V. H.

COELHO

Sikkim and Bhutan

INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS

AZAD BHAVAN, NEW DELHI-1
@ INDIAN COUNCIL FOR
CULTURAL RELATIONS

PRINTED IN INDIA
AT THE INDRAPRASTHA PRESS (CBT), NEW DELHI
AND PUBLISHED BY INAM RAHMAN, SECRETARY,
INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS. NEW DELHI-1
 Preface

My primary interest in writing this book on Sikkim and Bhutan

was to assemble historical and cultural data to reveal a sympathetic
description of the lands and their peoples and to give an idea of the
present administrative and political structures which would serve to
enlighten any reader who wishes to know something and understand
more about these unusual Himalayan countries.
When one looks at the map of the world, Sikkirn and Bhutan appear
lost in the obscurity of the Himalayas. Nevertheless they stand out
as unique and distinctive, in that they offer a great deal to the visitor
or the casual tourist and even more so to those who are engaged in a
deeper study of culture, anthropology and religion.
Sikkim came into world focus at the time China issued its ultimatum
to the Indian Government to dismantle the so-called military struc-
tures on the Tibet side of the frontier between Sikkim and the Chumbi
valley of Tibet. This charge was absurd but it provided or could
provide, if the necessity arose, the pretext for the Chinese army to
launch another totally unprovoked offensive against India, deserving
of the contempt that Chinese aggressions have evoked in the eyes of the
world. This event took place in September 1965 but somehow Chinese
bellicosity at Nathu-la, the pass leading from Tibet into Sikkirn,
assumed no greater proportion than a few rifle shots in the air or
outbursts of propaganda through loudspeakers.
e S i k k i m is situated directly in the path of the invading Chinese, if'
they choose to attack. The people of Sikkim, however, remain calm
 and undisturbed but proudly determined to fight any intruder and to
protect their homeland even with their native weapons, the Kukris.
The sense of determination in the Sikkimese is evident in many
ways. For centuries they have held on to their land and have per-
sistently adhered to their own special way of life. This is what gives
Sikkim its unusual character. In addition, great natural beauty
abounds, with an immense range of the snow-capped Himalayas
delineating its northern and north-western borders. This majestic
view is a heroic spectacle of grandeur, unforgettable to any one who
has gazed upon it.
Bhutan is also a land of natural beauty with its turbulent rivers
and jagged hills in the south. Another panorama reveals a landscape
of forests and meadows which spread through valleys rising successively
to the snow-capped peaks of the Great Himalayas in the north. Hardy
men live here among the mountains also believed inhabited by spirits
and demons, presenting an archaic picture of life, both of reality and
mystery. The people have unusual characteristics which are apparent
in their dress, customs and habits. They are hardly curious about the
activities of the outside world and have preferred to be isolated from
it. On the whole, they are friendly, hospitable and guileless.
Today, the barriers are gradually being broken down: new roads
have opened communications bringing with them contemporary pro-
gress and technological development right into the heart of the country.
Without a doubt Bhutan has wakened from the sixteenth century to
find herself suddenly in the twentieth. What will be the reactions of
the Bhutanese, believing as they do in countless spirits, to these drastic
changes? How will the dzongs, the ancient symbols of religion and
government, compete with the chimneys of factories, the new symbols
of progress and energy?
During the last few years not more than a dozen people visited
Bhutan each year. Over the preceding four centuries at most only
ten or fifteen travellers came to the country. Some legends, a fact or
two, fragments of history and some notes from the diaries of those who
journeyed there, are all that has been recorded about the country.
Bhutan has been and is even today an almost unexplored land but with
its increasing contact with the outside world, its medieval history and
traditional pageantry will gradually recede into the background.
The shock of the revolt in Tibet ten years ago and China's ruthless
suppression of the freedom of the Tibetans jerked Bhutan out of
isolation and into closer cooperation with India in a gigantic task of
reconstruction and rebuilding. To stem subversion from China, or a
Tibet dominated by China, Bhutan has indeed to be self-reliant and
stable, economically and politically and then to develop as a progressive
nation. This task of reconstruction, to which the Bhutanese are
energetically devoting themselves, is to be accomplished without any of
the fundamental characteristics of the land being lost, her essential
genius being preserved.
In writing this documentary on Sikkim and Bhutan I have had in
mind a sincere wish to fill a much needed gap and to present, in a
concise publication, information about the lands, the peoples, their
customs and systems of government which might prove useful to the
administrator, journalist, tourist or to the reader who wants to be
informed about the lesser accessible and unknown countries of the
world. The contents of this book are gleanings available from existing
sources and some are based on personal observation and numerous
conversations during my residence in Sikkim in 1966 and 1967 and my
several visits to Bhutan in that same period.
This book was written in Gangtok in June 1967. The texts of
several treaties and other official documents, as available in published
sources, are appended to it for their historical value and as valuable
information to the reader. For the guidance of those who might be
interested in further study of Sikkim or Bhutan a bibliography of
works by other authors has also been appended.
The author avails himself of this opportunity to emphasise that the
views expressed in the book are strictly and entirely his own and do not
represent the views of the government of India or of any of the persons
whose names have been mentioned.

Gangtok,
June 1967

vii
- viii
 Contents

Preface

SIKKIM

I The Land and the People

Lamaism
The Monasteries
Gangtok, the Capital
I1 Early History
I11 The Nineteenth Century
IV Recent Decades
The Treaty with India and thereafter
V Natural Resources and Development
Programmes for the development of Sikkim
VI Government and Administration
Political Parties
India's Special Responsibilities
VII The Road Ahead

BHUTAN

VIII The Land and the People

Geographical Features
IX Early History
X The British Period
XI Since India's Independence
XI1 Relations with Northern Neighbours
XI11 More about the People
Religion
Form of Dress
Food and Beverages
Births, Marriages and Deaths
 The System of Labour
Arts and Crafts
Music and Dance
Other Popular Customs
XIV The Government and General Administration
The Judicial System
Revenue Administration
Education
Public Health
Communications
The Armed Forces
Currency and Postage
Trade
Some Random Observations by the Author
XV Natural Resources and Development Programmes
Development Programmes
XVI Perspective
Appendices
Bibliography
Index
SIKKIM
 Chapter 1

The Land and

the People

N the northern border of West Bengal, the main range of the

0Himalayas spreads southwards and divides in two enormous spurs.
These are the Singilela and Chola ranges. These almost impassable
mountain barriers enclose three sides of a gigantic amphitheatre hewn,
as it were, out of the Himalayas and sloping downwards towards the
plains. The tracts of mountainous country consist of a tangled series
of interlacing ridges, rising range above range even to the foot of the
wall of high peaks and passes which make it the 'abode of the snows'.
This is the territory of Sikkim. The encircling wall of peaks and
passes in the north and east forms the frontiers with Tibet, while in
the west and south-west it divides Sikkirn from Nepal. To the south-east
the watershed of the Dichu is, in a way, a natural boundary between
Sikkim and Bhutan.
The Teesta river winds its way through Sikkim. The main tribut-
aries being the Rangit, the Rongni-chu, the Lachen and Lachung
rivers, all snowfed torrents coming from the northern hills. Essentially,
Sikkim is the catchment area of the source of the Teesta river. The
boundary with Tibet was laid down in the ~ n ~ l o - ~ h i nConvention
ese
of 17 March 1890 and is described as follows:
 The boundary of Sikkim and Tibet shall be the crest of the mountain
range separating the waters flowing into the Sikkim Tista and its
affluents from the waters flowing into the Tibetan Mochu, and north-
wards into other rivers of Tibet. The line commences at Mount
Gipmochil on the Bhutan frontier, and follows the above mentioned
water-parting to the point where it meets Nepal territory.
The main mountain ranges are the Singilela, which runs from the
Kangchenjunga with its well known peaks of the Sandakphu and
Phalut and the Chola range which descends from Pauhunri, to the east
of the Dongkya-la, and forming the water parting between the Teesta
and the Am-mo-chu. The principal pass on the Singilela (also spelt
Singalela) is the Chiabhanjan leading into Nepal, while the Chola has
several passes, Jelep-la, Nathu-la, Yak-la and Thanka-la. In the north,
the principal passes into Tibet are Kongra-la, Bamchho-la and Sese-la.
Sikkim lies in the direct path of the monsoon, and because of the
geographical location of its valleys and its proximity to Kangchenjunga,
it has a heavy annual rainfall from 140 inches in the lower regions where
the Teesta river flows to 50 inches even in the drier upper valleys of
Lachen and Lachung. The monsoon penetrates in fact far to the north,
through the deep valleys, and the wet zone reaches almost to the
snowline.
# The earliest inhabitants of Sikkim were said to be the Lepchas or,
- -- -
as they call themselves, the c Rong-pa:llterally
7 - -
the "ravine
- -
- f --
oe. ~he;
--_Y-- -_
were believed to have come from the east. alorigae foothills. from the
direction of Assam and Burma. They hive little resemblance to the
Tibetans, since tliey are smaller and slighter in build, with finer cut
features. These ~ e o ~ of l e a mild and auiet
A- ---.dis~osition.somewhat
indolent, love sofitude and possess an extraordaj?'& zaol&cgl
and botanical vocabulary of their own.
The Lepchas today are Bud&iis and are generally very devout,
though at one time they worshipped the spirits of the mountains,
rivers and forests, a natural outcome af their e n g s . Mighty
snows, raging torrents, the wind and the mist, the lolling thunder and
the lightning of the early rains must surely have left a deep impression
on the character of a people who lived in the midst of nature's striking
manifestations.
Distinct from the Lepchas are the Bhutias, people of Tibetan origin,
of good physique and Mongolian features. The Bhutias settled down
in many parts of Sikkim, but in the north they were and still are traders
and herdsmen by occupation rather than farmers. They preferred
living in the higher, cooler regions rather than in the hot, humid valleys.
The religion of the Bhutias also is a form of Buddhism, specifically
called Lamaism, and their language is derived from the Tibetan tongue.

Gipmochi also known as Gyemo Chen. The trijunction with Bhutan and Tibet
(Chumbi Valley) is near Batang-la.
 It is indeed curious that the largest group of people in Sikkim should
be the Nepali, who migrated from Nepal and slowly pushed their way
into the land. They are an industrious, thrifty people who have made
excellent settlers, rising to important positions in business and adminis-
tration. With the exception of the Sherpas, who are mainly in the
extreme west of Sikkim, and the Tamangs, both of whom are Buddhists,
the Nepalis are at present all Hindu by religion, with the usual division
into castes.
There is, in addition, a fourth group, small but distinct, known as
the Tsongs, originally settlers from the Tsang-po valley in Tibet in what
is now the Limbuwana district of Nepal, which was at one time a part
of western Sikkim. Some of the Tsongs overflowed into and settkd
down in Sikkim. There is also a very much smaller but economically
stable and influential community of Indian traders. Of the present
total population of 180,0002, the Nepalis are 72 per cent, while the
balance, except for the small group of Tsongs, is divided equally
between the Lepchas and the Bhutias.
As is evident, there is a basic heterogeneity within the Sikkimese
people; three or four distinct origins, as many languages,-
Bhutia and Gurkhali, and two principal religions with, here and there, a
tendency towards syncretism. The term 'Sikkimese' has thus no singE
or common linguistic or ethnological interpretation. These differences
and divisions among the people are reflected, as will be referred to later,
in the administrative and political structure. Despite these factors, a
widespread feeling of national consciousness has arisen and developed
a strong degree of historic and cultural unity.

Lamaism

The original religion of the LepchasdS&,kirn and the Bhutias of

Bhutan was a form of nature warship3 variously referred to as Pon
(also spelt Bon) or-Shamanism. It was a curious mixture of witch-
and s q with the worshii of spirits and ghosts. These-
existed everywhere, some good but many others evil, in trezs, d c ~ on,
mountain tops and in- the- -..---
skies, They had to be worshipped and
propitiated with offerings: a stone, a strip of cloth, a branch and so on.
A sorcerer ar a sorceress could e v ~ k e g o o dwikinsted-_of'iII, Thus
expelling the evil spirits, who brought sickness and misfortunes, and
propaki,ting them by the sacrifice of animals, sometimes even of human
beings, were among
The Guru P!adma
Guru Rimpoche, brought Buddhism to Sikkim and Bhutan lhro~lgh
He was a teacher of mysticism at the
Nalanda of India and was well versed in Tant-

The last official census was in 1961 and gave the population as 162,189.

3
 ricism, an amalgam of Buddhism with primitive beliefs and nature
worship, then current in India. The Guru Rimpoche, whose fame as a
mystic and teacher had spread across the Himalayas into Tibet, was
sought after by the Tibetan King, Thi-Srong De-tsan, who reigned
from about A.D. 742 to 800.
This Tibetan King, Thi-Srong De-tsan, the son of a Chinese
princess, had inherited from his forebears a strong leaning towards
Buddhism. He sent a mission to India for books and teachers and
started systematic translations from the Sanskritic and from some of
the Chinese scriptures into the Tibetan language. He also sought to
establish Buddhist temples and monasteries, but somehow his efforts
were frustrated by a series of earthquakes which were popularly attribut-
ed to demons. He hoped to gain his ends with the help and advice of
this mystic priest, Padma Sambhava.
Padma Sambhava arrived at Samye (Sam-yas) by way of Kathmandu
and Kyirong in Nepal about the year A.D. 747. He vanquished the
demons and through conversion established the first community of
lamas. He also assisted the King in building the first monastery at
Samye. Lamaism as then established was a superb mixture of Maha-
yana Buddhism with local mythology, mysticism and magic. The
relics of Pon as well as Tantric practices in regard to pranayama, asanas
and ntnntrus3 were essential ingredients. From magic and rituals,
through prayers and congregational worship, Lamaism established the
path to altruism (the Bodhisattva ideal) and renunciation (the Sunyata
objective).
The Guru Rimpoche is believed to have visited Sikkim and Bhutan
during his travels in Tibet and its western regions. The establishment
or foothold of Lamaism in Sikkim, however, dates from a later period:
the time of Lhatsun Chhexnho's arrival there about the middle of the
17th century, though by that time Buddhism had already come to
parts of the country. It was in the latter half of the 17th century, in
fact, that Lamaism had become a powerful hierarchical institution
in Tibet.
This Lhatsun Chhembo was a native of Kongbu, in the lower valley
of the Tsangpo, born in the fire-bird year of the tenth of the sixty-year
cycles, corresponding to A.D. 1595. He spent many years in various
monasteries and gained great reputation and fame by his learning and
wisdom. He traversed the Kanglanangma pass and, finding no road
beyond the cave of Kampa Kabruk, is said to have flown miraculously
to the upper part of Kabru, and after a sojourn there of two weeks to
have flown down to where his followers were collected. He then
guided them by a road to Dzongre and on to Norbugang (Yoksam)
in Sikkim.
The sanskritic terms in Hindu philosophy describing certain postures and positions
for meditation, recitation and incantation of prayers or sacred texts.
 Lhatsun Chhembo arrived in Sikkim with two other lamas of the
Nyingmapa sect, one of the many sects of Buddhism then prevalent.
By the western gate of Singile la came another lama, (a Kartok-pa)
named Sempah Chhembo, and a lama of the Ngadakpa sect, named
Rigdzin Chhembo, who had opened the southern gate by way of Dar-
jeeling and Namchi.4 The place where these three lamas met was
named by the Lepchas, Yoksam, this meaning the "three superior ones".
The three lamas held a council and decided to look for a fourth.
Lhatsun Chhembo said: "In the prophecy of Guru Rimpoche it is
written that four noble brothers shall meet in Sikkim and arrange for
its government. We are therefore, three and have come from the north,
south and west. It has been told that there is, at this time, in the east
a man named Phuntshog, a descendant of the brave ancestors of Kham
in eastern Tibet. Therefore, according to the prophecy of the Guru
we should invite hiin to join us."
Messengers were despatched, Phuntshog was sought and found, and
consecrated Ruler by the three lamas as the fourth superior lama from
the east. He was given Lhatsun's own surname of Namgye (Namgyal)
and the title of Chogyal (Dharma Raja). He was 38 years of age at
the time. This was believed to have taken place in A.D. 1642.5
As mentioned earlier, Lamaism had, by the middle of the 17th
century, developed into a widespread and influential religion in Tibet.
The fifth Dalai Lama who lived from 16 15 to 1680 had also been given
temporal power in Tibet by the Mongol chief, Gusri Tendzin Chogyal,
who had defeated the then King of Tsang in 1642 and established
himself as overlord of the entire territory of Tibet. With this combina-
tion of spiritual and temporal power the Dalai Lama became indeed the
undisputed ruler of the country. From the time of the fifth to the
present, the fourteenth, each succeeding Dalai Lama is not only the
spiritual head but also the temporal ruler.
The Dalai Lama,'s spiritual sway extends not only in Tibet but also
in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan. He is the reincarnation of Chen-re-zi
on earth-Chen-re-zi, the L ~ r dof Mercy, and the patron deity of
Tibet. The Dalai Lama may at times indicate before his death where
he will be reborn. But if he does not do so within three years of his
death the oracles at Ne-chung and Sam-ye will prophesy giving parti-
culars of the parentage, location and abode and other intimate details
for the identification and choice of the successor.
The most learned lamas of the three principal -monasteries
- -- of Tibet
then set out to discover the reincarnated one. - Boys, born under strange
circumstances, are sought after and certain distinguishing marks of the

4 Darjeeling is in North Bengal, India, and Namchi in Western Sikkim.

As related in John Claude White's Book on Sikkim and Bhutan. Present-day scholars,
however, believe that the ancestors of Phuntshog were, for three generations prior to his
consecration by the lamas, rulers of Sikkim. Phuntshog was the first consecrated Chogyal.
skin and body, resembling those of Chen-re-zi, are looked for. After
a final religious ceremony the boy who is chosen is required to identify
various objects and articles belonging to his predecessor as proof
of his being the true reincarnation. This singular process of discovery
and identification is unique in history. It applies also to the Panchen
Lama the second pillar of Lamaism, as well as to other high incarnate
lamas.

The Monasteries

The three lamas, as related earlier, brought religion to Sikkim and

also found a ruler for the country. Gradually through the years,
Lamaism became the state religion, and with its growth innumerable
monasteries were built throughout the land. There are -_- two sects of
---.

lamas in Sikkim,.u Nyingmapa and the Kargyupa as represented by

the Karmapa. A third, the Dukpa sect, is not currently represented.
The Nyingmapa, or the so-called traditional school represents the
strict ~ T E ~ d r i i d ~ Gf
t Ylamaisp
e and has three lower sects: the Lhatsun-
pa, to which belong most of the monasteries, with Pemiongchi at the
head, the Kartok-pa, with the monasteries of Kartok and Dolling, and
the Ngadak-pa, with the monasteries of Namchi, Tashiding, Zilnon and
Thang-mochhen.
The Karma-Kargyu is one of the earliest branches of the Kargyupa,
and was founded by Marpa and his pupil, Millarepa. The first
Karmapa monastery in Sikkim was built at Ralang6 about A.D. 1730
by its ruler, Gyurrned Namgyal, in homage to the ninth Karmapa
Grand Lama, during a pilgrimage of this ruler to Tibet. Other Karmapa
monasteries are at Rumtek and Phodang.
Specific and identifiable places of worship in Sikkim are: the Tak-
phu, literally a rock-cave (associated with Guru Rimpoche); the
Gompa, a monastery proper; and other gompas known as such in
popular terms but more correctly designated mani lha-khangs which
are to be found in villages. These mani lha-khangs minister to the
religious needs of the villagers.
The approaches to the monsateries are lined with rows of tall
bamboo poles with prayer flags attached to them, several moss-covered
chortens and long mendong monuments. Chortens, literally recep-
tacles for offerings, are solid conical structures originally intended to
house relics but are now mostly erected in honour of the Buddha
or his disciples. The shape and details of the chorten have an elemental
interpretation and symbolize the five elements--earth, air, water, fire
and ether into which the physical body is dissolved upon death.
The lower section is a solid rectangular block, and it represents the

6 Ralang in Sikkirn is not to be confused with Ralang in Tibet which is referred to later
in the book.
 earth. Above it is a globe which-reprtsents water. dement of
fire is represented by a triangular section and air by a cresant shape
signifying the i n v d vault nf ttLe sky. The whole is crowned try_an
acuminated circle symbolising ether.
The most holy chorten in Sikkim is Tashiding, owing its special
sanctity to its reputedly holding some of the relics of the mythical
Buddha, antecedent to Sakya Muni. It is a favourite plaa for pil-
grimage, and the simple act of beholding this chorten is supposed to
cleanse one of all sin.
Also frequently visible in the vicinity of a monastery is -seat -
called tbrnnefor the use of the head lama when instructing his pupils
in t&-open. One such reputed throne exists at the Pemiongchi chorten
near which the visitors camp is usually pitched.
The oldest and the first monastery to be built in Sikkim is Hungri,
founded by Ringzin Ge-dem.7 In due course, shrines were erectirat
Tashiding, Sang-nga-chholing and Pemiongchi built on locations con-
secrated to the Guru Rimpoche, and these in turn at a later date became
the sites of monasteries. The Pemiongchi monastery was built to
house the ta-tshang or "pure" monks, c e l i b u and - undeformed.
- It
still retains this reputation for the celibacy and high social class of its
monks. In Sikkim they are the only bearers of the title of ta-tshang,
and their head lama has the special reserved honour of consecrating
the reigning sovereign with holy water.
The Pemiongchi monastery supervises many others, as also the
gompas of Lingthem, Simik and Phaggye. The most active and
flourishing monasteries in Sikkim are the Pemiongchi and Phodang.
The most important part of a monastery is the temple- or --Lha-
khang. It serves two purposes: as an-asembly room and -&-a place of
worship with its relics and i-es. Usually it is surrounded by a paved
path to allow the pious lamas and devotees to move around it in a
religious procession.
One enters the main door of a monastery by a short flight of steps.
On ascending these steps one finds that the entrance is usually screened
by a large curtain made of yak-hair or wool which is hung from the
upper balcony. Upon entering the hall, the opening is guarded by
figures of fiends. They are the demons of the locality. Then one
notices a pair of hideous imps painted red and bluish-black. Among
those portrayed are sometimes 12 'tan-ma' or aerial nymphs typical of
Tibet who are believed to sow disease and to have been among the
chief fiends subjugated by the Guru.
In the vestibule are four huge representations in fresco of the Kings
of the four Quarters who guard the universe and heavens against the
demons of the outer-space. They are clad in warrior amour and have

A list of monasteries in Sikkim with title and meaning, also date of construction, is
at Appendix I.
a threatening expression. Two stand on each side of the doorway.
The white Guardian of the East is King of the Gandharvas, the green
Guardian of the South King of the Kumbhandas, the red Guardian of
the West King of the Nagas, and the yellow Guardian of the North is
the King of the Yakshas.
In the smaller monasteries of the villages, the mani lha-khang, or
prayer barrel, is set within the temple and mechanically revolved by the
hands of lay devotees, each completed revolution being announced by
a lever striking a bell.
In the monastery is a large hall with a double row of colurnlls which
separate the space forming a nave flanked by two aisles. At the lower
end of the nave is the altar. The interior is a mass of bright colour,
the walls profusely covered with frescoes of saints and demons. The
ceiling beams are painted red with a design of lotus rosettes and other
emblems.
Three large seated figttrs-grace the altar. These are - -- the Three
Jewels signifying the trinity of the lamas. The Sakya Muni, the
Buddha is seated in the centre, the Guru Rimpoche to the left of him
and on the right side Chen-re-zi, the Lord of Mercy.8 The Sakya
Muni is of a yellow shade with blue curly hair, and sometimes he is
attended by two standing figures, his closest disciples. The Guru
Rimpoche holds a dorje, a thunderbolt, in his right hand. A human
skull used as a cup which contains blood is in his left hand. A trident
decorated with human heads rests on his left shoulder. In addition
he is almost always attended by his two ministering wives. Chen-re-zi,
the Lord of Mercy who plays the important role of the patroil god of
Lamaism, is white in -colour
---- with four arms: the front pair of hands
are joined in devotion, the upper r i g n n d holds a crystal rosary while
the upper left a lotus flower.
The arrangement of the images is not the same in all temples. For
example, in the Kargyut temples a special place is given to Karma
Bakshi, the founder of the Karmapa lower sect. Another image which
is familiar in Sikkim is Khang-chen Dzonga,_the protective deity of the
- the literal meaning being "the five repositories or ledges of the
land,
great snows". He is a good-natured deity and differs in charam&
being of a protective rather than of a destructive nature.
In some of the Nyingmapa monasteries there exist side chapels or
special shrines, which are dedicated to Tamding and Dorje-phagrno as
both of these are popular deities. On the second floor of the monastery
which is reached by a narrow, rather steep staircase there are images
of secondary importance, perhaps frescoes of Gon pos, or protectors
of Mahayana Buddhism which are frightening since they are clothed

Sometimes Tara, the Goddess of Knowledge (Power), Arnitayus, God of the Infinite
Life, and Vijaya, the All Powerful, known together as the Trinity of Life Eternal, also
find a place on the altar.
in human and tiger skin and adorned with writhing snakes, human
skulls and bones. Also among these frescoes is the Sepai-khorlo which
represents the cycle of existence showing the progressions of rebirth
and the dreadful tortures of the damned.
A rebirth, according to Lamaism as is stated in the Indian doctrine
of' Karma, is determined by & e k viour and deeds, although with
faith, charms and rituais d & - c a ~ p p l e m e n t good acts. If the
virtues outweigh the sins, the soul is reborn as a god. If one is less
virtuous then one is reborn as an ungodly spirit; and still less so as a
human being. Those whose sins predominate and haYe f:illen low sink
into the lower depths of rebirth and are reborn as beasts or ghosts, the
most wicked going either to a fiery hot hell or to an icy cold hell.
Judgment is delivered by the King of the Dead, sometimes referred to
as the "Religious King".
Many other objects are placed on the altar. For instance the lower
shelf has offerings of rice, cakes, flowers and the sacred lamps. On
the higher shelf there are musical instruments and ~ i t ~ ~ i The l s .
temple lights are on short pedestal stands. A cotton wick is placed
in the centre of the socket which is lit and fed by melted butter. The
number of lighted bowls is an indication of the wealth of the temple
and its numerous votaries.
The numerous monasteries in Sikkim, which as stated earlier are
listed in Appendix I, I hope, will enchant the reader and also provide
delightful information for the uninitiated traveller who would un-
doubtedly be rewarded should he undertake this journey.

Gangtok, the Capital

The seat of the government which is also the residence of the Raja,
more recently the Maharaja, has changed through the years. The
earliest records dating about 1640 locate it at Yoksam which is in the
western part of Sikkim. Later, about 1670, it was moved to Rabdentse
which lies further in the south-eastern region. A few years thereafter
the capital of Sikkim was again moved to Tumlong, more to the centre
of the valley, as Rabdentse as a capital was considered too close to the
hostile Gurkhas. Security was the determining factor in choosing a
location as the headquarters of the Ruler and his government. From
time to time the ruler's summer residence was in the valley of Chumbi9
in Tibet.
From about 1894, the residence of the-- Mahar-a
.-- (his title is now
the Chogyal) has been at Gangtok
- .
which geographically and as regards
commu~icationswith the rest of the world has proved to be a more
central location. The administrative offices which colnprise those of
the Principal Administrative Officer, the Chief Secretary, and the

gChumbi is near Yatung in Tibet.

various departmental heads are located here as is also the residence
of the Indian political representative, the Political Officer as he is
addressed by this title even today.
The capital at Gangtok is a picturesque town with a population of
some 15,000 inhabitants. It is so located that it sprawls alongside
the southern tip of one of the many disjointed spurs of the Chola Range
of the mountains. On two prominent hilltops, not far distant from
each other, stands the Chogyal's Palace and the residence of the Indian
representative. Some 200 or 300 feet below, sloping down the hillside
are the bazars and the city dwellings. The main highway passes through
this living area, leading northward, and here is the residential section
of private built homes. Also, from the highway the road zigzags
climbing steeply upward to the bazars. If one descends 500 feet and
follows the road about two miles distance one comes upon the newly
built cantonment.
Sunday is the weekly market day and the bazars like a fair hum
with activity. Farm produce from the neighbouring villages is brought
to Gangtok, by crowds of colourfully dressed men and women, each
wearing traditional clothing and adorned with earrings, necklaces and
amulets. After the business of buying and selling is over which usually
lasts till the early afternoon the village folk depart. During the week
the small permanent shops in the bazars and side streets sell the many
articles of daily use mostly of Indian make.
The paved highway continues to Rangpo, a town almost equal in
population to Gangtok, which skirts the borders of Sikkim and North
Bengal. Gangtok, the capital, is at a distance of 26 miles from this
town. Beyond Gangtok, the highway continues a further 63 miles to
Chungthang leading to Lachen and Lachung in a northerly direction.
Eastward another branch of the highway winds to Karponang, Changu
and Nathu-la, a distance of 32 miles. Nathu-la, the pass at an altitude
of 14,700 feet is the main gateway to the Chumbi valley of Tibet.
Across it, but for a short gap, the road continues to Yatung, Gyantse
and finally to Lhasa in Tibet.
Gangtok is situated at an altitude of 5,500 feet and has a healthy,
bracing climate throughout the year except for a three or four months'
spell of the monsoon from June to September. The lowest winter
temperature never drops below freezing and the highest temperature in
the summer months seldom exceeds 750 . - - degrees
-. -- Fahrenheit. The
-.-------
rainfall, by comparison with some of the adioining areas, is heavy:
about 140 inches in a year. The winter months starting fmaNQyember
through February are indeed delightfully pleas@, bright yet cold-
_ _ /
-A- -
and i n w t i n g .
With such a varied climate Gangtok has its richness of flora;
vegetation that is really unique and indescribable. There are not only
flowering trees and shrubs, rhododendrons, magnolias, acacias, bamboo
but an unusual variety of tree ferns. Several hundred different types
of wild orchids bloom in the countryside and the sanctuaries and other
wild flowers are to be found throughout the year, species of both the
tropical and the temperate zones. Any botanist would enjoy the
challenge since many plant varieties have never been identified or named.
The Palace and the complex of the Secretariat buildings including the
High Court as well are constructed in a traditional Sikkimese style of
architecture. There is also the Institute of Tibetology, a library of
Tibetan manuscripts and a museum and research centre for Tibetan
studies. The Cottage Industries Institute sponsored by the Gyalmo
encourages the teaching and making of the traditional arts and crafts.
There is also an emporium where one can buy the colourfully woven
handloom rugs and the artistic wood carvings and ceramics. In
addition to an agricultural and dairy farm there is also a paper making
workshop which uses the residue of bamboo pulp, producing fine and
durable paper for many uses. There are four high schools, one of
which is run on public school lines, and several primary educational
institutions; also a hospital, a clinic and several dispensaries.
Below Gangtok, a drop of about 4,000 feet, the river Rongnek flows
northwards through an impressive valley with its terraced and cultivated
gardens. It is one of the many tributaries of the Teesta. Across this
valley on a clear day there is visible nature's most impressive sight-
the range of snow-capped Himalayan peaks: the Gnarseng, the Kabru,
and the towering Kangchenjunga with its elevation of 28,168 feet
followed by the Simvo and the Siniolchu. Nature's beauty in and
around Gangtok is awe inspiring.
Chapter 11

Early History

RADITION tells one how the thee lamas _of a-pa or

T r e d hat sect of Buddhism eventually after m a n y X s m- e t 2
the village of Yoksam in Sikkim under the shadow of Kangchenjunga.
From here they sent for the ancestor of the Rajas of Sikll'm by the
name of Phuntshog (or Pencho) Namgyal, an influential Bhutia then
residing at Gangtok. This Phuntshog Namgyal, it is said, was himself
descended from Raja Indrabodhi, who was at one time ruler of what is
today called Himachal Pradesh in northern India. In this dynastic
tradition line there is also mention of a Tibetan hero, Khye-bum-sar.
Phuntshog Namgyal was born in 1604 and was consecrated with the
title Chogyal (Dharma Raja) in 1642 and in time came to be known
as the Denjong Gyalpo. He spent his years conquering or winning
over the various chieftains, such as the leaders of minor clans, who
had set themselves up throughout the land. He ruled over a wide-
spread area many times the size of Sikkim of today. His authority
extended in the north to Thang-la, beyond-Phari in Tibet, towards the
east to Tagong-la, near Paro in Bhutan and to the south to Titalia,
near the borders of Bihar and Bengal in India. It comprised also to
the west, the region of the Timar Chorten, on the banks of the Timar
 river in Nepal. He then proceeded to establish a central administra-
tion, dividing the area into 12 dzongs (districts), each &-*-ha
Dzongpon (governor). He had a council of 12 rniniskrs:
--
Phuntshog
Namgyal chose Yoksam as his capital.
This Ruler had an only son named Tensung Namgyal who was born
in 1644 and who succeeded him about 1670. Tensung N K y a l
moved the capital to Rabdentse. Tensung was married three times:
His first wife was a Tibetan named Numbe Ongmu by whom he had a
daughter, Pende Ongmu who was destined to play an important but
disastrous role in the history of Sikkirn. His second wife was a
Sikkimese, Debasam-serpa who bore him a son, Chakdor; and his
third marriage was to the daughter of a Limbu Raja. From this union
with the Limbuni princess he had two children, a son, Shalngo-Guru,
and a daughter, Pende Tshering Gyemu. His reign could be called a
marital one but otherwise uneventful.
Chokdor Namgyal, the son of Tensung, whose mother was Sikkimese
was born in 1686. He was a youth of 14 when he succeeded his father
as ruler about 1700. Trouble arose between him and his eldest sister,
Pende Ongmu, who assumed she was entitled to the accession of the
throne. She thereupon engaged and allowed a Bhutanese force to
invade Sikkim so as to help her evict her brother. Yugthing Teshe,
a loyal cour~cillor,came to the rescue of the Ruler, Chakdor, and took
him to Lhasa trekking via Elam and Walong, which was then a part
of western Sikkim but is today in eastern Nepal. In Lhasa the young
Chakdor distinguished himself in the study of Buddhist teachings and
Tibetan writings. He eventually became the favoured and official
astrologer to the sixth Dalai Lama. For these services the Dalai Lama
rewarded him with landed estates in central Tibet; which in turn were
inherited by his successors and continued to be theirs to the end of
the 18th century. Tibet re-acquired these estates during the time of
Tsugphud Namgyal's minority rule when with the war between Nepal
and Tibet a period of confusion prevailed.
However, in the meantime, the Bhutanese forces were successful in
their invasion and captured the Palace in Rabdentse which was held
by them for eight years. Upon the death of the sixth Dalai Lama
about 1707 Chakdor Namgyal was prompted to return to Sikkim,
accompanied by a Tibetan Lama named Jigme Pao. When he returned
the Bhutanese forces withdrew and evacuated Sikkim west of the
Teesta but still maintained their position at Fort Dumsong. This was
a permanent loss to Sikkim in that it was never regained.
The bitter tension between the brother and sister continued and came
to a crisis when Chakdor was murdered during a visit to the Ralang
hot springs about the year 1717. A Tibetan physician overzealously
allowed him to bleed to death by opening a main artery. Soldiers who
supported the Raja were sent to Namchi, the doctor executed, and
Pende Ongrnu, the sister, strangled with a silken scarf and her corpse
was burnt. The Tibetan Lama Jigme Pao became the Regent for a
while.
Chakdor Namgyal, the murdered Raja, was married to a Tibetan.
She bore him a son in 1707 named Gyurmed. Gyurrned also married
a Tibetan, the daughter of an abbot from Mingdoling. The story is
told that she was so unattractive looking that he left her and retired to
the De-chhen-ling monastery to be alone. Further dissensions within
the country led to the loss of Limbuana which chose disassociation
from Sikkim's rule and later annexed itself to Nepal. Gyurmed, the
restless Ruler, went his own way disguised as a religious mendi-
cant. He left on a pilgrimage to Tibet, and eventually returned to
Sikkim but remained eccentric in his behaviour. For instance, he
refused to take a second wife, his first wife having fled in the meantime
to Tibet. This stubborn celibacy was of great concern to the court
and to his subjects since there was no direct heir to the throne.
In 1734 Raja Gyurmed was taken seriously ill, and upon being asked
on his death bed to name his heir gave the name of a nun in Sangna-
Cholling stating that she was carrying his child who, when born, was
named Namgyal Penchoo (or Phuntshog). This was realised in 1733,
but it paved the way for trouble for Sikkirn. One of the Dzongpons
(governors) who were chosen traditionally from the Kazi families,
Chandzod Tamding, rebelled and refused to acknowledge the legiti-
macy of the nun's offspring. He appointed himself the Raja. Tam-
ding ruled for a few years; but finally the Lepchas, under the leadership
of Chandzod Karwang, a loyal supporter of Gyurmed, rose in favour
of the nun's child Phuntshog, and forced Tamding the self-appointed
Raja to flee to Lhasa to appeal to the Tibetans for aid in re-instating
himself as the Ruler.
The Tibetans sent their emissary, a Rabden Sharpa, to make an
enquiry into the dispute between Phuntshog and Tamding. He arrived
in Sikkim and as the story goes established himself as the Regent for
several years. However, he finally returned to Tibet after declaring
himself in favour of Phuntshog and seeing him formally seated on the
throne as the Raja and rightful heir.
During Namgyal Phuntshog's rule a number of other polemic
developments took place. The Deb Raja of Bhutan planned an
invasion of Sikkim in conspiracy with the Mangars who inhabited the
south-eastern part of the country. The invasion did not succeed, yet the
Mangar allegiance to Sikkim was lost. About 1752, an uprising by the
Tsongs was in progress but the upheaval was suppressed by Chandzod
Karwang. Then an uprising of the Gurkhas posed a new threat when
Raja Prithivinarayan Shah of Nepal for a while undertook to support
rebellious elements in Sikkim. Bhutanese forces invaded Sikkim
a second time, but after negotiations at Rhenock in eastern Sikkim
withdrew to the present boundaries. A treaty with Nepal was also
concluded in 1775, establishing by mutual consent the Nepal-Sikkim
boundary line at Sango chu, Sangdi dzong, Malliayang and Lha chu.
This treaty was not adhered to and was broken by the Gurkhas, who
occupied Elam and Topzong in western Sikkim and proceeded to
advance further into that region.
Namgyal Phuntshog married thrice. His third wife, a daughter of
Deba Shamshed Khiti Phukpa, bore him about 1769 a son who was
named Tenzing Namgyal. Prince Tenzing succeeded his father to the
throne in 1780. He married a daughter of Changzod Karwang, the
loyal Lepcha leader. Her name was Anyo Gyelyum. Their son,
Tsugphud Namgyal was born in 1785. The intermittent wars fist with
the Gurkhas and then with the Bhutanese did not cease. Chandzod
Karwang's son, Chandzod Chothup, had in these years acquired the
skill of a competent military leader, and with his colleague Deba
Takarpo, they combined to drive the Gurkhas from Elam. The
Sikkimese forces actually penetrated as far as Chainpore in Nepal.
But, then their luck turned and they were defeated in battle near Bilung-
iong about 1787 when Deba Takarpo was killed and Chandzod Chothup
forced to withdraw.
Further active hostilities were discontinued for a while but the
Sikkimese forces were lulled into a sense of false security.
Suddenly in 1788-89 the Gurkha general Jahar Singh crossed with his
army into Sikkim and with alacrity captured the capital Rabdentse.
The Raja Tenzing, the Rani and their son fled from Rabdentse to Lhasa
in Tibet in order to obtain help. In the meanwhile Chandzod Chothup
and his loyal followers succeeded in dispersing and throwing back the
Gurkha invaders. Raja Tenzing died in Lhasa in 1793 and the Tibetan
government sent his young son, Tsugphud Namgyal that same year
back to Sikkim. Tsugphud Namgyal returned to Rabdentse, the
capital.
 Chapter III

The Nineteenth Century

'T HE early 19th centuly witnessed a total change in the political

scene in India. Having mastered India, British power ambitiously
sought to penetrate the Himalayas in their urge to establish an over-
land trade route to Lhasa in Tibet and thence towards Peking in China.
Sikkim could not help becoming wittingly or unwittingly a party to
British strategems and political manoeuvres. On the other hand,
Sikkim's traditional role continued to involve it also in Tibeto-Chinese
activities.
In 1791, the Gurkhas of Nepal were at war with Tibet and sacked
Tashilunpo,' the seat of the Tashi Lama. In the following year they
were defeated near Kathmandu and forced to accept an ignominious
treaty. This treaty was far from advantageous to Sikkim since the
boundary line with Nepal was diverted to the left bank of the river
Teesta. For several years and until 1815 Pemiongchi and all the
inhabitants of the south Teesta tract were obliged to pay tribute to
Nepal. During this time Tibet also reacquired the estates in central

' Tashliunpo Monastery near Sigatse in the Tsang province of Tibet is the traditional
seat of the Tashi or Panchen Lama.
Tibet which had been deeded to Raja Chakdor Namgyal by the sixth
Dalai Lama almost a century earlier.
Sikkim was also involved in the Anglo-Nepali war of 1814-15,
allied with the British in this dispute. Nagridzong in the west was
recaptured by the British about 1814, and in 1815 the Gurkhas were
driven out from many parts of south-western Sikkim. In the Treaty
of Titalia concluded in 1817 the boundary between Sikkim and Nepal
was established along the Mahanadi and Michi rivers and the Singilela
mountain range. A part of the Terai, the southern foothills of the
Himalayas, was then restored to the Sikkim Raja.
The recurring wars with Nepal and the insecurity of keeping
Rabdentse the capital, too close to the Nepalese frontier, made Raja
Tsugphud decide to move the seat of government to Tumlong. Con-
flicts arose between the Raja Tsugphud and his Chief Minister, Chand-
zod Bolek, which ended tragically in the assassination of the Chief
Minister and his family in 1826. Bolek's loyal supporters, the Kotapas,
fled from Sikkim and sought refuge in Nepal. Following this agitated
episode disputes between Sikkim and Nepal broke out. Now the
British Government in India were well aware of these events and, in
1828, they sent Captain Lloyd, an officer, to make an enquiry and to
report on the disputes. During this time the British became interested
in Darjeeling as a possible health resort for its officials and negotiations
for its cession were started. It was not until 1834-35, however, when
British assistance was sought to prevent an incursion into the Sikkim
Terai by the Kotapas who were supported by the Nepalis, that the deal
was finalised. A deed of grant, dated February 1835, was given by
Tsugphud Namgyal to the B r i t i ~ h . ~Starting with the year 1841 the
British offered a yearly payment of Rs. 3,000 (later it was increased to
Rs. 6,000) to Raja Tsugphud Namgyal as a gesture of compensation for
the cession of Darjeeling.
The cession of Darjeeling was followed by friction between the
Superintendent of Darjeeling and Dewan Namgay of Sikkim because
it was alleged that British subjects were kidnapped to be sold into slavery
and aid was frequently denied in capturing and surrendering criminals.
In 1849, Dr. Campbell, the Superintendent of Darjeeling and Dr. Hooker,
a distinguished Botanist with the British Government in India,
while travelling in Sikkim were suddenly seized by the Sikkimese
authorities and made prisoner. A British ultimatum forced Sikkirn
to release the two prisoners in December that year, but later in February
1850, a punitive British force crossed the river Rangit into Sikkim.
This expedition exacted various penalties: the stoppage of the grant
of Rs. 6,000, a demand for the dismissal of Dewan Namgay and the
annexation of the Sikkim Terai and a portion of the Sikkim hills
bounded by the river Rummam on the north, the rivers Rangit and

9 See Appendix II.

 Teesta on the east and the Nepalese frontier on the west. Another
expedition followed in 1861 and it was then that the Sikkimese were
forced to accept the terms presented by the British. This detailed
treaty consisting of 23 articles was entered into by the special British
envoy, the Hon'ble Ashley Eden, and the Maharaja's son, Sidkeong
Namgyal, on 28 March 1861.j Maharaja Tsugphud Namgyal was in
Chumbi and declined to return to Sikkim. It was about this time that
the title of Maharaja came to be used for the rulers of Sikkim.
Tsugphud Namgyal's rule was the longest in the history of Sikkim,
lasting from 1793 for almost 70 years. He had married five times;
his second and third wives were the sisters of the Tashi Lama of Tibet.
Sidkeong, his eldest surviving son, was born in 1819, issue of the second
wife. The fifth wife named Menchi also bore him a son named Thutob
Namgyal. For all practical purposes Sidkeong became the Maharaja
in 1861, even though his father died two years later in Chumbi. The
yearly payment by the British of Rs. 6,000, which was stopped in 1850,
was again resumed in 1862, payment being made to Maharaja Sidkeong
and this sum was later increased as a gesture of British consideration.
Though generally indifferent to the administration of his own country,
Maharaja Sidkeong tried to improve and maintain good relations with
the British, and his efforts met with some success. In 1873 he paid a
friendly visit to Sir George Campbell, then Lt. Governor of Bengal,
at Darjeeling.
Maharaja Sidkeong died in April 1874 and his half brother Thutob,
issue from the fifth wife, became Ruler.
It is perhaps interesting, at this point, to have some idea of the
varied peoples that made up the population of Sikkim at the turn of
the 19th century. The census taken in February 1891 gave the total
population as numbering 30,000. One-third were Lepchas and Bhutias,
and the rest was made up of Limbus, Gurungs, Murmis, Rais, Khambus
and Mangars and some other smaller groups. Generally speaking,
there were three main divisions in the population:

(1) The oldest and perhaps the original inhabitants, the Lepchas or
the Rong-pa ;
(2) The next in importance, the Kham-pa, immigrants from the
Tibetan province of Kham commonly called Bhutias; and
(3) The Limbus with whom are allied the Gurungs, Murmis, etc. who
belong to the Lhasa Gotra believed to have migrated to Sikkim
from Shigatse, Penam, Norpu, Khyongtse, Samdubling and
Gyantse, places in the Tibetan province of Tsong, south of the
Tsangpo.

The dynasty of the Rulers of Sikkim belongs to the second group.

Their ancestor was Khye-bum-sar, a legendary Tibetan hero. His
8
See Appendix IZI.
descendants, six family branches in all, come from this source. Other
Khampas constituted eight families known collectively at one time as
the tribe of "the eight respectable names". In all, there were thus in
Sikkim 14 original families of Tibetan origin. More Tibetan families
came into Sikkim at various later times.
Famous among the Lepchas was Tekong-tek, the old Lepcha chief
at the time of Khye-bum-sar's l e g e n d e visGo Sikkim.4 ~ekonFi6'k
was said to be sixth in direct descent from an ancestor of divine oyrin.
Five or six generations later, one of Tekong-tek's descendants became
a leading Lepcha minister under Raja Tensung Namgyal. Other
equally distinguished Lepchas were Chandzod Karwang, a loyal
supporter of Namgyal Phuntshog. One of his daughters named Anyo
Gyelyum married Raja Tenzing Namgyal, and was the mother of
Tsugphud Namgyal. Several other Lepcha families, living along the
banks of the Talung river and its vicinity, took their names from &e
pl&s they settled in. The Lepchas cultivated their soil but as-
went on they lost most of their land through the infiltration o f ~ h u t i a s
and of Nepali settlers who crowded them o u t TkLepcbas are an
honest, peace-loving and virtuous people. But their timidity and
shyness, their naivety and a tendency to isolate themselves have
-
apewarn-
-
tly served them ill against the later immigrants.
The origin of the Limbus is veiled in obscuri&*&ugh it is said
their ancestors came from Kasi (Banaras). Limbu is the name given
to them by the Nepalis; but they call themselves Yakthumba (or%
herdsmen), and the Lepchas and Bhutias call t h e m ~ s ~ ~ w hini c h
their iGguage means merchants. Since the Limbus were the chief
cattle dealers they were the merchants of that time. The countryside
between the Amn and Kankaye was originally inhabited by the Limbus,
who had their own tribal chiefs. The Gurkhas did not have to conquer
the peace-loving Limbus as they voluntarily gave in and by doing so
~ -

retained special privileges.

Of the other tribes, the Newars, though small in number, were
reputedly enterprising and influential. The Gurungs lived mostly in
the western part of Sikkim and the Mangars made their homes in the
Kangpa-chen and Tamhur valleys. They were however driven away
from these valleys by their rivals, the Sherpa Bhutias.
To return now to the rulers of Sikkim. Thotub Namgyal was born
in 1860. He became Maharaja in 1874 and married his half-brother's
widow, a woman named Pending. She died in childbirth in 1880, and
left three children by Thotub; a daughter, Namgyal Dumo, born in
1876; and two sons, the elder Tshodak Namgyal, born in 1878, and the

' Legend has it that Khye-bum-sai actually visited Sikkim in search of the Lepcha
patriarch and wizard, Tekong-tek, to invoke his blessing for the birth of a son. A son
was indeed born to him, and while on a return visit to offer thanks eternal friendship was
sworn between the Lepchas and the Bhutias.
younger Sidkeong Tulku, born in 1879. He then took a second wife
from the Lhading house of Lhasa; she was the mother of Tashi Nam-
gyal, a son born in 1893, and Chuni Wangmo, a daughter born in 1897.
Shortly after his accession Maharaja Thotub Namgyal ran into
difficulties with the Nepali settlers in Sikkim. He went on a mission
with Chandzod Karpo (who had married Thotub's mother, Manchi,
after the death of Raja Tsugphud) to the Hon'ble Ashley Eden, then
Lt, Governor of Bengal. Some agreement limiting areas in which
Nepali settlers would be permitted was reached, but this did not
succeed and there were disturbances in Rhenock in 1880. A second
and more successful settlement was then negotiated which seemed to
set the problem at rest.
Chandzod Karpo died in 1879, Rani Pending in 1880: and with
these two deaths the power of the state reverted to Rani Menchi and
Dewan Namgay (who in the meantime had married an illegitimate
daughter of the Rani). This was the very same Dewan whose expulsion
the British had demanded 30 years earlier. From their long residence
in Chumbi and close association with Tibetan officials both the Rani
and the Dewan seemed naturally to favour Tibetan interests. Their
efforts were thus directed towards securing the succession for Tinlay,
son of Rani Menchi by Chandzod Karpo.
Tinlay's popularity and influence grew and he persuaded Raja
Thotub to go to Chumbi in order to pay his respects to Shape Rampa,
a minister of the Dalai Lama. Meanwhile, the British, in their renewed
interest in trade with Tibet, sent off the Macaulay M i s ~ i o n ,which
~
entered Sikkim en route. The Tibetans who were far from pleased
about the British Mission proceeding to Tibet, thought as a warning to
invade Sikkim and establish a fort at Lungthu near the border. The
Macaulay Mission was in fact held back (in deference to Tibetan
susceptibilities), but Thotub disgusted with British machinations con-
tinued to remain at Chumbi and totally ignored British remonstrances
that he return to Sikkim. The British answer was to impose the
penalty of stopping the allowance under the Treaty of 1861.
The Raja returned from Chumbi in December 1887 after concluding
an agreement with the Tibetans which took place at Galing. In March
1888, a British expeditionary force was sent against the Tibetans at
Lungthu where the Tibetans had established themselves. The cam-
paign finally ended in September of the same year forcing the defeated
Tibetans to retreat across Jelep-la, one of the many passes into the
Chumbi valley. A settlement of the Sikkim-Tibet hostilities in which
the British were actively involved was, however, reached only with the
signing of the Anglo-Chinese Convention at Calcutta in March 1890.6
Both the Tibetans and the Chinese acknowledged a British protectorate

6 Led by Colman Macaulay, Bengal Financial Secretary, in 1886.

See Appendix 1V
for Sikkim. At the same time, the British, the Tibetans and the
Chinese accepted the demarcation line of the Sikkirn-Tibet boundary
as the crest of the mountain range forming the watershed. Sikkim no
longer had a claim to the Chumbi valley where her Rulers had maintain-
ed a summer residence for many, many years. In December 1893, a
protocol to the Convention of 1890 was concluded which regulated
trade, communications and pasturage.' This protocol provided, inter
alia, for the establishment of a trade mart at Yatung on the Tibetan
side of the frontier, a mart which was opened in 1894.
Maharaja Thotub Namgyal was at this time virtually under the
supervision and control of Claude White, who had been appointed the
first British Political Officer in Sikkim in 1889 and had been invested
with the authority of a de facto ruler. For a time both the Maharaja
and the Maharani were forced to remain in Kalimpong in North Bengal
just outside Sikkim. Thotub's reign continued, disturbed and without
serenity. Allowed to leave Kalimpong after months of detention
Thotub only found that he was restricted to stay at Darjeeling for the
entire year 1895. A change in this British attitude towards Sikkim was
noticeable only at the time of the Younghusband Expedition in 1904
to Lhasa when it was obvious that a friendly and non-belligerent Sikkim
was essential to ensure its success. Only in 1905 did Maharaja Thotub
regain his authority as a Ruler following a visit to Calcutta, where he
was invited to meet the then Prince of Wales. Then, in 1906, a signi-
ficant change took place in the administration of the Sikkim State when
control over Sikkim state affairs was transferred from the Government
of Bengal to the Government of India.
Maharaja Thotub remained the Ruler till 1914, when his son
Sidkeong Tulku took over authority.
For a moment I indulge the reader to return to the year 1894, when a
British Civil Servant8 posted with the Government of Bengal, sum-
marized in his own words the future of Sikkim. He wrote:

Most of all will our position be strengthened by the change which is

insensibly but steadily taking place in the composition of the population
of Sikkim. The Lepchas as has been stated, are rapidly dying out;
while from the west, the industrious Newars and Goorkhas of Nepal
are pressing forward to clear and cultivate large areas of unoccupied
land on which the European tea-planters of Darjeeling have already
cast longing eyes. The influx of these hereditary enemies of Tibet is
our surest guarantee against a revival of Tibetan influence. Here
also religion will play a leading part. In Sikkim, as in India, Hinduism
will assuredly cast out Buddhism and the praying wheel of the lama
will give place to the sacrificial implements of the Brahman. The
land will follow the creed; the Tibetan proprietors will gradually be
dispossessed, and will betake themselves to the petty trade for which

'See Appendix V.
H.H. Risley, I.C.S., writing in the Gazetteer of Sikkirn (1894).
 they have an undeniable aptitude.
Thus race and religion, the prime movers of the Asiatic world,
will settle the Sikkim difficulty for us, in their own way. We have
only to look on and see that the operation of these causes is not artifi-
cially hindered by the interference of Tibet or Nepal.
Time has shown and justly proved that the Civil Servant's statement
which was published in the Gazetteer of Sikkim, in 1894, was of little
consequence or value since it lacked insight and comprehension. There
has indeed been little conflict between Buddhism and Hinduism in
Sikkim since the two religions not only exist in separate entities of
religious faith but also in synthesised form. Again, as regards the un-
segregated population of Sikkim, taken along with the factor of State
restrictions in certain areas, governing ownership of agricultural tracts
of land, one can feel justified in saying that a natural balance prevails
even though the population of the country is made up of multiple
groups.
 Chapter IV

Recent Decades

T HE period of active and effective British influence on Sikkim

commenced with the establishment of the British Residency in
Gangtok under John Claude White, the Political Officer, in the year
1889. Ironically, this happened at the time when Sino-British relations
were at a standstill. Other writers have referred to it as the period of
"masterly inactivity" in Sino-British relations. In 1879, the British
had in fact completed an unpaved road to the Jelep-la so as to facilitate
their travel to Lhasa in order to further Indo-Tibetan trade. Then, in
1881, a branch of the East Bengal Railway was extended from Siliguri,
the starting point in North Bengal for a journey to Sikkim, to Darjeeling.
The first English school in this country was opened in Gangtok in 1906.
Even though when in 1905 the Ruler, Maharaja Thotub Namgyal was
re-instated with authority, the British Resident in Gangtok exercised
vigilant control in most matters. His control in fact continued for a
number of years.
John Claude White, the fist British Political Officer, has described
this period in the following terms:

Chaos reigned everywhere, there was no revenue system, the Maharaja

taking what he required as he wanted it from the people, those nearest
 the capital having to contribute the larger share, while those more
remote had toll taken from them by the local officials in the name of
the Raja, though little found its way to him; no courts of justice; no
police, no public works, no education for the younger generation.
The task before me was a difficult one, but very fascinating; the country
was a new one and everything was in my hands.

These words, descriptive of the state of the country during his residence
in Gangtok are perhaps over exaggerated, but partial credit is due to
Claude White. He made a sincere effort and with his help Sikkim
progressed from a primitive feudal country to a reasonably efficient one.
Prince Sidkeong Namgyal, son of Maharaja Tl~otub,succeeded to
the gaddi ('throne' in Hindi) in February 1914, but he did not last long
enough for what might have been a promising career. In December
that year he was taken ill, and an English physician from Bengal was
summoned to administer to him which he proceeded to do by giving the
patient "a heavy transfusion of brandy" as is recorded in the chronicle
of that time. Sidkeong was then enveloped in many heavy rugs and
blankets. From all appearances his sudden death was diagnosed as
heart failure; since the records state that "death came within the
hour". Sidkeong Namgyal had been closely associated with the
administration of the country since his return to Sikkim in 1908 having
been educated in Oxford. During his short life he worked to dissolve
the greed which occurs in vested interests. He also attempted to unify
the Buddhists, by giving new life to the monasteries, and a new signifi-
cance to their role. Unfortunately, Maharaja Sidkeong did not survive
to reap the harvest of his constructive efforts.
Before we go on to Sidkeong Namgyal's successor, another special
event was realised of great significance to Sikkim. In 1914, the Simla
Convention signed by the representatives of Britain, China and Tibet,
ratified the delimitation of the northern frontier of Sikkim, as had been
set down in the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890.
Tashi Namgyal, Sidkeong's step-brother, succeeded him in 1914
and was for a time was under the tutelage of Charles Bell, who was the
then Political Officer. Complete powers were given to the new heir
when he became formally the Maharaja in April 1918. Prior to this
date the Political Officer was in a large measure responsible for the
administration of the state, although in many matters that arose the
Maharaja and his Council of Kazis were consulted. Tashi Namgyal
was married in October of 1918 to Kunzang Dechen, the daughter of
Rakashar Depon who was a general in the Tibetan army. On her
mother's side she was the grand daughter of Lonchen Shokang, now
deceased, a former Prime Minister of Tibet.
During his long reign lasting almost 50 years, Tashi Namgyal
introduced a number of social and economic refonns. One of these
was a judicial court, set up in 1916 under an independent judge. This
step put an end to the old practice of combining executive and judicial
powers in the hands of the Kazis, who acted also as landlords and
governors. In 1953, judicial administration took a further step forward
when judicial procedures modelled on the Indian civil and criminal
codes were introduced. In 1955, a full fledged High Court was estab-
lished by a charter.
During Tashi Namgyal's reign several social reforms were also
promulgated. Task or forced labour was abolished, land reforms
were introduced, and the system of taxation was brought up to date.
The beginnings of a system of political parties with diverse points of
view is also credited to his reign. The period of enlightenment took
place at the same time as India was also undergoing radical but cons-
tructive changes: the final withdrawal of the British and the emergence
of India in 1947 as an independent nation in the world, a development
which was also to affect Sikkim profoundly.
In May 1946, the Viceroy of India Lord Wave11 declared on behalf
of the British Government that under the new Indian constitution,
Britain would cease to exercise the powers of paramouiltcy in relation
to the Indian states. Accordingly, the declaration added:
Political arrangements between the states on the one side and the
British Crown and British India on the other will thus be brought
to an end. The void will have to be filled either by the states entering
into a federal relationship with the succession government or govern-
ments in British India or, failing this, entering into particular political
arrangements with it or them.

Sikkim, as an Indian state under the Indian Constitution of 1935, was

bound by the terms of this new declaration. An official delegation led
by Maharajkumar (now the Chogyal) Palden Thondup Namgyal with
Rai Bahadur T.D. Densapa, Private Secretary to the Maharaja as a
member, went to Delhi for discussions with the Chamber of Princes, a
body representing the several hundred princely States in India, and
the new Government of India.
There was general recognition on behalf of both the Government
of India and the Constituent Assembly which had been established to
draft the Constitution of the new and independent India, that Sikkim
had a special position. At its meeting on 22 January 1947, the Consti-
tuent Assembly adopted a resolution moved by Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru, then Vice-President of the Viceroy's Executive Council1 in the
following terms :
This Assembly resolves that the Committee constituted by its resolu-
tions of 21 December 1946 (to confer with the Negotiating Committee
set up by the Chamber of Princes and with other representatives of
Indian states for certain specified purposes) shall in addition have
power to confer with such persons as the Committee thinks fit for the

He was also member in charge of External Atfairs and Commonwealth Relations.

 purpose of examining the special problems of Bhutan and Sikkim and
to report to the Assembly the result of such examination.
Strengthened with the support extended to it by this resolution the
Sikkirnese Delegation continued its discussions with the Government
of India, leading to a treaty under which some specified matters would
remain the responsibility of the Indian Government. To enable both
parties to proceed with due deliberation and in a firm and friendly
manner it was decided to conclude a Standstill Agreement between the
Sikkim Darbar and the Government of India. According to the terms
of this Agreement which was signed on 27 February 1948"all agreements,
relations and administrative arrangements as to matters of common
concern existing between the Crown and the Sikkim State on August 14,
1947" were deemed to continue between the Dominion of India and
the Sikkim Darbar pending the conclusion of a new agreement or
treaty. These "matters of common concern" specifically included
currency, coinage, customs, postal channels and regulations, telegraph
communications, external affairs and defence measures.
Negotiations for the final and new treaty between the Darbar and
the Government of India proceeded favourably and the Treaty was
signed in Gangtok on 5 December 1950 between Maharaja Tashi
Namgyal and Harishwar Dayal, the then Indian Political Officer
i Sikkime2
7 A press note3 issued by the Ministry of External Affairs of the
Government of India some months earlier, in fact on 20 March 1950,
when the Sikkimese Delegation was in discussion with the Government
of India, had outlined the future status of Sikkim thus:

As regards the status of Sikkim it has been agreed that Sikkim will
continue to be a protectorate of India. The Government of India
will continue to be responsible for its external relations, defence and
communications. This is as much in the interests of the security of
the state as of India and is dictated by the facts of geography. As
regards internal government the state will continue to enjoy autonomy
subject to the ultimate responsibility of the Government of India for
the maintenance of good administration and law and order.

While negotiations between the Sikkimese Delegation and the Govern-

ment of India were in progress on this vital matter of future political
relations between the two countries developments within Sikkim posed
a grave threat both to law and order and the stability of the State.
The advent of popular government in independent India encouraged
the aspirations of various political groups and parties in Sikkim.
Three political parties had earlier been established and were in fact in
existence in 1947: the Sikkim State Congress under the leadership of

Text of the Indo-Sikkim Agreement of 1950 at Appendix VII.

Text of Press Note at Appendix VI.
 Tashi Tsering represented a predominantly Nepali group; then there
was the Sikkim National Party led by Gyaltshen Tsering and later by
Sonam Tsering; and the Praja Sarnmelan, another political group
which had as its president Dhan Bahadur Tewari Chhetri. The aims
of these political organisations, especially of the first two mentioned
above differed greatly, in fact were almost contradictory.
/In 1947, the State Congress believed in and as a whole accepted
accession to India. They stood for a responsible government in
Sikkim functioning as a state within independent India. They also
sought changes in the social and economic structure of the country.
The Sikkim National Party, on the other hand, campaigned for conti-
nuing the relationship which had existed for many decades between
Sikkim and the British Government in India. The Praja Sammelan,
the third political party, was believed again to favour Sikkim's merger
with or accession to India. On the economic front this party was
distinctly opposed to the landlords and supported the agrarian peasantry.
During the time lag which preceded the signing of the treaty of 1950
between Sikkim and the Government of India, and with an almost
total lack of cohesion manifest in the internal administration of Sikkim,
the Sikkim State Congress, the largest political organisation in the
country grew restive. It proposed a "no rent" and "no tax" campaign
as part of its disruptive programme of agitation. In February 1949,
the agitation rose to a crescendo with inflammatory speeches by its
members at public meetings. Some State Congress leaders were put
under hasty arrest by the Sikkim Darbar while others in sympathy led
a march on Gangtok. The Indian Political Officer was implored to
intervene so as to avert more serious troubles arising and in order to
restore normal life in the country.
The Darbar thereupon felt motivated to accept and establish an
Interim Government with a Council of five members: three of these
chosen from the Sikkim State Congress and the other two were nomi-
nated by the Maharaja. This popular government council set up in
May 1949 had as its members Tashi Tsering, Reshmi Prasad Alley,
Capt. Dimik Singh Lepcha, Kazi Dorji Dahdul and Chandra Das Rai.
It was clearly evident from the start that due to the lack of unity within
the council itself and dissident clash of party politics this so-called
"popular" government could not function. Demands by the State
Congress for a government with more adequate representation, the
designation of a chief minister and other changes including a modifi-
cation of the taxation structure were put forward. The Darbar not
responding to these demands was threatened with satyagraha. The
political situation grew more confused and difficult and upon the
suggestion of the Political Officer of that time, Harishwar Dayal,
Dr. B.V. Keskar, Deputy Minister for External Affairs of the Govern-
ment of India, came to Sikkim to help in any possible way to bring
about an understanding that would lead to a harmonious solution.
 Dr. Keskar arrived at Gangtok in May 1949, met with the Darbar offi-
cials and the representatives of the various political parties, business asso-
ciations and organisations, and others in public life. No solution could
be arrived at and the government of the country was virtually paralysed.
To minimise the chaos, the Maharaja got rid of the ministry and appoint-
ed the Indian Political Officer as the temporary and interim Adminis-
trator until a Dewan could take over and be entrusted with the affairs
of state. Thus ended the first ambitious effort of a "popular ministry".
It is the only one so far that Sikkim has tried to form and make work.
Its tenure of office was of a short duration, from 9 May to 6 June 1949.
An Indian Dewan, John La11 was then appointed by the Maharaja,
and he took office on 11 August 1949.
In July of the same year, a delegation of the State Congress headed
by its President, Tashi Tsering, went to Delhi and held frank discussions
with the Government of India. They cleared the air. The Delegation
was informed that the Government of India's sole wish was to ensure
a stable government in the state of Sikkim and that under no condition
could India tolerate chaos and disorder. Towards achieving this goal
of a stable government, as was reported in the press release which was
issued at that time, the Indian government intended to cooperate more
closely in bringing about the increasing association of the Sikkimese
people with their government. The Indian Dewan was duly appointed
with this in mind. Another coilference followed of representatives of
political parties from Sikkim in New Delhi in March of 1950 which
coincided with the timing of the final stages of negotiation on an Indo-
Sikkimese treaty. The outcome of both, the political talks and the
treaty negotiations were explained in the press release of 20 March 1950
issued by the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India
which has been referred to earlier.4
The reaction of the Sikkim State Congress to the discussions and
especially to the difficulties of the Government of India is seen in a
pamphlet issued by the Sikkim Congress a few weeks later, in April
1950:

Our demand that Sikkim should accede to India has in principle been
accepted because the administration will remain in the hands of govern-
ment of India's official. The responsibility to maintain peace and see
to the proper administration has also remained in the hands of the
government of India.. . .Although a responsible government could
not immediately be established every effort should be made to see to
the immediate formation of panchayats on elective system as well as
to the establishment of a Constituent Assembly through election
within a year.

The Sikkim National Party was equally pleased with the outcome of
- -

See Appendix VI.

the negotiations. The Praja Samrnelan, the third political organisation,
did not quite seem to know which way to turn. For immediate
practical purposes, it became evident that political development and the
establishment of a representative government in Sikkim had been put
into cold storage. A popular government seemed a distant goal.
Some measures were however introduced without delay. An
Advisory Committee was set up by the Dewan under his presidency.
The members of this Committee included Tashi Tsering, Kashiraj
Pradhan, Capt. Dimik Singh, Gyaltshen Tsering and Sonam Tsering.
The Sikkim State Congress and the Sikkim National Party were both
represented but the Praja Sammelan declined to join on the grounds
that this Committee did not truly represent all regions and communities
in the state. Among the first questions to be considered by the Advisory
Committee were the establishment of panchayats throughout the country
and the holding of elections towards forming a future State Assembly
and Council. One issue of prime importance which came up repeatedly
for discussion pertained to the distribution of seats (and the adminis-
trative jobs in government) among the principal communities, the
Nepalis, the Lepchas and the Bhutias. The attempt at equating the
Nepalis on the one hand with the Lepchas and Bhutias on the other,
the "parity formula" as it was called, figured prominently in these
discussions. And now we enter the phase of the Indo-Sikkim Treaty
and what followed thereafter.

Tlze Treaty with India and thereafter:

The Indo-Sikkim treaty was signed at the Palace monastery by the

Indian Political Officer, Harishwar Dayal and by the Maharaja,
Tashi Namgyal on 5 December 1950.5 That night at the State Banquet
given by the Sikkim Darbar representatives of the Sikkim State Congress
stayed away in discontent. They boycotted the occasion expressing
their disapproval. They reiterated their demand for representative
government with the least delay. For the third time, a delegation of
the Sikkim State Congress went to Delhi for further discussions
with the Government of India. The burden of their complaint was
that too little was done, and that there was too much philandering
which was stalling the realisation of a responsible government in Sikkim.
In a speech in December 1950, Tashi Tsering, the president of the
Sikkim State Congress, said that the Advisory Committee reminded
him of the squabbles of the "proverbial fish market".
Through various stages of discussion, accusation and recrimination
among the political parties in the state as well as the Advisory Com-
mittee, the State Council and Executive Council Proclamation of 1953
was issued by Maharaja Tashi Namgyal. This proclamation set out

5 Text of the hdo-Sikkim Treaty at Appendix VIT.

 the powers of the Council as well as the composition and powers of its
component, the Executive Council. The elections for the first State
Council were held from March to May 1953. By August 1953, a Council
of 17 members was voted by the people. The Council was made up
of six Nepalis, six Lepcha-Bhutias and five wcre nominated by the
Maharaja. An Executive Council of three members, the Dewan and
two Councillors from the State Council, Kashiraj Pradhan and Sonam
Tsering, was also set up. The term of office of the Council and its
Councillors was initially set at three years but at a later date this
period was extended to December 1957 by a proclamation by the
Maharaja.
The State Council was empowered to enact laws for the country
but svbject to the Maharaja's final approval. Certain subjects could
only be taken up with the Maharaja's consent. These were the state
enterprises, police, land revenue and ecclesiastical matters. Some
other subjects were excluded from discussion by the State Council.
These included the constitutional position of the Maharaja and treaty
relations with India. Theoretically the Executive Council assisted the
Maharaja but in actual practice its powers were greatly limited. In
most matters the Maharaja made the final decision. The Dewan held
the position of the Maharaja's principal aide and the head executive
official.
In the general elections held in 1953, less than 30 per cent of the
population of 50,000 eligible voters went to the polls. Candidates for
the Council had to be at least 30 years old, and the eligible voting age
was 21. The results of the 1953 elections were such that the Sikkim
State Congress won all of the six Nepali seats and the Sikkim National
Party the Lepcha-Bhutia seats. The Praja Sammelan remained without
representation. The Sikkim State Congress did in fact participate
although it had earlier criticised the elections as "a farce".
Elections were again held for the second time in Sikkim in November
1958. There were many changes since the first elections: progress had
been made in that more of the country was accessible by newly construc-
ted roads, many administrative reforms had been introduced, and
government administration had been extended to the most distant parts
of the land. There was, therefore, wider and more extensive political
consciousness and a general feeling of individual freedom. With the
growing changes, political parties and organisations took on a more
mature political attitude: the demand for accession to India seemed
to recede into the background and emphasis was on representative
government and the removal of communal electorates, especially the
abolition of the system of separate Bhutia-Lepcha and Nepali consti-
tuencies. There were other subsidiary issues raised for popular
appeasement: the reduction of land taxes and transport rates, the
construction of more roads and bridges, and the need for a Sikkim
subjects law which would abolish the stigma of a "second class" status
 given to the many Nepalis who had immigrated to Sikkim.
Further, long discussions between the Darbar and the representatives
of the principal political parties followed and a new formula for the
distribution of seats in the Council was arrived at and announced in
March 1958 in a proclamation by the Maharaja. This proclamation
stipulated that there would be six elected seats for Bhutia-Lepchas, six
for Nepalis, one representative of the monasteries and in addition one
seat for the entire electorate without communal or other conditions
attached to it. The members to be nominated by the Maharaja were
to be six, bringing the total to 20 as against 17 in 1953. The system
of primary elections was also modified and the winning candidate of
one community was required as an essential qualification to obtain a
minimum of 15 per cent of the votes of the other community. This
revision was made with the objective of facilitating the political inte-
gration of the Nepali and the Lepcha-Bhutia communities.
Unfortunately with the elections coming up and the prospect of
various government offices in sight frictions developed within the two
parties. The Sikkim National Party ousted its president Sonarn Tsering
and elected Martam Topden in his place. In the State Congress, Kazi
Lhendup Dorji resigned in order to support a newly founded organisa-
tion, called the Swatantra Dal, formed under the leadership of Namgay
Tsering. In the election results the Sikkim State Congress won a
majority of eight seats, which included one Bhutia-Lepcha seat and the
general seat. Of the total electorate of 55,000 some 20,000 of them
exercised their vote, that is to say, about 35 per cent. Rival parties
made allegations of malpractices by some of the leaders. An Election
Tribunal was appointed by the Darbar and as a result of their enquiries
and subsequent findings two of the Sikkim Congress leaders who had
in the meantime been appointed Executive Councillors, Kashiraj
Pradhan and Nahakul Pradhan, as also Sonam Tsering of the National
Party, were deprived of their seats and removed from office. Elections
were held again and two members, Nahakul Pradhan (whose disquali-
fication had by then been removed) and C.D. Rai were returned elected
to the Council.
In the meantime during February of 1959 the new Executive Council,
now enlarged to five members, had been formed. The two Councillors
were Kashiraj Pradhan and Martam Topden, and Nahakul Pradhan,
Norbu Wangdi and Chuksam Bhutia were designated deputies, the
latter two represented the Sikkim National Party and the Sikkim State
Congress respectively. Following the disqualifications and the re-
elections, the membership of the Executive Council changed to Martam
' Topden and Nahakul Pradhan as Councillors with Norbu Wangdi,6
Chuksam Bhutia and Bhawajit Mukhia as its deputies. To his dis-

Norbu Wangdi died in July 1960 and the office of the Deputy Executive Councillor
remained vacant.
appointment C.D. Rai, who had defeated Kashiraj Pradhan, was left
out of the Executive Council. This only added to the serious rift
within the ranks of the State Congress.
A new political party emerged in May 1960, the Sikkim National
Congress, led by Kazi Lhendup Dorji and C.D. Rai, dissenters from
the Swatnatra Dal and the State Congress. A third influential member,
Sonam Tsering from the National Party also joined it. The declared
objectives of this party were: the establishment of responsible govern-
ment, the framing of a written constitution, and universal adult franchise
on the basis of a joint electorate. There was sharp criticism of the
composition of the Executive Council, and the National Congress
threatened to embark on a programme of satyagraha. On second
thought, however, the party decided to send a delegation to New Delhi,
consisting of Kazi Lhendup Dorji, Sonam Tsering and C.D. Rai, to
express their "grievances" and present their "demands" to the govern-
ment of India. There were outcries against the Darbar and the Indian
Dewan. But as time passed the heat of the excitement and the fenour
of the impending satyagraha cooled down.
Two new governmental measures, which were contemplated about
this time, caused particular unrest to the political parties, especially the
Sikkim State Congress and the Sikkim National Congress. One was
the Subjects Regulation, published in July 1961, laying down conditions
for acquiring the status of a Sikkim subject; and the other was an
increase in the strength of the Sikkim Guards. The four political
parties were unanimous in their criticism of the Subjects Regulation.
The Government of India was also criticised for approving it and the
National Congress raised the slogan: "India practices democracy at
home and imperialism abroad". A delightful emotive phrase but one
which did not carry any weight. Regarding the increase in the number
of the Sikkim Guards, the National Congress held that it would be a
force used to stifle political opposition. Only when the Darbar agreed
to essential changes in the Subjects Regulation in February 1962 did the
four political parties suspend their agitation and agree to its revised
formulation.
Early in 1962, the Sikkim Darbar again announced its intention to
hold new elections to the State Council. Agitation to this end had
started the previous year. With political agreement on the Subjects
Regulation attention had been directed towards a demand for new
elections. However, the general tone of all the political parties was
one of uneasiness and there were symptoms of instability. There were
dissensions among the members of various groups, the organisations
lacked cohesion and, even more important, there was little appeal to
the electorate. It was apparent that in the last few years their voice in
government had not been effective: there was, by reason of its compo-
sition, no unity in the Executive Council.
The elections which were scheduled to take place did not materialise.
The unprovoked Chinese attack on India in October 1962 changed tha
picture. Sikkim lay on the direct route from China across Tibet to
India, and along with India declared a state of emergency. It was
hardly the time to countenance the political excitement and ferment
which inevitably precede the holding of any elections. So they were
postponed. In November of 1962 a Peoples' Consultative Committee
was established with a view to organising popular participation in
measures to mobilise and coordinate civilian effort. Steps towards
strengthening internal security and preparations for national defence
were among the principal responsibilities of this Committee. The
membership of the Committee was derived from the political parties.
Maharaja Tashi Namgyal's long rule of almost 50 years came to
an end a little over a year later. He died on 2 December 1963. During
his lifetime dedicated to the people of Sikkim he had seen the country
change from a primitive, feudal state to a modern, progressive one.
The entire social structure had been drastically revised, the power of the
landowners curbed and with it the protection of the rights of the
individual tenants secured and more important still the system of
compulsory task labour abolished. The administration had been
modernised, a government secretariat established, departmental respon-
sibility defined and qualified personnel appointed to the establishment.
The Judiciary had been separated from the executive and made inde-
pendent of it. The growth of political organisations, necessary to
national health, had been permitted without restriction. As described
in a later chapter in this book, economic and social development
had made outstanding progress. Particularly during the latter part of
his rule when failing health beset Tashi Namgyal, his son Palden
Thondup had been groomed for his future role as head of state.
Palden Thondup was the second son of Tashi Namgyal; the eldest,
Paljor, had been killed while on active duty with the Indian Air Force
in 1941. Thondup was born on 22 May 1923 and married in 1951
Sangay Deki of the Samdrup Potrang family of Lhasa from which
the seventh Dalai Lama had been born. From this union there were
three children: the eldest and heir apparent, Tenzing, the second also
a son, Wangchuk, and the third a daughter, Yangchen Dolma. Sangay
Deki died on 17 June 1957. Chogyal Palden Thondup married a
second time, on 20 March 1963, Miss Hope Cooke, an American by
birth. Their first child, a son, was born on 20 February 1964 and was
named Palden Gyurmed.
A change in the titles of Maharaja to Chogyal (literally Dharma
Raja) and Maharani to Gyalmo was officially recognised by the govern-
ment of India in April 1965.
To return to the main stream of events: These were troubled times,
marked by a sharp worsening in the relations between India and China
on the one hand, and India and Pakistan on the other. China seemed
determined to involve Sikkim in her machinations.
 On 10 January 1963 the Chinese Government sent a note of protest
to the Indian Embassy in Peking alleging that India was guilty of intru-
sions into Tibet across the Sikkim-Tibet frontier in the area of Nathu-la.
The note charged Indian military forces with constructing 39 pill-boxes,
erecting barbed wire fences and digging trenches within the territory
of Tibet. Provocative intrusions by Indian reconnaissance units were
also alleged. According to the same note, the Sikkim-Tibet boundary
had been delimited and the border had been a tranquil one where the
Chinese and the Sikkimese customarily moved to and fro. The
stationing of Indian troops and the stoppage of traffic across Nathu-la
were held as deliberate acts to upset the tranquillity of the border.
Relations between Sikkim and Tibet had been traditionally based
on mutual understanding and cooperation. There had been no frontier
disputes since the delimitation of the boundary in terms of the Anglo-
Chinese Convention of 1890. The practice observed by the Sikkimese of
grazing their cattle in the Churnbi valley of Tibet had continued from
time immemorial. Only when the Chinese occupied Tibet in 1958 and
stationed her troops along the Indo-Tibetan frontiers, including the
Churnbi valley, did this customary practice come to an end. The trade
routes were closed in 1962, when the Indian Trade Agencies in Yatung
and Gyantse (and the Consulate-General in Lhasa) were withdrawn.
The customary and old established contacts between Sikkim and Tibet
were then ended except for incoming Tibetan refugees who sought
escape from ruthless Chinese oppression and persecution and asylum
in Sikkim.
Chinese bellicosity in regard to alleged Indian constructions on the
Tibetan side of Nathu-la continued and assumed graver proportions
when in September 1965, Pakistan attacked India in the west. The
Chinese even went so far as to question the very basis of Indo-Sikkimese
relations. At a press conference given on 29 September 1965, Marshal
Chen Yi, Foreign Minister of China, asserted that the Sikkim-Tibet
border did not come within the scope of the Sino-Indian border ques-
tion. This was in open and blatant contradiction to Premier Chou
En-lai's statement in New Delhi on 29 April 1960, when he had said:
"China fully recognises India's special relationship with Sikkim and
Bhutan." The Chinese were determined to undermine and weaken the
close friendship between Sikkim and India. But neither India nor
Sikkim were taken in by China's provocative statements and postures.
Today life in Sikkim continues a little tense but essentially unruffled
by these events.
The situation on the frontier between Sikkim and Tibet, where
Indian and Chinese forces face each other in a continuous state of alert,
has since become static. The latest elections, the third in the country,
were held in March 1967. The elections followed further discussions
between the Darbar and the political parties and an understanding
reached to increase the overall strength of the State Council. In the
next Council there will be seven representatives each of the Nepali and
Lepcha-Bhutia communities, one representative each of the Schedulad
Castes, the Tsongs (both groups politically represented for the first
time) and the monasteries, one general seat and six other seats to be
filled by nomination by the Chogyal, making a sum total of 24 members
against 20 in 1958.
While the Sikkirn National Party and the Scheduled Castes League,
a more recently formed political group, unequivocally accepted this new
formula, the Sikkim National Congress expressed its dissatisfaction.
They charged that the introduction of new seats for the scheduled
Castes and Tsongs introduced "casteism" in what had earlier been only
a "communal" pattern. The Sikkim State Congress, though reiterating
the charge about "casteism", acquiesced in the changes and reservations.
The voting privileges and the conditions of eligibility for candidates to
the State Council remained.
Life in the Sikkim at the time of writing is unruffled, despite political
campaigning. Paradoxically, the people whose affluence has grown in
recent years side by side with a decidedly greater political awareness
prefer to "take it easy" rather than to nurse their political ambition.
The honours of the elections have gone to the Sikkim National Congress,
which secured eight elected seats out of the eighteen, followed by the
Sikkirn National Party and the Sikkirn State Congress which have five
and two seats respectively. The other three seats are held by represen-
tatives of the Tsongs, the monasteries and the scheduled castes and none
of them adhere to any distinct political organisation. The Council is
completed with the nomination of six members by the Chogyal, three
of whom are government servants, and the other three are representatives
of the public without party affiliation.
Chapter V

Natural Resources and

Development

S IKKIM is essentially a mountainous country without a flat piece

of ground of any size anywhere. The mountains rise in elevation
northward, culminating in the Kangchenjunga. The northern part is
cut into deep escarpments, and, except in the Lachen and Lachung
valleys, is thinly populated. In contrast southern Sikkim is at a lower
altitude, is more open and supports more people. This physical
configuration is partly due to the geological structure. The northern,
eastern and western parts of the country are constituted of hard gneis-
sose rocks capable of resisting erosion, while the central and southern
region is formed of comparatively soft, thin, slaty and half-schistose
rocks.
The two principal mountain ranges are the Singilela and Chola
which start in the north and continue following a more or less southerly
direction. Between these ranges are the principal rivers, the Rangit
and the Teesta, forming the main channels of drainage. The valleys
cut by these rivers and their chief tributaries are very deep, at times
over 5,000 feet. These rivers are fed by the monsoon rains as well as
 by melting glaciers. The perpetual snow line in Sikkim is about
16,000 feet. The higher altitudes both in the north and east abound in
small lakes.
The mineral wealth of Sikkim is mainly in copper, then zinc and
lead. Copper veins are widespread and constitute the principal source
of mineral wealth. The richest ores occur at Pachikhani and Bhotang
and the latter is at present being worked by the Sikkim Mining Corpo-
ration, an enterprise financed jointly by the governments of Sikkim
and India. The copper concentrates, together with some lead and
zinc, are sent to India for refining. Deposits of copper are found also
at Dikchu, Rhenock, Lingui, Ronglichu, Londok, Rathokhari, Bar-
miak, Tukkhani and Rinchinpong.
Other minerals such as pyrites are found in abundance at Bhotang,
limestone and coal near Namchi, and graphite is being mined in the
Chhitre area.
By and large Sikkim's wealth is derived from agriculture and forests.
The economy of the land is principally agrarian. Rice and maize are
the main monsoon crops. Other grains include millet, buckwheat,
barley, dhal which constitute the subsidiary crops. Mustard is grown
for its oil, and cardamom, the cultivation of which is rapidly increasing,
is the main export crop. The cultivation of the potato is growing in
importance especially in western Sikkim, at altitudes of about 8,000
feet. A potato farm has been established by the government also in that
region. Sikkim's seed potatoes are valued in the potato-growing areas
of India. Tea is a new venture and a government tea estate is being
developed in Kewzing in the western part of Sikkim. Citrus fruits,
apples and pineapples are also grown, and a fruit preservation factory,
government run, is in production at Singtam.
Cattle of local breeds, yaks, sheep and goats are to be found
throughout the country.
As may be expected, in an area which extends from the tropical
terai to the highest regions of the Himalayas, there is an immense
variety of vegetation. The lower or tropical zone abounds in plantains,
tree ferns, bamboo, laurel, and some walnut, sal and oak. In the
intermediate zone are oak, cherry, laurel, chestnut, maple and birch;
and finally at higher altitudes rhododendrons, the glory of Sikkim,
magnolias, conifers, larches and junipers.
Orchids are a special feature of Sikkim, and some 600 species are
listed. The more important of them are the Dendrobium, Coelogyme,
Cymbidium, Vanda, Arachnanthe, Saccolabium, Aerides and Phaloen-
opsis which attach themselves to trees and rocks, as also Calanthe,
Goodyera, Habenaria, Diplomeris and Cypripedium of the terrestial
species. Sikkim is equally famous for its primulas. Perhaps no other
country of equal or larger size presents such a wide variety of flora.
Almost one-third of Sikkim's area of 2,818 square miles consists
of forests, a potential and important source of wealth. The forests of
sal and bamboo in the south as well as of coniferous trees in the north
are capable of exploitation but are not as yet utilised. Attempts to
float timber down the Teesta from the Lachen-Lachung area have not
so far met with success owing to the sudden floods to which the river is
liable. A fuller survey of the prospects for paper pulp production is
currently in progress.

Programmes for the Development of Sikkim

The idea of planned development to stimulate Sikkim's economy

was the outcome of Indian Prime Minister Nehru's first visit to Gangtok
in April of 1952. After discussions with Maharaja Tashi Namgyal,
and upon his return to New Delhi he directed the Indian Planning
Commission to draft a development plan for this country. Nehru's
conclusion was that the resources and potentialities of the state were
not large and therefore the available resources had to be carefully
screened and utilised properly for planned projects. A programme
of development, as broadly conceived by Prime Minister Nehru, would
in its first phase cover the improvement of all communications, some of
these were obviously of strategic value; the promotion of education by
opening more schools; the expanding of health facilities; and finally
the setting up, in gradual stages, of small and large-scale industries
based on Sikkim's natural wealth--copper and other metallic ores,
agriculture and timber. According to him the fostering of cottage
industries, too, merited greater attention.
A number of experts of the Indian Planning Commission visited
Sikkim and drafted a seven-year economic development plan for the
period starting J954 through to 1961. Guide lines for the achievement
of the plan objectives for Sikkim-were laid down. The main points
of the plan were:
(a) The improvement of road communications: the opening up of
northern and eastern Sikkim by extending the national highway to
Lachen and Lachung in the north and to Nathu-la in the east; a
second traffic artery to the east from Ranipul to Pakyong, Rhenock,
and finally linking with Rangpo. These thoroughfares were to be
the responsibility initially of the Indian Central Public Works
Department and later of the Indian Border Roads Organisation
because of their strategic importance. The western part of Sikkim
to be linked by a roadway running from Singtam through Namchi
and Naya Bazar and circling back to Singtam via Geyzing and
Rabang-la.
(b) The provision of additional educational facilities: more schools of
both primary and secondary grades t o be established throughout
the country.
(c) The reorganisation and expansion of health services: more hospi-
tals, clinics, dispensaries to be built in various parts of the country.
(d) The completion of basic geological and forest surveys : fundamental
data on Sikkim's mineral, timber and other resources was essential
 in determining the feasibility of setting up specific industries in
the country.
(e) The fostering of cottage and small-scale industries: this would
revive Sikkim's traditional and exquisite arts and crafts-blanket
weaving, wood carving, handworked articles in silver and other
metals in typical designs.
(f) The improving of Sikkim's agriculture and horticulture: the
expansion of irrigation facilities; setting up seed farms.
(g) The building of hydro-electric projects: essential for the power
requirements of new industries and for modern amenities in towns
and villages.

Undertaking a programme on such a vast scale naturally presented its

own problems, the main one being an acute shortage of trained man-
power. To execute the programme technical experts would mostly
have to be supplied by India.
India's contribution to the first development plan was mostly
financial and technical. A total of Rs. 325 lakhsl was offered by India
to Sikkim as grants for the seven yearplan period. This did not
include amounts spent directly - by
- the Government of India for the
extension of the national highway to northern and eastern Sikkirn, as
these projects were carried out by the Indian Border Roads Organisation
and charged to the Indian exchequer. The ropeway from Deorali
(Gangtok) to Thegu, near Nathu-la, was financed by an Indian loan.
A second Five-Year Plan was then drafted and approved for the
period covering 1961-66. The plan was to cost RS.-813 lakhs and
sought a further all round improvement in living standards, and added
impetus to agricultural production, an expansion of cottage and small-
scale industries and a general increase in employment for young men
and women. Many of the projects of this second plan carried forward
work which had been started during the first seven-year plan period.
Now a third Five-Year Plan has now been drawn up, covering the
years from 1966 to 1971. With marked progress hchieved in the
fields of communication, education, health and social services, one
could concentrate on increasing domestic economic capacity and build-
ing up the State's export potential. Agricultural development called
for closer attention as with a growth in population and a rise in the
standard of living, planned progress had brought about a gap between
consumption and production, particularly of cereals, which was
increasing quantitatively year by year. Within the guide lines earlier
established, special emphasis was to be placed on the following:

(a) A further intensification of agricultural programmes towards

attaining higher outputs both of food and cash crops.
(b) Industrialisation based on locally available raw material (agricul-
tural, mineral and timber) resources and the utilisation of specialised

1 One lakh = 100,000; Rs 325 lakhs - US87.0 million (appro~.)

39
 skills.
(c) The expansion of transport and power facilities, already consider-
ably developed in the first two plans.

This did not mean that other aspects of development were to be

ignored. Social services, for example, were to receive the same close
attention as in the past plan periods. In many a sense, the existing
services and facilities are still primitive and further development is
essential for the well being of the people.
The third plan entails a cost of Rs. 900 lakhs. This figure includes
a special provision of Rs. 210 lakhs for loans for industrial develop-
ment, bothmajor and small-scale. Among the revenue-earning schemes
inlcuded in the plan are a tea garden of 1500 acres (to be established
over a period of five to ten years), further expansion of Sikkim Nation-
alised Transport and preliminary work on the Lagyap Hydel Scheme
which has a generating potential of some 25,000 kw. of electricity.
This is expected to meet the entire demand of Sikkim leaving a surplus
for export.
Some statistics of plan achievements during the period 1954 to
1966 are given in an appendix.2 The results of this planned develop-
ment are clearly discernible in the villages. Most villages now, as well
as other population centres, are no more than a few hundred yards
from a paved road. The extensive road building that has been carried
through makes it possible to move agricultural produce to market and
distribution centres by motor truck rather than on mule back, the
common means of conveyance until a few years ago. And with access
to highways, life in the villages has undergone a deep change. For
instance: Every child in Sikkim can be a pupil and attend a primary
school. Schools are within walking distance of most villages. As
regards public health strikingly better standards of hygiene and care
have been achieved. Programmes of malaria eradication, vaccination,
etc. have resulted in a vast all-round improvement in efficiency.
Agriculture is traditionally the mainstay of Sikkim's economy. Of
its population of 180,000 (estimated), some 130,000 are dependent on
the land. So special emphasis was placed on agricultural development.
Experimental laboratories and model farms have been set up at various
places: To name a few: Geyzing, Tadong, Lachung, Ribdi. Govern-
ment nurseries at Geyzing and Ninth Mile, also at Lachung, assist the
farmer in horticultural development. Trained workers and specialists
teach the farmers improved methods of agriculture, and plant protec-
tion facilities are available as a part of government assistance.
The Cottage Industries Institute, a Sikkim government institution
in Gangtok set up in 1957, instructs boys and girls in the traditional
arts and crafts such as weaving, carpet making and wood carving.

See Appendix VIII

 Those who are trained in the Institute then take their knowledge and
skills back to the villages and it is hoped that this diffusion will lead
to subsidiary occupations and income.
Sikkim's first hydro-electric power project at Sangkhola was com-
pleted in 1964. It has a capacity of 2100 kw. and now provides power
to Gangtok, Singtam and Rangpo. Four other 'micro-hydel' schemes3
have been planned and work is in progress. When completed they
will supply power to Mangan, Naya Bazar, Namchi, Geyzing, Pak-
yong and other townships.
Sikkim's per capita income is higher than that in most parts of
India. It is now estimated at Rs. 700 per annum. For its area and
population the per capita export factor is also higher than that in many
equivalent areas of India. Together, the principal export crops of
cardamoms, oranges, apples and potatoes were estimated (in 1960) to
be worth Rs. 70 lakhs. In 1967 this will be about three times as much.
There is no unemployment in Sikkim and no beggars.
The revenue-earning capacity of the state has increased a great deal.
In 1960, Sikkim's revenue was Rs. 41 lakhs; in the current year the
estimate is about Rs. 120 lakhs. It is gratifying to see that in a period
of six to seven years the revenue has almost trebled. This is no doubt
due to the success of planned development initiated in Sikkim in 1954
by Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.
India has given all its support to the planned economic progress
of the country. Sikkim's successive programmes have been backed
and financed by the government of India. India has also provided
expert and technical assistance wherever it was needed for development.
Yet many Sikkimese are critical of India's aid and assistance stating
that this is done with ulterior motives and selfish interests. Nothing
could be further from the truth. Perhaps the best answer to these
criticisms is Chogyal Palden Thondup's statement on the occasion of
the Ser-Thri-Nga-Sol (his installation as Chogyal) in March of 1965.
He then said:

While tlie streams of many and diverse cultures have for generations
flowed into and enriched Sikkim, her geographical situation also raises
problems that lay upon her people a special burden of responsibility.
India is a great and peace-loving country and we feel secure in her
protection. But we are also conscious and alive to the need of pre-
paring our own people for any eventuality, so that they may be ready
to lay down their lives in the defence of their country should the
occasion arise.
India has been a good friend to Sikkim and we have received from
her generous assistance for which I and my people shall always remain
deeply grateful. The bonds of friendship between our two countries
are strong and indissoluble and I take the opportunity to affirm, on
this solemn day, that it will be our purpose and endeavour to yet

These are the Rothak, Rongli, Manul and Rimbi Micro-Hydel Projects.
 further strengthen these bonds in fullest measure. We recall with
profound affection the memory of Jawaharlal Nehru, a true and stead-
fast friend of Sikkim, and we have confidence that the Government
of India will continue to hold out to us the hand of friendship.

His statement was indeed a generous recognition of India's friendly

assistance to Sikkim.
 Chapter VI

Government and
Administration

ItheNSikkim
previous chapters dealing with political growth and change in
since India's independence in 1947 the general pattern of
government and the administrative structure of the country was
described. The Chogyal has complete authority over the executive
powers of the state. His chief aide and executive officer is termed the
Principal Administrative Officer, presently R.N. Haldipur and is
the successor to the Dewans of the earlier period. The Principal
Administrative Officer is appointed by the Chogyal though like the
Dewans he is an officer of the Government of India on loan to Sikkim.
The powers and functions of the Principal Administrative Officer are
established by the Chogyal under an informal internal arrangement.
During the Chogyal's absence, the Principal Administrative Officer
functions on his behalf, subject to his actions being later confirmed by
the Chogyal.
The State Council, as already mentioned before, has been successive-
ly enlarged since 1953 and has now 24 members against 17 at that time.
The Executive Council, a component of the State Council, continues
unchanged since its first establishment in 1958 and has two Executive
Councillors with three deputies drawn from the principal political
parties represented on the State Council. The functions of the Coun-
cillors and the State Council have also been explained in previous
chapters. The Principal Administrative Officer is the ex-officio presid-
ent of both the State Council and the Executive Council. Important
decisions are submitted to the Chogyal for his acceptance. In financial
matters the powers of the Executive Councillors are limited. Under
the present arrangement the Executive Councillors who are elected
members of the State Council are responsible for education, public
health, transport, bazars, excise, forests, public works, animal hus-
bandry, agriculture, press and publicity. Both the State Councillors
and the Executive Councillors have the prerogative to bring any matter
concerning the valid interests of Sikkim to the notice of the Chogyal.
Administration is run by a Secretariat headed by a Chief Secretary
under whom are departmental secretaries responsible for individual
matters such as finance, panchayats, land revenues, education, public
works and law and order. The Chief Secretary is also the head of the
district administrative system functioning through four district officers.
Revenue collection in the districts is in charge of officials who are
designated revenue officers. At the village level panchayats have been
established since 1966. The panchayats are responsible for village
administration and coordination of the development programmes.
The maintenance of village roads, water supply and schools is one of
their principal functions. Elections to the panchayat are on the basis
of one vote to each family and campaigning on party tickets is not
permitted.
To facilitate local administration, Sikkim is divided into four
districts, a northern district with headquarters at Mangan, an eastern
with Gangtok as the headquarters, and southern and western districts
with Namchi and Geyzing, respectively, as their headquarters. In
each of these, there is a District Officer who is also the Magistrate, a
Deputy Development Officer, and an Inspector of Land Revenue who
share responsibility for district administration and tax collection.
Some of the departments do not have a Secretary but a Director,
or an equivalent technical authority. There are thus the Director of
Education, the Director of Health Services, the Chief Engineer, the
Commissioner of Police, the Conservator of Forests. The Chief
Secretary as well as the Secretaries and Directors are subordinate to the
Principal Administrative Officer and work under his orders.
Some special departments come directly under the Chogyal in
respect of subjects which are outside the competence of the Council
or "reserved" subjects as they nlay be called. One of them is relations
with India. Another is the monastic sphere, the Secretary for ecclesias-
tical affairs functioning under the Chogyal, though through the Principal
Administrative Officer. The Chogyal also deals with law and order
except in routine matters which are the concern of the Chief Secretary.
A coordinating authority dealing with many different departmnts
is the Development Commissioner, who draws up development pro-
grammes and assesses progress in relation to planning. He functions
in close collaboration with the heads of several departments.
There is a Financial Adviser who combines the functions of advice
with audit in regard to expenditure on development. In respect of
developmental projects it is his duty to advise the various departmental
heads on the financial propriety of their actions or proposals for action.
There is a Chief Accounts Officer who is also the chief auditor of the
state whose responsibility is to draw attention to the misuse of state
funds or the contravention of rules and regulations governing the
propriety of expenditure. The Finance Secretary maintains the accounts
of the revenue and expenditure of the state submitted to him through
the District Officers and the state bankers, Messrs. Jetmull Bhojraj.
State revenue is derived mainly from income and sales tax, excise,
bazars, forests and the state nationalised transport. There are several
minor taxes, including land revenue with an inconsiderable yield.
The judiciary is distinct and independent. As mentioned before, a
High Court was established in 1955 under a special charter. Besides
the Judge of the High Court there are other judicial authorities : a Chief
Magistrate in Gangtok, and four Magistrates, one in each of the district
headquarters. Some laws have been codified and an attempt is being
made to compile a complete system of laws. In many cases, parti-
cularly where heavy sentences for criminal offences are concerned, the
final appellate authority is the Chogyal who, if he thinks necessary,
may appoint a Tribunal to further examine the case. Capital punish-
ment was abolished in Sikkim in 1948.
Some attempts to set up an administration in Sikkim on modern
lines, as a departure from primitive feudalism, started with the first
British Political Officer John Claude White in 1889. He tried to lay
down a basic administrative structure and to regulate the taxation
system. He appointed clerks to be in charge of various departments.
With the appointment of Dewans who were officers solely in charge of
the administration of the country, from 1949 onwards, the modernisa-
tion of the administrative system made steady progress. The revenue sys-
tem was further revised, the evils of landlordism largely controlled, the
revenue collecting and magisterial functions of landlords altogether
done away with, and several departments established to deal with
health, education, public works and so on. Monastic estates were
brought under control and attempts made to put them on a self-
sufficient basis, though considerable government subsidies are still
granted to them.
There is as yet no civil service nor is there any regular system of
recruitment to the administration and most government positions are
recommended by the Darbar. A number of the top posts are held by
 Indian officials on deputation as there are not enough trained Sikkimese.
In the appointment of Sikkimese to government posts the "parity
formula" is important and the Nepalis have to be balanced with the
Lepcha-Bhutias. This is a practice which works against efficient
administration though it may help in maintaining communal harmony.
Even scholarships follow the parity principle. The number of the
elite, particularly in the sciences and technology, is low and few Sikkim-
ese come forward to man the available posts. Until a sufficient number
of young men and women from Sikkim are ready to fill a majority of
the administrative and technical posts, the personality of the country
will be weakened and critical political elements may express the view
that India continues to dominate Sikkim and to support vested interests
in the country. In several respects the present administrative structure
could with realism and enlightenment be considerably improved upon.

Political Parties

In other chapters which dealt with political developments there have

been references explaining the political party system in Sikkim. Politi-
cal fronts or organisations were in existence from the early thirties.
Their interest in the government of Sikkim and its future was stimulated
by the preparations, after World War 11, for the withdrawal of British
power from India. Under the stress of events their ideas became more
clearly defined and political parties emerged just before the independence
of India.
The two oldest political parties, the Sikkim State Congress and the
Sikkim National Party, were more formally established in 1947 when
the "winds of change" blew across India. The Praja Sammelan, a
comparatively small party, also had its origin at about the same time.
Two other political organisations, the creatures of circumstances,
established themselves later.
The basis of the political organisations is the ethnological division
of Sikkim into Lepchas, the earliest inhabitants, the Bhutias, migrants
from Tibet some four to six centuries back, and the Nepalis immigrants
of barely 100 or 150 years ago. While the Lepchas and Bhutias once
owned the land between them and a group of powerful Kazis divided
the state into autonomous districts for the collection of revenue, the
newly arrived Nepalis, industrious and thrifty, gradually encroached
on the land, and in comparatively short time became the most important
group both economically and politically. In numbers, too, the growth
of the Nepali population was far more rapid than the Lepchas and the
Bhutias. But, until twenty years ago the Nepalis were not accepted
as full fledged Sikkimese subjects and even today there are restrictions
on the Nepalis acquiring agricultural land in areas predominantly
populated by the Lepcha-Bhutia.
The Sikkim State Congress, the oldest political organisation, was
founded in 1947 and played a significant role in the days which followed
India's independence. According to the party's constitution which was
adopted in June 1951 and later amended in April 1954, its objects
were as follows:

The well being and advancement of the people of Sikkim ;the achieve-
ment of political, economic and social development of Sikkim under
the protection of Bharat; the establishment by peaceful, non-violent
and constitutional means and with the cooperation of the people a
democratic and fully responsible government with the Maharaja as the
constitutional head, and based, as in Bharat, on the principle of equality
of rights and the abolition of all religious, caste, colour and sex
discriminations.

The president of the party today is Kashiraj Pradhan and its Secretary,
Adiklal Pradhan.
The Sikkim National Party, which evolved at about the same time,
represents the views and interests of the Bhutias, and to a lesser exteni
of the Lepchas. The party has not adopted any formal charter or
constitution, but its objectives as declared in public statements and
pronouncements include: the maintenance of Sikkim as a distinct
national entity, the safeguarding of the interests of the Lepchas and
Bhutias versus the Nepalis, the strengthening of relations with India
and the abolition of landlordism and slave labour in Sikkim. The
President of the party today is Martam Topden and the Secretary
Harka Bahadur Basnet.
The Rajya Praja Sammelan, a third political organisation, was alsc
in 1947 founded by Dhan Bahadur Tewari Chhetri and Goverdhan
Pradhan, an elder brother of Kashiraj Pradhan. Its first declared airr
was complete union with India and affiliation and identification wit1
the Gurkha population of North Bengal. At one time it had links with
the All India Gurkha League, but this is no longer apparent.
In 1960 another political party called the Sikkim National Congress
was established as the outcome of a split within the State Congress
Its leadership included Kazi Lhendup Dorji, one time a founder-
member of the State Congress, as President and Sonam Tsering as
Vice-President. According to the party's constitution, the aims of the
organisation are :

The achievement by peaceful revolution of the fundamental rights 01

the Sikkimese people, guaranteed by a written constitution that ipsa
facto entails a completely representative government with an executive
entirely responsible to an elected National Assembly elected by adull
franchise, by non-communal voting and counting systems, based on
parity between Bhutia-Lepchas and Nepalis; and secondly, the achieve-
ment of constitutional monarchy.

One must mention yet another political organisation which is called

the Scheduled Castes League, which existed even before the Sikkim
National Congress. It was founded by P.B. Khati and its declared
aim is to promote the interests of the scheduled castes, who belong
mainly to the Nepali community. Its chief demand has been for the
reservatioil of a seat in the Council for the scheduled castes, a demand
which has been met in the most recent formula for the composition
of the State Council.
These various political organisations have common problems: a
shortage of finances and weak political cadres especially at the village
level. The drawback of the political system in Sikkim is the lack of
active participation by the younger generation: the result is that the
leaders of 1947 continued, and still continue, to be in office in 1967.
The malaise can at least be traced partly to the fact that effective,
responsible and representative government is difficult under the present
system of elections to the State Council and the distribution of seats
between elected and nominated members. A dynamic, progressive
political life in Sikkim is therefore difficult to achieve and political
stagnation is inevitable in the present phase.

India's Special Responsibilities

Relations between India and Sikkim are based on the treaty con-
cluded and signed on 5 December 1950. In accordance with the terms
of this Treaty, Sikkim is described as a "protectorate" of India, and
India has direct responsibility for three specific matters: external rela-
tions, defence and communications. There has been criticism about
the use of the word "protectorate". It is said to connote or suggest
the existence of a colonial relationship between India and Sikkim.
Such an interpretation would be far from correct. The treaty between
Sikkim and India was aeely - - negotiated by representatives of the two
governments after the lapse of British paramountcy; and Sikkim of her
own free accord passed on these special responsibilities to India. This
was in fact recognition and realisation by Sikkim of her geographical
and political position. Other than in these three specified matters, full
autonomy vests in the Sikkim Darbar and India assumes no interfering
role. This word "protectorate" would therefore imply, and correctly
so, a voluntary association between Sikkim and India where the former
has literally placed herself under India's protection.
India, in consequence of its special responsibilities, maintains some
essential departments and offices in Sikkim. They are the offices of the
Central Public Works Department and the Indian Border Roads
Organisation. They coordinate their activity and share responsibility
in building and maintaining national highways, especially the roads
from North Bengal to Gangtok and from Gangtok to the northern and
eastern parts of the country.
The postal, telegraph and telephone services are also run by the
government of India as an integral part of the Indian system of com-
munications. There is no special currency in Sikkim nor postage
stamps distinct from the Indian. The Indian rupee is legal tender
everywhere. There is no trade or customs barrier between Sikkim and
North Bengal, though in principle taxes, such as sales tax, levied by the
West Bengal government are not collected on business transactions
relating to Sikkim.
Troops of the Indian Army stand on guard along Sikkim's frontier
with Tibet, for the defence and security of both Sikkim and India
Today, one can assume that India's frontier with China is the
Chumbi Valley and the crest of the Himalayas along Sikkim's northern
border with Tibet.
The government of India maintains in Gangtok for purposes of
coordinating its activities in Sikkim what is called the Political OBoe.
The title has been carried forward from the days of British influence
and control, but the functions of this office are now of a radically
different nature. It is principally an office of liaison between the
government of India and Sikkim and assists the Sikkim Darbar in
relation to the many efforts being made towards the economic and social
development of the country. To call it the Political Office is perhaps a
misnomer, in that some elements in the local political parties under-
stand it, though incorrectly, to be a symbol of the government of India's
so-called control over the state, functioning to protect vested interests
in Sikkim and some individuals see in it the watchful eye of the Govern-
ment of India which they could well do without.
Chapter VII

The Road Ahead

T HE road ahead is difficult, though not obscure. Sikkim lies on the

shortest and most direct route from the plateau of Tibet to the
plains of India. In the past, British power was attracted to Sikkim
and established itself there to keep open the most direct trade route to
Lhasa which led ultimately to Peking. The prime function of the
British Political Officer, until the eclipse of British power in the Indian
sub-continent, was to guard the trade offices at Yatung, Gyantse and
Lhasa and keep communications alive. With the drastic changes
which took place in 1947, the British relinquished their Tibetan interests
and with it the various British run offices in Tibet. These offices were
taken over by the government of India, not that Indo-Tibetan trade had
ever proved to be lucrative for even at its peak it was insignificant.
British offices in Tibet, however, had a certain political importance.
On the one hand, they served as a warning to the Chinese, who had
invaded Tibet from time to time and imposed their will on the govern-
ment of the land, and, on the other, they stood as a reminder that the
British Government of India was vitally interested in the peace and
tranquillity of regions across her northern borders, however inaccessible
the mountain ranges were. The independent government of India did
not, and could not, wish to inherit the British mantle of imperialism.
Its interest in Tibet was based on cultural and religious tradition going
back into the distant past-to the days of the Buddha. There were no
considerations of commerce or power.
The emergence of a powerful and ruthless China threw Sino-
Tibetan relations back into the worst period of their history. Through
persecution and oppression Tibet was reduced to abject slavery, and in
their hundreds and thousands Tibetans fled for refuge to Sikkim,
Bhutan and across the north-east frontier into India. Bereft of every-
thing they possessed, driven to sell their earrings and amulets, corals
and turquoises for a few days' sustenance, the refugees sank into abject
poverty. Chinese measures to stop the flight of the Tibetans meant
the end of the trade route to Tibet. The door to the north of Sikkim
opening into Tibet was slammed shut by China and still remains shut.
The route to the south, to the plains of India, became vital, more
meaningful to the Sikkimese. Long before the events in Tibet Indo-
Sikkimese relations had a new purpose: In fact, as early as 1952, Prime
Minister Nehru and the then Maharaja, Tashi Namgyal, outlined this
in plans for the economic and social development of the country.
Since then Sikkim's progress has made great strides, and as each day
goes by some further significant improvement is recorded. This is as
it should be; a modern, progressive, economically strong Sikkim is
vitally important both to herself and to India.
The old pattern of political relations between Sikkim and India has
also changed with the independence of India. A new treaty was con-
cluded in 1950, underlining a partnership between the two countries
premised on a clear realisation of the mutual interests of both Sikkim
and India. That the treaty and the basis of mutual relations has stood
the test for over 20 years since India's independence, is itself proof
that relations between the two are established on a sound, firm foun-
dation, on indissoluble bonds.
Despite these features, although good in themselves, there are some
disturbing factors. It is difficult to think of Sikkim as economically
viable or self-generating, at least for a decade or two. Nature in
Sikkim is extravagant but not really bountiful. The exploitation of
the country's natural resources calls for heavy investment of capital
and highly specialised skills. Both are scarce and difficult to secure.
Investment in a sensitive area is not an attractive proposition. And
education, unfortunately, though conducted in well established insti-
tutions, is limited in scope and almost neglects the first steps to develop-
ing specialised skills. If Sikkim's economic disadvantages of expensive
road haulage and generally higher costs of living, and therefore of wage
levels, are to be overcome, compensating factors such as specialisation
and sophistication in production are highly important and must be
introduced.
The domestic political scene is again, not very encouraging. Political
life in Sikkim is almost stagnant. The political parties have failed to
enthuse the people, and new currents hardly flow in the political stream.
The younger generation seems to stand aloof and some of it takes
shelter, somewhat sulkingly, behind slogans accusing India of a lack
of sympathy or even of a new imperialism. This is not the truth.
The simple fact is that the political structure needs change and
revitalisation.
Nationalism in Sikkim must have more real content. The men and
women, particularly the young, must feel that they belong here and they
have an individual stake in the land. The personality of Sikkim,
however enlightened the Ruler, should be built up with an increasing
share of the administrative and managerial posts held by Sikkimese.
"Sikkimisation", inadequate though the word is, cannot be achieved as
long as trained graduates do not return to take up positions in their
own country.
The future of Sikkirn and the strength of Sikkim lies, on the one
hand, in a real, meaningful partnership of the many elements, among
them the dynamic, progressive ruler, the Chogyal, the administrators,
the politicians, all of whom undoubtedly have the interest of the
country and the people at heart; and, on the other, a friendly, genuinely
sympathetic understanding between Sikkim and India, where the
interests of the two countries are just one, single, objective and not
two antagonisms.
 SIKKIM

I.. , ,n. r,
., 1-7-
' I . , .

Their Highnesses the Chogyal and the Gyalmo accompanied

by the Author and Mrs. Coelho on a tour o j West Sikkim.

I
I Tlie Palace at Gangtok on the occasion of'the Losung Festival.
i
 Gautama Buddha's idol at one of the many tnonasteries
in Sikkim showing excellent crafismnnship.

Her Hkhlpess the G N m o wrM Sikk3me~eladies, in traditiond costumes.

An idol of Guru Padma Sambhava at the Gompa A Tibetanpainting depicting the six jewels o the
near the Institute of Tlbetology, Cangtok. world or the Institute of Tiberology,Gangto[
A Lamu with 'Torma', c011icaC
oblatiom made of ' T S P C I Oin~ ~ "
hand, powits before Ganpari
while going to the Assembly
Hall in ths Rumtek Monastery,
Sikkim.
 BHUTAN 1

His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo with

the Indian Prime Minister, Smt. lndira
Gandhi, at Thimphu on her arrival
there on May 3, 1968.

His Mdesty the

Crown Prince
A demonstration of archery: the national sport of Bhutan.

A group of "masked dancers".

I
The Yak-Po-akncers ( Yakwullclb).

Jokers at a dance performance.

A Bhutanese lady weaving cloth in traditional design.

A Bhutanese farnib at meal time.

His Holiness the Jey Khem~

BHUTAN
 Chapter VIIZ

The Land and the People

E MERGING from a static past, after centuries of isolation, into the

world of today is the Kingdom of Bhutan, a land of a virile people
whose origins are lost in obscurity, but who retain a tradition dating
back many hundreds of years. Bhutan was cut off from contemporary
civilization, as we understand it, until a few years ago. It evolved its
own pattern of existence, curiously without the impositions of religious
or political reformers. Sparse population, rugged terrain, and poor
communications discouraged the ferment of ideas. Down the cen-
turies, there were a few travellers, hardly more than a dozen or so, who
introduced novelties from the world outside, notably an Indian guru
who brought Buddhism, a thousand years ago. There were some
searchers after truth or adventure, lamas from Tibet, officials of the
East India Company, and finally envoys of the British Empire. They
travelled the hard way, along rough and dangerous tracks, over steep
mountains and swollen streams; and many arduous days of journeying
either from the plains of India or from the heights of Tibet were needed
mostly on mule or horseback, with caravans of ponies to carry their
camp outfit and personal effects.
Bhutan lay hidden in the mountain slopes of the Great Himalayas.
It was cut off from the north, except for a few, almost inaccessible
passes, by the snow-capped peaks of that great range, and from the
south by dense tropical forests. Bhutan in fact had no easy access to
anywhere nor was readily accessible from the outside. The first paved
road from the border town of Phuntsholing to the capital, Thimphu,
was completed as recently as 1962 making it possible to undertake a
journey in seven hours that previously took twice as many days. A
similar highway in the east, linking Tashigang, the principal town in
that part of the country, with the southern plains of Assam, and roads
cutting across Bhutan from west to east will bring to that land new
contacts and with such contacts new ideas and perhaps an awakening.
Work on these projects started in 1964 but will take a few years more
to complete.
The people are quaint, but they display social and economic charac-
teristics based on traditions that make for national discipline. Their
habits of dress and food, their customs, religious practices, pantomimic
dances are their own, different from those of their neighbours near or
far. Bhutan may be 'feudal' or, in a sense, 'primitive', yet there is in
that country a strong class of lamas, an independent peasantry and
skilled artisans who produce some of the finest objects in wood and
silver and fabrics of cotton, silk and wool. In their own special way,
they have a voice in their government: they hold opinions and make
them known, in no uncertain manner, as to what should or should not
be done. This type or form of 'democracy', or such 'democratic
methods' have no parallel elsewhere.
Bhutan has a young ruler, named the Druk Gyalpo, Jigme Dorji
Wangchuk, who was born in 1928 and who succeeded his father, the
Maharaja, in 1952. He has the love, respect and regard of his people,
whether lama, peasant or the new university-educated administrator.
The destiny of the land is in his hands; the shaping of its future is a task
for him and his people who extend their willing cooperation to him.
Gradually, a new Bhutan is being shaped where the best of the age
old traditions and the characteristic patterns of culture will be retained
and moulded with the needs of today's civilisation. The task is a most
demanding and challenging one.
The historical and anthropological beginnings of Bhutan and the
Bhutanese people are shrouded in mystery. The name 'Bhutan' can-
not be easily explained; it has either a mixed or unknown derivation.
The inhabitants themselves call their country 'DRUK-YUL', or 'the
Land of the Dragon', while the name 'Bhutan' seems to be a term
used by foreigners starting with 'Bhut', a name given by the Tibetans
to their own country and 'tan' perhaps a corruption of 'stan' as found
in Indo-Persian names such as 'Hindustan' and 'Afghanistan'. It
could also be derived, some say, from the name 'Bhotanta', meaning
an extension or the end of 'Bhot', that is the land of Tibet.
The earliest reference to Bhutan in published records in English
is in Hakluyt's "Voyages" which date back to the late 16th century:
"There is a country", he says, "four days journey from Cuch or Quichue,
before mentioned, which is called Bootantar, and the city Boottea, the
king is called Durmain, the people whereof are very tall and strong;
and there are merchants which come out of China, and they come to
sell musk, agates, silk, pepper, and saffron of Persia. The country
is very great; three months journey. There are very high mountains in
this country, and one of them is so steep that when six days journey
off it, he may see it perfectly. Upon these mountains are people which
have ears of a span long, if their ears be not long, they call them apes.
They say, that when they be upon the mountains, they see ships in the
sea sailing to and fro; but they know not from whence they come nor
whither they go. There are merchants which come out of the east;
they say, from under the sun which is from China, which have no
beards; and they say, there it is sometimes warm. But those which
come from the other side of the mountains, whlch is from the north,
say, there it is very cold. The Northern merchants are apparelled with
woollen cloth and hats, white hozen close, and boots which be of
Muscovia or Tartary. They report that in their country they have
very good horses, but they be little; some men have four, five or six
hundred horses and kine, they live with milk and flesh. They cut the
tails of their kine, and sell them very dear; for they be in great request,
and much esteemed in those parts; the hair of them is a yard long.
They use to hang them for bravery upon the heads of their elephants;
they be much used in Pegu and China, they buy and sell by scores
upon the ground. The people be very swift on foot."

Bhutan has an area of approximately 18,000 square miles and is

located on the slopes of the eastern Himalayas. It is bounded on the
north by Tibet, on the west by Sikkim and the Chumbi valley of Tibet
and on the east and south by the Indian states of Assam and West
Bengal. The mountains of the eastern Himalayan range divide the
country into many gigantic valleys. As they fall away from the
Himalayan crests they form long sloping ridges north-south to the
plains of the Brahrnaputra basin a hundred miles away. These almost
parallel mountain ranges are again broken up into innumerable smaller
ranges, which form a vast labyrinth of valleys.

Geographical Features

The terrain can be divided roughly into three distinct zones: first,
the foothills which adjoin the plains of the Brahmaputra basin; the
second, a central belt, between the foothills and the highlands; and
thirdly, the highlands, leading up to the watershed of the Great Hima-
layas and the frontiers of Tibet.
The first zone, or tract, includes a small strip of the plains and then
the foothills to a depth of some 20 to 30 miles. The mountains covered
with a thick growth of tropical jungle rise impressively and abruptly
from the plains and are cut into deep valleys or gorges by rivers which
are prone to sudden floods. The altitude varies from 3,000 to 8,000 ft.
above sea level. The annual rainfall can be as much as 200 inches.
Generally, the climate is hot and humid and is considered unhealthy
during the monsoon season.
The second zone is made up of the valleys at altitudes varying from
3,000 to 10,000 ft. above sea level which, with their dividing ridges,
extend some 40 miles inland and northwards. The valleys are com-
paratively wide and flat, with a moderate rainfall and are fairly well
populated and cultivated. Here the slopes of the mountains are much
more gradual. In this region the four main valleys are nurtured by
the waters of the Amo-chu, Wong-chu, Ma-chu and Manas rivers.
The third, or northernmost zone, includes the snow-capped Hima-
layan ranges which rise to altitudes of 24,000 ft. and here the valleys
are at heights of between 11,000 and 18,000 ft. The zone forms part
of the Greater Himalayas and the prominent peaks are the Chomol-
hari in the west (23,930 ft.) and Kulukangri (also Kulagangri) in the
north (24,740 ft.), which remain covered with snow throughout the
year. The tree line is generally at 13,000 ft., with coniferous forests of
pine and fir.
There is a feature of special importance in the contour of the land:
one of the many spurs of the Himalayas which runs from the north to
the south, called the 'Black Mountain range', seems almost to divide
Bhutan climatically and ethnographically. This range which forms the
watershed between the Sankosh (Ma-chu) and Manas rivers is traversed
by only the Pele-la (pass). To the east of the range the people have
greater affinity with the population of the Assam hills, with a smaller,
darker, stature; and, to the west, they retain more of the Tibeto-
Mongoloid features. The 'Black Mountain range' also allows the
deeper penetration of the monsoon currents into the north of the country
and consequently the wet zone in the east extends as far as the snow
line while in the west it stops in the valleys.
There are in addition many other ranges which follow, generally, a
north-south direction: the Masong-chung-dong, separating the rivers
Amo-chu and Wong-chu; the Dokyong-la, dividing the Wong-chu and
the Ma-chu; and finally the Tawang range which is located in the far
eastern part of Bhutan.
Another feature of some importance seems a natural corollary of
the dissection of the entire terrain of Bhutan by a vast system of rivers
and their tributaries. The southern borders of Bhutan, which run for
about 200 miles alongside Indian territory, emerge onto the plains of
North Bengal and Assam in a series of gaping gorgemouths known as
the 'duars' or gateways. There are 18 such duars, 11 between the
rivers Teesta and Manas in West Bengal and the other seven between
the Manas and Dhonseri in Assam.'

The Bengal duars are: Dahalimkote, Mynaguri, Chamurchi, Luckee, Bwa, Bhulka,
Bara, Gumar, Cherrung and Bagh; the Assam duars: Burree Goomah, Kalling, Shurkolla,
Banska, Chappaguri, Chapkahama and Bynee.
 Early History

Tearthquake,
HERE is practically no recorded early history of Bhutan. Fire,
flood and internecine war unfortunately destroyed
whatever records nlay once have existed and these were few. The
accidental burning in 1832 of Punakha, at that time one of the capitals
of Bhutan, and the earthquake of 1897 were especially responsible.
The earthquake of 1897 destroyed almost entirely the library of the
Tongsa Penlops, and only a few of the manuscripts were saved. The
printing establishment at Sonagachi also had a fire about 1830 which
completed the havoc.
We have from early British and Indian travellers to Bhutan the first
reports of the legends prevalent in the country. These legends speak
of a personage named Sangaldip coming from the region of Kooch
(whether this was in Bhutan or Assam is not known). In the seventh
century A.D. Sangaldip conquered the countries of Bengal and Bihar,
fighting against Raja Kedar of Lakhnaute or Gaur and was later
defeated by Piran Vaish, General of Afrasaib, King of Turan or Tartary.
In the middle of the eighth century A.D., an Indian guru named
Padma Sambhava (meaning 'the Lotus Born'), won Bhutan to the
Buddhist faith. The chief rulers of that time were the Khi-kha-ra-thoid
 of Khempajong in Kurtoi and Naguchhi, King of Sindhu. The site
and ruins of the latter's palace, Changkhar Gome (literally the iron fort
without doors), are still there today. Naguchhi, who was the second
son of King Singhala of Serkhya, founded the kingdom of Sindhu and
his sons enlarged and extended his realm to Dorji-tag and Har in Tibet.
During a battle which Naguchhi fought against Raja Nabudara,
who lived in the plains of India, his eldest son was killed. Naguchhi
was despondent with grief, and in this period of sorrow Guru Padma
Sambhava arrived. With the aid of the King's daughter, Menmo
Jashi Kyeden, the Guru succeeded in helping him to forget his tragic
loss. According to legend Naguchhi could be compared to King
Solomon, for in addition to wisdom and bravery he had almost a
hundred wives all of them the most beautiful women of India or Tibet.
King Nabudara was also converted to Buddhism by the Guru and
peace was restored to the land and a boundary pillar set up at Nathang
in Khen. The peaceful reign lasted a century until the kingdom was
destroyed by invading Tibetan hordes during the rule of Langdarma
(also Landarma), the apostate King of Tibet. King Langdarma
reigned in Tibet from 803 to 842 A.D. Two centuries later, Bhutan
was again occupied by the followers of King Triral-chan of Tibet.
Somewhat later the history of Bhutan was closely influenced by the
origin and growth of the Dukpa sect of Buddhism founded by Yeses
Dorji at Ralung, a famed monastery about 30 miles east of Gyantse.
Yeses, or to give him his full name, Gro Gong Tshangpa Gyal-ras, was
born in A.D. 1160, and died in 1210. The Dukpas formed originally
one of the subdivisions of the Nyingrnapa sect and it has been recorded
that it was entirely due to Yeses and his followers that Bhutan began
to merge as a separate and distinct entity. Then followed a steady
influx of lamas, and with the lamas monasteries were set up and temples
built in many parts of the land. But the country remained under the
control of a multitude of warring chieftains and was broken up into
fragments with no central authority.
During this agitated period a young Buddhist lama from China came
to visit Yeses' successor, Sangye-on, at Ralung, and was there given the
name of Fago-Duk-gom-Shigpo (also spelt Farchu Dupgein Shabdung).
After studying at Ralung for some years, this young lama, popularly
referred to as Duk-gom, was sent by the Ralung monastery to Bhutan,
and settled at Cheri Dordam in the western part of Bhutan where he
remained with his wife and family. However, his fame as a distinguish-
ed lama spread, rousing the jealousy of Lha-pha (also referred to as
Lama Apha), a rival lama then living in the same part of the country.
Lhapha decided to attack Cheri Dordam, the stronghold of his rival,
but was defeated, and fled. In the flight, he came to the valley of the
Am-mo-chhu where he was warmly received by the inhabitants and
accepted by them. Lama Lhapha later treacherously betrayed these
hospitable people to the Tibetans, who then gained control of the
valley.
John Claude White, the first British Political Officer in Sikkim
who set up residence in Gangtok at the close of the 19th century, has
recorded most of this early history of Bhutan. As he reported:

With the defeat of his rival, Duk-gom's power increased greatly, and
the conversion of the Bhutanese to Buddhism was further assisted by
the advent of four other lamas from Tibet. But although so many
lamas visited Bhutan and settled there, many of them of sects different
from the Dukpas, yet they only served as heralds to symbolise or
portray the auspicious advent, some three centuries later, of the Dukpa
Rimpoche, Nawang Du-gom, who brought Bhutan under a single
ruling power and control.

Nawang Du-gom, better known as Shabdung Nawang Namgyal,

came from a noble family. He was the son of Dorji Lenpa Mepham
Tempai Nymia. His mother was the daughter of Deba Kyishopa and
he was an exceptionally talented and precocious individual. As a child
his artistic carvings were marvellous in beauty and showed unusual
skill of workmanship. The exact date of his birth is doubtful, but it
was about A.D. 1534.' He studied under the famous Dukpa lama,
Padma Karpo, at the Ralung monastery. He almost succeeded in be-
coming the chief lama at Ralung but a rival claimant, Karma Tenkgong
Wangpo, backed by Deb Tsang-pa was too powerful and Shabdung
Nawang Namgyal, annoyed and disgusted, went on a long pilgrimage
which led him into Bhutan by the Lingzi (also Lingtsi) pass in A.D.
1557. He was then 23 years old and he lived to be 58. In this span
of active life of 35 years, Nawang Duk-gom's ambition and main goal
was to consolidate his spiritual as well as his temporal authority. The
opposition he had experienced coming from the Deb Tsang-pa of the
Ralung monastery and from the descendants of the lamas, who had
earlier settled in Bhutan, involved him in incessant discord and frequent
and serious fighting. Five or six times, the Tibetans attempted to
conquer Bhutan. They even penetrated as far as Simtoka, but each
time they suffered defeat and there were many prisoners. An old
chronicler reports the following:
It seems as though they (the Tibetans) had come merely to die and
leave their bodies in Bhutan. . . .They never besieged or stormed any of
the Bhutanese forts, but simply filled the wilderness of Bhutan and
Tibet with useless forts and redoubts.

The loot and treasures captured from the vanquished greatly in-
creased the wealth of the Shabdung (Nawang). His prominence and
fame spread to India, even to Ladakh in the far north-western part of

Some scholars dispute these dates and are inclined to believe that Shabdung Nawang
Namgyal was born in 1594 and entered Bhutan in 1617.
India. The powerful Raja, Padma Narayan of Cooch Behar, sought his
friendship and sent presents, as did also Drabya Sahi and Purandar
Sahi of Nepal.
Unconnected with the main stream of events, but proof of the
Shabdung's fame, is the historically recorded fact that about this time,
some foreigners from a distant country called Parduku (probably
Portugal) crossing the limitless oceans, made their appearance in Bhutan.
They brought with them guns and gunpowder never seen before and a
telescope, and offered their services to the Shabdung!
The Shabdung's reign in Bhutan saw the building of many of the
larger monasteries and forts in that country. Very few of them have
survived destruction by fire or earthquake. The Simtoka Dzong was
first built in 1617 and again rebuilt in 1619 and perhaps is the only
structure still standing as it was first built. The next oldest is Paro-
Dzong built originally as a school of medicine but destroyed by fire in
1907.2 Most of the other forts and monasteries have been either rebuilt
or enlarged. Punakha Dzong was founded in 1637, then designed to
house 600 monks. The Shabdung, when criticised for planning such
an enormous house for the monks, answered that the building would
in time be found much too small. Indeed, in 1905 there were at least
three times as many monks in residence there. The Monastery at
Angduphodang (now spelt Wangduphodrang) was begun in 1638, and
the Tashi-cho-dzong in 1641. The Shabdung's private quarters are still
in existence in the western corner of the fort at Tongsa.
Shabdung Nawang Namgyal was something of a humorist. During
the rejoicings at a notable victory over the Tibetans at Punakha, he
was asked if he thought it likely they would return or send any more
expeditions against Bhutan. His reply was couched in the phrase:

Oh, there is no assurance they will not come again, but as they never
do any harm to us it will be all right. This time we have a sufficiency
of armour and weapons; we will in future indent for some tea and silks.

The answer subsequently turned out to be a prophecy. Again to quote

a Tibetan chronicler of that time:

In the intervals of peace the Dharma Raja (the Shabdung) devoted

himself with full energy to his various state duties, founding a body of
priesthood, providing for and controlling them, giving instructions to
those who were serious seekers after truth; in short, he was pastor,
abbot, psalmist, rector, superintendent of carving (for printing pur-
poses), architect of State and monastic buildings, overseer of book-
binding and other establishments of the Kagyur library, settlement

The Original Thimphu dzong, according to s h e scholars, is believed to be older than

the Paro dzong.
 officer, chief commandant of the forces for quelling foreim aggressions,
chief protector and ruler of his own adherents and followers, chief
avenger and punisher of those who were inimical to the cause of
Buddhism and the public peace. He was all these in one person, and
fulfilled the duties thoroughly and efficiently. He introduced law into
lawless Bhutan. His boast was that he never wasted any time in
idleness or self complacency.

To improve the ecclesiastical and temporal administration of Bhutan

he appointed two of the faithful monks who had come with him from
the Ralung monastery, one Nay-tan Pay-kor Jungnay, to be the Chief
Khempo (the religious head) whose duties were to enforce the strict
observance of vows taken by the lamas, to supervise their studies, and
to preside over the religious ceremonies. The second monk named
Tenzing Dukgyag, the Amsed of Ralung, was the first Dug Desi (Deb
Raja) and his authority extended over the temporal administration
of the state. He had the responsibility of dealing with foreign powers,
managing the revenues and other resources of the state and of providing
the lamas with food. In short while he looked after the temporal
affairs of the state, the Shabdung and the Chief Khempo devoted
themselves to the monasteries and to religious matters in general.
The character of the first Shabdung was indeed extraordinary.
After his death in 15923 there were three reincarnations: his body re-
appeared as the Chos-rgyal (Dharma Raja), his voice as the Chole
Tulku, and his mind as the Thi Rimpoche-an incarnation which has
since died out. But with the Shabdung's death internal discord and
dissension returned to the country. Unity disintegrated and Bhutan
returned to the control of many warring chieftains who ruled various
fragments. This is where Claude White's report on Bhutan ends.
Even with this unfavourable turn of events a certain framework
remained. It consisted of the Chos-rgyal and the Dug Desi and
beneath them officers, called Penlops, who were the senior members
of a council of seven, known as the Lenchen. The Penlops were the
governors of the provinces of Paro, Tongsa and Duka, in the western,
eastern and central districts of the country respectively. They were
expected to attend the Council whenever they happened to be present
at the seat of government. They were also liable to be summoned to
appear at times of emergency. Other members of the Council included
the Lam Zimpon, a Chief Secretary to the Dharma Raja; the Deb
Zimpon, or Chief Secretary to the Deb Raja; the three governors or
dzong-pons of the Tashi-cho-dzong, the Punakha and the Angdupho-
dang Dzongs and the Joom Kalling, or the Chief Judge.
The Dharma Raja had necessarily to be an incarnation, and as a
child had to exhibit certain supernatural attributes before he was
accepted as, the chosen one. The Deb Raja was, on the other hand,

Some scholars believe this date to be 1652.

elected by the Council of the permanent members which were chosen
from amongst the principal officersof the country who were considered
eligible for seats in the Council. In practice, this procedure of election
changed into one of nomination by whoever of the Penlops, of eastern
or western Bhutan was the more powerful. These two Penlops were
usually at war with each other and the Deb Raja became merely the
nominee of the stronger one at the time. The Penlops usually appointed
the dzong-pons or the district chiefs and when the Penlop fell from
power, the dzong-pons were dismissed with him. Subordinate to the
dzong-pons were the Nieboos, who supervised scattered groups of
villages. In a country like Bhutan, with its physical divisions and
differences between loosely knit communities, such a system of govern-
ment did not seem durable or likely to last. Its main weakness lay in
the endless strife between local chieftains. Whoever could attain
sufficient power and authority to assume the title of Penlop, appointed
the Deb Raja of his choice. His ruling powers only lasted as long as
he was capable of not being ousted by a more powerful adversary.
 The British Period

Wnew
HEN conditions in Bhutan were generally confused and chaotic, a
power arose in India with the emergence of the East India
Company. The first encounter between officials of the Company and
the Bhutanese was in 1772. The Bhutanese put forward a claim to
Cooch-Behar. They invaded that State and kidnapped the Raja,
Durender Narain, and his brother, Dewan Deo. Cooch-Behar sought
aid from the East India Company, which was readily given. A small
force under Captain Jones was sent to drive the Bhutanese back across
the borders. This expedition proved successful; the Bhutanese retreat-
ed from Cooch-Behar. Thereupon they appealed for help to the Tashi
Lama, then the Regent of Tibet, as the Dalai Lama was still a minor,
too young to assume his important role. The Tashi Lama wrote to
Warren Hastings, who was at that time Governor-General of India,
and on his approach the Governor-General agreed to negotiate a treaty
of peace.
A Treaty was signed at Fort William in Calcutta in April 1774
between the East India Company and the Bhutanese. Under this
treaty, the Bhutanese agreed to release Raja Durender Narain and his
brother, and the Company relinquished whatever territory it had taken
during the conflict. The Company also permitted Bhutanese traders
to bring in their goods to Rangpur' free of any levy of duty.
In the following years a number of special missions and envoys
were exchanged between the Bhutanese and the Company. George
Bogle had been sent in advance to Bhutan for negotiations which led
to the Treaty of 1774. His successor, in 1775, was Hamilton, who
went there to examine the claims of the Deb Raja to Falakata in Jal-
paiguri DistrictB2Hamilton once again returned to Bhutan in July 1777,
to offer congratulations to the new Deb Raja on his succession.
There followed a lull in active relations between the East India
Company and the Bhutanese and for a period of time, with the excep-
tion of a commercial mission led by Captain Samuel Turner in 1783,
there was little intercourse between them until the occupation of Assam
by the British in 1826. The annexation of Assam which had a long
common frontier on the south and east with Bhutan provoked the
Bhutanese who made a series of raids on these new British acquisitions.
Reprisals by the British followed and tracts of territory across the
Duars were occupied by them. In an effort to settle these incessant
disputes, the Company sent an Indian official, Kisheil Kanta Bose, to
Punakha, then the capital of the Deb Raja of Bhutan. A further
mission on a larger scale led by Captain R.B. Pemberton followed in
1837. To his dismay, Captain Pemberton found it almost impossible
to have any contact or dealings with the Bhutanese. His mission
failed to reach any effective or permanent agreement with Bhutan and
he returned to Calcutta with relations between the British and the
Bhutanese tense and most unsatisfactory.
There were renewed attacks and invasions of British territory by the
Bhutanese who also disputed the payment of tributes demanded of them
by the British. With evident impatience the British then sent messages
to the Deb and Dharrna Rajas in 1863 that yet another mission would
be sent to explain their demands. The mission, led by the Hon'ble
Ashley Eden, reached Punakha in March, 1864. To his misfortune he
was received discourteously and even humiliated by the Tongsa Penlop,
then the ruling power in Bhutan. On one occasion a cake of wet
barley was slapped on Ashley Eden's face to the accompaniment, it is
said, of much laughter. This infuriated the British who decided to
punish the Bhutanese on Ashley Eden's return to India. An expedi-
tionary force of some 7,000 men, in two columns-one against the
western and the other against the eastern half-was despatched by the
British in November 1864. With little difficulty the expeditionary force
occupied the Duars in 1865 and within a few months thereafter the Deb
Raja was forced to make overtures for peace and ask for the restoration
of the Duars.

Then a market town in Bengal.

A district in the northern part of Bengal.
 A treaty of peace was concluded at Sinchula in Bhutan in November
1865. In terms of this treaty the British declared their permanent
occupation of the Bengal Duars but agreed, at the same time, to the
payment to the Deb Raja of Bhutan of Rs. 25,000, which they offered
to double if the treaty obligations were faithfully adhered to. Despik
this amicable settlement, further problems arose, this time as regards
the Assam Duars, and for a few years the British stopped the payment
of the allowance. Bhutan was now weakened by domestic strife until,
in fact, the Tongsa Penlop, Ugyen Wangchuk assumed political sup-
remacy in 1885, when he defeated the supporters of the Deb Raja.
This did not put an absolute end to the troubles of the country sin=
the defeated dzong-pon of Thimpu and others fled to Tibet and asked
for the Dalai Lama's assistance.
In the meantime, the British had also their problems with the
Tibetans, mainly over Tibet's repeated violations of the frontiers of
Sikkim, a situation which provided an excellent opportunity for the
British to make common cause with Ugyen Wangchuk, the powerful
penlop of Tongsa. The British sought the aid of Ugyen Wangchuk's
personal agent Ugyen Kazi then residing in Kalimpong in the province
of Bengal. Ugyen Kazi was specially commissioned in 1899 to write
to the Dalai Lama, suggesting that it would be a good thing for the
Tibetans to start negotiations with the British. However, nothing came
of this feeler but later Lord Curzon again approached Ugyen Kazi to
take a personal letter from him to the Dalai Lama. This latter effort
too bought no response; indeed, the envoy had to return without being
able to deliver the letter to the Dalai Lama. These repeated attempts
having proved futile, the British Government decided on a military
expedition to Tibet. They needed most urgently the cooperation of
Bhutan for making a survey of a possible direct route to Tibet through
the Chumbi valley via Bhutan.
The military invasion of Tibet in 1904 by a British force under the
command of Colonel Younghusband was a turning point in the relations
between Bhutan and the British. Now the undisputed ruler of Bhutan,
the Tongsa Penlop, Ugyen Wangchuk decided to join the British
military expedition to Lhasa and to use his personal influence so as to
bring about an agreement. The expedition was successful in forcing the
Tibetans to start negotiations with the British. The negotiations ended
in the Anglo-Tibetan Convention of September 1904. Ugyen Wang-
chuk's services to the British were especially recognised by them in the
title of Knight Commander of the Indian Empire which was conferred
on him.
The Dharina Raja of Bhutan died that same fateful year and as his
reincarnation did not appear for some three years, the Deb Raja conti-
nued the reign assuming the leadership of both the religious and the
secular administration of the country. However, the Deb Raja was
by nature a recluse, devoting himself principally to the spiritual affairs
of the country. In time the Tongsa Penlop took over the secular part
of the government and became the so-called strong man of Bhutan.
In 1907, the British through the then political officer in Gangtok,
Sikkim, John Claude White, put forward the suggestion to the lamas,
the chiefs and their supporters that Ugyen Wangchuk should be installed
as the Maharaja of Bhutan. There was unanimous agreement to this
idea and Ugyen Wangchuk was declared the Maharaja of Bhutan.
A man of strong character, he continued to govern Bhutan and guide
her destinies with exceptional wisdom and ability until his death in
1926, when his twenty-four year old son Jigme Wangchuk replaced
him.
A minor event, but nevertheless significant, occurred in 1906 when
the British Government decided to transfer responsibility for the con-
duct of relations with Bhutan from the Government of the presidency
of Bengal to the Government of India. Bhutan was thus brought into
direct contact with the British Indian Government whose headquarters
were then at Calcutta in the winter and Simla in summer. The last
Deb Raja, known as the Chole Tulku, died in 1907, thus leaving
Maharaja IJgyen Wangchuk in complete authority and absolute
supremacy. A fresh treaty was concluded in 1910 by the British
Government with Bhutan amending some of the provisions of the
treaty of Sinchula of 1865 and increasing the annual payment to
Rs. 100,000. Under this revised agreement the British Government
undertook not to interfere in the internal administration of Bhutan;
on her part, Bhutan agreed to be guided by the advice of the Govern-
ment of India in regard to her external relations
 Chapter XI

Since India's Independence

M AHARAJA Jigme Wangchuk, son of Ugyen Wangchuk, was the

guiding and progressive ruler of Bhutan when India gained her
independence in 1947. One of the first measures undertaken by inde-
pendent India was to revise the treaty based on the former relations
between Bhutan and the British Government. A new treaty was
drawn up and signed in Darjeeling on 8 August 1949.' On the whole,
some features of the treaty of 1910 were retained in that India under-
took not to interfere in Bhutan's internal affairs and Bhutan, on her
part, agreed to be guided by the advice of India so far as external
relations were concerned. The Government of India further increased
the allotted payment to Bhutan from Rs. 100,000 to Rs. 500,000 a year.
An area of 32 square miles in Dewangiri, which had been annexed by
the British in 1865, was returned to Bhutan.
Maharaja Jigme Wangchuk died in March 1952 and his son, Jigme
Dorji Wangchuk, continued the dynastic reign as Maharaja. He was
formally installed in October 1952. A year before this event Jigme

See Appendix X.
Dorji Wangchuk2 had married Kesang-la, the daughter of Raja Sonam
Tobgye Dorji. She was also the sister of Jigme Palden Dorji who was
then the Bhutan Agent at Kalimpong. A son and heir named Jigme
Singhi who later assumed the title of Crown Prince, was born to Maha-
raja Jigme Dorji ~ a n g c h u kin November 1955.
In 1963, the Government of India extended its agreement to a change
in the title of the ruler of Bhutan from His Highness the Maharaja to
His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo.
I beg the indulgence of the reader to return briefly to Ugyen Kazi
who had tried in 1899 and the following years to facilitate negotiations
between the British Government in its dealings with Tibet to complete
the historical picture. At the time Ugyen Kazi acted as a liaison
between the British Government and the Dalai Lama he was the official
Agent of the government of Bhutan maintaining his residence in
Kalimpong. He served with great distinction on other missions playing
an important role in the revision of the treaty of 1865. As recognition
of his distinguished services, on behalf of the British they honoured his
accomplishments by bestowing on him the title of 'Raja' in the year 1908.
Raja Ugyen's son, Sonam Tobgye, who was also known by the
simpler name of Raja Dorji followed his father's career and took over
in 1916 the functions of Agent to the government of Bhutan and
Dzong-pon or Governor of Ha. In addition he was designated by the
British as the Assistant for Bhutan to the Political Officer in Sikkim.
He continued to reside in Kalimpong combining an unusual and double
role serving two governments, the British and the Bhutanese. In 1946
the formidable Raja Sonam Tobgye retired from his post as Agent at
Kalimpong and was made Deb Zimpon or Chief Minister to the
Maharaja. It should be recorded that Raja Sonam Tobgye had many
years earlier married a sister of the Maharaja of Sikkim which com-
plimented his high ranking position. He died in September 1953.
His eldest son, Jigme Palden Dorji succeeded him in 1946 also
having the dual functions of Agent to the government of Bhutan
and Assistant to the Political Officer in Sikkim. Jigme Dorji gave
up this post for a brief period in 1951 when he went to Europe for
medical treatment and in his absence his sister Tashi Dorji was ap-
pointed the Agent. However, on his return Jigme Dorji again
assumed the office in Kalirnpong and continued in that role until
1962, when Lawrence Sitling was appointed to the charge. Since
1957, Jigme Dorji's more important task was as principal adviser
to the Druk Gyalpo. He was a popular figure so much so that the
Indian press referred to him as the Prime Minister of Bhutan. Un-
fortunately, Jigme Palden Dorji's life which was dedicated to the wel-
fare of Bhutan came to an untimely end when he was assassinated
in Phuntsholing in April 1964.

Wangchuk is also written Wangchuck.

 For a brief period after this tragic event, Lhendup Dorji, tht
younger brother of Jigme Dorji, assumed the functions. His period
of office was, however, marked by domestic strife with added internal
political complications. An attempt on the Druk Gyalpo's life in
July 1965 brought about drastic changes in the governmental struc-
ture. The Druk Gyalpo himself took over therole of the chief exe-
cutive of the country.
Since 1906, India's relations with Bhutan were, as mentioned
before, taken care of by the British Political Officer in Sikkim. Con-
tacts between the officials of the governments of lndia and Bhutan
were superficial, limited to ceremonial courtesies with occasional
visits to Bhutan by the Political Oficer and his staff. Following
India's independence in 1947, this polite and rather moribund state
of relations began to alter to a more active and dynamic understand-
ing between the two countries.
The first positive contacts were established as early as 1948, when
a delegation headed by Raja Sonam Tobgye Dorji came to New
Delhi to negotiate a new treaty between the government of Bhutan
and the government of independent India. Bhutan hoped to clarify
her position with India and also to raise her prestige which had suffer-
ed greatly when India was under British rule. The Bhutanese dele-
gation assured the new Government of India of its firm desire and
sincere intention to maintain close and cordial relations. The out-
come of these negotiations between the two governments was the
signing of the Indo-Bhutan Treaty of Friendship of 1949 which has
been referred to earlier.
Then followed important events establishing closer relations bet-
ween India and Bhutan. The Bhutanese Ruler, Maharaja Jigme
Dorji Wangchuk visited India officially in response to invitations
from the Indian Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. The first
official visit was to New Delhi in 1954 and this was followed by
a second visit in November 1956 when the Maharaja toured Calcutta,
Tatanagar, Bodhgaya and Varanasi. In the meantime, in 1955,
India's Foreign Secretary, R. K. Nehru, and a group of Indian
officials went to Paro, the principal town in western Bhutan, at the
invitation of the Bhutanese government.
In September 1958 the Indian Prime Minister, who was proposing
to visit Tibet, altered his programme and went instead to Bhutan.
He took the only road then existing, leading to Paro in the western
part of the country. Several days of hard travel were involved from
Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim. The first lap of the journey was to
Nathu-la, the 14,700 ft. mountain pass leading from Sikkim to the
Chumbi valley of Tibet, then across the valley in easy stages travel-
ling on horseback and camping at nights and finally to Paro. Maha-
raja Jigrne Dorji Wangchuck and the high officials of Bhutan were
there to receive Jawaharlal Nehru and his party. The Prime
Minister was accompanied by his daughter, India's present Prime
Minister, Indira Gandhi.
Prime Minister Nehru expressed his friendship for Bhutan and
understanding of her problems at a large public gathering of the Bhu-
tanese notables at Paro on 23 September 1958. To quote the Indian
Prime Minister's words :
Some may think that since India is a great and powerful country and
Bhutan a small one, the former might wish to exercise pressure on
Bhutan. It is therefore essential that I make it clear to you that our
only wish is that you should remain an independent country choosing
your own way of life and taking the path of progress according to your
will. At the same time, we two should live with mutual goodwill.
We are members of the same Himalayan family and should live as
friendly neighbours helping each other. Freedom of both Bhutan and
India should be safeguarded so that none from outside can do harm
to it.
This was an historic event and the meeting between the Heads
of State provided an excellent opportunity for fruitful discussions on
various aspects of the economic and social developmentof Bhutan.
These talks between the Indian Prime Minister and the Bhutanese Ruler
led to the formulation of the first development plan for Bhutan for the
period 1961 to 1966. Indian experts were invited to draw up a five
year development plan for Bhutan. The plan was finalised and details
announced in July 1961. In this first phase, roads had to be built
linking Bhutan with India, other communication facilities established
and simultaneously administrative infra-structures created to make
possible the carrying out of programmes in such fields as public
health, education and agricultural development. The total cost of the
plan which was financed by the government of India was Rs. 17 ~ r o r e s . ~
In May 1960 an Indian Parliamentary Delegation led by Dr. Ram
Subhag Singh was invited by the Government of Bhutan to Paro.
Later, in 1961, the Maharaja accon~paniedby the Bhutan Agent in
Kalimpong, Jigrne Dorji, carried through a prolonged trip to central
and southern India covering Madras, Madura, Bangalore, Mysore,
Bombay, Ajanta and Ellora. Such exchanges between India and
Bhutan have continued through these years establishing closer and
friendlier contacts between the two countries and leading to a better
understanding between them. In this same period as the result of
the programme of road and communications construction undertaken
by Indian engineers, Bhutan has gradually emerged from her isolation
and into contact with the outside world.
Because of its inaccessibility Bhutan was still an unknown, legen-
dary country to the rest of the world. It remained a mysterious place
in the mystic East. However, India sought to assist Bhutan in reniov-

3 One crore : 10 million; Rs 17 crores : US $ 36 million (approx.)

72
ing her isolation and increasing her association with the world out-
side. Two events which took place during this period are especially
noteworthy: Following a request from Bhutan, India agreed in 1961
to sponsor her for membership of the Colombo Pla~lorganisation,
and Bhutan was admitted as a regular member of that organisation
in 1963. She has since then continued to participate in and benefit
from its activities. The second event which followed related to Bhu-
tan's membership in the Universal Postal Union. This was the sub-
ject of discussion during the official visit of the Druk Gyalpo to New
Delhi during April-May 1966. The Government of India also will-
ingly agreed to sponsor Bhutan for admission to this International
Organisation. These two sponsorships proved to be most significant
as regards Bhutan's relations with other countries as well as her deal-
ings with the rest of the world.
Bhutan's cordial relations with India are based on mutual national
interests as well as on the realities of the geopolitical situation. Geo-
graphically situated amidst the Himalayas, on the southern slopes of
that immense mountain range, her welfare and progress in economic
development are closely and perhaps inevitably linked with the region
to the immediate south, the states of Assam and West Bengal in
India, to which she has now gained access and indeed with India as
a whole. Her characteristic way of life and her belief in a pattern of
democratic tradition further implies an interweaving of destinies with
the people of India who have always had the same respect for religion,
culture and freedom. This profound and instinctive understanding
between Bhutan and India thus exists on an identity of interests and
objectives. On the part of India this similarity of interests presup-
poses a clear recognition of Bhutan's national separateness: India
has demonstrated her purpose in word and action by assisting Bhutan
in her quest for economic development and progress as also seeking
every opportunity to place her on a footing of equality in the comity
of nations.
Bhutan's attitude towards India and her appreciation of Indian
assistance to the country's development are expressed in a statement
to the press by the Druk Gyalpo, Jigme Dorji Wangchuk, in May
of 1966, at the conclusion of an official visit to Delhi:
I am deeply touched by the sympathy and understanding with which
the Government of India views our problems. The help and advice
furnished by the Government of India are of great value to us and are
appreciated by my Government and my people. I took this opportu-
nity to apprise the Prime Minister of the social and economic progress
which Bhutan had made in the last five years with the Government of
India's generous assistance and of the great demand for not only
continuing but extending economic development activity in our country.
I am heartened by the Prime Minister's assurance that India will
continue to provide the necessary technical and financial assistance to
Bhutan in the years to come.
 Even so India's policy towards Bhutan is governed by two main
factors: responsibility for the conduct of Bhutan's external relations
by virtue of the Indo-Bhutan treaty of 1949 and, in addition, her role
as the "defender" of Bhutan, a view explicit in Prime Minister
Nehru's statement in Paro in September 1958. This is a logical ex-
tension of India's own defence measures. India cannot afford an
aggressive or hostile Bhutan, or a neighbouring country under Chinese
domination. The significance of this stands out when one realises
that Bhutan has a 200 mile frontier in the south with the Indian states
of West Bengal and Assam and the eastern wing of Pakistan is in the
proximity, just a few miles of Indian territory separating the two.
India's defence frontier should therefore realistically lie along the
Himalayan watershed which divides Bhutan from Tibet.
Bhutan likewise, in her own interests and aware of the imperative
need to preserve her culture, institutions and territory from the
menace of China, fully recognises India's responsible role and appre-
ciates her attitude. With India's support Bhutan can always call a
halt and remind China of this fact whenever there is aggression on
the frontier or uncalled for meddling in Bhutanese state affairs. Once
Bhutan has abandoned her isolation and established contact with the
rest of the world she will inevitably be drawn into the main stream
of world events, and before long she will claim her place in the com-
munity of nations.
 Chapter XI1

Relations with Northern

Neighbours

INnities
the early history of Bhutan we were made aware of specific affi-
in the traditional, religious and cultural spheres which linked
Bhutan and Tibet, her closest neighbour in the north. Nevertheless
it was clear, even during this period of history that the individualistic
Bhutanese were hardly conducive to be servile to others. Believing
in and adhering to their own particular type of lamaistic Buddhism,
they retained their freedom independent both of the Tibetans and the
Chinese. However, a brief study of a more recent phase of the re-
lations between Bhutan and her northern neighbours will perhaps
give the reader a clearer understanding of her present attitude.
Between the withdrawal of the Younghusband Expedition from
Lhasa in 1904 and 1910, the Manchu Empire of China made a sup-
reme effort to revive claims to suzerainty with the intention of making
Tibet a province of the Empire. China almost succeeded, at least
for a brief spell. During this phase of aggrandisement China did
not stop short at the boundaries of Tibet. Some time in 1907, the
Chinese Amban or representative in Lhasa addressed an indignant
letter to the Chiefs of Bhutan which read as follows:

The Bhutanese are the subjects of the Emperor of China, who is the
Lord of Heaven. You, Deb Raja and two Penlops, think you are great,
but you cannot continue without paying attention to the orders of
your Ruler. Bhutan is the gate on the south which prevents entry (by
the British). The Popon will inspect your climate, crops, etc. The
Deb Raja should endeavour to improve the trade of the country and
the condition of the peasants. If you want any assistance, let me
know.

Also about this time a Chinese official representative stationed at

Gyantse visited Paro, the principal town of western Bhutan; and
there resulted considerable Chinese propaganda in Bhutan. The
three countries, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim were in fact described
by the Chinese as "molar teeth lying side by side in a man's mouth".
Further, the Chinese also attempted to "order" the circulation of
Chinese currency in Bhutan.
Even after the conclusion of the treaty of 1910, signed between the
Bhutanese and the British, the Chinese attempted, on more than one
occasion, to intervene in Bhutanese state affairs. Sir Charles Bell
who was then the British Political Officer in Sikkim made this
comment :

Possessed of a temperate climate and a fertile soil, less than a quarter

of which was occupied by the Bhutanese themselves, Bhutan offered a
tempting field for Chinese penetration and expansion. Not imme-
diately, but later on and by degrees, Chinese colonists might well have
followed, for the climate and soil would have been appreciated no less
by the southern Chinaman than the plains of Mongolia are by the
Chinese of the north. It would have been natural for China to have
sought this relief for her overflowing population. For she appears to
regard the Mongolian peoples that border on her own and the Tibetan
frontiers, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan and even Burma, as within her
natural sphere.

However, protected by the treaty of 1910, the Bhutan Government

accepted British authority as regards her foreign affairs and agreed to
be guided by the advice given by the British Government and also
to refer any disputes to British arbitration. The allotted
payment of Rs. 50,000 was doubled. That which made this deal
possible was the British Government's undertaking not to interfere
in the domestic administration of Bhutan. The treaty proved impor-
tant as it put an effective stop to Chinese attempts at any further
"colonisation" of Bhutan. China's quiet withdrawal from this scene
was all the more remarkable as, in 1909, she had made strenuous
attempts at populating the inhospitable tracts around Batang in
eastern Tibet, not far from the northern borders of Bhutan.
Though thwarted in her attempts at direct intervention in Bhu-
tanese affairs, China continued in the following years her efforts at
dealing directly with Bhutan written communications, also
by sending presents to the rulers. Such efforts at establishing direct
contacts came to notice in 1943, 1947, 1951 and 1953. These ap-
proaches were in contravention of the treaty of 1910 with the British
Government and later the Indo-Bhutan treaty of 1949. It was evi-
dent in terms of these treaties that the foreign relations of Bhutan
were subject to the guidance of the government of India and any such
moves were the concern of India.
Indian Prime Minister Nehru in a communication to the Chinese
Premier Chou En-lai, in September 1959, dismissed any doubt pertain-
ing to this matter. To quote his words:

It is not clear to us what exactly is the implication of your statement

that the boundaries of Sikkim and Bhutan do not fall within the scope
of the present discussion. In fact, Chinese maps show sizeable areas
of Bhutan as part of Tibet. Under treaty relationship with Bhutan, the
Government of India are the only competent authority to take up with
other governments matters concerning Bhutan's external relations, and,
in fact, we have taken up with your government a number of matters
on behalf of the Bhutan government. The rectification of errors in
Chinese maps regarding the boundary of Bhutan with Tibet is therefore
a matter which has to be discussed along with the boundary of India
with the Tibet region of China in the same sector.

Bhutan had already accepted this interpretation of the terms of

the Indo-Bhutan treaty of 1949 when she repeatedly requested the
Government of India to take up with the Chinese Government ques-
tions pertaining to her boundaries and her vital interests in Tibet.
In 1960, the Bhutan National Assembly was unanimous in pointing
out the obvious discrepancies in the boundaries of Bhutan appearing
in official Chinese maps of her country. This left no doubt as to
Bhutan's amicable relations with India and India's responsible role
for her foreign affairs.
Consistent with this view the government of India reminded the
Chinese government, in a note dated 25 April 1960 that Bhutan's
foreign relations were under treaty obligations the concern and res-
ponsibility of India. The note further asked the Chinese government
to restore Bhutan's control over her enclaves in Tibet'. There was
no positive response to this note but on the same date Premier Chou
En-lai stated at a press conference that "China respects India's
relationship with Bhutan and Sikkim." Some time later the Chinese

Eight villages in western Tibet around Mount Kailash belonged to Bhutan. These
were a gift sometime during the XVI century to a Bhutanese lama by the then King of
Ladakh. The Bhutanese lama is credited to have cured the King's son of grave illness
through the use o f miraculous powers. The lama passed on the properties to the rulers
o f Bhutan. China seized the villages in 1959.
 Government tried to misinterpret and disregard the Premier's state-
ment. Today, Chinese maps still include about 300 square miles
of Bhutanese territory within her own boundaries while her troops
have been stationed at various points on Bhutan's frontier with Tibet.
Throughout the centuries, Bhutan has zealously guarded the
sovereignty of her kingdom and has repeatedly denied and spurned
any suggestion which might be construed to inean that she was sub-
ordinate to either Tibet or China. For instance, in 1885, Bhutan
ignored a demand coming from the Chinese Ambaii at Lhasa for the
restoration of a chieftain expelled by the Penlops. Again, in 1888,
at the time of the Sikkim controversy Bhutan declined to accept a
Tibetan request for assistance. This rebuttal was repeated again
when the Tibetans asked the Bhutanese to come to Phari to concert
measures against the expected British expedition.
At the time of the Younghusband expedition to Lhasa in 1904
Bhutan regarded herself as only an intermediary in order to help
bring about a solution to the dispute which had arisen between the
British Government and Tibet. Even in May 1911 a Chinese official
who arrived at Paro did not succeed in having an interview with the
Paro Penlop. There were many later Chinese attempts, but their
total failure in establishing any kind of link with Bhutan is further
evidence of the country's desire to repudiate all Chinese attempts at
interference.
In 1961, Bhutan, in a significant gesture, turned down China's
offer of assistance for econoinic development but accepted India's
aid instead. Furthermore she also agreed to India assuming res-
ponsibility for her defence. The Maharaja (Druk Gyalpo) of Bhutan
openly stated in Calcutta in February 1961 that Bhutan had received
these Chinese offers but had totally rejected them. Later that same
month Prime Minister Nehru, speaking before Parliament declared
that India had agreed to assume full responsibility in regard to
measures for the defence of Bhutan. Nehru also affirmed on this
same occasion that any aggression on Bhutan would be direct agres-
sion on India. The statement was well received and inet with general
approval in Bhutan. Still, China seeks to keep tension alive and
adopts, from time to time, menacing postures against Bhutan. The
most recent instances of China's belligerent attitude were incursions
in April and September 1966 by her troops into the Dokang-la area
in the south-western corner of Bhutan, near the tri-junction with
Sikkim and the Chumbi valley of Tibet which drew protests from the
government of India at the request of Bhutan. Nevertheless, Chinese
aggressive actions make little impact on the Bhutanese.
 Chapter XIII

More About the People

HUTAN has an estimated populatio~l of some 900,GOO. The

Bmajority of the Bhutanese are of the Indo-Mongoloid race whereas
about 20 per cent of them derive from Nepali origins. The
country as a whole is sparsely populated, an average of 50 persons
to a square mile. It differs however in the souther11 regions, where
the Nepali settlers predominate and there it is more densely populated
especially in the southern central region of Cliirang. In addition,
there are about 3,000 Tibetans who have sought refuge and rehabi-
litation living in Bhutan since 1959.
The Bhutanese are remarkable for their capacity for hard work.
They are a tough, hardy people, seem well disciplined and organised
and a strong feeling of national pride unites them. Endowed with a
keen sense of humour, they are courteous and cooperative as well.
Since they have been isolated from the world for many centuries, they
have inevitably developed their own language, culture and social
customs without external influence. But, though united culturally and
by religion, Bhutan has several distinct language groups. The Bum-

' N o official census of the population has ever been taken.

thaps, the Sharchups, the Kurtepas, and the Khengs speak dialects
which are different from those spoken by the Wangs, the Shapas, the
Paropas and the Hapas. The largest number comprise the Sharchups
who live in the eastern and south-eastern part of Bhutan. They are
believed to be the original inhabitants who settled and founded the
country. The Sharchups and the Kurtepas are not only good
farmers they also breed and raise cattle and engage in trade as an
occupation. Along with these two original groups are the Khengs
and Bumthaps who are supposed to have inhabited the country
long before the Christian era. The people living in the Wang-chu,
Paro-chu, Ha-chu and Punakha valleys are considered newcomers
even though they have been in their own habitats for nearly 2,000
years. The language spoken by the western Bhutanese is closer to
Tibetan. Even so it has undergone some linguistic mutation. This
language is called Dzongkha and is currently the official language of
Bhutan.
Religion
The original religion of the country is said to be Pon (also spelt
Bon) or Animism which is the belief in and worship of spirits and
ghosts combined with the practice of sorcery. Indeed it was a
curious mixture of witchcraft, sorcery and the worship of snakes.
Spirits hovered everywhere, in trees, rocks, on mountain tops and
in the skies; some were good but many others were evil. These
spirits had to be worshipped and propitiated with simple offerings,
such as a stone, a rag, or the twig of a tree. A sorcerer or sorceress
had the power to bring about good instead of evil. The established
rituals of ponism in fact consisted of expelling demons who they
believed brought sickness and other calamities and propitiating
various spirits through the sacrifice of animals and sometimes even
of human beings.
The Guru Padma Sambhava, literally the Lotus Born, also
known as the Guru Rimpoche, a teacher of mysticism at the Nalanda
University, and a scholar of Tantricism, brought Buddhism to Bhu-
tan about the end of the eight century A.D. The religion which
evolved from this influence was a superb amalgam of Mahayana
Buddhism with some fragments of Pon, furthermore enriched by
Tantric practices as regards meditation, pranayama, asanas and
mantra^.^ Thus froin primitive rituals and sorcery it led to prayers
and congregational worship culminating in various forms of altruism
and renunciation. The present day Bhutanese belong mainly to
the Nyingma-pa and Kargyu-pa sects. The Gyalwa Karma-pa
heads the latter.
Sanskritic terms in Hindu philosophy describing certain postures and positions for
meditation, recitation and incantation of prayers or sacred texts.
 The lamas are the dominant factor in the religious life of the
people and there are about five thousand of them in the country.
They are celibates and devote their life to meditation and prayer.
There is a constant drain on the country's resources, since they are
wholly supported by contributions made to them by the government
or the people. Since the Bhutanese are deeply religious they willingly
accept this financial burden of supporting the numerous lamas.
Each village or sometimes a group of villages has its own monastery.
The duties of the lama are divided in time spent on religious cere-
monies held in the monasteries and on the celebration of numerous
festivals which take place throughout the year. Some of the finest
structures in Bhutan are the old monasteries which by the elaborate-
ness of their architecture show the reverence and importance given
to the lamas. The lamas are understandably exempt from the pay-
ment of taxes.
Form of Dress
The robe of the lamas consists of garnet or magenta coloured
garment thrown loosely over the left shoulder, over a sleeveless
shirt which leaves the right arm bare. The ordinary man's garment
is the Kho, a long, loose, knee-ength robe, very much resembling a
kimono which wraps around the body and is secured at the waist
by a cloth belt. The upper part of the Kho is pulled up and tucked
down, forming a large fold which serves as a pocket, in which the
daily necessities such as a tea-cup, a pan box, a scarf and a dagger
are carried. It is of colourful cotton, woollen or brocade, the do-
minant colours being red and yellow in a narrow stripped pattern.
Here as elsewhere social status is determined by the richness of the
material used. A legging of red broad-cloth is attached to the boots
which are made of hide, and is secured by a cloth garter tied under
the knce. Officials carry a sword on ceremonial occasions.
The women's dress is made up of a piece of handwoven cloth also
in coloured stripes, draped round and fixed in position by metal clasps
on the shoulders and held tight by a kera or waistband. The custom
for both men and women is to have short hair cropped close and
pigtails are never worn. The Bhutanese women usually wear heavy
silver necklaces with coral, turquoise and other precious stones.
Finger rings and ear-rings adorned with pearl and turquoise are also
popular with the women as well as amulet boxes which form part
of their necklaces. Yak wool coloured with vegetable dye of
different shades is used for the making of a coarse long wearing
woollen material for the clothes of both the men and the women.
Food and Beverages
The main food of the Bhutanese is rice, wheat meal, barley and
potatoes and the meat of yak, beef and pigs and at times chicken is
eaten. Dried meat and yak cheese are favourite items. Yak cheese
is kept soft in wooden jars or allowed to harden in small pieces and
stung on cord like a row of beads. The food of the upper classes and
the lamas consists of the flesh of yak and pork, cooked as a curried
dish or dried and at times grilled accompanied by rice. Aruk and
chang are common drinks brewed of millet, maize, barley, rice or
fruit. The arak or chang is sometimes served in long bamboo con-
tainers. The poorer classes generally live on sathu, a cooked mix-
ture of wheat and barley, with salt and chillies to add flavour. The
Bhutanese are extremely fond of chewing pan and betelnut and the
ample folds of the kho invariably hold a pan box.
Births, Marriages and Deaths
The birth of a child, except for the first born, calls for no parti-
cular rejoicing. For the first child, however, the family celebrates the
birth on the third day with a small gathering of friends. A lama
casts the horoscope and gives a name to the infant when it is a
month old. This is also the occasion when the infant is taken to the
nearest gompa or monastery, where offerings are made for its well-
being.
Marriages are formal contracts by mutual agreement of both
parties but, as is the custom, are blessed by a lama. Polyandry, in
different degrees, where several brothers share one wife or the whole-
sale alliance of the brothers of one family with the sisters of another
still exists in Bhutan. Polygamy, an ancient custom, is also accepted.
In many instances, the instinctive desire to preserve family property
governs and plays an important part in the marital arrangements.
In all arrangements horoscopes have first to be consulted and the
services of a middlemen might often be used to conduct the nego-
tiations.
Bhutanese women enjoy a sense of freedom and equality with
men, though the married are at some disadvantage. This happens
because generally speaking the husband lives in his wife's house
whereas the wife seldom goes to her husband's home. A contract of
marriage can be terminated whereby the woman leaves to join her
family or the husband sends her to live with another member of his
family group. All marriages have now to be registered with the
trimpon or ramjam, the sub-divisional officer and a fee paid to govern-
ment. If a marriage is broken a sum of money has to be paid to
the injured party as decided by a court. However, in recent years,
the Druk Gyalpo, Jigrne Dorji Wangchuk, has been instrumental
in introducing a general reform of the marriage system and both poly-
gamy and polyandry have been abolished. The permisssible age
for marriage now is 16 years for girls and 21 for boys. Child marriage
which was once prevalent, has been outlawed.
Death and the funeral ceremony are solemn occasions. Prayers
are chanted by lamas and great respect is observed especially if the
deceased is an adult. Corpses of infants and children are thrown
into deep water or the river but adults are usually cremated and on
rare occasions left to the vultures to devour. A funeral feast at great
cost is almost obligatory and interminable prayers are chanted at the
same time to drive away the evil spirits and to protect the surviving
members of the family of the departed.
The System of Labour
There is a "compulsory" system of task work called Chuni Dome
which provides workers for government or monastic construction.
One out of the twelve adults of a family has to work as required by
the authorities and no refusal is accepted. The government usually
pays low wages for such labour. Old women and children are
exempt from this system of task work and a wealthy man can some-
times hire a proxy to fulfil his obligation. Slave labour which was
once prevalent in the larger feudal estates has more recently been
abolished.
Arts and Crafts
The traditional arts and crafts of Bhutan seem influenced by
Tibetan forms and designs. The craftsmen excel in bronze casting
and fine metal workmanship especially in silver, copper and brass.
Wood-carving is a traditional art and exquisite carvings can be seen
in many of the monasteries. There are also excellent craftsmen
producing temple bells, swords and daggers. A particularly high
degree of skill is shown in the embroidered or painted tanka^.^ Every
well established home shows pride in a large workroom given to
weaving, and woollen, silk and cotton textiles as well as floor carpets
are produced which are of excellent quality and unique design. In
eastern Bhutan, basketwork and matting from split cane are also
important items. Each creative craftsman leaves the imprint of his
individuality on his work. Royal patronage of the finest craftsmen
has been a major factor in keeping the high level of artistic traditions
alive.
The Bhutanese display considerably more originality in the cons-
truction of their dzongs, the fort-monasteries, and residential build-
ings than perhaps in any other branch of their domestic activity.
Dzongs are the most impressive architectural structures in Bhutan.
Usually they have high whitewashed walls made of earth or stone,
deeply set ornamented windows and the pagoda-shaped roofs are
adorned at the comers with dragon heads. A dzong houses both
the headquarters of the local civil administration as well as the monas-
tery. The halls and chapels used for worship and meditation are

Religious scrolls.
filled with exquisite figure sculptures and tankas.
Family houses are built with a lower or ground floor, where cattle
are sheltered, then a first and in some cases a second floor with bal-
conies projecting beyond the walls. The upper floor with its living
quarters, kitchen and meditation or prayer room, called the clzokang,
generally occupies three or four rooms and is used by a single family.
The walls are of earth or clay, and the rest of the structure is made
of wood. A few grander houses have decorations in gay colours
on the outside. The fireplace is similar to the common chulah in
India. There are no chimneys and the dweller lives in an atmos-
phere saturated with odours due to bad ventilation and the ceilings
are blackened with smoke and tar. There is not much furniture in
the rooms, except for a few low divans and tables of pinewood, arti-
stically carved and painted. Woven rugs and yak skins are spread on
the floor. The prayer room usually has some religious figures and
tankas on a table or shelf alongside the wall. One climbs to the
first or second floor by a steep staircase or a primitive ladder consist-
ing of a heavy wooden plank on which notches are cut for steps. The
roof is a flat terrace of earth or a pent roof formed of fir planks.
These planks are laid across solid wooden beams and are kept in
place weighted down with stones. In the dzongs and housesnot a
single nail is used in the construction.
Pots and pans of clay and metal are stored on wooden shelves
in the kitchen and sometimes are placed in the main living room.
This might signify the wealth of the family. Wooden ladles are used
and wooden tubs serve as receptacles for water, milk or wheat flour.
Cats and Tibetan dogs are some of the favourite domestic animals.
Music and Dance
The traditional music of Bhutan which is mostly heard at religious
festivals and celebrations, is a weird combination of trumpets, some
almost eight feet in length, conch shells, horns, cymbals, gongs, flutes
and the beating of a variety of drums. Singing is a monotone chant
based on either religious or folklore themes. The pantomime and
religious dances follow a repetitive pattern with a rhythmic stamp-
ing of feet and a slow-lateral movement sometimes linking arm in
arm to form a circle. The bright and gaily coloured costumes, the
gorgeous masks depicting the faces of animals, birds and demons,
the embroidered banners and the movement of the dancers, mingled
with the humour of the buffoons, create a fantastic, unforgettable
picture, a most unusual experience for the visitor. Colours that pre-
dominate in this festive array are turqoise blue, scarlet, green, yellow
and pink.
Other Popular Customs
Bhutan is a friendly and hospitable country. Greetings or pre-
liminary introductions are generally accompanied with an exxchangc
of silk or cotton scarves. At times, if the status of the guest is much
below that of the host, the scarf is just presented and its acceptance
is a sign of welcome. Buttered tea and saffron-coloured rice are
served but one is not obliged to eat or drink them, though a ges-
ture of doing so is a recognition of the hospitality. This ceremo-
nious welcome becomes more informal as soon as local beer called
chang, fruit or other food are served. Gifts, when presented, have
to be reciprocated.
In Bhutan, archery is the most popular sport and such demons-
trations lure crowds of people. For sheer pageantry Bhutan's
archery competitions which continue throughout the day are very
impressive. Individual or group prowess is displayed on festive occa-
sions. When the arrow is shot the archer, dressed in his traditional
gaily coloured costume, dances himself to help his arrow wing its
way to a distant target, over a hundred yards away. The winner
of an archery contest is awarded a sash and the public acclaims him
by dancing in his honour. Whole villages turn out for such events
and enliven the occasion with remarks of approval or disapproval,
voiced in choruses with words set to music by the local girls.
A typical feature of the countryside in Bhutan which one can
hardly overlook is the innumerable stupas, either known as the
'chorten' or 'tsalkhang' or small temples, called 'rnani laklzang', which
are an integral part of the landscape. Everywhere in Bhutan one
sees either in front of a dzong or by the roadside, or going along the
passes, these stupas surrounded by poles flying prayer flags. A
'mani lakhang' literally means a house which keeps the mani or
prayer wheel within. The religious minded Bhutanese would never
pass a mani lakhang without entering and giving the prayer wheel
a turn in homage and devotion. Every morning just after sunrise
there is another common religious observance in the form of a smoke
offering made by lighting small fires which produce thick columns
of smoke. They believe the smoke offerings will appease the spirits
and also atone for their sins.
Chapter XIV

The Government and

General Administration

Tcentered
HE distribution of Bhutan's population, numbering 900,000, is
in few towns but spreads out taking in the people living
in the many small villages. A basic and somewhat self contained
system of administration exists in almost every village, or a group
of villages. In authority, there is the headman called a Gapp, who
is elected for a period of one to five years, a term which differs from
area to area. In the Nepali areas which are mainly the southern
regions of Bhutan, the village administration is taken over by the
Mandal. The Gapp, or the Mandal, is responsible for carrying out
orders received from the Zimpon, or the authority of the district.
The districts are grouped in provinces, the head being the
dzong-pon who has, as his deputy, the dzongsap. In earlier times
all Bhutan was under the control of three, at times four, Penlops, the
local governors, but today with the exception of the Paro Penlop,
who is the brother of the Druk Gyalpo, the remaining provinces
come under the jurisdiction of the dzongpons.
There is a National Assembly or Tsongdu for Bhutan: some of
the representatives nominated by the Druk Gyalpo and others
elected. Each important village, or group of villages, elects and
sends a representative. The monasteries have also independent
representation in the Tsongdu. The principal district officials and
key officers are ex-officio members of the National Assembly. The
Tsongdu has in all 130 representatives. Those elected serve for five
years. The National Assembly is not only concerned with impor-
tant matters relating to national policy but also discusses various
administrative problems. Through his Chief Secretary, the Druk
Gyalpo plays an active role by opening discussions and presenting
draft bills or proposals for the co~lsiderationof the Assembly.
The political situation in Bhutan is uneventful since political
parties do not exist in this country thereby eliminating any contro-
versial politics. The National Assembly, which meets at least twice
a year, or more often in case of emergency, functions as a platform for
open discussion on every question that concerns or affects Bhutan.
The Druk Gyalpo has an Advisory Council of nine members in addition
to the National Assembly. The Council has two members representing
the monasteries, three are from the civil authorities, the Chief Secret-
ary, the Deputy Chief Secretary and the Adviser to the Druk Gyalpo
and the remaining four represent the people. The Advisory Council
assists the Druk Gyalpo on foreign and important domestic issues
which arise, whereas the Tsongdu discusses matters chiefly of day-to-
day concern to the country. Complete freedom of speech prevails in
the Natioilal Assembly and members are given the assurance that any
criticism, even of the rights of the throne, will not be subject to punish-
ment. The Chief Secretary is the Speaker of the Assembly. As yet
there is no written constitution although an effort is being made to
draft one. Since 1964, when Jigme Dorji, the Bhutan Agent and prin-
cipal adviser to the Druk Gyalpo, was assassinated the Druk Gyalpo
took over the duties temporarily of the chief executive as well. Today,
even with an Advisory Council and a National Assembly, the Tsongdu,
the accepted traditional concept of authority is still vested in the
person of the Druk Gyalpo who remains the living symbol of responsi-
bility for the country's well being and progress.
The government's administrative secretariat functions in the capi-
tal, Thimphu, directly under a Chief Secretary, or the Gyaldon as he
is referred to, who is the principal adviser to the Druk Gyalpo on
all domestic matters. Lower, in the pyramidal structure of adminis-
tration, are the dzongpons and other provincial or district officers
who in turn are responsible to the Chief Secretary. Below the
dzongpons and the triinpons or magistrates are the ramjams, the sub-
divisional officers who, as explained before, are assisted by the Gapps
and the Mandals. There are 14 districts in all and in some of the larger
ones the dzongpons have also the help of nyerchens or revenue collect-
ing officers, as also dronyers or protocol officers.
The Judicial System
In Bhutan the executive and the judicial authorities are combined.
Minor criminal offences are judged by Gapps and Mandals. The
trimpons and the ramjams have powers equivalent to those of dist-
rict magistrates and magistrates and are limited to their own speci-
fied areas. There exists a written code of law and all cases are de-
cided according to that code. Punishment varies from fines to years
of imprisonment depending on the crime committed and also to capi-
tal punishment carried out by a firing squad or tying and dropping
the sentenced person into a river. Trimpons can sentence a criminal
to a maximum of 10 years of imprisonment. Any appeal against
a heavy sentence imposed by a trimpon has to be submitted to the
Chief Secretary. The Druk Gyalpo makes the final decision on all
appeals, and he alone can award capital punishment. Fortunately,
the Bhutanese character is not prone to crime or violence.

Revenue Administration

Revenue officers are in charge of the collection of local taxes.

The total revenue of the country amounts to about Rs. 90 lakhs and
land tax is the principal source of income. Other taxes include a
tax on cattle, fees for grazing, taxes on housing and income from the
sale of lumber from government lands. Taxes on land account for
a half of the total revenue. In earlier times, taxes used to be collected
in kind, that is to say in the produce of the land or heads of cattle.
However, an effort is now being made to collect taxes in cash and
reassessment of the rates of taxation is also being considered.

Education

It has always been traditional for the lamas to supervise the teach-
ing and to be responsible for the education of children both in their
academic studies as well as in the arts and crafts. During the past
few years, however, other schools based on a system of secular edu-
cation are being promoted. A programme with a director of edu-
cation in charge has been drawn up and the number of such schools
both primary and secondary, has greatly increased. Prior to the
inception of the first five year plan for Bhutan there were 59 primary
schools of which 29 were run by the Government of Bhutan. At the
end of the plan period, 1966, the total number of schools had in-
creased to 106 of which 83 were primary and 23 middle and high
schools. The total number of students in these establishments was
14,540 (11,600 were boys and 2,940 girls). The aim of the current
plan is to intensify education rather than to increase the number of
educational establishments. Education in this country should, I
feel, be given vocational direction; in other words, its chief ob-
jective should be to provide Bhutan with its future requirements of
technical and administrative personnel. About 500 Bhutanese youth,
both boys and girls, are completing their studies in schools and uni-
versities in India; many are on scholarships granted by the Govern-
ment of India.

Public Health

Even though the general standard of health is good in the country,

dysentery, goitre and venereal diseases are prevalent in various parts.
The southern part of the country is malarial but a real advance has
been made in eradicating malaria. Today, the Public HealthDepartment
functions directly under a Chief Medical Officer in Thimphu, the capi-
tal. A number of hospitals have been set up in each of the four prin-
cipal towns and over 20 health clinics have been opened in various
parts of the country. The supply of fresh water and proper hygienic
drainage systems are also being programmed. With these improve-
ments the health standard of the people is rapidly undergoing a change.
Rather than follow the earlier superstitious practices of consulting the
witchdoctor, the local oracle, the pawo, or the lama-astrologer the peo-
ple now prefer to seek medical help and advice in a clinic or health
centre. Today, unfortunately there is still a great shortage of nurses
and doctors in Bhutan who have the qualifications necessary to imp-
lement the health programme.

Communicntions

Until quite recently, it took six or seven days of strenuous travel,

either on mule or horseback, to go from the Indian border town of
Phuntsholing to Paro or Thimphu. The construction of a proper
paved road was begun in 1959, when the Government of India agreed
to provide the necessary funds for the purpose. Three highways, runn-
ing mainly in a north-south direction were the first to be programmed.
In order of priority: Phuntsholing to Paro and Thimphu, Gelekphu
to Tongsa and Darranga (Samdrup Jongkhar) to Tashigang Dzong.
Later, an east-west road, Tashigang Dzong to Thimpu, was added to
the highway system.
The highway from the border town of Phuntsholing, along the
river Amo-chu, then the Wong-chu and on to Thimphu, the capital,
was opened to traffic in 1962, a branch of this same road leads to
Paro, an important town in western Bhutan. Since then the road
has been greatly improved and today it is possible to cover the dis-
tance of 116 milesin some seven hours. About a 100 miles from Phunt-
sholing the two rivers, the Wong-chu and Pa-chu join : on the right side
of the Wong-chu is Thimphu and on the left Paro, along the banks of
 the Pa-chu. As one travels along this highway which rises from the
deep valleys of the lower regions, which can be intensely hot and hu-
mid at times with their dense vegetation, the climate of the country
changes at the higher altitudes, the slopes are less steep and the air
becomes cooler and less humid and more agreeable to the traveller.
From Thimphu the road winds its way to Wangduphodrang, while
the branch that leads to Paro is now being extended to Ha, a smaller
town further to the west. At the eastern end, Tashigang is linked
with Darranga, also known as Samdrup-Jonkhar, on the border of
India and thence with the Indian highway system. The distance
from Darranga to Tashigang Dzong is 120 miles. From Tashigang,
the road turns westwards and when it is completed will join with
Wangduphodrang, a town more in the centre of the country. In the
central area, a 190 mile long road, also running in a north-south direc-
tion, will link Sarkhang on the border with Gelekphu arid Tongsa,
both towns in Bhutan. About 500 miles of first-class paved roads
are being built and this phase of the programme should be completed
by 1971. The construction of these roads is a responsibility shared
by the Indian Border Roads Organisation and the Bhutan Engineer-
ing Services.
Moreover, besides these principal arteries, several shorter roads
which will connect the southern towns of Bhutan with the Indian high-
ways, are also under construction. Throughout the country numerous
tracks and paths criss-cross over the mountains, still providing a
means of communication among the scattered villages by mule or
horseback. Some of these tracks are being widened to allow the
use of jeeps.
There are several helipads for the use of helicopters in various
parts of Bhutan and a single airfield is located at Paro.
Most of the district headquarters are linked with Thimphu by
wireless circuits, while the telephone and the telegraph connect Paro
and Thimphu with Phuntsholing and then with the Indian communica-
tion systems. Thirnphu and Paro have small but efficient automatic
telephone exchanges for the township and the administration. A
programme for the extension of the telegraph to various parts of the
country is under way.

The Armed Forces

Bhutan has a formidable task of defence, if the northern and most

vulnerable part of its frontiers is alone taken into consideration. The
almost inaccessible mountain ranges which are traversed by passes
at high altitudes, make this task even more arduous. There is an
overall shortage of manpower for such activities as highway cons-
truction and this has made recruitment for the defence services diffi-
cult. Even so, the armed forces are now being re-equipped and re-
organised by an Indian Training Team into a modern, efficient fighting
force. The Paro Penlop, Namgyal Wangchuk, brother of the Druk
Gyalpo, is the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces
which have their headquarters at Lungthenphu, near Thimphu.
Currency and Postage
Bhutan has its own currency; a rough coinage has in fact existed
from 1928. Tibetan coinage was also in circulation until a few years
ago. When the Government of India decirnalised its currency, Bhu-
tan did the same and, in 1959, introduced a series of coins in copper
and nickel, called the zangtrum, matrum, clletik, tikchung and
druktrum equal to 1, 5, 25, 50 paise and one rupee, respectively. The
coinage is at present minted by the Government of India. Indian
currency, especially paper notes of higher denominations are also in
circulation and are legal tender in Bhutan.
Bhutan has its own postage and issues attractive stamps, which
are in demand by collectors. The values of the stamps, as those of
coins, follow the Indian currency units.
Trade
Trade routes have existed for many centuries on the north and
west between Bhutan and Tibet and on the south between Bhutan
and the neighbouring provinces of Assam and Bengal in India. The
high altitude of the passes to the north and west, of which Lingtu
and Phari are the main ones, were not especially conducive to trade.
Furthermore, the economy of the Bhutanese, even as it is to a large
extent today, is seemingly self-sufficient. Control of the trade
routes was once the principal cause of acute rivalry among the war-
ring chieftains. The products carried either from or in transit through
Bhutan were grains, sheepskins, woollen cloth, felt, and horn and
antlers. Cotton textiles came chiefly from India together with some
small amounts of "foreign" manufactured goods. Salt, raw wool,
articles in copper and other metals, also porcelain and tea came from
Tibet and China. Yearly market fairs were held at Rangpur and
Darranga in India and to these Bhutanese merchants regularly
brought their wares and bartered them for what was available
and needed in Bhutan.
With the Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1959-60, the trading
pattern entirely changed and all trade with Tibet and China virtually
came to an end. Now Bhutan has to export her products consisting
of woollen handwoven material, carpets, fruit, etc. to India which
also supplies items required by it.
Some Random Observations by the Author:
For the benefit of the reader some comments on the present ad-
ministration of Bhutan are included in this chapter. Though there
is a certain trained element of top-level Bhutanese administrators,
in the middle and lower rungs there is a lack of training and effi-
ciency. The administration generally suffers from being centralised
with all the tendency to over-emphasize political or administrative
power and authority. There is a large gap in the middle class ele-
ment in contrast especially with the "top" class of lamas and land-
lords, and the lower class of peasants. The problem of building
up a group of trained administrators in every category, men of inte-
grity and ability, is therefore, all the more difficult. However, one
hopes that in time these shortfalls will be remedied especially when
boys and girls of all ranks of Bhutanese society who are now going
through school and college, take their place in this important role of
contributing to the life and responsible management of their own
country.
 Chapter XV

Natural Resources and

Development Programmes

T HE economy of Bhutan is mainly agrarian; the principal crops

are rice, wheat, barley, corn, millet, potato and orange. In some
areas of the country wheat and barley are followed by rice; in others
wheat and corn alternate with buckwheat. This practice of the con-
tinuous growing of cereals has affected the fertility of the soil; but
steps are being taken to encourage the use of fertilizer and to change
the crop-rotation processes. Until recently, Bhutan was self-suffi-
cient in cereal production, and in fact offered a small surplus for
export. Various factors, not the least of which is the pace of deve-
lopment, the consequent need to import labour from outside and
the generally higher levels of consumption that are being attained
within the country have made the demand for food outrun its supply.
Restrictions pertaining to arable land are not harsh. Nearly every-
body owns some land, and each village has the legal rights to the
adjoining forest lands. The average Bhutanese is a self-providing
individual, growing his food, rearing his cattle, weaving his cloth for
garments and even building his own house. He cares little for the
 acquisition of luxuries.
To some extent the land available for cultivation is limited by the
natural character of the terrain, especially since steep hillsides cannot
be used. There are large areas which remain as virgin forests or can
only be used for grazing cattle. Cultivation of crops is mainly
carried out by terracing the land. Water for irrigation is conveyed
from the river or the spring by bamboo or stone aqueducts. Of the
three distinct zones mentioned before, the central one has fertile
valleys with the largest cultivated areas. Both the tropical and
temperate varieties of food and other crops are grown in Bhutan
because of the wide variation of climate and elevation. More pro-
gressive methods of agriculture are, however, slow in being accepted.
A land reform has only recently been promulgated, and individuals
are now restricted to owning a maximum of 30 acres of land.
There is ample wealth of livestock in Bhutan and both poultry
and dairy animals hold an important place in its rural economy.
The types of domesticated cattle are the yaks, found in the extreme
north, at altitudes of above 12,000 ft., and the Mithun and Siri varie-
ties of the lower regions. Unlike the practice in the Assam hills, the
Mithun is preferred as a milch animal for though the milk yield is
less, its fat content is proportionately higher. The general standard
of the indigenous sheep is poor, both as regards the quality and the
yield of wool. There are a large number of pigs and poultry in every
village.
In a country comprised of deep valleys with mountains of per-
petual snow, almost every kind of climate and vegetation prevails.
Bhutan is rich in virgin forests, tropical in the lower zones and tempe-
rate coniferous, with fir, pine, spruce and larch, in the higher alti-
tudes. The tree line extends to 13,000 ft. Three distinct forest types
are identifiable: the tropical and sub-tropical zones, the intermediate
zone and the temperate zone:

(1) The tropical and sub-tropical zone extends from 1,000 to 5,000 ft.
above sea level and the vegetation found here consists of the
semi-evergreen, broadleaved type. There are also some forests of
sal at lower altitudes.
(2) The intermediate zone starts from about 5,000 ft. and rises to
almost 7,000 ft. The dominant trees are oaks and other varieties.
The special timber variety is the Michelias.
(3) The temperate zone ranges from 7,000 ft. to 13,000 ft. and consists
of rhododendrons, conifers, pine, fir and larches.

Extensive and unplanned exploitation of the lumber resources mainly

in southern Bhutan, have greatly depleted the supply. One can admit
that Bhutan has some of the most beautiful flowers in the world:
rhododendrons, magnolias, orchids with a great variety ranging from
Alpine to tropical species.
 Untapped resources of mineral wealth exist in the country. Re-
ports from the Geological Survey of India, which has carried out
preliminary studies in various parts of Bhutan, show that there are
large deposits of gypsum in the Kangkur Shumar area in eastern
Bhutan. In south-western Bhutan, large deposits of cement grade
limestone have also been located. In addition to these, graphite,
copper, talc, dolomite and asbestos have also been found in various
parts.
The lower mountain ranges abound in animal life. In the Manas
area especially, which adjoins the Manas forest reserve in Assam
there is an abundance of wild life. The region is the haunt of almost
every type of wild animal: elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, leopard, Sam-
bhar and deer. Even bears are found and the musk deer live in the
snow. Pheasants, jungle fowl and other fcathered game are in plenty.
Bhutan has also long been famous for its sturdy and strong, though
small, breed of horses or ponies.
Bhutan's water-power resources are practically limitless. The
many rivers that have their source in the Great Himalayas and flow
down to the plains of Bengal and Assam could be advantageously uti-
lised to provide electric power for the entire country. Already there
are some micro-hydel projects, but undertakings on a larger scale
could be developed given the demand and the funds.
In brief, Bhutan possesses both the natural and material resources
with a favourable climate for future economic development. There
are, however, basic problems which limit the speed of progress:
insufficient communications plus very few educated personnel in fields
of science and technology to assume responsibility and the challenge
of administration for any massive development. Lastly, and equally
important, there is the question of financial resources. In the overall
problem the question of priorities is always present: where does one
begin? What should be placed first in the category of top priorities ?

Development Programmes

As previously mentioned, the idea of the economic development

of Bhutan was conceived when Prime Minister Nehru visited that
country in 1958. Following an invitation from the government of
Bhutan an Indian Planning Team arrived there in 1959, and the draft
of the first plan was completed by 1961. This first five year deve-
lopment plan was for the period 1961 through to 1966. In this Plan,
top priorities were specified for the economic and social develop-
ment of the country on the following broad lines:

(1) Investmeilt in the development of sectors crucial for the utilisation

of the known natural resources of Bhutan and the augmentation
of its revenues;
 (2) Facilities for the training of personnel and investigation of addi-
tional resources and their developmental possibilities; and
(3) Provision of the basic amenities of life which would promote
greater efficiency in the overall production.
One of the main problems was the number of technicians required
to carry out the development programmes. In a large measure,
Indian technicians were drafted to meet the requirements. At the
same time, steps were taken to send suitable Bhutanese with scholar-
ships to Indian technical institutions for training.
A major portion of the effort during this period was devoted to
basic programmes of communications, agricultural surveys, health,
including water supply and drainage, and educational programmes.
In most cases an integrated infra-structure for basic and develop-
mental activities had to be set up: directorates for agriculture, ani-
mal husbandry, education and health were started, the engineering
and forest services were greatly expanded and a Development Wing
established for overall control and supervision. A hydel directorate
was also formed for the construction of the approved hydel projects.
The transport and postal departments were also placed on a firm and
sound base for more revenue earning activities. The civil adminis-
tration of the country had also to be reorganised and geared to the
demands of development.
With the work of the first plan largely completed, a second plan
to cover the years 1966 to 1971 was drawn up with the following
aims :

(1) The stepping up of agricultural and horticultural output;

(2) The expansion of the programme of primary and secondary
education with emphasis on vocational training;
(3) Special attention to animal husbandry and poultry projects;
(4) Extension of communications, roads, transport services and other
facilities ; and
(5) Establishing an industrial base linked with the country's forest
and mineral resources.

Economic development in Bhutan is a cooperative effort of the

Bhutanese and a joint enterprise between India and Bhutan. India
gave Bhutan during the first plan period a total of Rs. 17 crores and
will give a further Rs. 20 crores approximately in the second plan
period. Indian experts and technicians work alongside the Bhutanese
in drafting and carrying out these plans. Apart from such help,
the Indian Border Roads Organisation has built with its own funds
a modem road communication system in Bhutan.
The development of electricity through the use of locally available
water power resources is one of the principal objectives of the first
and second five year plans. Micro-hydel stations are being set up
by Indian engineers at Thirnpu, Paro and Byagar. The one at
Thimpu has in fact already been commissioned. Besides this Bhu-
tan has a share in the Jaldakha power project of North Bengal under
an agreement concluded in 1961. Access to electric power will has-
ten the industrial utilisation of Bhutan's natural resources, both forest
and mineral. Industrial projects under study include cement, ferti-
liser, paper pulp and hardboard.
Economic development has introduced into Bhutan contemporary
scientific and technological processes, new means of communications
and better standards of health and education. Fundamental
changes in the traditional social structure of Bhutan are inevitable.
A new awareness of life will result leading to a broadening of con-
cepts, perhaps altering present values. The chief aim of the plan-
ners is to build a new and progressive system without destroying any
of the good values inherent in the traditional social or religious struo
ture. The development of a country like Bhutan is a formidable
task considering that, through all its stages, the susceptibilities of
traditionally sensitive people have to be borne in mind.
Judging from the results of these past six or seven years, the Bhu-
tanese have been enthusiastic with the changes they see around them.
They realise everywhere that development has brought substantial
improvement. The widening of opportunities of education has been
especially welcome to the people, as is proved by the ever-growing
demand for more schools and teachers. The progressive leadership
of tllc Druk Gyalpo and the willing cooperation of the Bhutanese
have been decisive factors in achieving these results. As previously
stated the Bhutanese have a full voice in the changes that are taking
place through the democratic procedure of discussions in the National
Assembly. The ultimate wisdom, the final choice of what is good
for the welfare of Bhutan and the rejection of what is not lies entirely
with the people of that country. India has no intention to compro-
mise or obligate Bhutan in any way; its aid and assistance is a gesture
motivated by the desire to promote friendship and goodwill between
the peoples of the two countries.
Chapter XVI

Perspective

P ROFOUND changes are taking place in the political, social and

economic life of Bhutan. After centuries of slumber the Dragon
has awakened to a new outlook and to a new experience. These
changes became apparent about 70 years ago when Ugyen Wangchuk,
the grand father of the present Druk Gyalpo, establishing himself as the
undisputed ruler of Bhutan, decided to shape his country's destiny
as a national entity, with its distinctive culture, customs and system of
government. The task of reconstruction was handed on through his
son to his grandson, Jigme Dorji Wangchuk, but until India's indepen-
dence in 1947 Bhutan remained isolated, primitive, and cut off from the
rest of the worid. Few indeed were allowed to enter or travel within
the country; and modem technology or the era of scientific progress,
which was reshaping the world between the two world wars, was
studiously kept out of Bhutan.
John Claude White, British Political Officer to Sikkim and Bhutan,
wrote in 1907 :

I remained behind, at the urgent request of the new Maharaja and his
Council, to discuss with them many projects and schemes for the welfare
 and improvement of the country. These covered a large area, schools
and education, population, trade, the construction of roads, the mineral
resources of the country and the best method of utilising them, the
desirability of encouraging tea cultivation on the waste lands at the
foot of the hills, which are excellent for the purpose and equal to the
best tea lands in the Duars.

Nevertheless, despite his vision very little was accomplished in the

following 40 years.
Then with the independence of India, in 1947, a phase of joint
activity and association between the two governments and, gradually,
between the peoples of Bhutan and India became a reality. The Ruler
of Bhutan, the Druk Gyalpo, was invited to India and India's Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru visited Bhutan. There started the idea of
the economic development of Bhutan, generally following the pattern
of the economic development of India, through a series of phased
plans. It was envisaged as a cooperative effort between the two
countries and intended to usher a so called "silent revolution" in Bhutan.
Paradoxically, across the high Himalayas in the north, Tibet, a
country with an ancient spiritual heritage similar to that of Bhutan,
was also in the throes of a revolution. This rebellion was against the
Chinese, against their domination of Tibet, their ruthless suppression of
religious and cultural freedom, their wanton destruction of monasteries
and temples and their savage efforts to enslave the people. In 1959
the Dalai Lama fled his country to seek refuge in India, the land of
Buddha, and with him came several hundreds of his followers. Many
of these refugees traversed the high passes into Bhutan for help from
that friendly, hospitable country. They were received with sympathy
and understanding and their accounts of Chinese atrocities, and
attempts at destroying the Tibetans' way of life brought deep concern
to the Bhutanese people.
China in her aggressive acts had shown utter disregard for the
cultural heritage of Tibet; she had deliberately cast aside traditional
understandings and relations which had subsisted for centuries between
Peking and Lhasa. She had even concentrated her army on the
southern borders of Tibet which lie just across the Bhutanese frontiers.
Though the passes were at high altitudes, they were not inaccessible.
An isolated and undeveloped Bhutan might well be a target for sub-
versive activities and Bhutan had no means of self-defence against
Chinese aggression.
These bloody events in Tibet, which held out a threat to Bhutan,
brought home the need to change the old order, to move out of iso-
latioil and to join the community of the democratic world. Naturally
Bhutan turned to India for guidance and sought to strengthen her
bonds of friendship, understanding and co-operation that had since 1947
been the guiding lines of mutual relations between the two countries.
Friendship between India and Bhutan took on new purpose, a meaning in
depth, when India announced its willingness to assist Bhutan in design-
ing and carrying out its development programmes. The first of these
five year plans was completed in 1966; the second is in progress.
Bhutan is on the threshold of a new era with the participation of its
people; and the haunting fear of the Chinese has been replaad by a
sense of assured confidence in their future well being and self deter-
mination.
APPENDICES
 APPENDIX I

Monasteries in Sikkim

Location Literal Translation Date of

of the Sikkirnese Title construction
I. Sanga Cholling The Island of esoteric teachings
2. Dubdi The Retreat
3. Pemiongchi The sublime perfect lotus
4. Tashiding The auspicious place
5. Zilnon The suppressor of intense fear
6. Rinchenpong The mound of jewels
7. Ralang- The place where the goat leapt
8. Melli A Lepcha village
9. Rumtek Our deity has left
10. Phodong The Manal pheasant
11. Tsun-thang The meadow of the Jewel Queen
12. Kha-chod palri The abode of celestial beings
13. Thang mochhen The large plain
14. Thulung The valley of yam
15. Nam-tse The sky-top
16. Enchey The high quiet place
17. Phenzong The name of an orchid
18. Kathok The beginning
19. Dolling The thunderbolt
20. Yangang The ridge of fortune
21. Labrang The lama's dwelling
22. Ponpo-sgang The Bon's hill
23. Lhun-tse The self-created summit
24. Senek The dip on the ridge
25. Ringon The monastery hill
26. Lingthem A Lepcha village
27. Tsa-nge A place where grass is cut
28. Lachen The big pass
29. Gyathang The great plain
30. Phagyal The sublime and eminent
31. Nobling The western place
32. Pabyuk The place of abundant bamboo
33. Singtam The tree or wood entrusted
 APPENDIX 11

Tkanslation of the Deed of Grant making over Darjeeling to //re East

India Company dated 1 February 1835

The Governor-General having expressed his desire for the possession of

the Hill of Darjeeling, on account of its cool climate, for the purpose of
enabling the servants of his Government, suffering from sickness, to avail
themselves of its advantages, I, the Sikkimputtee Rajah, out of friendship
to the said Governor-General, hereby present Darjeeling t o the East India
Company, that is, all the land south of the Grcat Runjeet River, east of
the Balasur, Kahail, and Little Runjeet Rivers, and west of Rungno and
Mahanuddi Rivers.
(Translated)
(Sd.) A. CAMPBELL
Superintendent of Darjeeling
and in charge of Political Relations
with Sikkinl
Seal of the Rajah
afixed to the document
 APPENDIX 111

Treaty, Covenant, or Agreement entered into by the Hon'ble Ashley

Eden, El~voy ar~dSpecial Con~missioneror1 the part of the British
Governntent, in virtue of full powers vested in hill1 by the Right Hon'ble
Charles, Earl Canrtir~g, Goverr~or-General in Cotcncil, and by His
Highness Sekeolig Kuzoo, Maharajah of Sikkim on his own part, 1861

Whereas the continued depredation and misconduct of the officers and

subjects of the Maharajah of Sikkim, and the neglect of the Maharajah to
afford satisfaction for the misdeeds of his people have resulted in an inter-
ruption for many years past of the harmony which previously existed be-
tween the British Government and the Government of Sikkim, and have
led ultimately to the invasion and conquest of Sikkim by a British force;
and whereas the Maharajah of Sikkim has now expressed his sincere regret
for the misconduct of his servants and subjects, his determination to do
all in his power to obviate future misunderstanding, and his desire to be
again admitted into friendship and alliance with the British Government,
it is hereby agreed as follows:

All previous Treaties made between the British Government and the
Sikkim Government are hereby formally cancelled.

The whole of the Sikkiln territory now in the occupation of British forces
is restored to the Maharajah of Sikkim, and there shall henceforth be peace
and amity between the two States.

The Maharajah of Sikkim undertakes, so far as is within his power, to

restore, within one month from the date of signing this Treaty, all public
property which was abandoned by the detachment of British Troops at
Rinchinpoong.

In indemnification of the expenses incurred in 1860 by the British Govern-

ment in occupying a portion of the territory of Sikkim as a means of en-
forcing just claims which had been evaded by the Government of Sikkim,
and as compensation to the British subjects who were pillaged and kidnapped
by subjects of Sikkim, the Sikkim Government agrees to pay to the British
authorities at Darjeeling the sum of 7,000 (seven thousand) rupees in the
following instalments, that is to say:-
May Ist, 1861 Rs. 1,000
Nov. lst, 1861 Rs. 3,000
May lst, 1862 Rs. 3,000
As security for the due payment of this amount, it is further agreed that
in the event of any of these instalments not being duly paid on the date
appointed, the Government of Sikkim shall make over to the British Govern-
ment that portion of its territory bounded on the south by the River Rum-
mam, on the east by the Great Runjeet River, on the north by a line from
the Great Runjeet to the Singaleelah Range, including the monasteries of
Tassiding, Pemonchi, and Changacheling, and on the west by the Singaleelah
Mountain Range, and the British Government shall retain possession of
this territory and collect the revenue thereof, until the full amount, with all
expenses of occupation and collection, and interest at 6 per cent per annum,
are realised.

The Government of Sikkim engages that its subjects shall never again
commit depredations on British territory, or kidnap or otherwise molest
British subjects. In the event of any such depredation or kidnapping taking
place, the Government of Sikkim undertakes to deliver up all persons engaged
in such malpractice, as well as the Sirdars or other Chiefs conniving at or
benefiting thereby.

The Government of Sikkim will at all times seize and deliver up any
criminals, defaulters, or other delinquents who may have taken refuge within
its territory, on demand being duly made in writing by the British Govern-
ment through their accredited agents. Should any delay occur in complying
with such demand, the Police of the British Government may follow the
person whose surrender has been demanded into any part of the Sikkim
territory, and shall, on showing a warrant, duly signed by the British Agent,
receive every assistance and protection in the prosecution of their object
from the Sikkim officers.

Inasmuch as the late misunderstandings between the two Governments

have been mainly fomented by the acts of the ex-Dewan Namguay, the
Government of Sikkim engages that neither the said Namguay, nor any of
his blood relations, shall ever again be allowed to set foot in Sikkim, or to
take part in the councils of, or hold any office under, the Maharajah or any
of the Maharajah's family at Choombi.

The Government of Sikkim from this date abolishes all restrictions on

travellers and monopolies in trade between the British territories and Sikkim.
There shall henceforth be a free reciprocal intercourse, and full liberty of
commerce between the subjects of both countries; it shall be lawful for
British subjects t o go into any part of Sikkim for the purpose of travel or
trade, and the subjects of all countries shall be permitted to reside in and
pass through Sikkim, and to expose their goods for sale at any place and in
any manner that may best suit their purpose, without any interference
whatever, except as is hereinafter provided.
9
The Government of Sikkim engages to afford protection to all travellers,
merchants, or traders of all countries, whether residing in, trading in, or
passing through Sikkim. If any merchant, traveller, or trader, being a
European British subject, shall commit any offence contrary t o the laws of
Sikkim, such person shall be punished by the representative of the British
Government resident a t Darjeeling, and the Sikkim Government will at once
deliver such offender over to the British authorities for this purpose, and will,
on no account, detain such offender in Sikkinl on any pretext or pretence
whatever. All other British subjects residing in the country to be liable to
the laws of Sikkim; but such persons shall, on no account, be punished with
loss of limb, or maiming, or torture, and every case of punishment of a
British subject shall be at once reported to Darjeeling.

No duties or fees of any sort shall be demanded by the Sikkim Govern-

ment of any person or persons on account of goods exported into the British
territories from Sikkim, or imported into Sikkim from the British territories.

On all goods passing into or out of Tibet, Bhootan, or Nepaul, the

Government of Sikkim may levy a duty of customs according to such a scale
as may, from time t o time, be determined and published without reference
to the destination of the goods, provided, however, that such duty shall,
on no account, exceed 5 per cent. on the value of goods at the time and
place of the levy of duty. On the payment of the duty aforesaid a pass
shall be given exempting such goods from liability to further payment on any
account whatever.
12
With the view t o protect the Government of Sikkim from fraud on
account of undervaluation for assessment of duty, it is agreed that the
customs officers shall have the option of taking over for the Government
any goods at the value affixed on them by the owner.

In the event of the British Government desiring to open out a road

through Sikkim, with the view of encouraging trade, the Sikkim Govern-
ment will raise no objection thereto, and will afford every protection and aid
to the party engaged in the work. If a road is constructed, the Government
of Sikkim undertakes to keep it in repair, and to erect and maintain suitable
travellers' rest-houses throughout its route.

If the British Government desires t o make either a topographical or

geological survey of Sikkim, the Sikkim Government will raise no objection
to this being done, and will afford protection and assistance to the officers
employed in this duty.
15
Inasmuch as many of the lat emisunderstandings have had their founda-
tion in the custom which exists in Sikkim of dealing in slaves, the Govern-
ment of Sikkim binds itself, from this date, to punish severely any person
trafficking in human beings, or seizing persons for the purpose of using
them as slaves.

Henceforth the subjects of Sikkim may transport themselves without let

or hindrance to any country to which they may wish to remove. In the
same way the Government of Sikkim has authority t o permit the subjects
of other countries, not being criminals or defaulters, to take refuge in Sikkim.

The Government of Sikkim engages to abstain from any acts of aggression

or hostihty against any of the neighbouring States which are allies of the
British Government. If any disputes or questions arise between the people
of Sikkim and those of neighbouring States, such disputes or questions shall
be referred to the arbitration of the British Government, and the Sikkim
Government agrees t o abide by the decision of the British Government.

The whole military force of Sikkim shall join and afford every aid and
facility to British Troops when employed in the Hills.

The Government of Sikkim will not cede or lease any portion of its
territory to any other State without the permission of the British Government.

The Government of Sikkim engages that no armed force belonging to

any other country shall pass through Sikkim without the sanction of the
British Government.

Seven of the criminals, whose surrender was demanded by the British

Government, having fled from Sikkim and taken refuge in Bhootan, the
Government of Sikkim engages to do all in its power to obtain the delivery
of those persons from the Bhootan Government, and in the event of any of
these men again returning to Sikkim, the Sikkim Government binds itself
t o seize them, and to make them over to the British Authorities at Darjeeling
without delay.

With a view to the establishment of an efficient Government in Sikkim,

and t o the better maintenance of friendly relations with the British Govern-
ment, the Maharajah of Sikkim agrees t o remove the seat of his Govern-
ment from Tibet to Sikkim, and reside there for nine months in the year.
It is further agreed that a Vakeel shall be accredited by the Sikkim Govern-
ment, who shall reside permanently at Darjeeling.

This Treaty, cousisting of twenty-three Articles, being settled and con-

cluded by the Honourable Ashley Eden, British Envoy, and His Highness
Sekeong Kuzoo Sikkimputtee, Maharajah, at Turnlong, this 28th day of
March 1861, corresponding with 17th Dao Neepoo 61, Mr. Eden has delivered
to the Maharajah a copy of the same in English, with translation in Nagri
and Bhootiah, under the seal and signature of the said Honourable Ashley
Eden and His Highness the Sikkimputtee Maharajah, and the Sikkimputtee
Maharajah has in like manner delivered to the said Hon'ble Ashley Eden
another copy also in Enghsh, with translation in Nagri and Bhootiah, bearing
the seal of His Highness and the said Hon'ble Ashley Eden. The Envoy
engages t o procure the delivery to His Highness, within six weeks from this
date, of a copy of this Treaty, duly ratified by His Excellency the Viceroy
and Governor-General of India in Council, and this Treaty shall in the
meantime be in full force.

( Seal )

(Sd.) SEKEONG KUZOO SIKKIMPU'ITEE

,, ASHLEY EDEN,
Envoy (Seal)
,, CANNING (seal)
Ratified by His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor General of India
in Council at Calcutta on the sixteenth day of April 1861.
(Sd.) C. U. AITCHISON
Under Secretary to the Govt. of India
 APPENDIX IV

Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and

Tibet, 1890

Whereas Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, Empress of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of China, are
sincerely desirous to maintain and perpetuate the relations of friendship
and good understanding which now exists between their respective Empires;
and whereas recent occurrences have tended towards a disturbance of the
said relations, and it is desirable to clearly define and permanently settle
certain matters connected with the boundary between Sikkim and Tibet,
Her Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the Emperor of China have resolved
to conclude a Convention on this subject and have, for this purpose, named
Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:
Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, His Excellency the
Most Hon'ble Henry Charles Keith Petty Fitzmaurice, G.M.S.I., G.C.M.G.,
G.M.I.E., Marquess of Landsdowne, Viceroy and Governor-General of
India.
And His Majesty the Emperor of China, His Excellency Sheng Tai,
Imperial Associate Resident in Tibet, Military Deputy Lieutenant-Governor.
Who having met and communicated to each other their full powers, and
finding these to be in proper form, having agreed upon the following Con-
vention in eight Articles:-
1. The boundary of Sikkim and Tibet shall be the crest of the mountain
range separating the waters flowing into the Sikkim Teesta and its affluents
from the waters flowing into the Tibetan Mocl~uand northwards into other
rivers of Tibet. The line commences at Mount Gipmochi on the Bhutan
frontier and follows the above mentioned water-parting to the point where it
meets Nepal territory.
2. It is admitted that the British Government, whose protectorate over
the Sikkim State is hereby recognised, has direct and exclusive control over
the internal administration and foreign relations of that State, and except
through and with the permission of the British Government, neither the
Ruler of the State nor any of its officers shall have official relations of any
kind, formal or informal, with any other country.
3. The Government of Great Britain and Ireland and the Government
of China engage reciprocally to respect the bouildary as defined in Article I,
and to prevent acts of aggression from their respective sides of the frontier.
4. The question of providing increased facilities for trade across the
Sikkim-Tibet frontier will hereafter be discussed with a view to a mutually
satisfactory arrangement by the High Contracting Powers.
5. The question of pasturage on the Sikkim side of the frontier is resewed
for further examination and future adjustment.
6. The High Contracting Powers reserve for discussion and arrangement
the method in which official communications between the British authoritieis
in India and the authorities in Tibet shall be conducted.
7. Two Joint Commissioners shall, within six months from the ratifica-
tion of this Convention, be appointed, one by the British Government in
India, the other by the Chinese Resident in Tibet. The said Commissioners
shall meet and discuss the questions which by the last three preceding Articles
have been reserved.
8. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall
be exchanged in London as soon as possible after the date of the signature
thereof.
In witness whereof the respective negotiators have signed the same and
afExed thereunto the seals of their arms.
Done in quadruplicate at Calcutta this seventeenth day of March in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety, corresponding
with the Chinese date the twenty-seventh day of the second moon of the
sixteenth year of Kuang Hsu.

(Chinese seal and signature).

(Seal) (Sd.) LANSDOWNE

 APPENDIX V

Regulations regarding Trade, Cotnntunicat ion and Pasturage lo be

appended to the Sikkint- Tibet Convention of 1890.

I.-A trade-mart shall be established at Yatung on the Tibetan side of

the frontier, and shall be open to all British subjects
Trade for purposes of trade from the first day of May 1894.
The Government of India shall be free to send officers
to reside at Yatung to watch the conditions of British trade at that mart.
11.-British subjects trading at Yatung shall be at libcrty to travel freely
to and fro between the frontier and Yatung, to reside at Yatung, and to rent
houses and godowns for their own accommodation and the storage of their
goods. The Chinese Government undertake that suitable buildings for the
above purposes shall be provided for British subjects, and also that a special
and fitting residence shall be provided for tlie officer or oificers appointed
by the Government of India under Regulation I to reside at Yatung. British
subjects shall be at liberty to sell their goods to whomsoever they please, to
purchase native commodities in kind or in money, to hire transport of any
kind, and in general to conduct their business transactions in conformity
with local usage, and without any vexations restrictions. Such British
subjects shall receive efficient protection for their persons and property.
At Lang-jo and Ta-chun, between the frontier and Yatung, where rest-houses
have been built by the Tibetan authorities British subjects can break their
journey in consideratioil of a daily rent.
111.-Import and export trade in the following articles:-arms, ammuni-
tion, military stores, salt, liquors, and intoxicating or narcotic drugs, may
at the option of either Government be entirely prohibited, or permitted
only on such conditions as either Government on their own side may think
fit to impose.
1V.-Goods, other than goods of the description enumerated in Regu-
lation 111, entering Tibet from British India, across the Sikkim-Tibet frontier,
or vice versa, whatever their origin, shall be exempt from duty for a period
of five years commencing from the date of the opening of Yatung to trade;
but after the expiration of this term, if found desirable, a tariff may be
mutually agreed upon and enforced.
Indian tea may be imported into Tibet at a rate of duty not exceeding
that at which Chinese tea is imported into England, but trade in Indian tea
shall not be engaged in during the five years for which other commodities
are exempt.
V.-A11 goods on arrival at Yatung, whether from British India or from
Tibet, must bc reported at the Customs Station there for examination, and
the report must give full particulars of the description, quantity, and value
of the goods.
V1.--In the event of trade disputes arising between British and Chinese
or Tibetan subjects in Tibet, they shall be enquired into and settled in per-
sonal confercncc by the Political Officer for Sikkim and the Chinese Frontier
Officer. The object of personal conference being to ascertain facts and do
justice; where there is a divergence of views the law of the country to which
t he defendant belongs shall guide.
V11.--Despatches from the Government of India to the Chinese Imperial
Itesident in Tibet shall be handed over by the Political
Commu~lication Officer for Sikkim to the Chinese Frontier Officer, who
will forward them by special courier.
Despatchcs from the Chinese Imperial Resident in Tibet to the Govern-
ment of India will be handed over by the Chinese Frontier Officer to the
Political Oflicer for Sikkim, who will forward them as quickly as possible.
V111.-Despatches between the Chinese and Indian officials must be
treated with due rcspect, and couriers will be assisted in passing to and fro
by the oficers of each Government.
1X.-After the expiration of one year from the date of the opening of
Yatung, sucli Tibetans as continue to graze their cattle
Pasturage in Sikkirn will be subject to such Regulations as the
British Government may from time to time enact for
the general conduct of grazing in Sikkim. Due notice will be given of such
Regulations.
GENERAL ARTICLES
I.-In thc event of disagreement between the Political Officer for Sikkim
and the Chinese Frontier Oficer, each official shall report the matter to his
immediate superior, who, in turn, if a settlement is not arrived a t between
them, shall refer such matter to their respective Governments for disposal.
11.-After the lapse of five years from the date on which these Regulations
shall come into force, and on six months' notice given by either party, these
Regulations shall be s~lbjcctto revision by Commissioners appointed on
both sides for this purpose who shall be empowered to decide on and adopt
such amendments and extensions as experience shall prove to be desirable.
111.-It having been stipulated that Joint Commissioners should be
appointed by the British and Chinese Governments under the seventh article
of the Sikkim-Tibet Convention to meet and discuss, with a view to the
final settlcn~entof tllc questions reserved under articles 4, 5 and 6 of the
said Convention; and the Commissioners thus appointed having met and
discussed the questions referred to, namely, Trade, Communication and
Pasturage have been further appointed to sign the agreement in nine Regu-
lations and three general articles now arrived a t and to declare that the
said nine Regulations and the three general articles form part of the Con-
vention itself.
In witness whereof the respective Coinmissioners have hereto subscribed
their names.
Done in quadruplicate at Darjeeling this 5th day of December, in the year
one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, corresponding with the
Chincsc date the 28th day of the 10th moon of the 19th year of Kuang Hsu.
Signed :- Signed :-
(Seal) HO CHANG-JUNG (Seal) A. W. PAUL
JAMES H. HART British Commissioner.
Chinese Commissioner.
 APPENDIX VI

Press Note of the Ministry of External Affairs,

20 March 1950

The Government of India have had consultations with the Maharajkumar

of Sikkim and the representatives of the political parties in Sikkim, who
were invited recently to Delhi. The discussions covered the entire field of
future relations between Sikkim and India and necessary administrative
arrangements within the State, including the association of popular represen-
tatives in the Government of the State. Provisional agreement has been
reached as regards the future relationship of Sikkim with India and decisions
have also been taken regarding the administration.
As regards the status of Sikkim it has been agreed that Sikkim will
continue to be a protectorate of India. The Government of India will
continue to be responsible for its external relations, defence and communi-
cations. This is as much in the interests of the security of the State as of
India and is dictated by the facts of geography. As regards internal Govern-
ment, the State will continue to enjoy autonomy subject to the ultimate
responsibility of the Government of India for the maintenance of good
administration and law and order.
For the present an officer of the Government of India will continue to be
the Dewan of the State. But the Government of India's policy is one of
progressive association of the people of the State with its Government, a
policy with which, happily, His Highness the Maharaja is in full agreement.
It is proposed, as a first step, that an Advisory Council representative of all
the interests should be associated with the Dewan. Steps will also be taken
immediately to institute a village panchayat system on an elective basis
within the State. This is an essential and effective process of education in
the art of popular government and it is the intention that these panchayats
should, in due course, elect a Council for the State whose functions and area
of responsibility will be progressively enlarged.
The Maharajkumar of Sikkim, who was authorised by the Maharaja
to participate in the discussions on his behalf, is taking back with him the
terms agreed upon. A formal treaty is expected to be signed between the
Maharaja of Sikkim and the Government of India at an early date.
 APPENDIX VII

Indo-Sikkim Treaty of 1950

The President of India and His Highness the Maharaja of Sikkim being
desirous of further strengthening the good relations already existing between
India and Sikkim, have resolved to enter into a new Treaty with each other,
and the President of India has, for the purpose, appointed as his plenipoten-
tiary Shri Harishwar Dayal, Political Officer in Sikkim, and His Highness
the Maharaja having examined Shri Harishwar Dayal's credentials and found
them good and in due form, the two have agreed as follows:-
Article I
All previous treaties between the British Government and Sikkim which
are at present in force as between India and Sikkirn are hereby formally
canceIIed.
Article I1
Sikkim shall continue to be a Protectorate of India and, subject to the
provisions of this Treaty, shall enjoy autonomy in regard to its internal
affairs.
Article I11
(1) The Government of India will be responsible for the defence and
territorial integrity of Sikkim. It shall have the right to take such measures
as it considers necessary for the defence of Sikkim or the security of India,
whether preparatory or otherwise, and whether within or outside Sikkim.
In particular, the Government of India shall have the right to station troops
anywhere within Sikkim.
(2) The measures referred to in paragraph (1) will as far as possible be
taken by the Government of India in consultation with the Government
of Sikkim.
(3) The Government of Sikkim shall not import any arms, ammunition,
military stores or other warlike material of any description for any purpose
whatsoever without the previous consent of the Government of India.
Article IV
(1) The external relations of Sikkim, whether political, economic or
financial, shall be conducted and regulated solely by the Government of
India; and the Government of Sikkim shall have no dealings with any foreign
power.
 (2) Subjects of Sikkim travelling to foreign countries shall be treated as
Indian protected persons for the purpose of passports, and shall receive
from Indian representatives abroad the same protection and facilities as
Indian nationals.
Article V
The Government of Sikkim agrees not to levy any import duty, transit
duty or other impost on goods brought into, or in transit through, Sikkim;
and the Government of India agrees not to levy any import or other duty on
goods of Sikkimese origin brought into India from Sikkim.
Article VI
(1) The Government of India shall have exclusive right of constructing,
maintaining and regulating the use of railways, aerodromes and landing
grounds and air navigation facilities, posts, telegraphs, telephones and
wireless installations in Sikkim; and the Government of Sikkim shall render
the Government of India every assistance in their construction, maintenance
and protection.
(2) The Government of Sikkim may, however, construct, maintain, and
regulate the use of railways and aerodromes and landing grounds and air
navigation facilities to such extent as may be agreed to by the Governnlent
of India.
(3) The Government of India shall have the right to construct and main-
tain in Sikkim roads for strategic purposes and for the purpose of improving
communications with India and other adjoining countries; and thc Govern-
ment of Sikkim shall render the Government of India every assistance in
the construction, maintenance and protection of such roads.
Article VII
(1) Subjects of Sikkim shall have thc right of entry into, and free move-
ment within, India, and Indian nationals shall have the right of entry into,
and free movement within, Sikkim.
(2) Subject to such regulations as the Government of Sikkim may pres-
cribe in consultation with the Government of India, Indian nationals shall
have :-
(a) the right to carry on trade and commercc in Sikkim; and
(b) when established in any trade in Sikkim, the right to acquire,
hold and dispose of any property, movable or immovable, for the
purposes of their trade or residence in Sikkim.
(3) Subjects of Sikkim shall have the same right-
(a) to carry on trade and commerce in India, and to employinent
therein; and
(b) of acquiring, holding and disposing of property, movable and
immovable, as Indian nationals.
Article VIII
(1) Indian nationals within Sikkim shall be subject to the laws of Sikkim
and subjects of Sikkim within India shall be subject to the laws of India.
(2) Whenever any criminal proceedings are initiated in Sikkim against
any Indian national or any person in the service of the Government of India
or any foreigner, the Government of Sikkim shall furnish the Representative
of the Government of India in Sikkim (hereinafter referred to as the Indian
Representative) with particulars of the charges against such person.
If in the case of any person in the service of the Government of India
or any foreigner it is so demanded by the Indian Representative, such person
shall be handed over to him for trial before such courts as may be established
for the purpose by the Government of India either in Sikkim or outside.
Article IX
(1) The Government of Sikkim agrees to seize and deliver up any fugitive
offender from outside Sikkim who has taken refuge therein on demand
being made by the Indian Representative. Should any delay occur in com-
plying with such demand, the Indian police may follow the person whose
surrender has been demanded into any part of Sikkim, and shall, on showing
a warrant signed by the Indian Representative, receive every assistance and
protection in the prosecution of their object from the Sikkim officers.
(2) The Government of India similarly agrees, on demand being made
by the Government of Sikkim, to take extradition proceedings against, and
surrender, any fugitive offender from Sikkim who has taken refuge in the
territory of India.
(3) In this article, "fugitive offender" means a person who is accused of
having committed an extradition offence as defined in the First Schedule to
the Indian Extradition Act, 1903, or any other offence which may hereafter
be agreed upon between the Government of India and the Government of
Sikkim as bcing an extradition offence.
Article X
The Goveri~mentof India, having in mind the friendly relations already
existing between India and Sikkim and now further strengthened by this
Treaty, and being desirous of assisting in the development and good adminis-
tration of Sikkiin, agrees to pay the Government of Sikkim a sum of rupees
three lakhs every year so long as the terms of this Treaty are duly observed
by the Government of Sikkim.
The first payment under this Article will be made before the end of the
year 1950, and subsequent payments will be made in the month of August
every year.
Article XI
The Government of India shall have the right to appoint a Representative
to reside in Sikkim; and the Government of Sikkim shall provide him and
his staff with all reasonable facilities in regard to their carrying out their
duties in Sikkim.
Article XI1
If any dispute arises in the interpretation of the provisions of this Treaty
which cannot be resolved by mutual consultation, the dispute shall be referred
to the Chief Justice of India whose decision thereon shall be final.
Article XI11
This treatv shall come into force without ratification from the date of
signature by both the parties.
Done in duplicate at Gangtok on this 5th day of December, 1950.

(Sd.) HARISHWAR DAYAL (Sd.) TASHI NAMGYAL

Political Officer in Sikkirn His Highness the Maharaja of Sikkim
 APPENDIX VIII

Selected Plan Achievements, 1954-1966

Existing at the begin-

Project Unit ning of the year Location

1. Agriculture & Animal Husbandry:

Agricultural Farm No. - 1 3 Temi, Geyzing,
Ribdi
Dairy Farm ,, 1 1 Tadung
Apple Orchard ,¶ - 1 1 Lachung
Fruit Nursery yy
- 2 2 Ninth Mile, Lag-
Yap-
Cardamom Nursery ,9
- 2* 1** *Rongli, Gang-
tok,** Mangan
Fruit Preservation Factory ,, - 1 1 Singtam
Demonstration Centres
(VLW 9,
- 30 24
Plant Protection Campaign Acres - 5,510 10,000 All Sikkim
Livestock Farm No. - 1 2 Tadung, Dentam.
Veterinary Hospital ,, - 1 3 Deorali, Geyzing,
Namchi
Veterinary Dispensary ,9 - 1 5 Chungthang, Ma-
kha, Sorent,
Kewzing, Ron-
gli
Mule Breeding Centre 99
- 1 Chungthang

2. Minor Irrigation :
Minor Irrigation Schemes No.
3. Forests
Forest Roads Mile
(Con td.)

118
 APPENDIX VIII-(Corrtd.)

Medicinal Herbs
Plantation No. 1 1 2 Saramsa Dikchu
Nurseries Acre 3 25 55
Area under Taungya Pltn. ,, 150 - 4,428
Area under Dept. Pltn. ,, 300 - 1,666
Area under Soil
Conservation , y - 1,560 3,070
Fisheries :
1. Mirror Carp Tank - 3 3 Gangtok, Rin-
chenpong,
Lachung
2. Trout Hatchery - 1 1 Menmoicho
Forest Saw Mill No. - 1 1 Rangpo
4. Cooperation & Fair Price Shops:
Coop. Societies No. - 24 27
Fair Price Shops ,, - 2 4 Dikchu, Kabi,
Mangan, Chun-
gt hang.
5. Power
Hydel Station No. 1 1 2 Gangtok, Sang-
k hola
Thermal Plant ,) - 1 1 Gangtok
6. Industries :
Cottage Industry :
Training Institute No. - 1 1 Gangtok
Production Unit 9,
- 1 1 Gangtok
Weaving Centre 9,
- - 1 Lachung. handed
over to Khadi
Commission.
7. Roads*:
Motorable Roads Mile
Jeepable Roads
Bridle Roads
Village Roads
Bridges :
1. Suspension No.
2. Minor 9,

3. Log >9

8. Education:
Higher Secondary No. - 2 4 Gangtok (2).
Schools Namchi &
Geyzing.

*Figures given exclude 178 miles of National Highway extension roads

whicll are built and maintained by Govt. of India.
 APPENDIX VII I-(Corrlti.)

High Schools No. +Gangtok (2);

now upgraded
**Namchi, Gey-
zing: now up-
graded.
Public Schools ,, Gangtok, partial-
ly assisted fro111
Plan.
Specialist Schools 99 "I'cmrryangtsc
':'lnchey
Junior High Schools
1 . Government
2. Aided
Middle Schools
1. Government
2. Aided/Non-Govt.
Primary Schools
1. Government
2. Aided/Non-Govt.
Training Institutes
(Teachers) No. Tclrii
Community Centres 99
Gangtok
Library Centres 99
Namchi, Geyzing,
Mangan
Children in schools ,,
9. Medical & Public Health:
Hospitals No. Gantgok, Nam-
chi, Geyzing,
Singtam,
Mangan.
Dispensaries
Clinics Gangtok (TB
Clinic)
T.B. Hospitals 1 1 1 ~ a n g t o k(Exten-
ded in First
Plan).
Maternity Wards ,9 - 1 4 Gangtok, Nam-
chi, Geyzing,
Singtam.
Children's Wards 99 - 1 1 Gangtok

1. Malaria Unit ,, - 1 1
Public Health :
1. B.C.G. Team ,, - 1 1
2. VD & Worms Team ,, - 1 1
Water Slrpply Schemes:
I . Gangtok ,, 1 7 8
2. Bazar 3 , 2 11 26
3. VillageIRural ,, - 4 96
 APPENDIX 1X

Place Names

Si kkim New House

Denjong, Demojong, Demoshong The valley of rice
Rong-pa Dwellers in steep country
Mon-pa Dwellers in low country
Rangit The Depression in the hills
Rang-nyu (Teesta) The pure river
Ratong (source of Rangit) The surging, swallowing one
Sanchal (Shin-shel-hlo) The damp misty hill
Phallut (Fok-lut) The bare denuded peak
Singalela (Singilela) The hill of the wild alder
Sandak-phu The high ridge
Pankim The King's minister
Phieungong The home of the dwarf bamboo
Pashok Jungle or forest
Yoksam Meeting placc of the Three Lamas
Gangto k The Surnmit of the ridge
Lachen Big pass
Lachung Little pass
Chola moo (Tsho-la-mo) The lake of our lady or the goddess
Bithang-tsho The lake of the cow yak
Tanitzo (Tanyek-tsho) The lake of the horse tail
Kangc henjunga The great snowy mountain of the five
treasure houses
Chomolhari The hill of our lady goddess
Chola The principal pass
Yak-la The path used by graziers
Nat llu-la The path of the listening ear
Jelep-la The easy, level pass
Gnatong The forest meadow
Lungthu The descent into the valley
Rhenock The black hill
Gangtok The high hill
Rabdentse The height of the chief residence
Barmie The rough ridge
Lagyap The back of the pass
Sebu la The cold pass
Samdong The bridge head
Tista (Teesta) The beneficient rock
 APPENDIX X

lndo-Bhutan Treaty of 1949

The Government of India on the one part, and His Highness the Druk
Gyalpo's Government on the other part, equally animated by the desire to
regulate in a friendly manner and upon a solid and durable basis the state
of affairs caused by the termination of the British Government's authority
in India, and to promote and foster the relations of friendship and neighbour-
liness so necessary for the well-being of their peoples, have resolved to
conclude the following treaty, and have, for this purpose named their repre-
sentatives, that is to say Sri Harishwar Dayal representing the Government
of India, who has full powers to agree to the said treaty on behalf of the
Government of India, and Deb Zimpon Sonam Tobgye Dorji, Yang-Lop
Sonam, Chho-Zim Thondup, Rin-Zim Tandin and Ha Drung Jigmie Palden
Dorji, representing the Government of His Highness the Druk Gyalpo,
Maharaja of Bhutan, who have full powers to agree to the same on behalf
of the Government of Bhutan.
ARTICLE I
There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the Government
of India and the Government of Bhutan.
ARTICLE 2
The Government of India undertakes to exercise no interference in the
internal administration of Bhutan. On its part the Government of Bhutan
agrees to be guided by the advice of the Government of India in regard to
its external relations.
ARTICLE 3
In place of the compensation granted to the Government of Bhutan
under Article 4 of the treaty of Sinchula and enhanced by the treaty of the
eighth day of January 1910 and the temporary subsidy of Rupees one lakh
per annum granted in 1932, the Government of India agrees to make an
annual payment of Rupees five lakhs to the Government of Bhutan. And
it is further hereby agreed that the said annual payment shall be made on
the tenth day of January every year, the first payment being made on the
tenth day of January 1950. This payment shall continue so long as this treaty
remains in force and its terms are duly observed.
 ARTICLE 4
Further to mark the friendship existing and continuing between the said
Governments, the Government of India shall, within one year from the
date of signature of this treaty, return to the Government of Bhutan about
thirty-two square miles of territory in the area known as Dewangiri. The
Government of India shall appoint a competent officer or officers to mark
out the area so returned to the Government of Bhutan.
ARTICLE 5
There shall, as heretofore, be free trade and commerce between the
territories of the Government of India and of the Government of Bhutan;
and the Government of India agrees to grant the Government of Bhutan
every facility for the carriage, by land and water, of its produce throughout
the territory of the Government of India, including the right to use such
forest roads as may be specified by mutual agreement from time to time.
ARTICLE 6
The Government of India agrees that the Government of Bhutan shall
be free to import, with the assistance and approval of the Government of
India, from or through India into Bhutan, whatever arms, ammunition,
machinery, warlike material or stores may be required or desired for the
strength and welfare of Bhutan, and that this arrangement shall hold good for
all time as long as the Government of India is satisfied that the intentions
of the Government of Bhutan are friendly and that there is no danger to
India from such importations. The Government of Bhutan, on the other
hand, agrees that there shall be no export of such arms, ammunition, etc.,
across the frontier of Bhutan either by the Government of Bhutan or by
private individuals.
ARTICLE 7
The Government of India and the Government of Bhutan agree that
Bhutanese subjects residing in Indian territories shall have equal justice with
Indian subjects, and that Indian subjects residing in Bhutan shall have equal
justice with the subjects of the Government of Bhutan.
ARTICLE 8
(1) The Government of India shall, on demand being duly made in
writing by the Government of Bhutan, take proceedings in accordance with
the provisions of the Indian Extradition Act, 1903 (of which a copy shall be
furnished to the Government of Bhutan), for the surrender of all Bhutanese
subjects accused of any of the crimes specified in the first schedule of the
said Act who may take refuge in Indian territory.
(2) The Government of Bhutan shall, requisition being duly made
by the Government of India, or by any officer authorised by the Government
of India in this behalf, surrender any Indian subjects, or subjects of a foreign
power, whose extradition may be required in pursuance of any agreement
or arrangements made by the Government of India with the said power,
accused of any of the crimes, specified in the first schedule of Act XV of
1903, who may take refuge in the territory under the jurisdiction of the
Government of Bhutan, and also any Bhutanese subjects who, after commit-
ting any of the crimes referred to in Indian territory, shall flee into Bhutan,
on such evidence of their guilt being produced as shall satisfy the local court
of the district in which the offence may have been committed.
 ARTICLE 9
Any differences and disputes arising in the application or interpretation
of this treaty shall in the first instance be settled by negotiation. If within
three months of the start of negotiations no settlement is arrived at, then
the matter shall be referred to the arbitration of three arbitrators, who shall
be nationals of either India or Bhutan, chosen in the following manner:--
(1) One person nominated by the Government of India;
(2) One person nominated by the Government of Bhutan;
(3) A Judge of the Federal Court, or of a High Court in India, to be
chosen by the Government of Bhutan, who shall be Chairman.
The judgment of this Tribunal shall be final and executed without delay
by either party.
ARTICLE 10
This treaty shall continue in force in perpetuity unless terminated or
modified by mutual consent.
Done in duplicate at Darjeeling this eighth day of August, one thousand
nine hundred and forty-nine, corresponding with the Bhutanese date thc
fifteenth day of the sixth month of the Earth-Bull year.
Deb Zimpon Sonam
Tobgye Dorji
HARISHWAR DAYAL Yang-Lop Sonam
Political Officer in Sikkim Chho-Zim Thondup
Rin-Zim Tandin
Ha Drung Jigmie
Palden Dorji

INSTRUMENTS OF RATIFICATION
WHEREAS a Treaty relating to the promotion of, and fostering the relations
of friendship and neighbourliness was signed at Darjeeling on the 8th day
of August 1949 by representatives of the Government of India and of the
Government of His Highness the Druk Gyalpo, Maharaja of Bhutan, which
Treaty is, word for word as follows:

The Government of India, having considered the treaty aforesaid, hereby

confirm and ratify the same and undertake faithfully to perform and carry
out all the stipulations therein contained.
In witness whereof this instrument of ratification is signed and sealed
by the Governor-General of India.
Done at New Delhi, the 22nd day of September 1949.
(Sd.) C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
Governor-General of India

Whereas a Treaty relating to the promotion of, and fostering, relations of

friendship and neighbourliness was signed at Darjeeling on the eighth day of
August 1949 by Representatives of my Government and of the Government
of India which Treaty is, word for word, as follows:-
 My Government, having considered the treaty aforesaid, hereby confirm
and ratify the same and undertake faithfully to perform and carry out all
the stipulations there contained.
In witness whereof I have signed this instrument of ratification and
affixed hereto my seal.
Done at Tongsa the fifteenth day of September, 1949.

(Sd.) J. WANGCHUK
Seal Druk Gyalpo
 APPENDIX XI

Places and Centres of Historical or Religious Interest

EASTERN BHUTAN
Sakten (Alt. 9,000 ft.)
A medium-sized village with a population of about 300, in charge of a
Drungpa. There is a small Gompa with a Rimpoche and some lamas.
River Dangmenchu, a tributary of Manas, waters this area. Wheat, potato
and barley are grown but the main occupation of the people is the breeding
of cows, yaks, horses and mules. The people of this region, the Mira-
saktens, are closely united to the haonpas of the Tawang area of NEFA.
Jhonkar (Alt. 5,000)
A small village also in charge of a Drungpa. It has a monastery.
Tashigang-Dzong (Alt. 3,500)
One of the more important towns of Bhutan, especially from a historical
point of view. It has an important Dzong, housing a monastery with some
40 lamas. A new school is being built to accommodate 400 students.
Maize, rice, wheat and barley are grown here.
Lhlrntsi Dzong
Situated on the banks of the Kura-chu, Lhuntsi enjoys a warm and
equable climate excellent for the cultivation of good rice. It is the head-
quarters of the Kurtoi area, known also for a special type of handloom
cloth. There is a primary school with 130 pupils, a dispensary and leper
colony. The estimated population is 5,000.
Yaytlng (Alt. 3,000)
A small village in charge of a Drungpa.
Mongar-dzong (Alt. 4,500)
The second largest town in eastern Bhutan with a population of about
500. There is a monastery, a middle school with about 200 children, and a
dispensary. Lies on the banks of the river Kwa-chu, one of the five tribut-
aries of the Manas river. The people of this area are excellent weavers of
baskets, as also firewood carvers and silversmiths. At Lingmethong about
five miles away there is a central livestock farm.
Soling (Alt. 5,000)
A small village situated in a densely forested area.

CENTRAL BHUTAN
Senger (Alt . 9,000)
From here start the pasture lands of Central Bhutan-forests of pine and
fir abound. A small village with some 20 houses.
Ura (Alt. 10,600)
A large village with a population of 200, in charge of a Drungpa. There
is also a small monastery.
Bumthang (Byakar-Dzong) (Alt. 9,700)
Bumthang or the "plain of spirits", is the most important town in Central
Bhutan. Aji Choki, the step-sister of the Druk Gyalpo, stays at the palace
of Wangdicholing. The Byakar Dzong is a prominent structure, situated
on the banks of the Chamarchu. There are also two monasteries-Tharpaling
with about 80 lamas and Nyimaling with 60 lamas. There is a primary
school with 110 pupils and also a dispensary.
The Bumthang valley is indeed two valleys-on the right the Wangdi-
choling area and on the left the Tashicholing. The Wangdicholing area is
fed by one of the main tributaries of the Manas, the Chamki-chu. The
Bumthaps, the people of this region who number some 15,000, are distinct
from the Kurtepas in the north and the Kurmes in the south.
Gyetsha (A1t. 10,000)

Near by is the palace of Tashicholing where the Queen Mother resides.

It is a small village of about 15 houses situated in a beautiful valley. In
charge of a Drungpa.
Tongsa (Alt. 7,500)
The Tongsa Dzong is an old and historical building. The first dzong,
which is not the present one, is stated to have been built over 1,000 years
ago by a king called Chushi Myngur. The present structure is one of the
finest in the whole of Bhutan. The ruling family comes from Tongsa.
There is a middle school with about 100 students, and a dispensary. The
population is estimated at 2,500.
Chandibi (Alt. 3,500)
A small village through which the river Nyen-chu flows. In charge of a
Pipon. The villages of Nyala and Drungla are in the vicinity. Between
Chandiki and Hridang is the Pele-la pass (alt. 11,500) which is the main
route across the Black Mountain range from east to west Bhutan.
Hridang (Ritang) (Al t. 8,000)
Another small village in charge of a Pipon. The river La-chu flows
near it. A gompa with six lamas is situated in the village.

Samtengang (Alt. 7,250)

A village with some 40 houses and 200 inhabitants, situated on the
borders of a pine forest.

Wangduphodrang (A1t . 4,600)

A centre for the training of Bhutanese Army personnel. There is also

a Dzong and a sizeable monastery. The dzong is reputed to be one of tlic
oldest in Bhutan. It has a hospital and a school for about 300 students.
The river Sankosh winds its way through the adjoining valley.

Once the capital of Bhutan and the seat of the Dharlna Raja. The
dzong is a huge structure and is one of the oldest in Bhutan. There are
many smaller gompas, as well as the tombs of the various Shabdrungs.
Two rivers the Mo-chu and Pho-chu join at this point forming the river
Sankosh. There is a school and a dispensary.
Cllortenycp (Alt. 7,000)
A big village with a gompa which has a magnificent statue of Maitriya
Buddha.

WESTERN BHUTAN
Thir~lpu(Alt . 7,900)
The new capital of Bhutan is situated along the banks of the Wong-chu,
commanding a magnificent view by virtue of its altitude. The Wong-chu
runs southwards through the entire extent of the country to Phuntsholiiig
on the border with North Bengal in the Buxa Duar. The Druk Gyalpo's
palace is at Dechencholling, three miles from the dzong. The main secret-
ariat and the headquarters of the Bhutanese Army are now established in
the dzong, which in addition houses some 300 to 400 lamas. There is also
a large hospital in Thimphu under the charge of the Chief Medical Officer
and a public school is in the making. A new micro-hydroelectric station
has becn built and commissioned. Plans are in hand for the construction
of a modern township. The main crops in the valley include rice, millet,
maize, potatoes and chillies.
Paro (Alt. 7,500)
A centre of administrative and development activities, it is located in
the lovely valley of the Pa-chu, a subsidiary of the Wong-chu. The dzong,
impressive for its size and solidity, originally built about 400 years ago, was
reconstructed about 70 years ago. Rice, wheat, maize, barley and potatoes
are the principal crops in the Paro valley.
Writing of Paro, an early Jesuit traveller, Fr. Cacella, records in 1627:
"There must have been some 600 to 700 houses in the valley, all three or
four stories. Cattle were numerous and the people seemed, compared with
the rest of the Bhootanese, tolerably contented. Just above the palace the
Parchoo (Paro-chu) is joined by another stream, which comes from a little
valley to the north."
Ha (Alt. 9,100)
Situated on the Ha-chu, now the centre of a military training establishment.
Taksang Dzong (Alt. 9,500)
One of the principal monasteries in Bhutan and considered the holiest,
built on the face of an almost perpendicular hillside. Literally means 'the
tiger's nest'. Legend has it that Guru Padma Sambhava came there
riding on a tiger from India. Statues of the war god are prominent, in the
four or five main buildings connected by galleries and balconies.
Drrggye Dzong (Alt. 7,600)
This monastery shared with Semtoka Dzong the reputation of being the
oldest in the country. Once a huge and massive building, it was destroyed
by a fire some 15 years ago.

SOUTHERN BHUTAN

Samchi (Alt. 1,500)

A predon~inantlyNepali speaking town, across the West Bengal town
of Chamarchi, with a population of about 6,000. There are extensive
orchards in this area, and a distillery and a fruit preservation factory have
been set up here. Apart from being the headquarters of the Conservator
of Forests for southern Bhutan, Samchi is also the temporary headquarters
of the Geological Survey of India. There is a small hospital with about
20 beds in charge of a doctor. A tubercolosis clinic has just been completed.

Phuntsholing (Alt. 700)

This is the starting point of the first modern road to be built in Bhutan.
Population: 6,000. The road, which is over 107 miles long, goes on to Paro
and Thimpu, the capital. A number of new offices and other buildings
have also been constructed. There is also a small hotel of about six to
eight rooms. A technical school has recently been set up and has over 100
pupils. The town is the headquarters of Bhutan's Chief Engineer.

Sclrbhang (Alt. 700)

This is the second important Nepali-speaking town in southern Bhutan,
with a population of about 4,000. It is an important trade centre where
most of the cash crops like oranges, potatoes and cardamom from the
Chirang area in the north are marketed. Chirang is an important Nepali
area in the north, about 25 miles from Sarbhang, with a population of some
Sandrup Jongkhar (Alt . 1,000)
This town is in the area of 32i sq. miles which were returned to the
Bhutan Government at the time of the signing of the 1949 treaty. Some 20
km distant is Dewothang, the headquarters of the Border Roads Organisation
in Bhutan. Samdrup Jongkhar adjoins the Indian border town of Darranga
in Assam, where every year for about six months from November to April,
a mart is held, with Bhutanese from the Tashigang Dzong area bringing
handwoven fabrics, cheese, butter, oranges, beeswax, pig's hair, livestock,
etc. In turn, they buy and take back with them salt, wool and cotton yarn,
clothing, consumer goods and other requirements.
 APPENDIX XI1

Bhutanese Words and their English Equivalents

Aji Woman of noble rank

Amsed Caretaker of temple or monastery
Chipon Accounts Officer
Chokang Altar room
Chorten Shrine
Dasho Nobleman
Deb Zimpon Chief Minister
Dronyer Protocol Officer
Drungpa Secretary (Village Officer)
Druk Gyalpo King of Bhutan
Dug Desi Deb Raja
Dzong Fort-monastery
Dzongpon Governor or District Commissioner
Dzongtsap Deputy Commissioner
Gyaldon Chief Secretary
Gyalun Secretary-General
Jey Khempo Chief Abbot
Khempo Abbot
Lekhung Office, Department
Magsi Commander-in-Chief
Magsi Hogma Deputy Commander-in-Chief
Mani Lakhang Temple with prayer wheel
Nyerchen Tax Collector (Revenue Officer)
Pawo Oracle
Penlop Governor of Province
Pipon Headmen of village
Ramjam Sub-divisional officer
Thanka (Tanka) Embroidered religious scroll
Trimpon Magistrate
Tsalkhang Shrine
Tsongdu National Assembly
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Sikkim anti Bltutan, by J. Claude White (1909).
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Aitchison (1909).
India and Tibet, by Sir Francis Younghusband (1910).
Lands of the Thunderbolt, by the Earl of Ronaldshay (1923).
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Britain and Chinese Central Asia, by Alastair Lamb (1960).
A Tour of Bhutan, by Shri A p a B. Pant (1961) (Unpublished).
The Religion of Tibet, by Sir Charles Bell (1931).
India's Northern Frontier and China, by Ramesh Sanghvi (1962).
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The Jewel in the Lotus, by B.J. Gould (1957).
Nehrzc, the Years of Power, by Geoffrey Tyson (1966).
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National Geographical Magazine (Dec. 1952 and Sept. 1961).
 I N D E X
Chandzod Chothup 15,
Chandzod Karpo
Adikal Radhan 47, Chandzod Karwang 14,
Advisory Council (Bhutan) 87, Chandzod Tamding 14,
All India Gurkha League 47, Chang 82,
Ammochu 2, 58, Changkhor Gome 60,
Amsed of Ralung 63, Chen Yi, Marshal 34,
Angduphodang 62, Chen-re-zi 5, 8,
Anglo-Chinese Convention 1, 20, Cheri Dordam 60,
Anglo-Nepali War 17, Chhitre 37,
Anglo-Tibetan Convention 67, Chiabhanjan 2,
Anyo-Gyalum 15, Chief Khempo 63,
Arak 82, Chief Secretary 47,
Armed Forces (Bhutan) 90, Chirang 79,
Arun 19, Chogyal 5, 9, 12,
Ashley Eden see Eden Chokang 84,
Assam 66, Chola Range 1, 36,
Chole Tulku 63, 68,
Chomolharu 58,
Chorten 6,
Bamchho-la 2, Chos-rgyal see Chogyal
Barmiak 37, Chou En-lai 34, 77,
Batang 76, Chuksam Bhutia 31,
Bell, Charles 24, 76, Chumbi 9, 10, 20,
Bhawajit Mukhia 31. Chumbi Valley 9, 10, 20, 21, 34, 5G,
Bhotang 37, Chungthang 10,
Bhutan 5, Chuni Dome 83,
Bhutias 3, Chuni Wangmo 20,
Black Mountain range 58, Citrus fruit 37,
Bogle,, George 6, Colombo Plan 73
Brahmaputra 57, Constituent Assembly 25,
Bumthaps 80, Copper 37,
Byagar 96, Cooch Behar 62,65,
Cottage Industries Institute 11.
Council of Kazis 24,
Currency (Bhutan) 91,
Calcutta 66, Currency (Sikkim) 49
Campbell, Dr. 17, Curzon, Lord 67,
Canlpbell, Sir George 18,
Capital punishment 45,
Captain Jones 65,
Captain R.B. Pemberton 66, Dalai Lama, the fifth 5,
Captain Samuel Turner Dalai Lama, the sixth 13,
Cardamom 37, Darjeeling 5, 17, 18, 23,
Chakdor 13, 17, Darranga 89
Chamber of Princes 25, Dayal, Harishwar 26. 27
Chandra Das Rai 27, Deb Raja 14, 63, 64.
Chandzod Bolek 17, Deb Tsangpa 6 1,
Deb Zimpon 63, Flora (Sikkim) 37,
Deba Kyishopa 61, Flora (Bhutan) 92,
Deba Shamshed 15, Fort Dumsong 13,
Deba Takarpo 15, Fort William 65,
Debssam Serpa 13,
De-chhen-ling 14,
Denjong Chogyal 12,
Densapa, T.D. 25, Galing 20,
Deputy Development Officer 44, Gandharvas 8,
Development Plan (Bhutan) 72, Gangtok 9-1 1,
Development Plan (Sikkin~) 38-40, G ~ P P86,
Dewan 28, 30,43, Gaur 59,
Dewan Deo 65, George Boglc 66,
Dewan N2mgay 17, 20 Gelekphu 89,
Dewangiri 69, Geyzing 38, 40,
Dharma Raja 5, Gipn~ochi 2,
Dhonseri 58, Gnarseng 1I ,
Dichu 1, Gompa 6, 82,
Dikchu 37, Gonpos 8,
Dimik Singh Lepcha 27,29, Goorkhas see Gurkhas
Directors 44, Governor of Ha 70,
District Officers 44, Gurkhali 3,
Dokang-la 78, Gurkhas 15, 16, 19, 21,
Dokyong-la 58, Gursi Tendzim Chogyal 5,
Dolling 6, Guru Padam Snmbhava see Padma
Donkya-la 2, Sambhava
Dorje-phagmo 8, Guru Rimpoche 3, 7, 8,
Dorji Lempa Mepham 61, Gurung 18, 19,
Dorji-tag 60, Gyaldon 87,
Dronyer 87, Gyaltshen Tsering 29
Druk Gyalpo 56, 70, Gyalwa Karmapa 80,
Duars 58, 66, Gyantse 10, 18, 34, 76,
Duka 63, Gyurnled Namgyal 6, 14,
Dukgom 60,
Dukpa Sect 6,
Durendar Narain 63,
Dzong 12, 83, Hakluyt's Voyages 56,
Dzongkha 60, Haldipur, R.N. 43,
Dzongpon 12, 86, Hamilton 66,
Dzongre 4, Har 60,
Harka Bahadur Basnet 47,
Hastings, Warren 65,
High Court (Sikkim) 25, 45,
East India Company 55, 65, Hirnachal Pradesh 12,
Eden, The Hon'ble Ashley, 18, 20, 66, Hooker, Dr. 17,
Elan1 13, 15, Hungri 7,
Election Tribunal (Sikkim) 31,
Executive Council 25, 30, 43,

Indian Border Roads Organisation 38,94-96,

Indian Central Public Works Department 38,
Falakata 66, Indian Constitution of 1935 25,
Fago Dukgom Shipgo 60, Indian Trade Agencies 34,
Financial Adviser 45, Indira Gandhi 72,
Finance Secretary 45, Indo-Bhutan Treaty (1949) 69,77,
Indo-Sikkim Treaty (1950) 29, Khyongtse 18,
Institute of Tibetology I I. King Langdarma 60,
King Triralchan 60,
King Singhala 60,
King of Sindhu 60,
Jahar Singh 15, King of Turan 59,
Jaldakha 97, ' Kishen Kanta Bose 66,
Jalpaiguri 66, Kongbu 4,
Jelep-la 2, 20, 23, Kongra-la 2,
Jigme Dorji Wangchuk 56, 69, 82, Kotapas 17,
Jigrne Palden Dorji 70, 87, Kulukangri 58,
Jigme Pao 13, Kumbhanda 8,
Jigme Wangchuk 68, 69, Kunzang Dechen 24,
Jones, Captain 65, Kurtepas 80,
Kurtoc 59,
Kyirong 4,

Kabru 4, 11,
Kagyur 62,
Kalimpong 21, 70. Lachen 1, 10,
Ka~npaKabruk 4, Lachung 1, 10.40,
Kanchenjunga 2, 11, 12, 36, Ladakh 5,
Kangcl~enDzonga 8, Lakhnaute 59,
Kangkur Shumar 95, Lall, J.S. 28,
Kanglanangma 4, Lam Zimpon 63,
Kangpachen 19, Lama Lapha see Lapha
Kankayc 19, Lamaism 2, 4,
Kargyupa Sect 6, 80, Land Reform (Bhutan) 92,
Karma 9, Langdarlna 60,
Karma Rakshi 8, Lawrence Sitling 70,
Karma Kargy u 6, Lepcha 2, 19, 21,
Karma Tcnkgong Wangpo 61, Lha chu 15,
Karmapa 6, Lhading 20,
Kartok 6, Lhakhang 6,
Kartokpa 5, 6, Lhapa 60,
Kashiraj Pradhan 29, 30, 31,47, Lhasa 10, 13, 23, 34, 50,
Kasi (Benaras) 19, Lhasa Gotra 18,
Kazi 24, 25, Lhatsun Chhembo 4,5.
Kazi Dorji Dahdul 27, Lhatsunpa 6,
Kazi Lhendup Dorji 31, 32,47, Lhendup Dorji 71,
Kathmandu 4, 16, Limbu 18, 19,
Kera 81, Limbuwana 3,
Kcsang-la 70, Lingthem 7,
Keskar, Dr. B.V. 27, 28, Lingtse see Lingzi
Kewzing 37, Lingzi 61,
Khan 5, 18, Lloyd, Captain 17,
Khambu 18, Lonchen Shokang 24,
Khampa 18, 19, Londok 37,
Khati, P.B. 48, Lungthenphu 9 1,
Khempajong 60, Lungthu 20,
Khen 60,
Khengs 80,
Khikharathoid 59,
Kho 81, Macaulay 20,
Khyebumsar 12, 18, Machu 58,
Magistrates 45 Norbu Wangdi 31,
Mahanadi 17 Norbu 18,
Maharajah of Sikkini 9, 18, Numbe Ongmu 13,
Maharajah Sidkwng 18, Nyerchen 87,
Maharajah Tashi Namgyal 29, 33, 51, Nyingmapa Sect 5, 6, 8, 80,
Mahayana Buddhism 8, 80,
Malliayang 15,
Manas 58, 93,
Manchi 20, Orchids 37,
Manchu Empire 75,
Mandal 86,
Mangan 39,
Mangar 14, 18, 19, Pachikani 37,
Mani Lhakhang 6, 85, Pachu 90,
Marpa 6, Padma Karpo 61,
Martam Topden 31, 47. Padma Narayan 62,
Masongchungdong 58, Padma Sambhava 3, 59, 80,
Mechi 17, Pakyong 39,
Menchi 18, 20, Palden Thondup Namgyal 25, 33,
Menmo Jashi Kyeden 60, Paljor Namgyal 33,
Milarepa 6, Panchen Lama 5,
Mineral resources (Sikkim) 37, Parduku 62,
Mingdoling 14, Paro 12, 63, 72, 75, 89, 96,
Ministry of External Affairs 26, 28, Paro Penlop 78, 86,
Mithun 94, Paropas 80
Murmis 18, Pauhunri 2,
Pele-la 58,
Pemberton, Capt. R.B. 66,
Pemiongchi 7, 16
Nagas 6, Penarn 18,
Nagridzong 17, Pende Ongmu 13,
Naguchhi 60, Pende Tsering Gyemu 13,
Nahakul Pradhan 31, Pending 19,
Nalanda University 3, 80, People's Consultative Committee 33,
Namchi 5, 6, 13, 37, 38, Phaggye 7,
Namgay Tsering 31, Phalut 2,
Namgyal Dumo 19, Phari 12,
Namgyal Penchoo 14, Phodang 6,7,
Namgyal Wangchuk 91, Phuntshog 5, 12,
Namgye (Namgyal) 5, Phuntsholing 56, 70, 89,
Nathang 60, Piran Vaish 59,
Nathu-la 2, Political parties (Sikkim) 46,
National Assembly 87, Political Officer 10, 21, 23, 24,
Nawang Dugom 61, Pon 3, 80,
Naya Bazar 38, Postage (Sikkim) 49,
Naytan Paykor Jungnay 63, Postage (Bhutan) 91,
Nechung 5, Praja Sammelan 27, 29, 30, 46,
Nehru, Jawaharlal 25, 38,41, 51, 71,78,95, Prime of Wales 21,
Nehru, R.K. 71, Principal Administrative Officer 9, 43,
Nepal 4, Punakha 59, 62,66,
Nepalis 3, Purandar Sahi 62
Newars 19, 21,
Ngadakpa Sect 5,
Ninth Mile 40,
Norbugang 4,
Rabden Sharpa 14, Shalngo-Guru 13,
Rabdentse 9, 13, 15, Shamanism 3,
Rai, C.D. 31, 32, Shapas 80,
Rais 18, Shape Rampa 20,
Raja Chakdor Namgyal 17, Sharchups 80,
Raja Indrabodhi 12, Sherpa Bhutias 19,
Raja Kedar 59, Shigatse 18,
Raja Nabudara 60, Sidkeong Namgyal 18, 24,
Raja Prithvinarayan Shah 19, Sidkeong Tulku 20, 21,
Raja Tensing Namgyal 19, Sikkim Darbar 27,
Raja Thotub 20, Sikkim Guards 32,
Raja Tsugphud 17, Sikkim National Party 27, 28, 31, 35, 47,
Rakashar Depon 24, Sikkim State Congress 26, 28, 46,
Ralang 6, 13, Simik 7,
Ralung 60, Simla Convention 24,
Ram Subagh Singh 72, Simtoka 61-62,
Rangit 1, 17, 36, Simvo 11,
Rangpo 10, Sinchula 67,
Rangpur 91, Singilela Range 1, 36,
Rani Pending 20, Singtam 37, 38, 40,
Rathokhari 37, Siniolchu 11,
Religious King 9, Siri 92,
Reshmi Prasad Alley 27, Sitling, Lawrence 70,
Rhenock 14, 20, 37, Sonagachi 59,
Ridzin Chhembo 5, Sonam Tobgye Dorji 70, 71,
Rinchinpong 37, Sonam Tsering 27, 29, 30,32,
Ringzin Gedem 7, Standstill Agreement 26,
Ronglichu State Council 30, 43,
Rongnek 11, Subjects Regulation 32,
Rongnichu 1, Swatantra Dal 31,
Rongpa 2, 18,
Rummam 17,
Rumtek 6,
Tadong 40,
Tagong la 12,
Takphu 6,
Sakya Muni 7, 8, Talung river 19,
Sarndrup Potrang 33, Tarnang 3,
Samdubling 18, Tamding 8,
Sarnye (Sarnyas) 4, Tamllur 19,
Sandakphu 2, Tanka 83,
Sangaldip 59, Tantric practices 4, 80,
Sangay Deki 33, Tantricism 4, 80,
Sangdi dzong 15, Tashi Dorji 70,
Sangkhola 39, Tashi Lama 16, 18, 65,
Sangngachholing 7,14 Tashi Nan~gyal 24,
Sangochu 15, Tashi Tsering 27-29,
Sangye-on 60, Tashichodzong 63,
Sankosh 58, Tashiding 6, 7,
Sathu 82, Tashigang 56, 89,
Scheduled Castes League 35,48, Tashlunpo 16,
Sepai-Khorlo 8, Tatshang 7,
Serkhya 60, Tawang 58,
Sese-la 2, Tea 37,
Shabdung Nawang Namgyal 61, Teesta 1, 16, 36,
Tekong Tck 19, Turner, Capt. Samuel 66,
Tensing Dukgyag 63,
Tensing Namgyal 15,
Tensung Namgyal 13,
Terai 17, Ugyen Kari 67,70,
Tewari Chhetri 27, 47 Ugyen Wangchuk 67, 68,98,
Thangla 12, Universal Postal Union 73,
Thangrnochen 6,
Thankala 2,
Thegu 39,
Thi Rimpoche 63, Walong 13,
Thi Srong Detsan 4, Wanduphodrang 62.90
Tllimpu 56, 87, 96, Waligs 80,
Thutob Namgyal 111, 20, Warren Hastings 65,
Tirnar 12, Wavell, Lord 25,
Timar Chorten 11, White, John Claude, 21, 23, 45, 61, 68, 98,
Tinlay 20, Wongchu 58,
Titalia 12, 17,
Tongsa 63, 89,
Tongsa Penlop 59, 66, 67
Topzong 15, Yak-la 2,
Treaty of 1774 65, Yakthu~nba 19,
Treaty of 1861 20, Yakshas 8,
Treaty of Sinchi~la 68, Yatung 10, 34,
Trimpon 88, Yeses Dorji 60,
Triralchan 60, Yoksam 4, 9, 12,
Tsang, King of 5, Younghusband 31,67,
Tsangpo 18, Younghusband Expedition 21, 75,78,
Tsangpo Valley 3, 4, Yuthing Teshe 13,
Tshodak Namgyal 19,
Tsong 3, 18,
Tsongdu 86,
Tsugphud Namgyal 13, 15, 17, Zilnon 6,
Tukkhani 37, Zirnpon 86,
Tumlong 9, Zinc 37.