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 Chapter 7 Exercise Solutions
Exercises With Answers
Orthogonality

1. Without using a calculator or computer find the dot products of (a) w1 and w -1 ,
(b) w1 and w -2 (c) w11 and w 37 , where

é W40 ù
ê ú
ê W4k ú j 2 p /N
wk = ê 2k
ú and WN = e
ê W4 ú
ê W43k úú
êë û

to show that they are orthogonal.

é ù é ù
ê (e )
jp /2 0
ú é ê (e )
jp /2 0
ú é
ê ú ê 1 ùú ê ú ê 1 ùú
ê (e )
jp /2 1
ú ê j ú ê (e )
jp /2 -1
ú ê -j ú
(a) w1 = ê ú=ê w -1 = ê ú=ê
ê (e )
jp /2 2
ú ê -1 úú ê (e )
jp /2 -2
ú ê -1 úú
ê ú êë - j úû ê ú êë j úû
ê
êë (e )
jp /2 3 ú
úû
ê
êë (e )
jp /2 -3 ú
úû
é 1 ù
ê ú
-j
w1H w -1 = é 1 - j -1 j ùê ú = 1- 1+ 1- 1 = 0
ë û ê -1 ú
ê j ú
êë úû

é ù é ù
ê (e )
jp /2 0
ú é ê (e )
jp /2 0
ú
ê ú ê 1 ùú ê jp /2 -2 ú é 1 ù
ê (e )
jp /2 1
ú ê j ú ê (e ) ú ê -1
ú
(b) w1 = ê ú=ê w -2 = ê ú=ê ú
(e ) ú ê -1 úú ê ( e jp /2 ) ú ê ú
jp /2 2 -4
ê 1
ê ú êë - j úû ê ú êë -1 ú
û
ê
êë (e )
jp /2 3 ú
úû
ê ( e jp /2 )-6
êë
ú
úû

Solutions 7-1
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 é 1 ù
ê ú
-1
w1H w -2 = é 1 - j -1 j ùê ú = 1+ j - 1- j = 0
ë ûê 1 ú
ê -1 ú
ë û
é ù é
ê (e )
jp /2 0
( e jp /2 ) ùú é
0
ú é ê
ê ú ê 1 ùú ê ú ê 1 ù
ê (e ) (e ) ú ê j ú
jp /2 11 jp /2 37
ú ê -j ú ê ú
(c) w11 = ê ú=ê w 37 = ê 74 ú
=
ú ê -1 úú
ê ( e jp /2 ) ( e jp /2 ) ú êê -1 ú
22
ê ú
ê ú êë j úû ê ú êë - j úû
ê ( e jp /2 ) 33
ú ê ( e ) úû
jp /2 111 ú
êë úû êë
é 1 ù
ê ú
j
w11 w37 = ë 1 j 1 - j û ê
H é ù ú = 1- 1+ 1- 1 = 0
ê -1 ú
ê ú
êë - j úû

é 11 ù
2. Find the projection p of the vector x = ê ú in the direction of the vector
ë 4 û
é -2 ù
y=ê ú.
ë 1 û

é -2 ù
éë 11 4 ùû ê ú
x yT
ë 1 û é -2 ù -18 é -2 ù é 36 / 5 ù é 2/5 ù
p= T y= ê ú= ê ú=ê ú = 18 ê ú
y y é -2 ù ë 1 û 5 ë 1 û ë -18 / 5 û ë -1 / 5 û
éë -2 1 ùû ê ú
ë 1 û

é 2 ù
ê ú
-3 ú
3. Find the projection p of the vector x = ê in the direction of the vector
ê 1 ú
ê 5 ú
ë û
é 1 ù
ê ú
ê j ú
y= . Then find the DFT of x and compare this result with X [ 3] y / 4 .
ê -1 ú
ê -j ú
êë úû

Solutions 7-2
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 é 1 ù
ê ú
j ú
éë 2 -3 1 5 ùû ê
ê -1 ú é 1 ù é 1 ù é 1 / 4 - j2 ù
ê ê ú
xH y êë - j úú ê j ú 1 - j8 ê j ú ê 2 + j / 4 ú
p= H y= û ê ú= ê ú=
y y é 1 ù ê -1 ú 4 ê -1 ú ê -1 / 4 + j2 ú
ê úê ú ê -j ú ê ú
j ú êë - j úû êë úû êë -2 - j / 4 úû
é 1 - j -1 j ù ê
ë ûê -1 ú
ê - j úúû
êë

X = {5,1+ j8,1,1- j8} Þ X [ 3] = 1- j8

é 1 ù é 1 / 4 - j2 ù
ê ú ê ú
1 - j8 ê j ú ê 2 + j / 4 ú
X [ 3] y/ 4 = =
4 ê -1 ú ê -1 / 4 + j2 ú
ê -j ú ê ú
êë úû êë -2 - j / 4 úû

Discrete Fourier Transform

4. A periodic discrete-time signal with fundamental period N = 3 has the values

x [1] = 7 , x [ 2 ] = -3 , x [ 3] = 1 . If , find the
magnitude and angle (in radians) of X [1] .

N -1 2
X [ k ] = å x [ n ] e- j 2 p kn/N = å x [ n ] e- j 2 p kn/3
n=0 n=0

2
X [1] = å x [ n ] e- j 2 p n/3 = x [ 0 ] + x [1] e- j 2 p /3 + x [ 2 ] e- j 4 p /3
n=0

X [1] = 1+ 7e- j 2 p /3 - 3e- j 4 p /3 = -1- j8.66 = 8.7178Ð - 1.6858

5. Using the direct summation formula find DFT harmonic function of d 10 [ n ] with
N = 10 and compare it with the DFT given in the table.
4
X[ k ] = å d 10 [ n ] e- j 2 p kn/10 = å d [ n] e
10
- j 2 p kn/10
= 1 = d1 [ k ]
n= 10 n=-5

Solutions 7-3
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
6. Without using a computer, find the forward DFT of the following sequence of data
and then find the inverse DFT of that sequence and verify that you get back the
original sequence.

{x [ 0 ],x [1],x [ 2 ],x [ 3]} = { 3, 4,1,- 2}

N -1
X [ k ] = å x [ n ] e- j 2 p nk /N
n=0

3
X [ 0 ] = å x [ n ] = 3 + 4 + 1- 2 = 6
n=0
3
X [1] = å x [ n ] e- jp n/2 = 3 - j4 - 1- j2 = 2 - j6
n=0
3
X [ 2 ] = å x [ n ] e- jp n = 3 - 4 + 1+ 2 = 2
n=0
3
X [ 3] = å x [ n ] e- j 3n/2 = 3 + j4 - 1+ j2 = 2 + j6
n=0

3
x [ 0 ] = (1 / 4 ) å X [ k ] = (1 / 4 ) [ 6 + 2 - j6 + 2 + 2 + j6 ] = 3
k=0
3
x [1] = (1 / 4 ) å X [ k ] e jp k/2 = (1 / 4 ) éë 6 + j ( 2 - j6 ) - 2 - j ( 2 + j6 ) ùû = 4
k=0
3
.
x [ 2 ] = (1 / 4 ) å X [ k ] e jp k
= (1 / 4 ) éë 6 - ( 2 - j6 ) + 2 - ( 2 + j6 ) ùû = 1
k=0
3
x [ 3] = (1 / 4 ) å X [ k ] e j 3p k/2 = (1 / 4 ) éë 6 - j ( 2 - j6 ) - 2 + j ( 2 + j6 ) ùû = -2
k=0

7. A signal x is sampled 8 times. The samples are

These samples are sent to a DFT algorithm and the output from that
algorithm is X, a set of 8 numbers .

(a) In terms of a,b,c,d,e, f , g and h what is X [ 0 ] ?

X[ 0 ] = a + b + c + d + e + f + g + h

Solutions 7-4
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 (b) In terms of a,b,c,d,e, f , g and h what is X [ 4 ] ?

X[ 4 ] = a - b + c - d + e - f + g - h

(c) If X [ 3] = 2 - j5 , what is the numerical value of X [ -3] ?

X [ -3] = X* [ 3] Þ X [ -3] = 2 + j5

(d) If X [ 5 ] = 3e- jp /3 , what is the numerical value of X [ -3] ?

X [ -3] = X [ -3 + 8 ] = X [ 5 ] = 3e- jp /3

(e) If X [ 5 ] = 9e j 3p /4 , what is the numerical value of X [ 3] ?

X [ 3] = X [ 3 - 8 ] = X [ -5 ] = X* [ 5 ] = 9e- j 3p /4

8. A discrete-time periodic signal with fundamental period N 0 = 6 has the values

x [ 4 ] = 3 , x [ 9 ] = -2 , x [ -1] = 1 , x [14 ] = 5 , x [ 24 ] = -3 , x [ 7 ] = 9 .

Also, .

(a) Find x [ -5 ] . x [ -5 ] = x [ -5 + 2 ´ 6 ] = x [ 7 ] = 9

(b) Find x [ 322 ] . x [ 322 ] = x [ 322 - 53 ´ 6 ] = x [ 4 ] = 3

(c) Find X [ 2 ] .

N -1 5 5
X [ k ] = å x [ n ] e- j 2 p kn/N = å x [ n ] e- jp kn/3 Þ X [ 2 ] = å x [ n ] e- j 2 p n/3
n=0 n=0 n=0

ìïx [ 0 + 4 ´ 6 ] + x [1+ 6 ] e- j 2 p /3 + x [ 2 + 2 ´ 6 ] e- j 4 p /3 üï
X[ 2 ] = í ý
ïî+ x [ 3 + 6 ] + x [ 4 ] e + x [ 5 - 6 ] e- j10 p /3
- j 8 p /3
ïþ

X [ 2 ] = -3 + 9e- j 2 p /3 + 5e- j 4 p /3 - 2 + 3e- j 8 p /3 + e- j10 p /3

Solutions 7-5
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 X [ 2 ] = 14.9332e-2.7862

9. Find the numerical values of the literal constants in

(a) .

Using

with m = 1 , n0 = -3 , n1 = 2 , N = 12

A = 40 , b = jp / 6 , c = 1 /12 , D = 5

(b)

X [ k ] = 5e- j 2 p k( 2 )/8 = 5e- jp k/2

A=5 a = -1/2

(c)

X [ k ] = jA (d 4 [ k + a ] - d 4 [ k - a ])

X [ k ] = e- j 2p k( -1)/4 - e- j 2p k(1)/4

X [ k ] = e jp k/2 - e- jp k/2 = j2sin (p k / 2 )

For even k X [ k ] = 0 , for X [ k ] = j2 and for

X [ k ] = - j2

Therefore X [ k ] = j2 (d 4 [ k + 1] - d 4 [ k - 1])

Solutions 7-6
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 A=2 a=1

10. The signal x [ n ] = 1 has a fundamental period N 0 = 1 .

(a) Find its DFT harmonic function using that fundamental period as the
representation time.

ìx [ n / 4 ] , n / 4 an integer
(b) Now let z [ n ] = í . Find the DFT harmonic
î0 , otherwise
function for z [ n ] using its fundamental period as the representation time.

ìï x é n / m ùû , n / m an integer
z éë n ùû = í ë , N ® mN Þ Z éë k ùû = X éë k ùû
îï0 , otherwise

\ Z [ k ] = X [ k ] = Nd N [ k ]

(c) Verify that z [ 0 ] = 1 and that z [1] = 0 by using the DFT representation of
z[ n] .
1
z [ n ] = å Z [ k ] e j 2p kn/N
N k= N
1 1+ 1+ 1+ 1
z [ 0 ] = å 1e0 = =1
4 k= 4 4
2p k
1 1 æ 0 j p2 3p
ö 1
z [1] = å ÷ø = 4 (1+ j - 1- j ) = 0
j j
jp
e 4
= ç e + e + e + e 2
N k= 4 4è

11. If x [ n ] = tri ( n / 3) and x p [ n ] = x [ n ] * d10 [ n ] and ,

what is the numerical value of X p [ 0 ] ?

X p [ 0 ] is the average value of x p [ n ] . The average value of any periodic

signal is the sum of the impulse strengths in one period, divided by the
period. In this case

1 4 1 3
X p [0] = å
10 n=-5
tri ( n / 3 ) = å tri( n / 3)
10 n=-3

Solutions 7-7
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 0 + 1 / 3 + 2 / 3 + 1+ 2 / 3 + 1 / 3 + 0
X p [0] = = 0.3
10
12. Find the DFT harmonic function of x [ n ] = ( u [ n ] - u [ n - 20 ]) * d 20 [ n ] using its
fundamental period as the representation time. There are at least two ways of
computing X [ k ] and one of them is much easier than the other. Find the easy
way.

x [ n ] is just the constant one. Therefore X [ k ] = 20d 20 [ k ] .

13. For each of these signals find the DFT over one fundamental period and show that
X [ N 0 / 2 ] is real.

(a) x [ n ] = ( u [ n + 2 ] - u [ n - 3]) * d 12 [ n ]
Using

X [ k ] = 5 drcl ( k /12,5 )
æ 6 ö sin ( 5p / 2 )
X [ 6 ] = X [ k ] = 5 drcl ç ,5 ÷ = =1 , Real.
è 12 ø sin ( p / 2 )

(b) x [ n ] = ( u [ n + 3] - u [ n - 2 ]) * d 12 [ n ]

X [ k ] = 5 drcl ( k /12,5 ) e jp k/6

æ 6 ö sin ( 5p / 2 ) jp
X [ 6 ] = 5 drcl ç ,5 ÷ e jp 6/6 = e = -1 , Real
è 12 ø sin (p / 2 )

(c) x [ n ] = cos (14p n /16 ) cos ( 2p n /16 )

x [ n ] = (1 / 2 ) éë cos (12p n /16 ) + cos (16p n /16 ) ùû

x [ n ] = (1 / 2 ) éë cos ( 2p n ( 3 / 8 ) ) + cos ( p n ) ùû

é ù
x [ n ] = (1 / 2 ) cos ( 2p n ( 3 / 8 )) + cos ( p n ) ú
ê
ê 1442443 12 4 4 3ú
ë14444 N 01 =8
4244444
N 02 =2
3û
N 0 =8

Solutions 7-8
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 The fundamental periods of the two individual functions that are multiplied
are both 16 but the fundamental period of the product is 8.

Alternate Solution:

From the table of DFT pairs

From the table of DFT properties

Using N = 16 and m = 1

X [ k ] = 4 (d 16 [ k - 7 ] + d 16 [ k + 7 ]) * (d [ k - 1] + d [ k + 1])

X [ k ] = 4 (d 16 [ k - 8 ] + d 16 [ k - 6 ] + d 16 [ k + 6 ] + d 16 [ k + 8 ])

This is the DFT based on N = 16 . If we now convert it to a DFT

based on N = 8 , we get

X [ k ] = 2 ( d 8 [ k - 4 ] + d 8 [ k - 3] + d 8 [ k + 3] + d 8 [ k + 4 ] )

because when we halve the fundamental period what was at the

second harmonic (k = 2) is now at the fundamental (k = 1) and all the
other even harmonics move to a new harmonic number that is half the
old one. (There cannot be any odd harmonics because the
fundamental period really is 8.) Also because d 8 [ k - 4 ] = d 8 [ k + 4 ] ,
this result can also be expressed as

Solutions 7-9
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 X [ k ] = 2 ( 2d 8 [ k - 4 ] + d 8 [ k - 3] + d 8 [ k + 3])
Then

X [ 4 ] = 2 ( 2d 8 [ 0 ] + d 8 [1] + d 8 [ 7 ]) = 4

Real.

æ 2p ( n - 3) ö
(d) x [ n ] = cos (12p n /14 ) cos ç ÷ø
è 14

The multiplication-convolution property is

{ }
X [ k ] = ( 49 /14 ) (d 14 [ k - 6 ] + d 14 [ k + 6 ]) * (d [ k - 1] + d [ k + 1]) e- j 3p k/7

X [ k ] = ( 49 /14 ) (d 14 [ k - 7 ] + d 14 [ k - 5 ] + d 14 [ k + 5 ] + d 14 [ k + 7 ]) e- j 3p k/7

X [ 7 ] = ( 49 /14 ) (d 14 [ 0 ] + d 14 [ 2 ] + d 14 [12 ] + d 14 [14 ]) e- j 3p = -98 /14 = -7

Real

Discrete-Time Fourier Transform Definition

14. From the summation definition, find the DTFT of

x [ n ] = 10 ( u [ n + 4 ] - u [ n - 5 ])

and compare with the DTFT table.

¥ ¥
X ( e jW ) =
4

å x [ n ] e- jWn = å 10 ( u [ n + 4 ] - u [ n - 5 ]) e- jWn = 10 å e- jWn

n=-¥ n=-¥ n=-4

Let m = n + 4 . Then

Solutions 7-10
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 1- e- j 9W
X( e ) = 10 å e
8 8
jW - jW( m-4 )
= 10e j 4W
åe - jWm
= 10e j 4W

1- e- jW
m=0 m=0

e- j 9W/2 e j 9W/2 - e- j 9W/2 sin ( 9W / 2 )

X ( e jW ) = 10e j 4 W = 10 = 90 drcl ( W / 2p ,9 )
e - jW/2
e - jW/2
-e - jW/2
sin ( W / 2 )

From the table,

15. From the definition, derive a general expression for the W form of the DTFT of
functions of the form

x [ n ] = a n sin ( W0 n ) u [ n ] , a < 1 .

Compare with the DTFT table.

¥ ¥
e jW0n - e- jW0n - jWn
X ( e jW ) = å a n sin ( W0 n ) u [ n ] e- jWn = åa n e
n=-¥ n=0 j2

) = (1 / j2 ) å { éëa e ( } , a <1
¥
X( e j W 0 -W )
ù - éa e- j( W0 +W ) ù
n n
jW
û ë û
n=0

é ù
X ( e jW ) = ( - j / 2 ) ê
1 1
j ( W 0 -W )
- - j ( W 0 +W ) ú
, a <1
ë 1- a e 1- a e û

é j2a e- jW sin ( W 0 ) ù
X( e ) = (- j / 2) ê
jW
2 - j 2W ú
, a <1
ë 1- 2a e cos ( W 0 ) + a e
- jW
û

a e jW sin ( W 0 )
X ( e ) = j 2W
jW
, a <1
e - 2a e jW cos ( W 0 ) + a 2

Solutions 7-11
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
16. Given the DTFT pairs below convert them from the radian frequency form to the
cyclic frequency form using W = 2p F without doing any inverse DTFT's.

(a)

(b)

Using the scaling property of the periodic impulse,

( ) ( )
d T a ( t - t0 ) = 1/ a d T / a ( t - t0 ) , we get

or

17. If x [ n ] = n 2 ( u [ n ] - u [ n - 3]) and ( )

, what is X e jW
W=0
?

¥ ¥ ¥
X ( e jW ) = å x [ n ] e- jWn Þ X ( e jW )W=0 = å x[n] = å n ( u [ n ] - u [ n - 3] )
2

n=-¥ n=-¥ n=-¥

X ( e jW )W=0 = å n 2 = 0 + 1+ 4 = 5
2

n=0

Forward and Inverse Discrete-Time Fourier Transforms

18. A signal is defined by

Solutions 7-12
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 x [ n ] = sinc ( n / 8 ) .

Graph the magnitude and phase of the DTFT of x [ n - 2 ] .

From the table of transform pairs,

or

19. If X ( F ) = 3 éëd 1 ( F - 1 / 4 ) + d 1 ( F +1 / 4 ) ùû - j4 éëd 1 ( F + 1 / 9 ) - d ( F - 1 / 9 ) ùû and

, what is the fundamental period of x [ n ]?

x [ n ] = 6 cos ( 2p n / 4 ) - 8 sin ( 2p n / 9 )

The fundamental period of x [ n ] is the least common multiple of the

fundamental periods of the sine and cosine which are added to form it.
The least common multiple of 4 and 9 is 36.

Solutions 7-13
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
20. If X ( F ) = d 1 ( F - 1 /10 ) + d 1 ( F + 1 /10 ) + d 1/16 ( F ) and , what is
the fundamental period of x [ n ]?

or

Fundamental period is the least common multiple of 10 and 16 which is

80.

21. Graph the magnitude and phase of the DTFT of

x [ n ] = ( u [ n + 4 ] - u [ n - 5 ]) * cos ( 2p n / 6 ) .
Then graph x [ n ] .

From the table,

and

X ( F ) = 9 drcl ( F,9 ) ´ (1 / 2 ) éëd 1 ( F -1 / 6 ) + d 1 ( F + 1 / 6 ) ùû

Solutions 7-14
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 Since both functions are periodic with period, one, at every impulse in the periodic
impulse the value of the Dirichlet function will be the same.

X ( F ) = ( 9 / 2 ) éë drcl (1 / 6,9 )d 1 ( F - 1 / 6 ) + drcl ( -1 / 6,9 )d 1 ( F + 1 / 6 ) ùû

X ( F ) = ( 9 / 2 ) drcl (1 / 6, 9 ) éëd 1 ( F - 1 / 6 ) + d 1 ( F + 1 / 6 ) ùû
14243
sin( 3p /2 )
=-2/9
9 sin( p /6 )

X ( F ) = - éëd 1 ( F - 1 / 6 ) + d 1 ( F + 1 / 6 ) ùû
Then, using

and, therefore,
x [ n ] = -2 cos ( 2p n / 6 )

x[n] |X( F )|
1
2

-1 1
F
-12 12
n Phase of X( F )|
p
-2 -1 1
F
-p

22. Graph the inverse DTFT of .

From the table,

and

Therefore

and

Therefore using multiplication-convolution duality,

Solutions 7-15
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 x [ n ] = (1 / 4 ) sinc ( n / 4 ) d 2 [ n ] .

x[n]
0.25

n
-16 16
-0.1

23. Let X e ( ) = 4p - j6p sin ( 2W ) .

jW
Its inverse DTFT is x [ n ]. Find the numerical value

of x éë n ùû for -3 £ n < 3 .

e j 2 W - e- j 2 W
X ( e ) = 4p - j6p
jW
= 4p - 3p ( e j 2 W - e- j 2 W )
j2

x [ n ] = 2d [ n ] - ( 3 / 2 ) (d [ n + 2 ] - d [ n - 2 ])

n -3 -2 -1 0 1 2
x [ n] 0 -3 / 2 0 2 0 3/2

24. ( ) ( )
A signal x éë n ùû has a DTFT , X F = 5drcl F,5 . What is its signal energy?

Using

(
x éë n ùû = 2 u éë n + 2 ùû - u éë n - 3ùû . )
¥

å 2 ( u éë n + 2 ùû - u éë n - 3ùû )
2
= 4 å 1 = 20
2
Ex =
n=-¥ n=-2

25. Find the numerical values of the literal constants.

(a)

Find A, W and B.

Solutions 7-16
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 n0 + n1 = 1 and n1 - n0 = 5 Þ n0 = -2 and n1 = 3

A = 10 , W = 2 , B = -2

(b) Find A and B.

2d 15 [ n - 3]( u [ n + 3] - u [ n - 4 ]) = 2d [ n - 3]

A = 2 , B = -3

(c) Find A, B and a .

A = 9 / 4 , B = 2, a = 2 / 3

Solutions 7-17
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 (d) Find A and B.

A = 40 , B = 10

(e)

A = 5 , a = 5 / 28 = 0.1786

(f)

A = - j8 , a = 6p = 18.85

(g)

Solutions 7-18
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 Using with
n0 = -3 , n1 = 2 and W = 2p F

A = 40 , b = j , c = 1 / 2p , D = 5

(h)

A = j196p , a = 1/ 2p , b = 7 , c = p / 6

(i)

éd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) ù ìïd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) - d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) üï
j42drcl ( F,5) ê ú e j 4p F = A í ý
êë -d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) úû ïî- j éëd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) + d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) ùû ïþ

éd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) ù é drcl ( -1/ 16,5) e- jp /4d 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) ù

j42drcl ( F,5) ê úe j 4p F
= j42 ê ú
êë -d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) úû êë - drcl (1/ 16,5) e d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) úû
jp /4

Solutions 7-19
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 é 1- j ù
éd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) ù ê d 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) ú
j42drcl ( F,5) ê ú e j 4p F = j42drcl (1/ 16,5) ê
2 ú
êë -d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) úû ê 1+ j ú
d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) ú
ê-
ë 2 û
éd 1 F +1/ 16 ù ( ) (
35.8006 éd 1 F + 1/ 16 - d 1 F - 1/ 16 ) ( ù )
(
j42drcl F,5 ê ) ú e j 4p F = j ê ú
êë -d 1 F -1/ 16 úû ( ) (
2 êë - jd 1 F + 1/ 16 - jd 1 F -1/ 16 úû ) ( )
éd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) ù ìïd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) - d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) üï
j42drcl ( F,5) ê úe j 4p F
= j25.3148 í ý
êë -d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) úû ïî- j éëd 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) + d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) ùû ïþ
A = j25.3148
(j)

N 0 = 16

36 ìï(1- j ) d 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) üï é e- j 2p n0 /16d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) ù
j í ý = ( A / 2 ) ê j 2p n0 /16 ú
2 ïî- (1+ j ) d 1 ( F - 1/ 16 ) ïþ êë +e d 1 ( F + 1/ 16 ) úû

j
36
(1- j ) = ( A / 2) e j 2 p n0 /16
, - j
36
(1+ j ) = ( A / 2) e - j 2 p n0 /16

2 2

Dividing the first equation by the second,

1- j e j 2p n0 /16 1- j j 4 p n /16
- = - j 2p n /16 Þ - =e 0
1+ j e 0
1+ j

e- jp /4
- jp /4
= e j 4p n0 /16 Þ -e- jp /2 = e j 4p n0 /16 Þ e jp /2 = e j 4p n0 /16 Þ n0 = 2
e

Solutions 7-20
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 j
36
(1- j ) = ( A / 2) e jp /4
= ( A / 2)
1+ j
2 2

26. Given the DTFT pair and

ìx [ n / 2 ] , n / 2 an integer
y[n] = í , find the magnitude and phase of Y e jW ( ) W=p /4
.
î0 , otherwise

Using

Y ( e jW )W=p /4 =
10 10
- jp /2
= = 8.575Ð - 0.5404 radians
1- 0.6e 1+ j0.6

27. Let , a phase-shifted triangle in the

range -1 / 2 < F < 1 / 2 that repeats that pattern periodically, with fundamental
period one. Also let

ìx [ n / 3] , if n / 3 is an integer
y[ n] = í
î0 , if n / 3 is not an integer

and let .

(a) Find the magnitude and angle (in radians) of X 0.3 . ( )

X ( 0.3) = 8 tri ( 0.6 ) e- j 2 p ( 0.3) = 3.2Ð - 1.885

(b) Find the magnitude and angle (in radians) of X ( 2.2 ) .

Taking advantage of the periodicity of X ( F )

X ( 2.2 ) = X ( 2.2 - 2 ) = X ( 0.2 ) = 8 tri ( 0.4 ) e- j 2 p ( 0.2 ) = 4.8Ð - 1.2566 .

Solutions 7-21
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 (c) What is the fundamental period of Y ( F ) ?
Use the property

Y ( F ) is a compressed version of X ( F ) and the compression factor is 3.

So the value of X ( F ) at F = 1 / 2 is the same as the value of Y ( F ) at
F = 1 / 6 and the fundamental period of Y ( F ) is therefore 1/3.

Alternate Solution: Y ( F ) = X ( 3F ) = 8 tri ( 6F ) e- j 6 p F * d 1 ( 3F )

Using the scaling property of the periodic impulse and the scaling property
of convolution

Y ( F ) = 3 ´ 8 tri ( 6F ) e- j 6 p F * (1 / 3) d 1/3 ( F ) = 8 tri ( 6F ) e- j 6 p F * d 1/3 ( F )

(d) Find the magnitude and angle (in radians) of Y ( 0.55 ) .

Using the fact that the fundamental period is 1/3,

Y ( 0.55 ) = Y ( 0.55 - 2 / 3) = Y ( -0.1167 )

Y ( 0.55 ) = 8 tri ( -6 ´ 0.1167 ) e j 6 p ´0.1167 = 2.3984Ð2.1997

28. A signal x [ n ] has a DTFT X ( F ) . Some of the values of x [ n ] are

n -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6
.
x [ n ] -8 2 1 -5 7 9 8 2 3

Let Y ( F ) = X ( 2F ) with . Find the numerical values of

y [ n ] for -2 £ n < 4 .

Using

Solutions 7-22
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 n -2 -1 0 1 2 3
y[ n] 2 0 1 0 -5 0

29. Using the differencing property of the DTFT and the transform pair,

find the DTFT of (1 / 2 ) (d [ n + 1] + d [ n ] - d [ n - 1] - d ( n - 2 ) ) . Compare it with

Fourier transform found using the table.

The first backward difference of tri ( n / 2 ) is

(1 / 2 ) (d [ n + 1] + d [ n ] - d [ n - 1] - d [ n - 2 ]) . Applying the differencing
property,

Other route to the DTFT:

Check.

30. A signal is described by

ìln ( n + 1) , 0 £ n < 10
ï
x [ n ] = í- ln ( -n + 1) , - 10 < n < 0
ï0 , otherwise
î

Solutions 7-23
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 Graph the magnitude and phase of its DTFT over the range -p £ W < p .

This can only be done numerically using the DFT to approximate the DTFT. The
approximation is

N -1
X ( e jW )W®2 p k/N = X ( e j 2 p k/N ) @ å x [ n ] e- j 2 p nk/N
n=0

n0 = -9 ;
n1 = 9 ;
n = [n0:n1]' ; % Vector of discrete-time indices for x[n]
N = length(n) ; % Number of points used to represent x[n]
% Compute x[n]
x = [-log(-n(1:9)+1);log(n(10:end)+1)] ;
% Zero-pad the time domain function to increase frequency domain resolution
padFac = 32 ;
Npad = N*padFac ;
nextra = [n1+1:n1+(Npad-N)]' ;
npad = [n;nextra] ;
xpad = [x;zeros(Npad-N,1)] ;
Npad = length(npad) ; % Number of values used to represent x[n]
Xpad = fft(xpad) ; % DFT of x is the approximation to DTFT of x
kpad = [0:Npad-1]' ; % Harmonic numbers in the range 0 through N-1
Xpad = Xpad.*exp(-j*2*pi*kpad*n0/Npad) % Compensate for the fact that x starts
at n=-9, not n=0
% Rearrange k and X for a range of frequencies centered at zero
kpad0 = -floor(Npad/2) ;
kpad = kpad0 + [0:Npad-1]' ;
Wpad = 2*pi*kpad/Npad ; % Vector of discrete-time radian frequencies
Xpad = fftshift(Xpad) ; % Rearrange X for frequencies centered at zero

% Graph the results

figure('Position',[20,20,1500,1500],'PaperPosition',[0.5,0.5,10,10]) ;
subplot(3,1,1) ;
ptr = stem(n,x,'k','filled') ;
set(ptr,'LineWidth',2,'MarkerSize',4) ; grid on ;
xlabel('\itn','FontName','Times','FontSize',24) ;
ylabel('x[{\itn}]','FontName','Times','FontSize',24) ;
set(gca,'FontName','Times','FontSize',18) ;
subplot(3,1,2)
ptr = plot(Wpad,abs(Xpad),'k') ;
set(ptr,'LineWidth',2,'MarkerSize',4) ; grid on ;
xlabel('\Omega','FontName','Times','FontSize',24) ;
ylabel('|X({\ite}^{{\itj}\Omega})|','FontName','Times','FontSize',24) ;
set(gca,'FontName','Times','FontSize',18) ;
subplot(3,1,3)
ptr = plot(Wpad,angle(Xpad),'k') ;
set(ptr,'LineWidth',2,'MarkerSize',4) ; grid on ;
xlabel('\Omega','FontName','Times','FontSize',24) ;
ylabel('Phase of X({\ite}^{{\itj}\Omega})','FontName','Times','FontSize',24) ;
set(gca,'FontName','Times','FontSize',18) ;

Solutions 7-24
Copyright © McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior
written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
 4

x[n]
0

-2

-4
-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0 2 4 6 8 10
n
30
|X(ej )|

20
W

10

0
-4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4
W
2
Phase of X(ej )
W

-1

-2
-4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4
W

Exercises Without Answers in Text

Discrete Fourier Transform

é 3 ù é 9 ù
ê ú ê ú
ê -j ú ê -4 + j ú
31. If x = and y = find x H y.
ê 3+ j ú ê -5 ú
ê ú ê 2 + j7 ú
ë 7 û ë û
é 9 ù
ê ú
-4 + j ú
x H y = éë 3 j 3- j 7 ùû ê
ê -5 ú
ê 2 + j7 ú
ë û

x H y = 27 - j4 - 1- 15 + j5 + 14 + j49 = 25 + j50 = 5.5902e j1.107

32. Fill in the blanks with correct numbers for this DFT harmonic function of a real-
valued signal with N = 8 .
Solutions 7-25
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written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
Other documents randomly have
different content
are soon on the cars, steaming away toward the great camp,
whither the company already has gone.
"See, Harry, there is your camp!" And looking out of the car-window,
across the river, I catch, through the tall tree tops, as we rush along,
glimpses of my first camp,—acres and acres of canvas, stretching
away into the dim and dusty distance, occupied, as I shall soon find,
by some ten or twenty thousand soldiers, coming and going
continually, marching and countermarching, until they have ground
the soil into the driest and deepest dust I ever saw.
I shall never forget my first impressions of camp life as father and I
passed the sentry at the gate. They were anything but pleasant; and
I could not but agree with the remark of my father, that "the life of a
soldier must be a hard life indeed." For as we entered that great
camp, I looked into an A tent, the front flap of which was thrown
back, and saw enough to make me sick of the housekeeping of a
soldier. There was nothing in that tent but dirt and disorder, pans
and kettles, tin cups and cracker-boxes, forks and bayonet-
scabbards, greasy pork and broken hard-tack in utter confusion, and
over all and everywhere that insufferable dust. Afterward, when we
got into the field, our camps in summer-time were models of
cleanliness, and in winter models of comfort, as far, at least, as axe
and broom could make them so; but this, the first camp I ever saw,
was so abominable, that I have often wondered it did not frighten
the fever out of me.
But once among the men of the company, all this was soon
forgotten. We had supper,—hard-tack and soft bread, boiled pork
and strong coffee (in tin cups),—fare that father thought "one could
live on right well, I guess;" and then the boys came around and
begged father to let me go; "they would take care of Harry; never
you fear for that;" and so helped on my cause, that that night, about
eleven o'clock, when we were in the railroad station together, on the
way home, father said,—
"Now, Harry, my boy, you are not enlisted yet. I am going home on
this train; you can go home with me now, or go with the boys.
Which will you do?"
To which the answer came quickly enough,—too quickly and too
eagerly, I have often since thought, for a father's heart to bear it
well,—
"Papa, I'll go with the boys!"
"Well, then, good by, my boy! And may God bless you and bring you
safely back to me again!"
The whistle blew "Off brakes!" the car-door closed on father, and I
did not see him again for three long, long years!
Often and often as I have thought over these things since, I have
never been able to come to any other conclusion than this: that it
was the "war-fever" that carried me off, and that made poor father
let me go. For that "war-fever" was a terrible malady in those days.
Once you were taken with it, you had a very fire in the bones until
your name was down on the enlistment-roll. There was Andy, for
example, my schoolfellow, and afterward my messmate for three
ever-memorable years. I have had no time to tell you how Andy
came to be with us; but with us he surely was, notwithstanding he
had so stoutly asserted his determination to quit thinking about the
war and stick to his books.
He was on his way to school the very morning the company was
leaving the village, with no idea of going along; but seeing this, that,
and the other acquaintance in line, what did he do but run across
the street to an undertaker's shop, cram his school-books through
the broken window, take his place in line, and march off with the
boys without so much as saying good by to the folks at home! And
he did not see his Cæsar and Greek grammar again for three years.
 CHAPTER II.
FIRST DAYS IN CAMP.

Our first camp was located on the outskirts of Harrisburg, Pa., and
was called "Camp Curtin." It was so named in honor of Governor
Andrew G. Curtin, the "War Governor" of the State of Pennsylvania,
who was regarded by the soldiers of his State with a patriotic
enthusiasm second only to that with which they, in common with all
the troops of the Northern States, greeted the name of Abraham
Lincoln.
Camp Curtin was not properly a camp of instruction. It was rather a
mere rendezvous for the different companies which had been
recruited in various parts of the State. Hither the volunteers came by
hundreds and thousands for the purpose of being mustered into the
service, uniformed and equipped, assigned to regiments, and
shipped to the front as rapidly as possible. Only they who witnessed
it can form any idea of the patriotic ardor, amounting often to a wild
enthusiasm, with which volunteering went on in those days.
Companies were often formed, and their muster-rolls filled, in a
week, sometimes in a few days. The contagion of enlisting and
"going to the war" was in the very atmosphere. You could scarcely
accompany a friend to a way station on any of the main lines of
travel, without seeing the future wearers of blue coats at the car-
windows and on the platforms. Very frequently whole trains were
filled with them, speeding away to the State capital as swift as
steam could carry them. They poured into Harrisburg, company by
company, usually in citizens' clothes, and marched out of the town a
week or so later, regiment by regiment, all glorious in bright new
uniforms and glistening bayonets, transformed in a few days from
citizens into soldiers, and destined for deeds of high endeavor on
many a bloody field.
Shortly after our arrival in camp, Andy and I went to town to
purchase such articles as we supposed a soldier would be likely to
need,—a gum-blanket, a journal, a combination knife, fork, and
spoon, and so on to the end of the list. To our credit I have it to
record that we turned a deaf ear to the solicitations of a certain
dealer in cutlery who insisted on selling us each a revolver, and an
ugly looking bowie-knife in a bright red morocco sheath.
"Shentlemens, shust de ting you vill need ven you goes into de
battle. Ah, see dis knife, how it shines! Look at dis very fine
revolfer!"
But Moses entreated in vain, while his wife stood at the shop-door
looking at some regiment marching down the street to the depot,
weeping as if her heart would break, and wiping her eyes with the
corner of her apron from time to time.
"Ah, de poor boys!" said she. "Dere dey go again, off to de great
war, away from deir homes, and deir mutters, deir wives and deir
sweethearts, all to be kilt in de battle! Dey will nefer any more coom
back. Oh, it is so wicked!"
But the drums rattled on, and the crowd on the sidewalk gazed and
cheered, and Moses behind his counter smiled pleasantly as he cried
up his wares and went on selling bowie-knives and revolvers to kill
men with, while his wife went on weeping and lamenting because
men would be killed in the wicked war, and "nefer any more coom
back." The firm of Moses and wife struck us as a very strange
combination of business and sentiment. I do not know how many
knives and pistols Moses sold, nor how many tears his good wife
shed, but if she wept whenever a regiment marched down the street
to the depot, her eyes must have been turned into a river of tears;
for the tap of the drum and the tramp of the men resounded along
the streets of the capital by day and by night, until people grew so
used to it that they scarcely noticed it any more.
The tide of volunteering was at the full during those early fall days of
1862. But the day came at length when the tide began to turn.
Various expedients were then resorted to for the purpose of
stimulating the flagging zeal of Pennsylvania's sons. At first the
tempting bait of large bounties was presented—county bounties, city
bounties, State and United States bounties—some men towards the
close of the war receiving as much as one thousand dollars, and
never smelling powder at that. At last drafting was of necessity
resorted to, and along with drafting came all the miseries of "hiring
substitutes," and so making merchandise of a service of which it is
the chief glory that it shall be free.
But in the fall of '62 there had been no drafting yet, and large
bounties were unknown—and unsought. Most of us were taken quite
by surprise when, a few days after our arrival in camp, we were told
that the County Commissioners had come down for the purpose of
paying us each the magnificent sum of fifty dollars. At the same
time, also, we learned that the United States Government would pay
us each one hundred dollars additional, of which, however, only
twenty-five were placed in our hands at once. The remaining
seventy-five were to be received only by those who might safely
pass through all the unknown dangers which awaited us, and live to
be mustered out with the regiment three years later.
Well, it was no matter then. What cared we for bounty? It seemed a
questionable procedure, at all events, this offering of money as a
reward for an act which, to be a worthy act at all, asks not and
needs not the guerdon of gold. We were all so anxious to enter the
service, that, instead of looking for any artificial helps in that
direction, our only concern was lest we might be rejected by the
examining surgeon and not be admitted to the ranks.
For soon after our arrival, and before we were mustered into the
service, every man was thoroughly examined by a medical officer,
who had us presented to him one by one, in puris naturalibus, in a
large tent, where he sharply questioned us—"Teeth sound? Eyes
good? Ever had this, that, and the other disease?"—and pitiable was
the case of that unfortunate man who, because of bad hearing, or
defective eyesight, or some other physical blemish, was compelled to
don his citizen's clothes again and take the next train for home.
After having been thoroughly examined, we were mustered into the
service. We were all drawn up in line. Every man raised his right
hand while an officer recited the oath. It took only a few minutes,
but when it was over one of the boys exclaimed: "Now, fellows, I'd
like to see any man go home if he dare. We belong to Uncle Sam
now."
Of the one thousand men drawn up in line there that day, some lived
to come back three years later and be drawn up in line again, almost
on that identical spot, for the purpose of being mustered out of the
service. And how many do you think there were? Not more than one
hundred and fifty.
As we now belonged to Uncle Sam, it was to be expected that he
would next proceed to clothe us. This he punctually did a few days
after the muster. We had no little merriment when we were called
out and formed in line and marched up to the quartermaster's
department at one side of the camp to draw our uniforms. There
were so many men to be uniformed, and so little time in which to do
it, that the blue clothes were passed out to us almost regardless of
the size and weight of the prospective wearer. Each man received a
pair of pantaloons, a coat, cap, overcoat, shoes, blanket, and
underwear, of which latter the shirt was—well, a revelation to most
of us both as to size and shape and material. It was so rough, that
no living mortal, probably, could wear it, except perhaps one who
wished to do penance by wearing a hair shirt. Mine was promptly
sent home along with my citizen's clothes, with the request that it be
kept as a sort of heir-loom in the family for future generations to
wonder at.
With our clothes on our arms, we marched back to our tents, and
there proceeded to get on the inside of our new uniforms. The result
was in most cases astonishing! For, as might have been expected,
scarcely one man in ten was fitted. The tall men had invariably
received the short pantaloons, and presented an appearance, when
they emerged from their tents, which was equalled only by that of
the short men who had, of course, received the long pantaloons.
One man's cap was perched away up on the top of his head, while
another's rested on his ears. Andy, who was not very tall, waddled
forth into the company street amid shouts of laughter, having his
pantaloons turned up some six inches or more from the bottoms,
declaring that "Uncle Sam must have got the patterns for his boys'
pantaloons somewhere over in France; for he seems to have cut
them after the style of the two French towns, Toulon and Toulouse."
"Hello, fellows! what do you think of this? Now just look here, will
you!" exclaimed Pointer Donachy, the tallest man in the company, as
he came out of his tent in a pair of pantaloons that were little more
than knee-breeches for him, and began to parade the street with a
tent-pole for a musket. "How in the name of the American eagle is a
man going to fight the battles of his country in such a uniform as
this? Seems to me that Uncle Sam must be a little short of cloth,
boys."
"Brother Jonathan generally dresses in tights, you know," said some
one.
"Ah," said Andy, "Pointer's uniform reminds one of what the poet
says,—

"'Man needs but little here below,

Nor needs that little long.'"

"You're rather poor at quoting poetry, Andy," answered Pointer,

"because I need more than a little here below: I need at least six
inches."
But the shoes! Coarse, broad-soled, low-heeled "gunboats," as we
afterward learned to call them—what a time there was getting into
them. Here came one fellow down the street with shoes so big that
they could scarcely be kept on his feet, while over yonder another
tugged and pulled and kicked himself red in the face over a pair that
would not go on. But by trading off, the large men gradually got the
large garments and the little men the small, so that in a few days we
were all pretty well suited.
I remember hearing about one poor fellow in another company, a
great strapping six-footer, who could not be suited. The largest shoe
furnished by the Government was quite too small. The giant tried his
best to force his foot in, but in vain. His comrades gathered about
him, and laughed, and chaffed him unmercifully, whereupon he
exclaimed,—
"Why, you don't think they are all boys that come to the army, do
you? A man like me needs a man's shoe, not a baby's."
There was another poor fellow, a very small man, who had received
a very large pair of shoes, and had not yet been able to effect any
exchange. One day the sergeant was drilling the company on the
facings—Right-face, Left-face, Right-about-face—and of course
watched his men's feet closely, to see that they went through the
movements promptly. Observing one pair of feet down the line that
never budged at the command, the sergeant, with drawn sword,
rushed up to the possessor of them, and in menacing tones
demanded,—
"What do you mean by not facing about when I tell you? I'll have
you put in the guard-house, if you don't mind."
"Why—I—did, sergeant," said the trembling recruit.
"You did not, sir. Didn't I watch your feet? They never moved an
inch."
"Why, you see," said the man, "my shoes are so big that they don't
turn when I do. I go through the motions on the inside of them!"
Although Camp Curtin was not so much a camp of instruction as a
camp of equipment, yet once we had received our arms and
uniforms, we were all eager to be put on drill. Even before we had
received our uniforms, every evening we had some little drilling
under command of Sergeant Cummings, who had been out in the
three months' service. Clothed in citizens' dress and armed with such
sticks and poles as we could pick up, we must have presented a
sorry appearance on parade. Perhaps the most comical figure in the
line was that of old Simon Malehorn, who, clothed in a long linen
duster, high silk hat, blue overalls, and loose slippers, was forever
throwing the line into confusion by breaking rank and running back
to find his slipper, which he had lost in the dust somewhere, and
happy was he if some one of the boys had not quietly smuggled it
into his pocket or under his coat, and left poor Simon to finish the
parade in his stocking-feet.
Awkward enough in the drill we all were, to be sure. Still, we were
not quite so stupid as a certain recruit of whom it was related that
the drill sergeant had to take him aside as an "awkward squad" by
himself, and try to teach him how to "mark time." But alas! the poor
fellow did not know his right foot from his left, and consequently
could not follow the order, "Left! Left!" until the sergeant, driven
almost to desperation, lit on the happy expedient of tying a wisp of
straw on one foot and a similar wisp of hay on the other, and then
put the command in a somewhat agricultural shape—"Hay-foot,
Straw-foot! Hay-foot, Straw-foot!" whereupon it is said he did quite
well; for if he did not know his left foot from his right, he at least
could tell hay from straw.
One good effect of our having been detained in Camp Curtin for
several weeks was that we thus had the opportunity of forming the
acquaintance of the other nine companies, with which we were to be
joined in one common regimental organization. Some of these came
from the western and some from the eastern part of the State; some
were from the city, some from inland towns and small villages, and
some from the wild lumber regions. Every rank, class, and profession
seemed to be represented. There were clerks, farmers, students,
railroad men, iron-workers, lumbermen. At first we were all
strangers to one another. The different companies, having as yet no
regimental life to bind them together as a unit, naturally regarded
each other as foreigners rather than as members of the same
organization. In consequence of this, there was no little rivalry
between company and company, together with no end of friendly
chaffing and lively banter, especially about the time of roll-call in the
evening. The names of the men who hailed from the west were
quite strange, and a long-standing source of amusement to the boys
from the east, and vice versâ. When the Orderly-Sergeant of
Company I called the roll, the men of Company B would pick out all
the outlandish-sounding surnames and make all manner of puns on
them, only to be paid back in their own coin by similar criticisms of
their roll. Then there were certain forms of expression peculiar to
the different sections from which the men came, strange idiomatic
usages of speech, amounting at times to the most pronounced
provincialisms, which were a long-continued source of merriment.
Thus the Philadelphia boys made all sport of the boys from the
upper tier of counties because they said "I be going deown to
teown," and invariably used "I make out to" for "I am going to," or
"I intend to." Some of the men, it was observed, called every species
of board, no matter how thin, "a plank;" and every kind of stone, no
matter how small, "a rock." How the men laughed one evening when
a high wind came up and blew the dust in dense clouds all over the
camp, and one of the western boys was heard to declare that he
had "a rock in his eye!"
Once we got afield, however, there was developed such a feeling of
regimental unity as soon obliterated whatever natural antagonisms
may at first have existed between the different companies.
Peculiarities of speech of course remained, and a generous and
wholesome rivalry never disappeared; but these were a help rather
than a hindrance. For in military, as in all social life, there can be no
true unity without some diversity in the component parts,—a
principle which is fully recognized in our national motto, "E pluribus
unum."
 CHAPTER III.
ON TO WASHINGTON.

After two weeks in that miserable camp at the State capital, we were
ordered to Washington; and into Washington, accordingly, one sultry
September morning, we marched, after a day and a night in the cars
on the way thither. Quite proud we felt, you may be sure, as we
tramped up Pennsylvania Avenue, with our new silk flags flying, the
fifes playing "Dixie," and we ten little drummer-boys pounding away,
awkwardly enough, no doubt, under the lead of a white-haired old
man, who had beaten his drum, nearly fifty years before, under
Wellington, at the battle of Waterloo. We were green, raw troops, as
anybody could tell at a glance; for we were fair-faced yet, and
carried enormous knapsacks. I remember passing some old troops
somewhere near Fourteenth Street, and being painfully conscious of
the difference between them and us. They, I observed, had no
knapsacks; a gum-blanket, twisted into a roll, and slung carelessly
over the shoulder, was all the luggage they carried. Dark, swarthy,
sinewy men they were, with torn shoes and faded uniforms, but with
an air of self-possession and endurance that came only of
experience and hardship. They smiled on us as we passed by,—a
grim smile of half pity and half contempt,—just as we in our turn
learned to smile on other new troops a year or two later.
By some unpardonable mistake, instead of getting into camp
forthwith on the outskirts of the city, whither we had been ordered
for duty at the present, we were marched far out into the country,
under a merciless sun, that soon scorched all the endurance out of
me. It was dusty; it was hot; there was no water; my knapsack
weighed a ton. So that when, after marching some seven miles, our
orders were countermanded, and we faced about to return to the
city again, I thought it impossible I ever should reach it. My feet
moved mechanically, everything along the road was in a misty whirl;
and when at nightfall Andy helped me into the barracks near the
Capitol from which we had started in the morning, I threw myself, or
rather perhaps fell, on the hard floor, and was soon so soundly
asleep that Andy could not rouse me for my cup of coffee and ration
of bread.
I have an indistinct recollection of being taken away next morning in
an ambulance to some hospital, and being put into a clean white
cot. After which, for days, all consciousness left me, and all was
blank before me, save only that, in misty intervals, I saw the kind
faces and heard the subdued voices of Sisters of Mercy,—voices that
spoke to me from far away, and hands that reached out to me from
the other side of an impassable gulf.
Nursed by their tender care back to returning strength, no sooner
was I able to stand on my feet once more than, against their solemn
protest, I asked for my knapsack and drum, and insisted on setting
out forthwith in quest of my regiment, which I found had meanwhile
been scattered by companies about the city, my own company and
another having been assigned to duty at "Soldiers' Home," the
President's summer residence. Although it was but a distance of
three miles or thereabouts, and although I started out in search of
"Soldiers' Home" at noon, so conflicting were the directions given me
by the various persons of whom I asked the road, that it was
nightfall before I reached it. Coming then at the hour of dusk to a
gateway leading apparently into some park or pleasure-ground, and
being informed by the porter at the gate that this was "Soldiers'
Home," I walked about among the trees, in the growing darkness, in
search of the camp of Company D, when, just as I had crossed a
fence, a challenge rang out,—
"Halt! Who goes there?"
"A friend."
"Advance, friend, and give the countersign!"
"Hello, Elias!" said I, peering through the bushes, "is that you?"
"That isn't the countersign, friend. You'd better give the countersign,
or you're a dead man!"
Saying which, Elias sprang back in true Zouave style, with his
bayonet fixed and ready for a lunge at me.
"Now, Elias," said I, "you know me just as well as I know myself,
and you know I haven't the countersign; and if you're going to kill
me, why, don't stand there crouching like a cat ready to spring on a
mouse, but up and at it like a man. Don't keep me here in such
dreadful suspense."
"Well, friend without the countersign, I'll call up the corporal, and he
may kill you,—you're a dead man, any way!" Then he sang out,—
"Corporal of the guard, post number three!"
From post to post it rang along the line, now shrill and high, now
deep and low: "Corporal of the guard, post number three!" "Corporal
of the guard, post number three!"
Upon which up comes the corporal of the guard on a full trot, with
his gun at a right-shoulder shift, and saying,—
"Well, what's up?"
"Man trying to break my guard."
"Where is he?"
"Why there, beside that bush."
"Come along, you there; you'll be shot for a spy to-morrow morning
at nine o'clock."
"All right, Mr. Corporal, I'm ready."
Now all this was fine sport; for Corporal Harter and Elias were both
of my company, and knew me quite as well as I knew them; but
they were bent on having a little fun at my expense, and the
corporal had marched me off some distance toward headquarters,
beyond the ravine, when again the call rang along the line,—
"Corporal of the guard, post number three!" "Corporal of the guard,
post number three!"
Back the corporal trotted me to Elias.
"Well, what in the mischief's up now?"
"Another fellow trying to break my guard, corporal."
"Well, where is he? Trot him out! We'll have a grand execution in the
morning! The more the merrier, you know; and 'Long live the
Union!'"
"I'm sorry, corporal, but the fact is I killed this chap myself. I caught
him trying to climb over the gate there, and he wouldn't stop nor
give the countersign, and so I up and at him, and ran my bayonet
through him, and there he is!"
And sure enough, there he was,—a big fat 'possum!
"All right, Elias; you're a brave soldier. I'll speak to the colonel about
this, and you shall have two stripes on your sleeve one of these
days."
And so, with the 'possum by the tail and me by the shoulder, he
marched us off to headquarters, where, the 'possum being thrown
down on the ground, and I handed over to the tender mercies of the
captain, it was ordered that—
"This young man should be taken down to Andy's tent, and a supper
cooked, and a bed made for him there; and that henceforth and
hereafter he should beat reveille at daybreak, retreat at sundown,
tattoo at nine p.m., and lights out a half-hour later."
Nothing, however, was said about the execution of spies in the
morning, although it was duly ordained that the 'possum, poor thing,
should be roasted for dinner the next day.
Never was there a more pleasant camp than ours,—there on that
green hillside across the ravine from the President's summer
residence. We had light guard duty to do, and that of a kind we
esteemed a most high honor; for it was no less than that of being
special guards for President Lincoln. But the good President, we
were told, although he loved his soldiers as his own children, did not
like being guarded. Often did I see him enter his carriage before the
hour appointed for his morning departure for the White House, and
drive away in haste, as if to escape from the irksome escort of a
dozen cavalry-men, whose duty it was to guard his carriage between
our camp and the city. Then when the escort rode up to the door,
some ten or fifteen minutes later, and found that the carriage had
already gone, wasn't there a clattering of hoofs and a rattling of
scabbards as they dashed out past the gate and down the road to
overtake the great and good President, in whose heart was "charity
for all, and malice toward none!"
Boy as I was, I could not but notice how pale and haggard the
President looked as he entered his carriage in the morning, or
stepped down from it in the evening, after a weary day's work in the
city; and no wonder, either, for those September days of 1862 were
the dark, perhaps the darkest, days of the war. Many a mark of favor
and kindness did we receive from the President's family. Delicacies,
such as we were strangers to then, and would be for a long time to
come, found their way from Mrs. Lincoln's hand to our camp on the
green hillside; while little Tad, the President's son, was a great
favorite with the boys, fond of the camp, and delighted with the drill.
One night, when all but the guards on their posts were wrapped in
great-coats and sound asleep in the tents, I felt some one shake me
roughly by the shoulder, and call:
"Harry! Harry! Get up quick and beat the long roll; we're going to be
attacked. Quick, now!"
Groping about in the dark for my drum and sticks, I stepped out into
the company street, and beat the loud alarm, which, waking the
echoes, brought the boys out of their tents in double-quick time, and
set the whole camp in an uproar.
"What's up, fellows?"
"Fall in, Company D!" shouted the orderly.
"Fall in, men," shouted the captain; "we're going to be attacked at
once!"
Amid the confusion of so sudden a summons at midnight, there was
some lively scrambling for guns, bayonets, cartridge-boxes, and
clothes.
"I say, Bill, you've got my coat on!"
"Where's my cap?"
"Andy, you scamp, you've got my shoes!"
"Fall in, men, quick; no time to look after shoes now. Take your arms
and fall in."
And so, some shoeless, others hatless, and all only half dressed, we
formed in line and marched out and down the road at double-quick
for a mile; then halted; pickets were thrown out; an advance of the
whole line through the woods was made among tangled bushes and
briers, and through marshes, until, as the first early streaks of dawn
were shooting up in the eastern sky, our orders were
countermanded, and we marched back to camp, to find—that the
whole thing was a ruse, planned by some of the officers for the
purpose of testing our readiness for work at any hour. After that, we
slept with our shoes on.
But poor old Peter Blank,—a man who should never have enlisted,
for he was as afraid of a gun as Robinson Crusoe's man Friday,—
poor old Peter was the butt for many a joke the next day. For amid
the night's confusion, and in the immediate prospect, as he
supposed, of a deadly encounter with the enemy, so alarmed did he
become that he at once fell to—praying! Out of consideration for his
years and piety, the captain had permitted him to remain behind as
a guard for the camp in our absence, in which capacity he did
excellent service, excellent service! But oh, when we sat about our
fires the next morning, frying our steaks and cooking our coffee,
poor Peter was the butt of all the fun, and was cruelly described by
the wag of the company as "the man that had a brave heart, but a
most cowardly pair of legs!"
 CHAPTER IV.
OUR FIRST WINTER QUARTERS.

"Well, fellows, I tell you what! I've heard a good deal about the
balmy breezes and sunny skies of Old Virginny, but if this is a
specimen of the sort of weather they have in these parts, I, for one,
move we 'right-about-face' and march home."
So saying, Phil Hammer got up from under the scrub-pine, where he
had made his bed for the night, shaking the snow from his blanket
and the cape of his overcoat, while a loud "Ha! ha!" and an oft-
repeated "What do you think of this, boys?" rang along the hillside
on which we had found our first camping-place on "Old Virginia's
Shore."
The weather had played us a most deceptive and unpleasant trick.
We had landed the day before, as my journal says, "at Belle Plains,
at a place called Platt's Landing," having been brought down from
Washington on the steamer "Louisiana;" had marched some three or
four miles inland in the direction of Falmouth, and had halted and
camped for the night in a thick undergrowth of scrub-pine and cedar.
The day of our landing was remarkably fair. The skies were so
bright, the air was so soft and balmy, that we were rejoiced to find
what a pleasant country it was we were getting into, to be sure; but
the next morning, when we drummer-boys woke the men with our
loud reveille, we were all of Phil's opinion, that the sunny skies and
balmy breezes of this new land were all a miserable fiction. For as
man after man opened his eyes at the loud roll of our drums, and
the shout of the orderly: "Fall in, Company D, for roll-call!" he found
himself covered with four inches of snow, and more coming down.
Fortunately, the bushes had afforded us some protection; they were
so numerous and so thick that one could scarcely see twenty rods
ahead of him, and with their great overhanging branches had kindly
kept the falling snow out of our faces, at least while we slept.

In Winter-Quarters.

And now began a busy time. We were to build winter quarters—a

work for which we were but poorly prepared, either by nature or by
circumstance. Take any body of men out of civilized life, put them
into the woods to shift for themselves, and they are generally as
helpless as children. As for ourselves, we were indeed "Babes in the
Wood." At least half the regiment knew nothing of wood-craft,
having never been accustomed to the use of the axe. It was a
laughable sight to see some of the men from the city try to cut down
a tree! Besides, we were poorly equipped. Axes were scarce, and
worth almost their weight in gold. We had no "shelter-tents." Most of
us had "poncho" blankets; that is to say, a piece of oilcloth about
five feet by four, with a slit in the middle. But we found our ponchos
very poor coverings for our cabins; for the rain just would run down
through that unfortunate hole in the middle; and then, too, the men
needed their oilcloths when they went on picket, for which purpose
they had been particularly intended. This circumstance gave rise to
frequent discussion that day: whether to use the poncho as a
covering for the cabin, and get soaked on picket, or to save the
poncho for picket, and cover the cabin with brushwood and clay?
Some messes[1] chose the one alternative, others the other; and as
the result of this preference, together with our ignorance of wood-
craft and the scarcity of axes, we produced on that hillside the
oddest looking winter quarters a regiment ever built! Such an
agglomeration of cabins was never seen before nor since. I am
positive no two cabins on all that hillside had the slightest
resemblance to each other.
There, for instance, was a mess over in Company A, composed of
men from the city. They had one kind of cabin, an immense square
structure of pine-logs, about seven feet high, and covered over the
top, first with brushwood, and then coated so heavily with clay that I
am certain the roof must have been two feet thick at the least. It
was hardly finished before some wag had nicknamed it "Fortress
Monroe."
Then there was Ike Zellers, of our own company; he invented
another style of architecture, or perhaps I should rather say he
borrowed it from the Indians. Ike would have none of your flat-
roofed concerns; he would build a wigwam. And so, marking out a
huge circle, in the centre of which he erected a pole, and around the
pole a great number of smaller poles, with one end on the circle and
the other end meeting in the common apex, covering this with
brush, and the brush with clay, he made for himself a house that
was quite warm, indeed, but one so fearfully gloomy, that within it
was as dark at noon as at midnight. Ominous sounds came
afterward from the dark recesses of "The Wigwam;" for we were a
"skirmish regiment," and Ike was our bugler, and the way he tooted
all day long, "Deploy to the right and left," "Rally by fours," and
"Rally by platoons," was suggestive of things yet to come.
Then there was my own tent, or cabin, if indeed I may dignify it with
the name of either; for it was a cross between a house and a cave.
Andy and I thought we would follow the advice of the Irishman,
who, in order to raise his roof higher, dug his cellar deeper. We
resolved to dig down some three feet; "and then, Harry, we'll log her
up about two feet high, cover her with ponchos, and we'll have the
finest cabin in the row!" It took us about three days to accomplish
so stupendous an undertaking, during which time we slept at night
under the bushes as best we could, and when our work was done,
we moved in with great satisfaction. I remember the door of our
house was a mystery to all visitors, as, indeed, it was to ourselves
until we "got the hang of it," as Andy said. It was a hole about two
feet square, cut through one end of the log part of the cabin, and
through it you had to crawl as best you could. If you put one leg in
first, then the head, and then drew in the other leg after you, you
were all right; but if, as visitors generally did, you put in your head
first, you were obliged to crawl in on all fours in a most ungraceful
and undignified fashion.
That was a queer-looking camp all through. If you went up to the
top of the hill, where the Colonel had his quarters, and looked down,
a strange sight met your eyes. By the time the next winter came,
however, we had learned how to swing an axe, and we built
ourselves winter quarters that reflected no little credit on our skill as
experienced woodsmen. The last cabin we built—it was down in
front of Petersburg—was a model of comfort and convenience: ten
feet long by six wide and five high, made of clean pine-logs straight
as an arrow, and covered with shelter tents; a chimney at one end,
and a comfortable bunk at the other; the inside walls covered with
clean oat-bags, and the gable ends papered with pictures cut from
illustrated papers; a mantelpiece, a table, a stool; and we were
putting down a floor of pine-boards, too, one day toward the close
of winter, when the surgeon came by, and, looking in, said:
"No time to drive nails now, boys; we have orders to move!" But
Andy said:
"Pound away, Harry, pound away; we'll see how it looks, anyhow,
before we go!"
I remember an amusing occurrence in connection with the building
of our winter quarters. I had gone over to see some of the boys of
our company one evening, and found they had "logged up" their
tent about four feet high, and stretched a poncho over it to keep the
snow out, and were sitting before a fire they had built in a chimney-
place at one end. The chimney was built up only as high as the log
walls reached, the intention being to "cat-stick and daub" it
afterward to a sufficient height. The mess had just got a box from
home, and some one had hung nearly two yards of sausage on a
stick across the top of the chimney, "to smoke." And there, on a log
rolled up in front of the fire, I found Jimmy Lucas and Sam Ruhl
sitting smoking their pipes, and glancing up the chimney between
whiffs every now and then, to see that the sausage was safe. Sitting
down between them, I watched the cheery glow of the fire, and we
fell to talking, now about the jolly times they were having at home
at the holiday season, and again about the progress of our cabin-
building, while every now and then Jimmy would peep up the
chimney on one side, and shortly after Sam would squint up on the
other. After sitting thus for half an hour or so, all of a sudden, Sam,
looking up the chimney, jumped off the log, clapped his hands
together, and shouted:
"Jim, it's gone!"
Gone it was; and you might as well look for a needle in a haystack
as search for two yards of sausage among troops building winter
quarters on short rations!
One evening Andy and I were going to have a feast, consisting in
the main of a huge dish of apple-fritters. We bought the flour and
the apples of the sutler at enormous figures, for we were so tired of
the endless monotony of bacon, beef, and bean-soup, that we were
bent on having a glorious supper, cost or no cost. We had a rather
small chimney-place, in which Andy was superintending the heating
of a mess-pan half full of lard, while I was busying myself with the
flour, dough, and apples, when, as ill-luck would have it, the lard
took fire and flamed up the chimney with a roar and a blaze so
bright that it illuminated the whole camp from end to end.
Unfortunately, too, for us, four of our companies had been recruited
in the city, and most of them had been in the volunteer fire
department, in which service they had gained an experience, useful
enough to them on the present occasion, but most disastrous to us.
No sooner was the bright blaze seen pouring high out of the
chimney-top of our modest little cabin, than at least a half-dozen fire
companies were on the instant organized for the emergency. The
"Humane," the "Fairmount," the "Good-will," with their imaginary
engines and hose-carriages, came dashing down our company street
with shouts, and yells, and cheers. It was but the work of a moment
to attach the imaginary hose to imaginary plugs, plant imaginary
ladders, tear down the chimney and demolish the roof, amid a flood
of sparks, and to the intense delight of the firemen, but to our utter
consternation and grief. It took us days to repair the damage, and
we went to bed with some of our neighbors, after a scant supper of
hard-tack and coffee.
How did we spend our time in winter quarters, do you ask? Well,
there was always enough to do, you may be sure, and often it was
work of the very hardest sort. Two days in the week the regiment
went out on picket, and while there got but little sleep and suffered
much from exposure. When they were not on picket, all the men not
needed for camp guard had to drill. It was nothing but drill, drill,
drill: company drill, regimental drill, brigade drill, and once even
division drill. Our regiment, as I have said, was a skirmish regiment,
and the skirmish-drill is no light work, let me tell you. Many an
evening the men came in more dead than alive after skirmishing
over the country for miles around, all the afternoon. Reveille and
roll-call at five o'clock in the morning, guard mount at nine, company
drill from ten to twelve, regimental drill from two to four, dress-
parade at five, tattoo and lights out at nine at night, with continual
practice on the drum for us drummer-boys—so our time passed
away.