in the first moments of “The March on
Rome,” the “black shirts” should be stained with Italian blood. But
our generosity must not be taken advantage of!

Nobody must hope for a Crisis in Fascismo. The Membership of

Fascismo. But nobody must hope for a crisis in Fascismo, which is
and will remain simply a formidable party. If you happen to notice
that in one of its innumerable sections in Italy there is dissension, do
not thus draw the conclusion that Fascismo is in a state of crisis.
When a party holds the Government in its hands it holds it, if it
wishes to hold it, because it possesses formidable forces to use to
consolidate its power with increasing strength. Fascismo is a
Syndicalist movement which includes one million and a half of
workmen and contadini, who, I must say in their praise, are those
who give me no trouble. There is, moreover, a political body which
has 550,000 members, and I have asked to be relieved of at least
150,000 of these gentlemen. (Laughter.) There is, still, a military
section of 300,000 “black shirts,” who are only waiting to be called.
These bodies are all united by a kind of moral cement, which might
be called mystic and holy, and through which, by touching certain
keys, we would hear to-morrow the sounds of certain trumpets!

The Associations which are included in Fascismo. They ask us:

“Will you then camp out in Italy as an army of enemies which
oppress the remainder of the population?” Here we have the
philosophy of force by consent. In the meanwhile I have the
pleasure to announce that imposing masses of men who deserve all
the respect of the nation have joined Fascismo, such as the
Association of the Maimed and the Disabled, the National Association
of Ex-soldiers. In the wake of Fascismo, moreover, are also included
the families of the fallen in war. There are a great many members
coming from the people in these three Associations, whilst there is a
great solidarity amongst these disabled ex-soldiers and families of
the fallen in war. They represent millions of people, and, in the face
of this collaboration, must I go and simply seek all the fragments, all
the relics of the old traditional parties? Must I sell my spiritual
birthright for a mess of pottage which might be offered to me by
those who have followed no one in the country? (Loud assent.) No! I
shall never do this.

The Collaboration I welcome. If there is anybody who wishes to

collaborate with me, I welcome him to my house. But if this
collaborator has the air of a controlling inquisitor, or of the expectant
heir, or of the man who lies in ambush, with the object of being able
at a given moment to record my mistakes, then I declare that I do
not want to have anything to do with this collaboration. (Bravo!)
Besides, there is a moral force in all this. What was the cause after
all which affected Italian life in past years? Italy was passing through
a transformation. There were never definite limits. Nobody had the
courage to be what he should have been.
There was the bourgeois who had Socialistic airs, there was the
Socialist who had become a bourgeois up to his finger tips. The
whole atmosphere was made up of half tones of uncertainty. Well,
Fascismo seizes individuals by their necks and tells them: “You must
be what you are. If you are a bourgeois you must remain such. You
must be proud of your class, because it has given a type to the
activity of the world in the nineteenth century. (Approval.) If you are
a Socialist you must remain such, although facing the inevitable risk
you run in that profession.” (Laughter.)

Taxation and the Discipline of the Italian Population. The sight

which to-day the nation offers is satisfactory, because the
Government exercises a stern and, if you like to say so, a cruel
policy. It is compelled to dismiss by thousands its officials, judges,
officers, railway men, dock-workers; and each dismissal represents a
cause of trouble, of distress, of unrest to thousands of families. The
Government has been compelled to levy taxes which unavoidably hit
large sections of the population. The Italian people are disciplined,
silent and calm, they work and know that there is a Government
which governs, and know, above all, that if this Government hits
cruelly certain sections of the Italian people, it does not do so out of
caprice, but from the supreme necessity of national order.

The Government is One. Above this mass of people there are the
restless groups of practising politicians. We must speak plainly. In
Italy there were several Governments which, before the present one,
always trembled before the journalist, the banker, the grand master
of Freemasonry, before the head of the Popular Party, who remains
more or less in the background,—(Applause.)—and it was enough for
one of these ministers in partibus to knock at the door of the
Government, for the Government to be struck by sudden paralysis.
Well, all this is over! Many men gave themselves airs with the old
Governments; those I have not received, but have reduced them to
tears. (Assent.) For the Government is one. It knows no other
Government outside its own and watches attentively, because one
must not sleep when one governs, one must not neglect facts, one
must keep before one’s eyes all the panorama, notice all the
composition and decomposition, the changes of parties and of men.
Sometimes it is necessary, as a tactical measure, to be circumspect;
but political strategy, at least mine, is intransigent and absolute.

My only Ambition is to make the Italian People Strong, Prosperous,

Great and Free. I should have finished; in fact I have finished, but I
must still add something that concerns me a little personally. I do
not deny to citizens what one might call the “Jus murmurandi”—the
right of grumbling. (Laughter.) But one must not exaggerate, nor
raise bogies, nor have one’s ears always open to dangers which do
not exist. And, believe me, I do not get drunk with greatness. I
would like, if it were possible, to get drunk with humility. (Approval.)
I am content simply to be a Minister, nor have I ambitions which
surpass the clearly defined sphere of my duties and of my
responsibilities. And yet I, too, have an ambition. The more I know
the Italian people, the more I bow before it. (Assent.) The more I
come into deeper touch with the masses of the Italian people, the
more I feel that they are really worthy of the respect of all the
representatives of the nation. (Assent.) My ambition, Honourable
Senators, is only one. For this it does not matter if I work fourteen
or sixteen hours a day. And it would not matter if I lost my life, and I
should not consider it a greater sacrifice than is due. My ambition is
this: I wish to make the Italian people strong, prosperous, great and
free! (The end of the speech is hailed by a frantic and delirious
ovation. All the Senators rise, and the Tribune applauds loudly, whilst
the great majority of the Senators go to congratulate the Hon.
Mussolini.)
(The sitting is adjourned.)
 “AS SARDINIA HAS BEEN GREAT IN WAR, SO
LIKEWISE WILL SHE BE GREAT IN PEACE”
Speech delivered from the Palazzo della Prefettura at Sassari (Sardinia) on 10th
June 1923.

Citizens of Sassari! Proud people of Sardinia! The journey which I

have made to-day is not, and should not be interpreted as, a
Ministerial tour. I intended to make a pilgrimage of devotion and love
to your magnificent land.
I have been told that, since 1870 to to-day, this is the first time
that the head of the Government addresses the people of Sassari
assembled in this vast square. I deplore the fact that up to this day
no Prime Minister, no Minister, has felt the elementary duty of
coming here to get to know you, your needs, to come and express
to you how much Italy owes you! (Applause.)
For months, for years, during the long years of our bloody
sacrifice and of our sacred glory, the name of Sassari, consecrated to
history by the bulletins of war, has echoed in the soul of all Italy.
Those who followed the magnificent effort of our race, those who
steeped themselves in the filth of the trenches, young men of my
generation—proud and disdainful of death—all those who bear in
their heart the faith of their country, all those, O men of the Sassari
Brigade, O citizens of Sassari, pay you tribute of a sign, of a
testimony of infinite love. (Applause.)
What does it matter if some lazy bureaucrat has not yet taken into
account your needs? Sassari has already passed gloriously into
history. I was grieved to-day when I was told that this town has no
water. It is very sad that a city of heroes has to endure thirst. Well! I
promise you that you will have water; you have the right to have it.
(Applause.) If the National Government grants to you, as it will
grant, the three or four millions necessary for this purpose, it will
only have accomplished its duty, because while elsewhere young
men with broad shoulders worked at the lathe, the people of
Sardinia fought and died in the trenches.
We intend to raise up again the towns and all the land, because
he who has contributed to the war is more entitled to receive in
peace.
A few days ago, on the anniversary of the war, I went by
aeroplane to the cemeteries of the Carso. There are many of your
brothers who sleep in those cemeteries the sleep which knows no
awakening. I have known them, I have lived with them, I have
suffered with them. They were magnificent, long-suffering, they did
not complain, they endured, and when the tragic hour came for
them to advance from the trenches they were the first and never
asked why. (Loud applause.)
The National Government which I have the honour to direct is a
Government which counts upon you, and you can count upon it. It is
a Government sprung forth from a double victory of the people. It
cannot, therefore, be against the working classes. It comes to you
so that you may tell it frankly and loyally what are your needs. You
have been forgotten and neglected for too long! In Rome they
hardly knew of the existence of Sardinia! But since the war has
revealed you to Italy, all Italians must remember Sardinia, not only
in words, but in deeds. (Loud applause.)
I am delighted, I am deeply moved by the reception which you
have given me. I have looked you well in the face, I have recognised
that you are superb shoots of this Italian race which was great when
other people were not born, of this Italian race which three times
gave our civilisation to the barbarian world, of this Italian race which
we wish to mould by all the struggles necessary for discipline, for
work, for faith. (Applause.)
I am sure that, as Sardinia has been great in war, so likewise will
she be great in peace. I salute you, O magnificent sons of this
rugged, ferruginous, and so far forgotten island. I embrace all of you
in spirit. It is not the head of the Government who speaks to you, it
is the brother, the fellow-soldier of the trenches. Shout then with
me: Long live the King! Long live Italy! Long live Sardinia!
(An enthusiastic ovation greeted the last words of Mussolini.)
 “MEN PASS AWAY, MAYBE GOVERNMENTS
TOO, BUT ITALY LIVES AND WILL NEVER DIE”
Speech delivered at Cagliari (Sardinia) on 12th June 1923, from the Palazzo della
Prefettura.

Citizens! Black shirts! Chivalrous people of Cagliari! Of late I have

visited several towns, including those which belong to the place
where I was born. Well! I wish to tell you, and this is the truth, that
no town accorded me the welcome you gave me to-day. I knew that
the town of Cagliari was peopled by men of strong passions, I knew
that an ardent spirit of regeneration throbbed in your hearts. The
cheers with which you welcomed me, the crowd crammed into the
Roman amphitheatre, all this tells me that here Fascismo has deep
roots. I thank you, therefore, Citizens, from the depth of my heart.
I have come to Sardinia not only to know your land, as forty-eight
hours would not be enough for that purpose, and still less would
they be enough to examine closely your needs. I know them;
statesmen have known them for the last fifty years. Those needs are
already before the nation, and if up to to-day they have not yet been
solved, this is due to the fact that Rome was lacking that iron will for
regeneration which is the pivot, the essence of the Fascista
Government’s faith in the future of our country. (Applause.)
Passing through your land, I have found here a living, throbbing
limb of the mother country. Truly this island of yours is the western
bulwark of the nation; is like a heart of Rome set in the midst of our
sea. Amongst all the impressions I have received in coming here,
one has struck my heart. I was told that Sardinia, for special local
reasons, was refractory to Fascismo. Here, too, there was another
misunderstanding. But from to-day the cohorts and the legions, the
thousands of strong “black shirts,” the syndicates, the fasci, the
whole youth of this island is there to show that Fascismo,
representing an irresistible movement for the regeneration of the
race, was bound to carry with it this island where the Italian race is
manifested so superbly. (Applause.)
I salute you, Black shirts! We saw each other in Rome and the
groups coming from Sardinia were cheered in the capital. You bear
in your hearts the faith which at a given moment drove thousands
and thousands of Fascisti from all the cities, from all the villages of
Italy, to Rome. (Applause.)
Nobody can ever dream of wrenching from us the fruit of victory
that we have paid for by so much blood generously shed by youths
who offered their lives in order to crush Italian Bolshevism.
Thousands and thousands of those who suffered martyrdom in the
trenches, who have resumed the struggle after the war was over,
who have won—all those have ploughed a furrow between the Italy
of yesterday, of to-day and of to-morrow.
Citizens of Cagliari! You must certainly play a part in this great
drama. You, undoubtedly, wish to live the life of our great national
community, of this our beloved Italy, of this adorable mother who is
our dream, our hope, our faith, our conviction, because men pass
away, maybe Governments, too, but Italy lives and will never die!
(Loud applause.)
To-day I have visited the marvellous works of the artificial Lake
Tirso. They are not only a glory to Sardinia, they represent a
masterpiece of which the whole nation may be proud.
I feel, almost by intuition, that Sardinia also, too long forgotten,
perhaps too patient, Sardinia to-day marches hand in hand with the
rest of Italy. Let us then salute each other, O Citizens!
After this speech of mine, which was meant to be an act of
devotion, a bond of union between us, let us salute each other by
shouting: Long live the King! (Cheers.) Long live Italy! (Cheers.)
Long live Fascismo! (Loud cheers.)
 “FASCISMO WILL BRING A COMPLETE
REGENERATION TO YOUR LAND”
Speech delivered at Iglesias (Sardinia), at the Palazzo Municipale, on 13th June
1923.

Citizens of Iglesias! Black shirts! Fascisti! Your welcome, so cordial

and so enthusiastic, surpasses any expectation. Iglesias has really
been the cradle of Sardinian Fascismo. From here sprang the first
groups of black shirts; it was, therefore, my definite duty to come
and get into touch with you.
You deserve that the Government should remember you, as in this
island there is a large reserve of faith and ardent patriotism: I go
back to Rome with my heart overcome with emotion.
Since Italy has been united this is the first time that the head of
the Government is in direct touch with the people of Sardinia.
One thing only I regret, and that is that the shortness of my visit
has not given me an opportunity of seeing more of your beautiful
land. But I formally pledge myself to come again and visit your
towns and your villages. As the head of the Government I am glad
to have found myself amongst industrious, quiet and truly patient
people, who have been too long forgotten, indeed almost considered
as a far-away colony.
It is well it should be known that Sardinia is one of the first
regions of Italy, and it should be known, too, that she gave the
largest contribution of lives to our glorious victory.
As the head of the Government I am glad to find myself among
the heroic black shirts and to have seen the splendid flourishing
conditions of Fascismo, which will bring a complete regeneration to
your land.
 Here (said the Hon. Mussolini, putting his hand on the standard of
Iglesias, which was hoisted near him)—here is the standard, the
symbol of pure faith. I kiss it with fervour, and with the same fervour
I embrace you, O magnificent people of Sardinia. (Loud applause.)
 “AS WE HAVE REGAINED THE MASTERY OF
THE AIR, WE DO NOT WANT THE SEA TO
IMPRISON US”
Speech delivered at Florence from the balcony of the Palazzo Vecchio, on 19th
June 1923.

Black shirts of Florence and Tuscany! Fascisti! People! Where shall

I find the necessary words to express the fullness of my feelings at
this moment? My words cannot but be inadequate for the purpose.
Your solemn, enthusiastic welcome stirs me to the depths of my
heart. But it is certain that it is not only to me that you pay this
extraordinary honour, but also, I think, to the idea of which I have
been the inflexible protagonist.
Florence reminds me of the days when we were few. (Deafening
applause.) Here we held the first glorious meeting of the Italian
“Fasci di Combattimento.” You remember, we had often to interrupt
our meeting to go out and drive away the base rabble. (“Bravo!”
Frantic applause.) We were few then! Well, in spite of this huge
crowd here assembled, I say that we are still few, not with regard to
the enemies who have been put to flight for ever, but with regard to
the enormous tasks that lie before our Italy. (Applause.) I said that
our enemies have been put to flight, as we shall no more do the
honour of considering as enemies certain corpses of the Italian
political world—(“Bravo!”)—who delude themselves that they still
exist simply because they abuse our generosity. Tell me, then, Black
shirts of Tuscany and of Florence, were it necessary to begin again,
should we begin again? (Deafening applause and cries of “Yes!
Yes!”) This loud cry of yours, more than a promise, is an oath which
seals for ever the Italy of the past, the Italy of the swindlers, of the
deceivers, of the pusillanimous, and opens the way to “our” Italy,
the Italy whom we bear proudly in our hearts, who belongs to us
who represent the new generation who adore strength, who is
inspired by beauty, who is ready for anything when it is necessary to
sacrifice herself to struggle and to die for the ideal.
I tell you that Italy is going ahead. Two years ago, when the
bestiality of the red demagogy raged, only twenty aeroplanes
entered for the Baracca Cup. Last year they were thirty-five; this
year, up to now, ninety. And as we have regained the mastery of the
air, so we do not want the sea to imprison us. It must be, instead,
the way for our necessary expansion in the world. (Great applause.)
These, O Fascisti, Citizens, are the stupendous tasks which lie
before us. And we shall not fail in our aim if each of you will engrave
in his own heart the words by which is summed up the
commandment of this ineffable hour of our history as a people:
“Work,” which little by little must redeem us from foreign
dependence; “Harmony,” which must make of the Italians one
family; “Discipline,” by which at a given moment all Italians become
one and march hand in hand towards the same goal.
Black shirts! You feel that all the manœuvres of our adversaries
tending to sever me from you are ridiculous and grotesque. And I
hope it will not seem to you too proud a statement if I say that
Fascismo, which I have guided on the consular roads of Rome, is
solidly in our hand—(“Bravo!”)—and that if anybody should delude
himself in this respect I should only need to make a sign, to give an
order: “A noi!” (Deafening applause.)
Raise up your standards! They have been consecrated by the
sacred blood of our dead. When faith has thus been consecrated it
cannot fail, cannot die, will not die! (Prolonged applause.)
“I PROMISE YOU—AND GOD IS MY WITNESS—
THAT I SHALL CONTINUE NOW AND ALWAYS
TO BE A HUMBLE SERVANT OF OUR ADORED
ITALY”
Speech delivered on 19th June 1923, at Florence, in the historical Salone dei
Cinquecento, where the Municipal Council solemnly bestowed on Mussolini the
freedom of the city of Florence.

Mr. Mayor, Councillors, People of Florence, the capital for many

centuries of Italian art,—You will notice that—on account of the
honour which you pay me—I feel moved. To be made a citizen of
Florence, of this city which has left such indelible traces on the
history of humanity, represents a memorable and dominating event
in my life. I do not know if I am really worthy of so much honour.
(Cries of “Yes.” “May God preserve you for the future of our Italy.”
Applause.)
What I have done up to now is not much; but oh! Citizens of
Florence, my determination is unshakable. (“Bravo!”) Human nature,
which is always weak, may fail, but not my spirit, which is dominated
by a moral and material faith—the faith of the country.
From the moment in which Italian Fascismo raised its standards,
lit its torches, cauterised the sores which infected the body of our
divine country, we Italians, who felt proud to be Italians—(“Bravo!
Bravo!” Applause.)—are in spiritual communion through this new
faith.
Citizens of Florence! I make you a promise, and be sure I shall
keep it! I promise you—and God is my witness in this moment of the
purity of my faith—I promise you that I shall continue now and
always to be a humble servant of our adored Italy! (Prolonged
applause.)
 “THE VICTORY OF THE PIAVE WAS THE
DECIDING FACTOR OF THE WAR”
Speech delivered in Rome on 25th June 1923, from Palazzo Venezia, in
commemoration of the anniversary of the Battle of the Piave.

Fellow-Soldiers!—After your ranks, so well disciplined and of such

fine bearing, have marched past His Majesty the King, the intangible
symbol of the country, after the austere ceremony in its silent
solemnity before the tomb of the Unknown Warrior, after this
formidable display of sacred strength, words from me are absolutely
superfluous, and I do not intend to make a speech. The march of to-
day is a manifestation full of significance and warning. A whole
people in arms has met to-day in spirit in the Eternal City. It is a
whole people who, above unavoidable party differences, finds itself
strongly united when the safety of the common Motherland is at
stake.
On the occasion of the Etna eruption, national solidarity was
wonderfully manifested; from every town, every village, one might
say from every hamlet, a fraternal heart-throb went out to the land
stricken by calamity.
To-day tens of thousands of soldiers, thousands of standards, with
men coming to Rome from all parts of Italy and from the far-away
Colonies, from abroad, bear witness that the unity of the Italian
nation is an accomplished and irrevocable fact.
After seven months of Government, to talk to you, my comrades
of the trenches, is the highest honour which could fall to my lot. And
I do not say this in order to flatter you, nor to pay you a tribute
which might seem formal on an occasion like this. I have the right to
interpret the thoughts of this meeting, which gathers to listen to my
words as an expression of solidarity with the national Government.
(Cries of assent.) Let us not utter useless and fantastical words.
Nobody attacks the sacred liberty of the Italian people. But I ask
you: Should there be liberty to maim victory? (Cries of “No! no!”)
Should there be liberty to strike at the nation? Should there be
liberty for those who have as their programme the overthrow of our
national institutions? (Cries of “No! no!”) I repeat what I explicitly
said before. I do not feel myself infallible, I feel myself a man like
you.
I do not repulse, I cannot, I shall not repulse any loyal and sincere
collaboration.
Fellow-soldiers! The task which weighs on my shoulders, but also
on yours, is simply immense, and to it we shall be pledged for many
years. It is, therefore, necessary not to waste, but to treasure and
utilise all the energies which could be turned to the good of our
country. Five years have passed since the battle of the Piave, from
that victory on which it is impossible to sophisticate either within or
beyond the frontier. It is necessary to proclaim, for you who listen to
me, and also for those who read what I say, that the victory of the
Piave was the deciding factor of the war.... On the Piave the Austro-
Hungarian Empire went to pieces, from the Piave started its flight on
white wings the victory of the people in arms. The Government
means to exalt the spiritual strength which rises out of the victory of
a people in arms. It does not mean to disperse them, because it
represents the sacred seed of the future. The more distant we get
from those days, from that memorable victory, the more they seem
to us wonderful, the more the victory appears enveloped in a halo of
legend. In such a victory everybody would wish to have taken part!

We must win the Peace! Too late somebody perceived that when
the country is in danger the duty of all citizens, from the highest to
the lowest, is only one: to fight, to suffer and, if needs be, to die!
We have won the war, we have demolished an Empire which
threatened our frontiers, stifled us and held us for ever under the
extortion of armed menace. History has no end. Comrades! The
history of peoples is not measured by years, but by tens of years, by
centuries. This manifestation of yours is an infallible sign of the
vitality of the Italian people.
The phrase “we must win the peace” is not an empty one. It
contains a profound truth. Peace is won by harmony, by work and by
discipline. This is the new gospel which has been opened before the
eyes of the new generations who have come out of the trenches; a
gospel simple and straightforward, which takes into account all the
elements, which utilises all the energies, which does not lend itself
to tyrannies of grotesque exclusivism, because it has one sole aim, a
common aim: the greatness and the salvation of the nation!
Fellow-soldiers! You have come to Rome, and it is natural, I dare
to say, fated! Because Rome is always, as it will be to-morrow and in
the centuries to come, the living heart of our race! It is the
imperishable symbol of our vitality as a people. Who holds Rome,
holds the nation!

The “Black Shirts” buried the Past. I assure you, my fellow-

soldiers, that my Government, in spite of the manifest or hidden
difficulties, will keep its pledges. It is the Government of Vittorio
Veneto. You feel it and you know it. And if you did not believe it, you
would not be here assembled in this square. Carry back to your
towns, to your lands, to your houses, distant but near to my heart,
the vigorous impression of this meeting.
Keep the flame burning, because that which has not been, may
be, because if victory was maimed once, it does not follow that it
can be maimed a second time! (Loud cheers, repeated cries of “We
swear it!”)
I keep in mind your oath. I count upon you as I count upon all
good Italians, but I count, above all, upon you, because you are of
my generation, because you have come out from the bloody filth of
the trenches, because you have lived and struggled and suffered in
the face of death, because you have fulfilled your duty and have the
right to vindicate that to which you are entitled, not only from the
material but from the moral point of view. I tell you, I swear to you,
that the time is passed for ever when fighters returning from the
trenches had to be ashamed of themselves, the time when, owing to
the threatening attitudes of Communists, the officers received the
cowardly advice to dress in plain clothes. (Applause.) All that is
buried. You must not forget, and nobody forgets, that seven months
ago fifty-two thousand armed “black shirts” came to Rome to bury
the past! (Loud cheers.)
Soldiers! Fellow-Soldiers! Let us raise before our great unknown
comrade the cry, which sums up our faith: Long live the King! Long
live Italy, victorious, impregnable, immortal! (Loud cheers, whilst all
the flags are raised and waved amidst the enthusiasm of the
immense crowd in the square.)
 THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND THE
UNITED STATES
Speech by the American Ambassador to Rome.
On the 28th June 1923 the Italo-American Association held in Rome a banquet
in honour of Mr. Richard Washburn Child, American Ambassador to Italy, and of
the Hon. Mussolini, President of the Italian Council. The two distinguished guests
delivered the following speeches,[14] which have a special importance, both with
regard to Fascismo and to Italo-American relations.

14. The two speeches have been courteously given at his request to Baron
Quaranta di San Severino for publication by the American Ambassador, Richard
Washburn Child.
The object of this meeting was clearly explained by the Hon. Baron Sardi, Italian
Under-Secretary of State for Public Works, in an appropriate address to the
illustrious guests (published in full by the Bulletin of the Library for American
Studies in Italy, No. 5), in which, after having thanked them in the name of
Senator Ruffini, President of the Association, still detained on account of important
duties in Geneva, and also in the name of the other members, for the honour they
conferred on the Society by their presence, went on to lay stress on the purpose
for which the Association exists, namely, to promote a better reciprocal
understanding between the American and Italian peoples through the manifold
activities of their respective countries.
The Hon. Sardi announced that during the summer months of this year courses
of preparation will be inaugurated again for American students who wish to come
and visit our country and study our language, literature and history, while for next
October, under the patronage of the American Ambassador and the Italian
Premier, with the co-operation of American and Italian professors, special
industrial and commercial courses are in preparation. The American students will
be able to benefit by the use of the valuable library of the Association, which is
daily enriched by the competent work of Commendatore Harry Nelson Gay and his
collaborators.
The Hon. Sardi, after referring to the fraternity of arms, which during the Great
War brought together the soldiers of Italy and America, said that, having returned
now to the peaceful spheres of industry and culture, these forms of effort
contribute strongly to cement between the two countries that spiritual fraternity
which arises out of a better mutual acquaintance with the respective virtues and
qualities and a clearer realisation of our aspirations.
The orator concluded by expressing the wish that the Italo-American
Association, by the indissoluble union of cultured minds, might be able to intensify
the bonds already uniting the United States of America and Italy.

Mr. President and Gentlemen,—It is my privilege to propose a

toast to the King and to the spirit of an Italy now stronger and more
united than ever before.
I wish to express the earnest hope that my country and yours will
continue to stand together in upholding ideals which make men
strong instead of tolerating those which make men weak.
During the last eight months Italy has made an extraordinary
contribution to the whole world by raising ideals of human courage,
discipline, and responsibility. I would be unfaithful to my beliefs and
to those of hosts of Americans if I failed to acknowledge the part
played by your President of Council, Mussolini, with the people of
Italy, in giving to all mankind an example of courageous national
organisation founded upon the disciplined responsibility of the
individual to the State, upon the abandonment of false hopes in
feeble doctrines, and upon appeal to the full vigorous strength of the
human spirit.
We have heard a great deal in the last few years about the
menace which war brings before the face of the world. I am
confident that my people and your people are willing to act together
to contribute anything possible to reduce the dangers of war, but I
hold the belief, and I think your Premier holds the belief, that worse
menaces than war now oppose the progress of mankind. Folly and
weakness and decay are worse.
These menaces of weakness are often fostered by men of good
intentions, who talk about the need to rescue mankind and about
the necessity to establish the rights of mankind.
I want to see leaders of men who, instead of teaching humanity to
look outside themselves for help, will teach humanity that it has
power within itself to relieve its own distress. I want to see leaders
who, instead of telling men of their rights, will lead them to take a
full share of their responsibilities.
I do not doubt that the spirit of benevolence is a precious
possession of mankind, but a more precious possession is the spirit
which raises the strength of humanity so that benevolence itself
becomes less of a necessity. He who makes himself strong and calls
upon others to be strong is even more kind and loving of the world
than he who encourages men to seek dependence on forces outside
themselves or upon impracticable plans for new social structures. I
do not doubt the good faith of many of those who put forth theories
of new arrangements of social, economic and international structure,
but they may all be sure that more important than any of these
theories is individual responsibility and the growth and spread of
self-reliance in the home and in the nation.
I do not doubt that we, Italians and Americans, have a full
appreciation of the pity which we ought to confer upon weak or
wailing groups or nations or races which clamour for help or favour;
but I trust that, even in the competition of peace or war, I shall be
the last ever to believe that weak groups or nations or races are
superior or are more worthy of my affection than those who mind
their own business with industry, strength and courage, and stand
upon their own strong legs.
I do not question the motives of many of those who, feeling
affectionate regard for the welfare of their fellow-men, hope for a
structure of society in which international bodies shall hand down
benefactions to communities, and communities shall hand down
benefactions to individuals. I merely point out that some nations,
such as yours and mine, are beginning to believe that these ideas
come out of thoughts which, though easily adopted, are the
offspring of a marriage of benevolence with ignorance. In any
structure of society which can command our respect and our faith
the current of responsibility runs the other way. The doctrine that
the world’s strength arises from the responsibility of the individual is
a sterner doctrine. The leaders of men who insist upon it are those
who will be owed an eternal debt by mankind.
The strength of society must come from the bottom upward. The
world needs now more than anything else the doctrine that the first
place to develop strength is at home, the first duty is the nearest
duty. A strong co-operation of nations can only be made of nations
which are strong nations, a strong nation can only be made of good
and strong individuals.
When one makes the fasces, the first requirement is to find the
individual rods, straight, strong and wiry, such as you have found,
Mr. President, and so skilfully bound together in the strength of
unity. But if they had been rotten sticks you could not have made
the fasces. Unity in action would have been impossible. The rotten
sticks would have fallen to pieces in your fingers.
Mr. President, what the world needs is not better theories and
dreams, but better men to carry them out. The world needs a spirit
which thinks first of responsibilities before it thinks of rights. It was
this spirit which you have done so much to awaken into new life in
Italy.
Not long ago I heard a speech made by a foreigner in Italy who is
used to dealing with economic statistics. He was trying to account
for the new life in Italy on the basis of comparative statistics. I told
him he could not do it until he could produce statistics of the human
spirit. I told him he could not account for everything in Italy until he
could reduce to statistics that wonderful record of the human spirit
which in scarcely more than half a century has created the new Italy.
I told him he would have to account for the number of Italians who
in 1848 and 1859, in the Great War and 1923, had a cause for which
they were willing to die. I told him that I was always a nationalist
before I was an internationalist, and I would go on being a
nationalist, believing in the spirit of strong and upright and generous
nationalism, and believing not in theorising nations or whining
peoples, but in nations and peoples who develop a national spirit so
finely tempered that they offer to the world an example of
organisation, discipline and fair play, because they themselves are
upright and strong men and can contribute valuably to international
co-operation. I said to him that when he could produce statistics on
human virtues and human spirit he would be nearer to
understanding what made progress in the world. I asked him if he
had figures to show the difference between nations which breed
men who are ready to die for their beliefs and nations which produce
no such men. I asked him to put his figures back in his pocket and
go out and talk to the youth of Italy.
Mr. President, the youth of Italy, as in any other country, are the
trustees of the spirit of to-morrow. It is a fact which goes almost
unnoticed, that the training of masses of youth in the spirit of
discipline and fair competition and of loyalty to a cause is largely to
be found in athletic games. It is a fact which almost always is
forgotten, that nations of history or those of to-day which have
engaged in athletic games are the strong nations, and those which
have had no athletics are the weak nations. It is a fact almost
neglected that nations which can express their spirit of competition
in athletics are the nations which have the least destructive
restlessness within and are the most fair and, indeed, are the most
restrained in their dealings with other nations.
Athletic games teach the lesson that every man who competes
must win by reason of his own virtue. No help can come from
without. There is no special privilege for anyone. He who wins does
so by merit alone. Athletic games, whenever they are carried on by
teams, teach the lesson that the individual must put aside his own
interests for the good of his group. There must be a voluntary
submission to discipline and absolute loyalty to a captain in order to
avoid the humiliation of disorganisation and defeat.
Athletic games are not for the weak and complaining, but for the
strong and for the lovers of fair play.
Finally, they furnish oft-repeated lessons of the truth that when
flesh and muscles and material agencies seem about to fail, human
will and human spirit can work miracles of victory.
 Because I believe in these ideals for my own country and for
yours, I offer through you, for the purposes which the Olympic
Committee of Italy will set forth, a small but friendly token of my
deep interest in the youth of Italy. (Loud applause.)
The Italian Prime Minister’s Reply
Mr. Ambassador,—The discourse which your Excellency has
pronounced at this reunion strengthens the bonds of sympathy and
fraternity between Italy and America, and has profoundly interested
me in my capacity as an Italian and as a Fascista. As an Italian,
because you have spoken frank words of cordial approval of the
Government which I have the honour to direct. I have no need to
add that this cordiality is reciprocated by me and by all Italians.
There is no doubt that the elements for a practical collaboration
between the two countries exist. It is only a question of organising
this collaboration. Some things have been done, but more remain to
be done.
I will not surprise your Excellency if I point out, without going into
particulars, a problem which concerns us directly. I speak of the
problem of emigration. I limit myself only to saying that Italy would
greet with satisfaction an opening in the somewhat rigid meshes of
the Immigration Bill, so that there could be an increase in Italian
emigration to North America, and would greet with similar
satisfaction the employment of American capital in Italian
enterprises. As a Fascista, the words of your Excellency have
interested me because they reveal an exact understanding of the
phenomenon and of our movement, and constitute a sympathetic
and powerful vindication of it. This fact is the more remarkable
because the Fascismo movement is so complex that the mind of a
stranger is not always the best adapted to understand it. You, Mr.
Ambassador, constitute the most brilliant exception to this rule. Your
discourse, I say, contains all the philosophy of Fascismo and of the
Fascismo endeavour, interwoven with an exaltation of strength, of
beauty, of discipline, of authority, and of the sense of responsibility.
You have been able to show, Mr. Ambassador, that in spite of the
numerous difficulties of the general situation, Fascismo has kept
faith to its promises given before the “March on Rome.” The time
intervening since those promises were made has been short, so that
only a stupid person would pretend that the work is already
completed. I limit myself to saying that I find corroboration by your
Excellency that it is well begun.
I am certain, Mr. Ambassador, that all Italians will read with
emotion the words which you have pronounced on this memorable
occasion. I ask you especially to believe this. I have heard, just now,
not a discourse in the manner and strain of an ordinary conventional
speech, but a clear and inspiring exposition of the conception of life
and history which animates Italian Fascismo. I do not believe that I
exaggerate when I say that this conception finds strong and
numerous partisans even on the other side of the ocean, among the
citizens of a people who have not the thousands of years of history
behind them which we have, but who march to-day in the vanguard
of human progress. In this affinity of conceptions I find the solid
basis for the fraternal understanding between Italy and America.
The announcement that you, Mr. Ambassador, are giving a wreath of
gold to the Italian youth who will be victor in the next Olympic
competition games will win the hearts of all Italian athletes, and of
these there are, as you know, innumerable legions.
I thank your Excellency in the name of Italian youth, almost all of
whom have put on the “black shirt,” especially the young athletes,
and, at the same time that I encourage the Italo-American Society to
persevere in the execution of its splendid programme, I declare that
my Government will do whatever is necessary to develop and
strengthen the economic and political relations between the United
States and Italy.
I raise my glass to the health of President Harding and the
fortunes of the great American people. (Loud applause.)
 “THE GREATNESS OF THE COUNTRY WILL BE
ACHIEVED BY THE NEW GENERATIONS”
Speech delivered 2nd July 1923 in Rome, at the Palazzo Venezia, before the
schoolboys of Trieste, Nicastro, Castelgandolfo, Vetralla and Perugia and their
masters, who were accompanied by representatives of the Roman “balillas,” and
had come to Rome to pay homage at the tomb of the “Unknown Warrior,” before
which they laid a wreath of beaten iron and kneeling repeated the oath of love
and loyalty to the King and the Country. The Hon. Mussolini with the Minister of
War, General Diaz; the Under-Secretary of State for the Presidency, Hon. Acerbo;
General De Bono, the Director General of Police; Signor Lombardo Radice, the
Director General of Primary Schools, and other officials, greeted them. The Hon.
Mussolini thus addressed the meeting:

On this radiant morning you have offered the capital a magnificent

spectacle. Romans, having lived through many millenniums of
history, are rather slow in being impressed by events and are not
easily to be carried away by excessive enthusiasm. They have
certainly however been filled to-day with admiration at this scene of
promising youth which has been offered them by the schoolboys
here gathered from all parts of Italy and especially from the “Venezia
Giulia,” particularly dear to the heart of all Italians. It was well said
that in the dark pre-war days the schools of the National League and
in general the schools entrusted to Italian masters represented the
centre around which were nursed the hopes and the faith of the
Italian race. I am glad to express to you the feelings of my brotherly
sympathy. I am pleased to add that the National Government, the
Fascista Government, holds in high esteem the scholarly
characteristics and has deep respect for the teachers of all grades, of
all schools.
The Fascista Government feels and knows that the greatness of
the country, to which all of us must consecrate the best of our
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