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 ANS: F

10. IDLE is an alternative method to using a text editor to write, execute, and test a Python program.

ANS: T

MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. Programs are commonly referred to as

a. system software
b. software
c. application software
d. utility programs
ANS: B

2. Which of the following is considered to be the world's first programmable electronic computer?
a. IBM
b. Dell
c. ENIAC
d. Gateway
ANS: C

3. Where does a computer store a program and the data that the program is working with while the
program is running?
a. in main memory
b. in the CPU
c. in secondary storage
d. in the microprocessor
ANS: A

4. What type of volatile memory is usually used only for temporary storage while running a program?
a. ROM
b. TMM
c. RAM
d. TVM
ANS: C

5. Which of the following is not a microprocessor manufacturing company?

a. Intel
b. Dell
c. AMD
d. Motorola
ANS: B

6. Which computer language uses short words known as mnemonics for writing programs?
a. Assembly
 b. Java
c. Pascal
d. Visual Basic
ANS: A

7. The process known as the __________ cycle is used by the CPU to execute instructions in a program.
a. decode-fetch-execute
b. decode-execute-fetch
c. fetch-decode-execute
d. fetch-execute-decode
ANS: C

8. Which language is referred to as a low-level language?

a. C++
b. Assembly language
c. Java
d. Python
ANS: B

9. The following is an example of an instruction written in which computer language?

10110000
a. Assembly language
b. Java
c. machine language
d. C#
ANS: C

10. The encoding technique used to store negative numbers in the computer's memory is called
a. Unicode
b. ASCII
c. floating-point notation
d. two's complement
ANS: D

11. The __________ coding scheme contains a set of 128 numeric codes that are used to represent
characters in the computer's memory.
a. Unicode
b. ASCII
c. ENIAC
d. two's complement
ANS: B

12. The smallest storage location in a computer's memory is known as a

a. byte
b. ketter
c. switch
 d. bit
ANS: D

13. What is the largest value that can be stored in one byte?
a. 255
b. 128
c. 8
d. 65535
ANS: A

14. The disk drive is a secondary storage device that stores data by __________ encoding it onto a
spinning circular disk.
a. electrically
b. magnetically
c. digitally
d. optically
ANS: B

15. A __________ has no moving parts and operates faster than a traditional disk drive.
a. DVD drive
b. solid state drive
c. jumper drive
d. hyper drive
ANS: B

16. Which of the following is not a major component of a typical computer system?
a. the CPU
b. main memory
c. the operating system
d. secondary storage devices
ANS: C

17. Which type of error prevents the program from running?

a. syntax
b. human
c. grammatical
d. logical
ANS: A

18. What is the decimal value of the following binary number?

10011101
a. 157
b. 8
c. 156
d. 28
ANS: C
MULTIPLE RESPONSE

1. Select all that apply. To create a Python program you can use
a. a text editor
b. a word processor if you save your file as a .docx
c. IDLE
d. Excel
ANS: A, C

COMPLETION

1. A(n) ___________ is a set of instructions that a computer follows to perform a task.

ANS: program

2. The term ___________ refers to all the physical devices that make up a computer.

ANS: hardware

3. The __________ is the part of the computer that actually runs programs and is the most important
component in a computer.

ANS: central processing unit, CPU

4. A disk drive stores data by __________ encoding it onto a circular disk.

ANS: magnetically

5. __________ are small central processing unit chips.

ANS: Microprocessors

6. __________ is a type of memory that can hold data for long periods of time, even when there is no
power to the computer.

ANS: Secondary storage

7. Main memory is commonly known as __________.

ANS: random-access memory, RAM

8. USB drives store data using __________ memory.

ANS: flash

9. The Python __________ is a program that can read Python programming statements and execute them.

ANS: interpreter
10. In __________ mode, the interpreter reads the contents of a file that contains Python statements and
executes each statement.

ANS: script
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 It must be remembered that the target in each case was the muzzle of a gun, a mere pin's head at
the distance at which the ships were engaged, and that a successful hit meant either good luck or
phenomenally good shooting. This hammering away at long range was tolerably successful, but the
length of the action was a disappointment to those who expected short work to be made of the
Egyptians, while, as has been seen, it drained the stock of ammunition to a dangerously low ebb.
The enormous disproportion between the damage sustained by the ships and batteries respectively
may be accounted for, partly by the inferior construction of the works, and partly also by the inferior
practice of the gunners by whom they were manned. There were other faults in the defence. For
example: the batteries were so placed as to be unable, except at Fort Pharos, to support one another;
there was no bomb-proof cover; there was too small a stock of ammunition in readiness; and the men
who should have been employed as reliefs for manning the rifled guns wasted their efforts with the
smooth bores, which were practically useless.
With regard to the fire of the fleet generally, a variety of opinions has been expressed. One
authority states that, with the exception of the Inflexible and Temeraire, the English gunners did not
greatly distinguish themselves. Many of the shells of the Monarch, Inflexible, and Superb fell short.23
The fire also was said to have been too slow, thus giving the enemy's artillerists time to recover
themselves. The fire of the Inflexible was stated to have been particularly disappointing in this respect.
That of the Alexandra was much more rapid than that of the others, as her much greater expenditure of
ammunition shows.
A naval officer of experience has expressed the opinion that, considering the nature of the works
attacked, an old line-of-battle ship, with her numerous though much smaller guns, would have been
more effective than the modern ships which took part in the bombardment. If one considers the great
size and weight of the majority of the projectiles used, as well as the capacity of the shell and the
consequent amount of their bursting charges, one can hardly fail to be astonished at the small effect
produced on the sand parapets, especially when it is remembered that the latter were in many cases,
according to modern theory, too weak to afford any real protection. It is a fact, and one on which too
much stress cannot be laid, that in only one instance was any one of the parapets pierced by a shell
from the fleet, and that Fort Mex was the only battery which could not have been sufficiently repaired
during the night to resume the action on the following day. One remarkable feature of the fire from the
fleet was the enormous number of shells which failed to explode, and this has never been satisfactorily
accounted for.
The expenditure of ammunition by the squadron appears from the following table:—

Empty Martini-
Ship. Common. Palliser. Shrapnel. Segment. Shot. Case. Total.24 Nordenfeldt. Gatling. Rocke
Shell. Henry.
Alexandra 379 23 1 4 407 4000 340
Superb 257 83 25 34 12 411 1161 880
Sultan 247 24 3 44 10 10 338 1800 2000
Penelope 241 45 32 62 380 5000 1672
Monarch 227 5 129 6 367 1800 3440 2680
Temeraire 139 70 13 6 228 160
Invincible 221 25 2 2 250 2000 2000 1000
Inflexible 139 21 11 37 208 2000
Beacon 21 1 61 18 101 320 3
Condor 162 8 31 201 1000 200 13
Bittern 66 7 1 12 3 89
Cygnet 72 71 143
Decoy 69 69 40
Helicon 6 6
Total 2246 233 261 154 175 126 3 3198 10,160 16,233 7100 37
 The hits received by the fleet were as follows:—
Alexandra. Twenty-four shot and shell penetrated the ship above the armour-plating. Several shot
and shell struck the armour; of these, some made indentations on the plates from five inches to one
inch in depth. The foremost funnel was struck in three places. The total number of hits was about sixty.
Sultan. Number of hits, twenty-seven, of which two struck the armour, denting two plates, and
starting one. One shot went through the after funnel. The holes made in the side were as follows:—One
sixteen inches by twelve inches; another fifteen inches in diameter; and a third fourteen inches in
diameter. A hole sixteen inches by ten was made through the mainmast.
Superb. Fourteen hits, of which seven were on the hull, and seven on the upper works and spars. A
10-inch shell struck the port side, and, bursting, tore a hole in the side ten feet by four feet, within
three feet of the water-line. The armour-plating on the port side was struck by two shells, of which one
indented the armour three inches, and the other burst, starting a plate, and breaking fourteen rivet-
heads. Some of the rigging was shot away, and a hole twelve inches in diameter was made in the
foremast. Two other holes in the side were as follows:—One ten inches in diameter, four feet above the
water-line; the other twelve inches in diameter (made by a 10-inch shot), five feet above the water-line.
Penelope. Eight hits, of which three were on the armour, making little or no indentation. Of the
others, one passed through the after embrasure on the starboard side; another hit the starboard
quarter gallery; the third struck a 9-pounder gun, carried off the sight and damaged the carriage; the
fourth hit the mainyard, port side; and the fifth struck the muzzle of one of the 8-inch guns, then broke
up and destroyed the transom plate of the carriage. The gun and carriage were put out of action.
Invincible. Eleven hits, six of which passed through the side. A large dent was made in the armour
by a shot which also started a plate.
Inflexible. About six hits altogether. One shot struck the unarmoured part of the hull, and,
penetrating, damaged the bollards and did other injury. Other shots damaged the upper-works, but the
armour-plating was not struck.
The Monarch, Temeraire, Hecla, and gunboats received no hits at all.
With regard to the effects of the bombardment on the various forts, it is proposed to give a short
account, taking them in the same order in which they were first presented to the reader.25
1. Fort Marabout.—A small store was burnt. There were several hits on the scarp, but none of the
guns were in any way injured.
2. Fort Adjemi.—Uninjured.
3. Marza-el-Kanat.—No injury was done to the fort, but a store of gun-cotton was exploded.
4. The citadel of Mex had several breaches made in the works, but no guns were dismounted.
5. Old Fort of Mex.—Parapets were uninjured, but the buildings in the rear were almost swept away.
A small store in front of magazine was levelled to the ground. The large store was riddled with shot, but
the magazine was untouched. The barracks were much damaged. The fort was found to contain many
fragments of shell, and the loss of life among the defenders was probably considerable. The damage to
the guns was as follows:—A 10-inch Armstrong gun was struck in the second coil by a shell which cut a
groove of an oval shape in the metal; the coil was shaken out of place and cracked, but the gun was left
serviceable. A 9-inch Armstrong gun was struck by a shell, and received an oval graze 1·25 inch in
depth. In the right portion of the battery, a 10-inch S.B. and two 8-inch Armstrong guns were struck by
shrapnel bullets, and the fifth gun from the left, an 8-inch Armstrong, was struck on the coil by a shell.
The blow dismounted gun, carriage and slide. The metal of the gun was ripped off for eighteen inches,
and the trunnion ring was also started by the force of the blow. The remaining guns (36-pounders)
were uninjured.
Left Flank Battery.—Left gun(10-inch S.B.). This gun was hit on the right of the carriage by a
splinter, the gun was uninjured. No.3 gun (10-inch S.B.).—This was hit by a shell on the muzzle, gun
uninjured.
6. The Mex Lines, armed with S.B. guns, were not fought, and the works escaped injury.
7. Fort Kamaria was not much injured. A 10-inch S.B. gun was dismounted by a shell.

In view of the tremendous fire to which Fort Mex was subjected, and the
comparatively short range at which all the ships except the Temeraire engaged it, it
is almost impossible to believe that not a single gun here was disabled or
dismounted during the action proper. The 8-inch gun which was dismounted was
bowled over by the Penelope long after the fort had ceased firing, and from a
distance stated to be about 300 yards. The successful shot was the thirtieth of this
series, and was aimed by the gunnery lieutenant.
"This fort was the only one which could not have resumed action on the
following day, in consequence of the injury done by the landing-party by exploding
gun-cotton and spiking the guns."26

8. Omuk Kubebe.—The effects of the bombardment were considerable, though they were due less
to the number of hits than to the size and weight of the 16-inch shells which caused most of the
injuries. The effect of three of these shells from the Inflexible was worthy of note. One shell having
burst on the top of the scarp made an almost practicable breach. Two others, within a few feet of each
other, hit the parapet, 24 feet thick, and almost pierced it. They appear to have struck the exterior
slope, and having cut a trough in the parapet about 11 feet in width, burst after penetrating 17 feet,
and formed craters 16 feet in diameter, and 5 feet and 4 feet 6 inches in depth, respectively. With
regard to the ordnance, the only damage was the destruction of a 36-pounder S.B. gun.
9. Saleh Aga.—One 10-inch and one 6·5 S.B. gun were dismounted, and one of the 6·5-inch S.B.
guns was destroyed, though not dismounted.
10. The adjoining battery received only slight injuries.
11. Lighthouse Fort, or Fort Ras-el-Tin.—The barracks to the north of the fort were riddled with
shell, and in many parts left in ruins. The parapets on the west side were so scored with shell that it
was difficult to estimate the number of hits, but at no point had they been pierced. The scarp also
suffered severely, both at the bastions and on the curtain; and the right face of the bastion was much
marked by shrapnel bullets. On the west front the parapet showed about twenty-three hits, and the
scarp twenty-four; two stores were burnt, and the rifled-shell store was riddled with shell. The
Lighthouse itself was hit by several shells, and the buildings round its base were reduced to ruins. Right
gun (9-inch).—This gun was sent back to the end of the slide, and breaking the ties was tilted up on its
breech with the muzzle in the air. Left gun (9-inch).—This was struck by two shells, and gun and
carriage were both destroyed. The former was hit on the trunnion ring, which had been partially carried
away, the carriage was in pieces, and the brackets were torn off and broken. The gun was thrown about
twelve feet to the rear and crushed several of the gunners, ten bodies having been found beneath it. In
the left bastion, a 10-inch Armstrong gun was hit on the muzzle, but the tube was not damaged. The
sockets of the levers were broken by use, the tackle shot away, and the shot-crane broken and useless.
A 9-inch gun was run back and tilted up on the breech in the same manner as the 9-inch gun in the
right bastion. An 8-inch gun was struck in reverse by shells. The gun and carriage were capsized on the
left side, but uninjured. One truck of the slide was cut away. The Lighthouse Fort suffered more
severely than either Pharos or Adda, since there was not one of the rifled guns which could bear on the
fleet left fit for service.
12. The Lines of Ras-el-Tin.—(Left or Harem Battery.) The effects of the bombardment on the fort
were small, but the loss of life must have been considerable, as many shells burst in it. The rear face of
the tower was in ruins. Right gun (8-inch Armstrong).—A 9-inch Palliser shell struck the lower side of
the gun and burst on the breast of the carriage with the following results: the gun beyond being
indented for a distance of 8 inches in length was uninjured, but had been thrown about 10 feet from its
original position. Both brackets of the carriage were torn away. The entire carriage was a wreck. Centre
gun (8-inch Armstrong).—The right-front truck of the carriage was broken, and the gun was struck by a
splinter on the chase. The gun and the carriage, however, suffered no serious injury, though the left
bracket of the latter was pierced by a splinter. The centre battery in the interior was almost uninjured,
though the parapet was deeply scored in all directions by shells. The embrasure of the left gun (9-inch)
was choked up by the ruins of the cheeks, whilst the revetment on each side of the neck was swept
away. The condition of the guns was as follows:—10-inch Armstrong gun.—The right-front truck of the
carriage was carried away, and the buffers of the slide were much damaged by the recoil of the gun. 9-
inch Armstrong gun.—The gun and carriage were uninjured except that the lever of the elevating gear
was bent, and the holdfast was rising off the pin. 9-inch left gun.—This was hit on the left trunnion by a
shell which tore off the cap square, and also by a second shell, on the right bracket six inches in the
rear of the trunnion. The gun and carriage were, however, practically uninjured. This battery in the early
reports of the bombardment was miscalled the Moncrieff Battery, but there was in it no gun mounted on
that system. The Moncrieff gun, 180 yards to the westward, was hit on the left side by a splinter of a
shell, and a bolt in the rear of the left bracket was also cut out by a Nordenfeldt bullet. Beyond this it
was unhurt, and remained perfectly serviceable.
The Hospital Battery.—The effects of the bombardment here were overwhelming. The entire gun
portions were so entirely destroyed that it was difficult to discover where the original crest had been.
The injuries to the guns were as follows:—Right gun (7-inch Armstrong).—The cheeks of the embrasure
were driven in on the gun, and the trucks were jammed, otherwise the gun and carriage were
uninjured. The former was, however, scored with forty-nine hits from a 10-inch shrapnel shell, the
greatest depth of any hit being 5 inches. Left gun (7-inch Armstrong).—A shell burst under the front
racer on the left side of this gun, tore it up and bent it into a vertical plane, twisting the truck and
forcing it off the racer. The slide was also jammed by the ruins of the revetment. The gun-carriage and
slide were otherwise uninjured, and were left fit for service.27
13. Fort Adda.—The barracks and stores, especially on the east side of the fort, were very much
injured, but the batteries were not materially damaged. The only shell which entered, that on the
southern half of the western side, blew up the magazine. The loss of life from the explosion was
probably very great, and the entire space between the magazine and the gate was covered with stones,
timber, and broken shell. The injury to the guns was as follows:—A 10-inch S.B. gun was dismounted by
a shell which threw the gun and carriage to a distance of about 15 feet from the slide. Another 10-inch
S.B. gun was similarly dismounted, whilst a third was struck on the left side of the platform by a shell
which had previously cut off the cascabel of the second gun to the left; the beams of the platform were
completely shattered, and the gun with its carriage was overturned and wrecked.
14. Fort Pharos.—The west tower and front were breached in many places; the minaret was partly
knocked down, and the whole of the west front of the keep, with its two turrets, were in ruins. The
south-east corners of the fort were also much shattered by the shells which passed over the west front.
The stores and barracks suffered severely, and the destruction of so much masonry must have added
considerably to the moral effect of the fire of the ships. With regard to the sea front, the parapet was
hit in several places (seven in all), but only in three cases did a shell enter the battery. The corners of
the traverse to the right of the 8-inch Armstrong guns were carried away by two shells; a third shell
pierced the sole of the embrasure of the 10-inch Armstrong gun, and threw the large granite block
which formed the sill on to the platform of the gun, so the gun might be said to be out of action. Of the
S.B. guns, one heavy 10-inch on the west tower was dismounted, by a 16-inch shell from the Inflexible,
one 10-inch gun on the west front was capsized and put out of action, and it is not unlikely that
another, with its carriage, fell into the crater formed by a shell.
On the rear face, a 36-pounder, having been hit on the cascabel by a chance shell, was thrown
completely over the parapet, and left standing on its muzzle at a distance of 30 feet from its original
position. Another gun was also unserviceable, owing to the partial destruction of its carriage by a shell.
But it was in the casemates below that the fire of the ships inflicted the greatest injury. The front wall of
the casemates, which is faced with masonry two feet in thickness, was in many places torn away under
the stress of fire, leaving only six feet of rubble as a protection to the guns. Through the latter the
heavy shells pierced with ease. The results were as follows:—Under west tower, casemate penetrated,
gun not disabled. In casemates Nos. 1 to 12, just one half of the guns were disabled. Of the casemates
on the right sea front, No. 17 was the only one in which there was no gun hit. The loss of life in the
casemates must have been out of all proportion to the effect produced by the feeble guns (six 5-inch
S.B.) mounted within.
On the scarp of casemates Nos. 1 to 12 there were about 13 hits, of which seven pierced the wall.
15. Fort Silsileh.—The fire does not appear to have in any way injured the guns or stores of this fort,
though fragments of at least two shells lay around the rifled guns.
The total number of guns dismounted was, four M.L.R. guns, sixteen S.B. guns, and one mortar.
The forts at Alexandria generally were badly knocked about, but the more modern parapets were
not seriously injured. If the bombardment were directed against the forts in their defensive capacity, it
must be pronounced a failure. If its object were the dismounting of the rifled guns, it must be conceded
that such results as attended the work of either the inside squadron (where only one gun of this type
was seriously affected), or even of the outside squadron (where less than half of the guns were
permanently disabled), do not justify the verdict of success.
In the wider sense, however, of having driven the Egyptian gunners from their batteries and having
silenced the forts, the fleet was unquestionably victorious.
 CHAPTER X.

THE DAY AFTER THE BOMBARDMENT.

The following day, the 12th July, when it was proposed to renew the bombardment, there was dull
gloomy weather off Alexandria, with a haze hanging over the city. There had been a strong breeze from
the sea during the previous night, and it was still blowing fresh from the N.N.W., causing the ironclads
forming the outside squadron to roll somewhat.
The gunboat Beacon at daylight collected the bodies of the men belonging to the fleet, killed the
previous day, and buried them at sea.
The Humber storeship appeared in sight, and working parties were sent to her for ammunition.
At 9 a.m. the Inflexible and Temeraire were sent to reconnoitre the batteries from Eunostos Point on
Ras-el-Tin, to Fort Pharos.
At 10.15 the Temeraire reported that the Hospital Battery was prepared, that two large rifled guns
were ready with guns' crews about them, and that numbers of men under arms were in the barracks
and covered way. The Inflexible at the same time signalled that a large body of men, armed with rifles,
was in the rear of the Hospital earthworks. In reply, the Sultan signalled to the Inflexible and Temeraire,
"Close, and open fire with shell." At 10.40 the two ships, having taken up position, fired twelve shells, to
which there was no reply, and the men were observed leaving the batteries.
At 10.48 flags of truce were displayed at the Lighthouse Battery and at Fort Adda. At the same time,
a boat bearing a white flag came out towards the Inflexible. This being noticed, the vessels were
ordered to cease firing. The boat then returned to the shore without communicating.
At 11 the Admiral signalled to the Penelope and Sultan, "Weather having moderated, Admiral
intends to attack Marabout and Adjemi; approach with Sultan, Alexandra, Temeraire, and Superb. I will
send gunboat to summon enemy to surrender."
At 11.10 the Bittern was sent with a flag of truce to communicate with the Egyptian authorities.
At 11.30 the squadron was reinforced by the arrival of the ironclad Achilles, belonging to the
Channel Fleet.
At 2.50 p.m. the Bittern returned, and signalled, "Negotiations have failed, have informed
authorities you will engage batteries at 3.30 precisely." At 3.40 the Bittern hauled down her flag of
truce, and it was reported that the flag of truce at Ras-el-Tin was also taken down, though this was
subsequently found not to have been the case.
At 3.50, the Egyptian flag at Marabout having been hauled down, the vessels there were recalled,
and the Admiral signalled to the Sultan, "Engage batteries off Pharos and Ras-el-Tin with your
squadron." At the same time the Invincible fired a shot into the Mex Forts, but got no reply.
At 4.40 a general signal was made to the ships to "take up position for engaging batteries,
anchoring as convenient;" and at 5 the Alexandra, Temeraire, Achilles, Superb, and Sultan weighed
anchor, and proceeded in line towards Fort Pharos. None of the ships, however, opened fire, as the flag
of truce at Ras-el-Tin was seen to be still flying.
At 5.40 the Helicon was sent into harbour with a flag of truce. The instructions of the officer in
command were to inform the authorities that if they wished to treat with the Admiral they could do so
by returning in the Helicon, and that if they did not do so, no more flags of truce would be respected.
At 5.50 the signal was made for the squadron to anchor for the night.
The Helicon, pursuant to orders, steamed up the harbour and lay off the Arsenal wall, whilst the
officer in command went on board the Khedive's yacht Maharoussa, expecting to find some one to treat
with, but not a person was on board. After waiting half an hour, he signalled that he had been unable to
find any of the authorities to communicate with, and returned at 8.20 p.m.
As early as four in the afternoon a part of the town had been observed to be on fire, and the
conflagration soon after was seen to spread rapidly.
During the night the fires on shore continued to extend, and it became evident that it was the
richest part of Alexandria, the European quarter, which was in flames.
The spectacle as viewed from the ships was grand, but awful in character. The sky on the land side
was lighted up with a fierce red glare, and columns of smoke covered the city and surrounding country.
The Admiral's first idea was to send a landing-party to save the town. He, however, hesitated on
account of the risk to his men. Eventually, to discover the state of things on shore, he landed a party of
fifteen men from the Invincible. The streets were found completely deserted, and all was silent save for
the roar and crackle of the flames and the sound of falling beams and walls. The party returned at three
a.m. on the 13th.
Daylight revealed the town still wrapped in flames, and an immense cloud of smoke hung over its
whole extent.
At 5.40 a.m. the Invincible, Monarch, and Penelope left their anchorage off Mex, and steamed into
the outer harbour, with the Beacon and Bittern in company. At 5.50 the Helicon, which had again gone
in to pick up refugees, embarked and brought 170 of them for distribution amongst the ships outside.
They were of all classes and nationalities, and included several women and children. They had passed
through the streets unmolested, and reported Alexandria deserted, and that all the troops had left the
previous day, after setting fire to the town. It was believed that part of the soldiers had gone to
Rosetta, and part to Damanhour. The Helicon reported that there were a great many more refugees,
women and children, inside the mole waiting for an opportunity to come off.
In the meantime the Admiral held a consultation with some of the captains and officers under his
command as to what was best to be done. On the one hand, there was the certainty that unless some
step should be taken, a great part, if not the whole, of Alexandria would be destroyed. On the other, it
was uncertain how far Arabi's troops had retired, and one report was that they were massed to the
number of 9,000 outside the town, no further off than Moharrem Bey Gate. The number of men that
could be landed without disabling the ships was not large. The Admiral found it difficult to decide.
Already he must have begun to realize the error he had committed in opening fire with such
precipitation. The Channel Fleet (of which, as already stated, the Achilles had arrived) were known to
be on their way from Malta, as well as the Orontes, troop-ship, with troops from Gibraltar. The Tamar,
too, with 1,000 marines, was at Malta. The ships of the Channel Fleet alone could have furnished a
contingent of 1,800 men in addition to those whom Admiral Seymour could have disembarked from his
own squadron.
The bombardment, so long delayed, might well have been retarded for the short period necessary
to enable the reinforcements to arrive. What had occurred was not altogether unforeseen. Arabi had,
before the bombardment, declared that if the ships opened fire he would burn the European quarter;
and the fulfilment of his threat would have not only gratified his thirst for revenge, but would have also
covered the retreat of his forces.
At last a landing was resolved on, and at 8.35 a.m. the general signal was made, "Prepare to land
marines," followed ten minutes later by the order, "Prepare to land brigade of seamen." The Helicon,
Bittern and Beacon were despatched to the outside squadron to bring in as many men as possible,
whilst the Condor and Cygnet were told off to take the seamen and marines from the inshore vessels.
At 9.5 the Alexandra was detached to reconnoitre off Rosetta Gate, and the remaining vessels of the
outside squadron were directed to take stations for bombarding, in case the landing should be resisted.
At 10.30 the landing-party left the ships. The force consisted of four hundred men, including all the
marines of the squadron; it was led by Commander Hammill, of the Monarch, and had with it a Gatling
gun.
The Invincible, at the same time, sent ashore and spiked the guns at Fort Saleh Aga, and the other
vessels landed men to destroy the guns in the Lighthouse Fort at Ras-el-Tin.
Whilst Commander Hammill's force was disembarking, large bodies of soldiers were seen moving
towards Fort Silsileh, apparently accompanied by field-pieces, and the Sultan, Temeraire, and Achilles
were ordered to watch that point, and to bombard if necessary.
In the intervals between carrying out the above-mentioned operations, the larger ships were
engaged in recruiting their exhausted stock of ammunition from the store-ship Humber. In this matter a
most unexpected difficulty arose. Through some unpardonable blunder the ship had been despatched
from Malta without a single filled common shell on board, and actually without powder to fill the empty
shells she had brought with her. Further than this, she had brought no fuzes, and as the vessels of war
had no reserves of powder, they would, had hostilities been resumed, have been speedily reduced to a
state of comparative impotence.
In the course of the day, anxiety being felt for the safety of the Khedive, the Condor was sent to
cruise off the Palace at Ramleh.
Further parties of men were landed in the town, making the total force disembarked about 800
men. They took with them a day's provisions, Gatling guns, and ammunition.
At 3.25 p.m. the Temeraire signalled that great activity was observed about Ramleh Palace, and that
Dervish Pasha was supposed to be there.
At 4.43 the Temeraire, having reported that Fort Pharos did not appear to be entirely deserted, had
permission given her to send a party to spike the guns there.
At 5 the Bittern was directed to take a guard of fifty marines to the Palace of Ras-el-Tin, for the
protection of the Khedive, who was expected from Ramleh.
What had been taking place on shore in the meantime is reserved for another chapter.
 CHAPTER XI.

ALEXANDRIA DURING THE BOMBARDMENT.

After the preceding narrative of events from a naval point of view, it may be convenient to relate
what was taking place at the time in Alexandria itself.
During the whole of the night preceding the 11th July, the native population had been leaving the
town in crowds, some in carts and others on foot, the women crying and uttering loud lamentations.
Towards daylight the movement slackened. From three a.m. troops were marching through on their way
to Ras-el-Tin; at five the last detachment passed.
The morning dawned on the city without a cloud in the heavens. There was a gentle breeze from
the north-west, all was quiet as the early sun gilded the tops of the domes and minarets of the various
mosques, and lighted up the acacia trees of the Place Mehemet Ali and the Place de l'Eglise. In the
streets the soldiers, who had passed the night on the door-steps of the houses, on the marble benches
of the square, or on the ground, slowly roused themselves, and, yawning, looked about them in a
somnolent way. The streets were being watered as usual, the "bowabs," or door-keepers, were
tranquilly smoking their cigarettes at the house-doors, and the Arab women were going about selling
milk as if nothing unusual were about to happen. With the exception of these few indications of life, the
streets were deserted. The military posts were relieved at six o'clock, as usual each soldier carrying a
linen pouch full of cartridges.
The clock of the church of St. Catherine struck seven, and before the sound had died away, the
thundering boom of the first gun from the fleet startled the city, and the few civilians who were about
sought refuge in their dwellings. The Egyptian soldiers remained at their posts.
Then came a solemn silence which lasted some minutes, after which the bombardment, with all its
horrors, began. The English ships were seen in the distance vomiting volumes of fire and smoke, whilst
the forts in their turn thundered forth a reply. The scene was of the grandest description, and a few
seconds later the shrieks of the projectiles as they flew overhead mingled with the boom of the cannon,
which echoed and re-echoed on all sides. The report from the huge 80-ton guns of the Inflexible was
easily distinguishable above the general roar.
At a little before eight a shell fell in the Arab quarter, behind the Ramleh railway station, causing a
panic, which forced many of the inhabitants into the forts close by.
Arabi, who had from an early hour stationed himself at the Ministry of Marine in the Arsenal, finding
the missiles from the fleet falling thickly there, left with Toulba Pasha and an escort of cavalry, and at
eight o'clock drove to the fortifications behind Fort Kom-el-Dyk, where he remained till four p.m.
By nine o'clock the streets were totally deserted except by the soldiers. The cannonade slackened,
and sounds of rejoicing came from some of the native cafés, where it was reported that two ironclads
were sunk and five were disabled.
At about the same time a shell fell on the terrace of a house alongside the Palace Menasce in the
Rosetta Road, and another burst over the German Consulate. The discharges averaged about two per
minute. The soldiers now commenced to send patrols to the houses of such Europeans as were ashore,
to prevent any attempt at signalling to the English squadron.
 The number of Europeans ashore at this period amounted to about 1,500. Of these some 100 were
at the College of the Frères, a great number in the Greek Church, and in the Greek and European
Hospitals. The German Hospital at Moharrem Bey also sheltered a large number of nurses, invalids, and
refugees. The Anglo-Egyptian Bank, in the Rue Cherif Pasha, was held by a determined party of about
twenty (subsequently increased to eighty-two). The Danish Consul-General had fortified the Danish
Consulate, where a large number of people, including many women and children, found a refuge.
There were other Europeans, mostly of the poorest class, hidden away in their dwellings in various
parts of the town, and to all these the movements of the patrols naturally occasioned serious
disquietude.
Early in the forenoon, an Egyptian officer mounted the roof of the Crédit Lyonnais Bank, and
commenced cutting away the telephone wires. Shortly afterwards a gang of native boys in the same
street began pulling down all the wires they could reach, raising at the same time the wildest shouts.
At nine, a shell fell in some stables in the Rue Copt, and for a quarter of an hour the neighbourhood
was enveloped in a cloud of dust. At ten, a shell fell in the Franciscan Convent, where a number of
persons were assembled, but, as it did not burst, did no injury beyond destroying one or two of the
walls.
Shortly afterwards a shell fell into a house in the Rue Cherif Pasha, making a large hole. Another
pierced the wall of the Jewish Synagogue. Another hit the Zaptieh, and a fourth struck a house in Frank
Street. As the missiles fell, the soldiers sought shelter in the doorways of the houses, but did not
entirely desert their posts.
At eleven o'clock, the natives spread a report that only three ironclads remained afloat, and great
rejoicings took place in the Arab cafés.
Half-an-hour later, an officer and a detachment of soldiers stationed themselves opposite the Anglo-
Egyptian Bank, and insisted on mounting to the roof to satisfy themselves that there was no signalling
going on. They also went to the central Telephone Office and to the Telegraph Offices and cut the wires.
At the office of the Eastern Telegraph Company, they found one of the employés, a French subject, who
had refused to go afloat, and murdered him on the spot.
At this period, isolated firing from a westerly direction was all that was heard; otherwise the silence
of death prevailed throughout the town.
At half-past twelve, two shells, one following the other in quick succession, struck the Khedivial
Schools, in the Rosetta Road, and, bursting, destroyed the south-western angle of the building.
Soon after the cannonading commenced, a number of empty carts and drays was seen going
towards the Marina. During the forenoon, these began to return laden with dead artillerymen. The first
load passed up soon after ten in the morning, the bodies being stripped and tied in with ropes. A little
later, the wounded began to arrive in great numbers, some in carriages and some in carts, many of the
men showing ghastly wounds. Crowds of women followed them, uttering cries of distress and
lamentations.28
At one p.m. a crowd of native children carrying a green flag passed down the Rue Cherif Pasha
beating petroleum tins and calling on God and the Prophet. During the day many of the houses in which
Europeans were seen on the terraces or roofs, watching the bombardment, were surrounded by
soldiers, who, under the pretext that the inmates were signalling to the fleet, forced them to descend
and accompany them to the police-stations. Eight or ten Europeans were dragged from their dwellings
and set upon in the streets by the mob. As soon as they fell into the power of the latter, they were
forced along by soldiers towards the Moharrem Bey Gate, and struck with the butt ends of rifles, and
received blows from naboots. As they passed along they were subjected to every species of ill-usage.
On their arrival, covered with blood and in a wretched condition, fresh troubles awaited them. They
were cast indiscriminately into cells with natives, and endured the vilest usage.
A mob of natives in the course of the day broke into the German Hospital, where there were many
European refugees as well as the patients. The inmates ran for the cellars, where the invalids had
already been placed for safety. The Secretary of the German Consulate was the last to flee, and as a
final effort he fired a shot from his revolver. The effect on the crowd was magical. They drew back, and
contented themselves with demanding that the flag which was flying over the hospital, and which they
imagined was being used for signalling to the fleet, should be given up to them. This was acceded to,
and they then dispersed.
The Danish Consulate was surrounded by soldiers and a mob of Arabs, who required the Consul to
haul down the flag flying over the house. This he courageously refused to do, and whilst the dispute
was at its height, three Arabs were killed by shells almost at his door, and the rest fled.
At three, the fire of the ships, which had in the meantime slackened, was resumed with great
vigour. One shell burst at Moharrem Bey Gate, and killed two officers and six men of the police.
According to Arabi's statement, he received during the day several messages from the Khedive,
congratulating him on the behaviour of the troops. Shortly after four o'clock Arabi left the town in a
carriage with an escort of soldiers, taking the route by the Rosetta Gate.
About this time the Inflexible and Temeraire were observed to approach Fort Pharos and reopen fire
on the batteries there, and a great number of their shells were seen to strike the rocks, raising clouds of
débris, and bounding in repeated ricochets over the face of the water. Towards five o'clock the
picturesque mosque in the fort fell, burying in its ruins a number of the wounded who had taken refuge
behind the walls. The two ships at the same time pitched a few shells at Fort Silsileh. The firing
continued, at intervals, until past five o'clock, when it ceased altogether.
As soon as the cannonade was over, the exodus of natives from the town recommenced, and the
streets were again filled. The desire of all was to escape from the town as soon as possible. Along the
banks of the Mahmoudieh Canal, and the line of the railway to Cairo, was one vast stream of fugitives,
which only ceased as night fell.
Then a great stillness came over Alexandria.
The night was calm. The gas was not lighted, and the city, plunged in darkness, resembled a vast
necropolis. The only sounds heard from time to time were the plaintive howlings of forsaken dogs. A
few fugitives ventured into the streets, and encountered only the sentries and patrols.
On the morning of the 12th, the movement of the natives recommenced. All those who had
remained in the Ras-el-Tin and other quarters endeavoured to get out of the town with their luggage
and effects. It was rumoured that the bombardment was to recommence, and the terror of the people
was indescribable. The trains from Moharrem Bey Station were thronged with fugitives, who not only
rode inside, but on the roof, the steps, and even the buffers of the carriages.
In the Place Mehemet Ali a regiment of infantry were scattered about, the men, with arms piled,
seated or lying on the ground, tranquilly smoking their cigarettes. A few of the bowabs were seen going
to the bazaars and returning to the houses with small stores of meat and other provisions. Amongst the
Europeans, the greatest anxiety prevailed, and every one was asking when the disembarkation would
begin. The soldiers on duty became more and more threatening, and the supplies of provisions began
to run short. Gangs of disorderly natives from time to time appeared and made violent demonstrations
in front of such houses as were known to shelter Europeans.
From early morning, bands of natives ran through the streets with soldiers at their head, looking for
any Europeans who might be concealed. At a little before eleven the cannonade recommenced, and a
dozen reports were heard coming from the westward. There was then a silence, and all wondered what
next would happen.
As soon as the cannonade ceased, the troops at Moharrem Bey and Rosetta Gates precipitated
themselves into the streets, calling on the natives to flee, as the dogs of Christians were going to
disembark and massacre the Mussulmans. The news soon after spread that the convicts in the Arsenal
had been let loose, and were going to pillage and fire the town.
 An hour later, part of the garrison left the town by the Rosetta Gate, taking the road to Ramleh. The
first of them marched in fours in fairly good order, and were followed by 1,500 more who passed in
gradually increasing disorder, until they became confused with the rabble of fugitives who crowded the
roads.
At one o'clock the soldiers in the street received the order to eat their midday meal, and, each
opening his haversack, set to work with an appetite indicating hours of abstinence. When the men had
finished their repast, mounted mustaphazin and officers, amongst whom was Soleyman Sami,
appeared, and gave hurried orders to the soldiers at the various posts. It appears that these orders
were for them to abandon the town, and retire outside. The military at once formed at certain given
points, such as the Place Mehemet Ali, the Place de l'Eglise, and the Place de la Mosque d'Attarin, and
shortly after the evacuation commenced the greater part of the soldiers proceeded to the Mahmoudieh
Canal.29 Then arose a general cry of "Death to the Christians!" People were heard hammering at the
doors and windows of the houses. This was followed by the sound of falling shutters, and the crash of
broken glass. Infuriated crowds appeared on the scene, armed with heavy sticks, with which they
carried on the work of destroying and plundering the shops and dwellings. The soldiers, too, broke from
the ranks and joined in the looting, and with the butt-ends of their rifles assisted in forcing open doors
and windows.
Continuous lines of soldiers and civilians staggered past laden with plunder. In a short time the
streets were literally blocked by the mob.
The order was given to the natives to quit the town, and from two p.m. a constant stream of
fugitives flowed out of the Rosetta and Moharrem Bey Gates. When outside the town, they were met by
Bedouins, who, in many cases, fought with them for the spoil. One eye-witness stated that a common
handkerchief changed hands in this way no less than three times whilst he was looking on. Not only
furniture, looking-glasses, and such things, were carried off, but horses and carriages as well. The
soldiers, in many instances, undressed themselves and wrapped round their bodies all sorts of rich
stuffs, such as silks and satins. Some brought gilt chairs and sofas with them, but, finding the articles
too cumbersome, broke them to pieces, and tore off the velvet coverings, leaving the remainder in the
road.
The large open space between the water-works and the European cemeteries was crowded by a
huge mob of pillagers, fighting and struggling amongst themselves for the plunder. Those who could get
away with their spoils took them either by the road to Ramleh, or by that leading to the Mahmoudieh
Canal.
The wildest disorder prevailed, and amongst the fugitives were Turkish women and children of good
position from the different harems. On arriving at the gates of the town the women were attacked by
the mob and outraged. The marauders, in their haste to get possession of the jewellery which the
women were wearing, even cut their ears and wrists, and to silence their cries stunned them with blows
from their sticks. Soon afterwards several soldiers were seen returning to the town, apparently to share
in the pillage, and struggling to force their way through the gates against the stream of pillagers and
fugitives going the other way. Many of those coming out encumbered with heavy loads were upset in
the mélée, and several of the soldiers, finding it impossible to re-enter the town, contented themselves
with joining the Bedouins in seizing the loot of the fugitives.
About four p.m. volumes of smoke, accompanied by the crackling of flames, were observed in the
neighbourhood of the British Consulate. These indications increased every instant, and as the sun went
down the whole sky became lighted up with a lurid glare. This was accompanied by the shouts and cries
of Europeans, who were either burned out or dragged from their dwellings by natives, who, with sticks
and knives in their hands, spared few whom they met. A small number found refuge in the houses as
yet untouched by the fire and guarded by Europeans, but most of the rest fell victims. Amongst those
who humanely opened their doors to the fugitives was the Danish Consul, who sheltered no less than
150.
 It was a night to be remembered. From the terraces of the houses the flames were observed
extending in the direction of the Rue Cherif Pasha. The French Consulate, the Okella Nuova, and other
parts of the Place Mehemet Ali, were already wrapped in flames.
During the night nothing was heard but the crackling of the flames, mingled with the cries of the
incendiaries and the occasional fall of a heavy building. The volumes of smoke filled the air with the
most nauseating vapours. In some cases, cotton soaked in petroleum and set on fire was thrown into
the houses, whilst in others tins of paraffin were poured over the furniture and ignited. Where ingress to
the dwellings could not be obtained, bedding soaked with petroleum was piled up on the outside and
fired. On every side the smell of petroleum was distinguishable.
The night passed without slumber for those on shore, and on the morning of the 13th Alexandria
presented the appearance of a vast bonfire. The Europeans who remained on shore saw the flames
gradually closing in on them. The pillagers and assassins had disappeared, but the atmosphere had
become unbearable. There was further a fear that the Arabs, seeing that no force was being landed,
might return to complete the work of massacre.
All hope of a disembarkation appeared as remote as ever. Two of the ironclads had indeed been
seen to approach Fort Pharos and send their boats ashore, and for a moment it was thought help was
coming. The idea was a vain one. The landing was only for the purpose of spiking the Egyptian cannon,
and this having been accomplished, the ships steamed away.
The courageous garrison of the Anglo-Egyptian Bank, seeing there was no help to be expected,
resolved to make a sortie, and early in the morning they all sallied forth together, the women and
children were put in the middle of the troop, and thus they marched towards the Marina. On their way
they were joined by others in the same condition as themselves. They passed, without encountering
any opposition, over masses of burning and smouldering ruins. They broke open the gates at the
Marina, and seizing some native boats rowed out to H.M.S. Helicon.
The Danish Consul and his party still held out, but the situation becoming worse and worse, at three
in the afternoon, they, too, quitted their stronghold, and having secured the attendance of a European
police officer, marched to the shore, having more than once to go out of their course to avoid the falling
houses. On reaching the Custom-House Quay, they met the landing party under Commander Hammill.
The fugitives passed the night in safety on board an Egyptian steamer in the harbour, and were next
day taken off to the vessels outside.
 CHAPTER XII.

EVENTS ON SHORE.

On the day of the bombardment the Khedive was at his Palace at Ramleh, abandoned by all but a
few faithful followers.
His Highness was kept badly posted up as to the progress of the bombardment, and amongst those
who came and went with despatches were a number of spies, who, from time to time, went off to Arabi
to inform him of what was passing at the Palace.
At 8.30 a.m. an aide-de-camp arrived with the news that a considerable number of the Egyptian
gunners were killed, and that several guns had been dismounted. On the part of the commandant he
begged the Khedive to order reinforcements to be sent. The greatest excitement reigned. There were
no artillerymen available, so the Minister of War was directed to despatch a force of infantry.
In the course of the forenoon news was brought that the forts were offering a stout resistance, and
that serious damage was being inflicted on the English fleet. But later, in the afternoon, it became
known that the forts were destroyed, and incapable of offering further opposition.
No further accounts arriving, the Khedive sent for Arabi, about seven o'clock in the evening. Arabi
came from Alexandria, where he had been during the bombardment, and on his arrival told the Khedive
that the forts were destroyed, and that it was no longer possible to defend them. "We must," he added,
"either have recourse to other measures, or else come to terms with the Admiral." After some
consultation, and more or less vehement discussion, it was decided that Toulba Pasha should be sent to
the Admiral to confer.
On the morning of the 12th July about 500 Bedouin Arabs appeared before the Palace with the
intention (as they said) of assuring the Khedive of their fidelity, and with offers of assistance in case of
need; but after a slight demonstration of loyalty they retired.
Shortly after mid-day Toulba returned and announced that the Admiral had said that, unless he was
allowed peaceably to land his men at three points on the coast, he would recommence the
bombardment at two o'clock.
To this demand Toulba said he had objected, as it gave him no time to obtain instructions, but that
the Admiral had refused to allow further delay. A hurried consultation took place, and it was decided to
send Toulba Pasha to the Admiral to tell him that Egypt had no power to authorize the landing of
foreign troops on her shores without the consent of the Porte.
Toulba proceeded as far as the Arsenal, and, it being after two o'clock, the time fixed for
recommencing the bombardment, he became alarmed at the signs of pillage and destruction he saw
around him and refused to go any farther.
Shortly after his departure the Ramleh Palace was surrounded by cavalry and infantry, about 400
men in all; the first thought was of the loyal Bedouins, who had been there in the morning and declared
their fidelity; but it was soon discovered that Arabi's people had distributed £2,000 amongst these and
other loyalists to secure their absence; that the force was a hostile one, and that the Khedive was left
helpless with his handful of attendants. Panic spread in the Palace, and the numerous domestics were
beside themselves with fear. The Khedive showed complete calmness and self-possession, and, sending
to the commander of the troops, inquired what he wanted. He replied that his orders were to guard the
Palace.
The Khedive then sent Sultan Pasha to Arabi to ask the meaning of this proceeding. Arabi was at
Rosetta Gate when Sultan Pasha arrived with the message from the Khedive.
After some time Toulba Pasha reappeared at the Palace with some of the Ministers, who
endeavoured to explain that the surrounding of the Palace was a mistake, and that the officer in
command should be punished. The situation remained unchanged until seven o'clock, when it was
observed that the cavalry were preparing to depart—orders, it appeared, having been given that all
troops should follow Arabi. One officer, however, remained behind with about 250 men.
A General Council was called at the Palace, and it was determined to inform Admiral Seymour of the
situation, and, if possible, get the Khedive within reach of the fleet. This state of uncertainty and
anxiety continued till the next morning, when the officer left in charge of the 250 men came to His
Highness and declared himself to be loyal to the Khedive. The Khedive made him a firm and impressive
speech. The other officers of his company were called up, and all swore loyalty and devotion, and kissed
His Highness's hand. A distribution of decorations followed, and confidence was restored.
Zohrab Bey30 was then sent to inform the Admiral that the Khedive wished to return to Ras-el-Tin,
and at once returned with the news that the Admiral had sent a guard to assist him.
Tewfik then started for Ras-el-Tin Palace, and in driving into the town had to make a détour so as to
enter by the Moharrem Bey Gate. He was escorted by sixty or seventy cavalry, and preceded by a group
of outriders carrying white flags on the points of their sabres. He had to pass en route numerous bands
of pillagers and incendiaries, and on reaching the Palace was received by Admiral Seymour and a force
of marines.
In the meantime Commander Hammill's party of 250 bluejackets and 150 marines had landed
without opposition. They reached the Palace of Ras-el-Tin at 10 30 a.m., seized the western end of the
Peninsula, occupied the Arsenal, and threw out a line of sentries north and south extending from shore
to shore. At 12.30 p.m. a small party of marines and a Gatling's crew from the Monarch pushed on
towards the town and guarded the streets in the immediate neighbourhood, making prisoners of natives
who were seen looting inside the gates, and firing upon those more remote. In Frank Street they found
every shop looted and burnt. The looters retreated before them, and dropped their plunder.31
The streets were strewn with the most miscellaneous articles—broken clock-cases, empty jewel-
boxes, and fragments of all kinds. Every now and then the party had to run up a side street to avoid the
fall of a house or wall. Bodies of Europeans, stripped and mutilated, were seen in the Place Mehemet
Ali, in an advanced state of putrefaction.32
The work of incendiarism was still going on, and even the women were seen setting fire to houses
with petroleum. The fires had occasioned enormous damage in the European quarter, where not a
street was passable for any distance, all being more or less blocked by the smoking ruins of the fallen
houses. Walls were still tumbling down, and the hot air was opaque with lime-dust and smoke.
The scenes on every side were appalling. The parts of Alexandria which were found to have been
destroyed, or which were destroyed in the next two days, included not only the Grand Square, or Place
Mehemet Ali, but all the streets leading from it to the sea, the Rue Cherif Pasha and the Rue Tewfik
Pasha, with the adjoining streets. In the square itself the kiosques were destroyed; the statue of
Mehemet Ali on horseback in the centre alone remained untouched. One side of the Place de l'Eglise,
one side of the Rue de la Mosque d'Attarin, a portion of the Boulevards de Ramleh and de Rosette, and
the whole of the northern portion of the Rue de la Bourse, were also consumed. In addition to these,
most of the houses in the following thoroughfares were destroyed: Rue Osman Pasha, Rue de l'Attarin,
Rue des Sœurs, Rue de l'Enchere, and Rue du Prophete Daniel. The French and Austrian post offices
were burned, together with the Hôtel d'Europe and the Messageries Hôtel;33 also the English, French,
Greek, Portuguese, and Brazilian Consulates, the Mont de Piété, and one police-station.
 Such of the European dwellings as were not burnt were looted from top to bottom; articles of
furniture not easily removed were wantonly injured or destroyed. Several of the native houses and
shops also suffered in the general looting carried on. Almost the only European dwellings untouched
were the few in which Europeans were known to have remained.
The English Church was struck by a shell, but not otherwise injured; the German, the Coptic, the
Catholic, and the Israelitish churches were also uninjured, except that the last-named received one
shell. The theatres, the banks, and the tribunals escaped injury.34
It must be borne in mind that all this destruction was the work, not of the ships, but of the native
population. The aim of the vessels, directed solely on the forts, had been so true that the damage done
to the town by the half-dozen or so shells which struck it was insignificant, and, with the exception of
the harem buildings at Ras-el-Tin, the British missiles did not create a single conflagration.
At the same time it is difficult to hold Admiral Seymour quite blameless in the matter. So great was
the demoralization of the Egyptians that had the Admiral, on his own initiative, landed but a few
hundred of the 5,880 men on board his ships on the morning of the 12th, they could easily have
occupied the town and averted the catastrophe.
Curiously enough, after the mischief was done, the Admiralty on the 13th sent a telegram directly
authorizing "a landing of seamen and marines for police purposes, to restore order."
During the afternoon and evening the marines of the Superb, Inflexible, Temeraire, Achilles, and
Sultan were added to the forces on shore. Captain Fisher, of the Inflexible, took command of the whole
force, and the patrolling of the city was begun. A company of Royal Marine artillerymen, armed as
infantry, marched through the European and the Arab quarters of Alexandria. They shot some natives
caught in the act of setting fire to houses, and also three of the native police, who were pillaging a
house after having maltreated the Berberine door-keeper.
The Inflexible, Temeraire, and Achilles were stationed off Ramleh to command the land approaches
to Alexandria from the southward and westward.
On the 14th the Penelope, with Admiral Hoskins, left for Port Saïd.
Of the events of the 14th, Admiral Seymour says, "Employed during the whole of the day landing as
many men as we could spare from the squadron, and by evening we had occupied the most important
positions."
Alexandria being a walled town, the distribution of the force at Captain Fisher's disposal had to be
governed by this fact, and was practically as follows:—At the Ramleh station were marines from the
Monarch. At the Rosetta Gate were marines from the Temeraire. At the Moharrem Bey Gate were
marines from the Alexandra. At Fort Kom-el-Dyk Gate were marines from the Sultan. At Pompey's Pillar
Gate were marines from the Superb. At the Gabari Caracol Gate were marines from the Achilles. At the
Gabari railway station were marines and bluejackets from the Alexandra. At the Zaptieh and Arsenal
were marines from the Invincible. As the streets were gradually explored the bodies of many Europeans
were discovered; others were found floating in the harbour. The corpses found in the streets were
buried as quickly as possible. During this time the town was still being fired and looted in places.
On the 15th the Minotaur arrived with Admiral Dowell, in command of the Channel Squadron, and a
brigade of seamen and marines from her was at once disembarked. Fort Napoleon was occupied by
gunners from the fleet. Fort Kom-el-Dyk, which it was reported had been mined, was also occupied by
bluejackets. A party of men from the Alexandra destroyed the guns at Fort Silsileh with gun-cotton.35
The German, American, and Greek ships of war landed men to assist in restoring order. Lord Charles
Beresford was appointed Chief of Police, and persons found pillaging or setting fire to houses were
brought before him and summarily dealt with. Those guilty of pillaging were flogged, and incendiaries
were sentenced to be shot. The American marines rendered much service in promptly disposing of
incendiaries, and in blowing up houses with gunpowder to check the conflagration.
 In consequence of a rumour that Arabi intended to attack the town, a large number of bluejackets
and marines, with Gatling guns, were landed, each ship reinforcing its detachment on shore.
As a fact, Arabi was busy entrenching himself at Kafr Dowar, and had no more thought of attacking
the British forces than they had of making an onslaught on him. This, however, was not known to the
British Admiral, who at eleven p.m. telegraphed to the Admiralty as follows:—"Arabi Pasha reported to
be advancing on Alexandria. I have telegraphed to Port Saïd to intercept ships from Cyprus, and ordered
them to call here on their way back."
On the 15th the Khedive summoned Arabi to Alexandria, which was a little like "calling up spirits
from the vasty deep;" and Arabi telegraphed from Kafr Dowar, by way of response, that "His Highness
would be glad to hear that recruits were coming in to assist him to fight the English."
At the Khedive's suggestion the Admiral, on the 16th, despatched two ships to command Aboukir in
case Arabi should attempt to cut the dyke there and let in the sea.
The same day it was found necessary to re-embark the Greek marines who had been landed to
restore order, without, however, being very successful. The Americans and the others, excepting the
Germans, likewise re-embarked. The Germans remained on shore some days later, and were most
useful.
On the 16th fresh fires broke out in the town, and a party of Bedouins, 150 strong, appeared at
Gabari Gate, bent upon looting. They succeeded in capturing a donkey, when they were fired on by a
midshipman of the Alexandra and twelve seamen, and two of their number were killed.
On the 17th further reinforcements arrived. The Tamar arrived with 1,000 marines from Cyprus. The
Agincourt and Northumberland (ironclads) arrived from Port Saïd with the 38th (South Staffordshire)
Regiment, 860 strong, and a battalion of the 60th Rifles, 1,700 in all. The Salamis, with General Sir
Archibald Alison and staff, also arrived, and the General assumed the command of the land forces, now
numbering 3,686 men.
On the same day, Commander Maude, of the Temeraire, rode out to within 300 yards of Arabi's
position at Kafr Dowar. At Millaha Junction, Commander Maude found several human bodies lying about
in various stages of decomposition. There were signs of loot in all directions, and the bodies were
evidently those of looters who had in their turn been robbed by the soldiers.
The rebel camp was reported to consist of 6,000 men, with six batteries of rifled guns, one battery
of Gatlings, and 300 marine artillery, besides Bedouins. They were intrenching themselves behind
earthworks on the line of railway.
The Khedive now announced that Arabi had been suspended from his functions as Minister of War.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in communicating to the Admiral the dismissal of Arabi, stated that "the
publication of the Decree was deferred for fear of seeing reproduced in Cairo and other towns the
disorder which had taken place in Alexandria."
On the 18th, the troopship Orontes arrived from Malta, but through some unaccountable blundering
of the authorities, she came without a single soldier.
By this time order was beginning to be re-established in Alexandria; the fires, too, had either burnt
themselves out or been extinguished. The Egyptian Post Office was reopened in the town, and the work
of clearing the streets was proceeded with rapidly. For this purpose many natives and others out of
employment were utilized.
The first day's work in street-clearing was marked by the first public execution. A negro, who had
been caught setting fire to some houses, was, after a court-martial, tied to a tree in the Place Mehemet
Ali, and shot by a party of sailors. The people too began to return to the town. These, however,
required to be watched, as they were almost to a man Arabists, and ready to resume the work of
incendiarism and plunder on the first opportunity. Looters were still to be found lurking in odd corners,
notably in the Minet-el-Bassel quarter, where there were stores containing sugar and grain.
 The sanitary condition of the town now began to give rise to apprehension. Disagreeable odours,
indicating the presence of dead bodies, were perceived proceeding from many of the houses. These
were, no doubt, the victims of the pillagers, left to lie where they fell.
On the 18th the land defence of the city was definitely assumed by the army, assisted at the
Rosetta Gate by marines from the ships, and elsewhere by the bluejackets with their Gatling guns.
At this period it was found that the supply of provisions in Alexandria was running short, and steps
had to be considered for stopping the return of the European fugitives.
 CHAPTER XIII.

THE SITUATION.

On the 19th July, Dervish Pasha, the Sultan's Envoy, whose pacifying mission to Egypt had so
signally failed, left Alexandria for Constantinople.
On the 20th a proclamation was issued by Admiral Seymour, with the permission of the Khedive. It
announced that "Orders had been given to officers commanding patrols to shoot any person taken in
the act of incendiarism; that any person taken in the act of pillage would be sent to the Zaptieh to be
tried and punished; that any person taken a second time for the same offence would be shot; and that
no person would be allowed to enter or leave the town after sunset."
On the 23rd three natives and one Greek were shot for incendiarism.
It may be interesting to know how things were going on in the interior. Omar Pasha Loutfi, Governor
of Alexandria, returning from Cairo, reported that he had seen Europeans massacred, and their houses
pillaged, at Damanhour, Tantah, and Mehalleh. The Governor also stated that he had seen a European
and his wife murdered at the Tookh Station, half-an-hour distant by rail from Cairo.
According to an inquiry made by the Prefect of Police at Tantah, the number of Europeans
murdered, and subsequently buried, in that town, amounted to fifty-one, and there were about an equal
number massacred and thrown into the canal. At Kafr Zayat, six persons were killed. Ten Greeks and
three Jews were murdered at Benha. Disturbances also occurred at Zag-a-zig, but no persons were
killed there, although one was wounded. At Galioub, a family was taken out of the railway train, put
under the carriages, and crushed by the wheels. The inspector of the "Cadastre" at Mehalleh Kebir
reported that fifteen Europeans were killed there. At Kafr Dowar also some Europeans were massacred.
The exact number is not known. Five Europeans were killed at Mehalla-Abou-Ali.
In Cairo, Omar Loutfi found that the greatest excitement and panic prevailed. The Prefects of
Menoufieh and Garbieh, and the Mudir (or Governor) of Galioubieh, were imprisoned in the Citadel for
obeying the Khedive.
A general Council had been summoned at the Ministry of the Interior to consider the question of
continuing the military preparations. It was attended by about a hundred Pashas, Ulemas, and
merchants. After a number of violent speeches against the Khedive, the Coptic Patriarch remarked that
the assembly had as yet heard only one side of the question, viz., that of Arabi, and that before coming
to any decision it was necessary to hear the Khedive's side as well. The views of the Coptic Patriarch
were adopted by the majority of the assembly, which proceeded to nominate a delegation.
The delegation consisted of Ali Pasha Moubarek (a former Minister) and five others, who were
directed to proceed to Alexandria to see the Khedive, and ask His Highness what truth there was in the
charges of the Arabists; they were also directed to ascertain whether all the Ministers were really in
prison, as had been stated.
As regards the rebel military preparations, Mahmoud Pasha Sami had been appointed Commander-
in-Chief of the army corps stationed in the neighbourhood of the Suez Canal. Arabi demanded that one-
sixth of the male population of every province should be sent to Kafr Dowar. All old soldiers of every
description were called upon to serve again, and horses and provisions were everywhere requisitioned
for the army.
 "Arabi's chief strength," wrote Mr. Cartwright, the Acting British Consul-General, "lay in his
unscrupulous and barbarous mode of warfare." At the moment, there was such a terrible dread among
the officials at the Palace of what might happen to their property in Cairo and elsewhere, that the
Khedive's action was paralyzed, and His Highness was deterred from denouncing Arabi as a rebel by his
unwillingness to incur the consequences of Arabi's retaliation. At an interview with the Khedive, Mr.
Cartwright endeavoured to represent to him the moral effect which such a denunciation would produce,
and the encouragement it would afford to those who remained faithful to His Highness.
On the 22nd the Khedive published a Decree dismissing Arabi from his post of Minister of War, and
proclaiming him a rebel. Omar Loutfi was appointed in his place. The reasons for Arabi's dismissal as set
forth in the Decree were the insufficient resistance offered to the British Fleet, the loss of 400 guns,
allowing the English to land without resistance, the retreat to Kafr Dowar, and his disobedience in not
coming to the Khedive when summoned.
Considering the relations existing between the Khedive and the British forces at this time, the
Decree, issued at a period when Tewfik was no longer under any sort of coercion, is as curious a
specimen of an Oriental document as generally comes to light. The proclamation itself may be regarded
as a reply to one issued by Arabi against the Khedive, and transmitted to the Governors of the various
provinces in Egypt.
On the 26th, Arabi telegraphed to the Sultan protesting his fidelity to the Khalifate, and saying,
"That being provoked into a war, he was in possession of all that was necessary to overcome his
enemies, thanks to the Divine assistance." He added, "That he did not believe that, as the enemies of
his country and religion asserted, he would find Ottoman troops on his path, which would place him
under the cruel necessity of treating as enemies his brethren in the faith."
Ali Pasha Moubarek succeeded in reaching Alexandria. He reported that at Kafr Dowar large
numbers of soldiers were flocking to Arabi from the villages, arms were being distributed to all comers,
and a total force of 30,000 men had been got together. Raouf Pasha, however, who came from the
camp a few days later, gave the number of Arabi's men as only 15,000, and related that much sickness
prevailed amongst them.
On the 3rd August the official journal of Cairo published the decision of a great National Council of
the week before, to the effect that—

"In consequence of the occupation of Alexandria by foreign troops, of the

presence of the English squadron in Egyptian waters, and finally of the attitude
taken up by Arabi Pasha for the purpose of repulsing the enemy, Arabi Pasha was
to be upheld as Minister of War and Marine, intrusted with the general command of
the Egyptian army, and full authority in all that concerned military operations, and
that the orders of the Khedive and his Ministers would be null and void."

The document bore the signatures of the three Princes Ibrahim, Ahmed, and Kamil (cousins of the
Khedive), of the Sheikh of the El Azhar Mosque, of the Grand Cadi of Egypt, of the Coptic Patriarch, of
the Grand Cadi of Cairo, besides those of the Ulemas and Judges, and in fact all the notabilities left in
Cairo.
On the 19th July, at the request of the Foreign Office, additional troops were ordered to Malta and
Cyprus to bring up the forces there to 15,000 men; and the next day the British Cabinet had so far
realized the gravity of the situation as to decide on the despatch of an English expedition to Egypt, with
or without the consent of the Powers.
The vote of credit for the expedition, £2,300,000, was asked in Parliament on the 24th July, Mr.
Gladstone carefully explaining that the country "was not at war."
The Scots Guards sailed for Alexandria on the 30th July, the head of a column of ships and
regiments which from that time until the occupation of the Suez Canal on the 20th August never ceased
to stream towards its ultimate point of destination.
The force was originally fixed at 21,200 men, composed as follows:—Cavalry, 2,400; infantry,
13,400; artillery, 1,700; hospital and other non-combatant services, 3,700, with a reserve of 3,100, to
sail at a later period. The entire force was to be under the command of General Sir Garnet Wolseley,
G.C.B., with General Sir John Adye, K.C.B., as second in command, and Lieutenant-Generals G. H. Willis,
C.B., and Sir E. B. Hamley as divisional commanders.
One hundred men of the 24th Middlesex (Post Office) Volunteers were chosen to accompany the
forces and take charge of the postal arrangements during the campaign.36
Sir Garnet Wolseley's instructions were to take command of the army ordered for service in Egypt in
support of the authority of the Khedive to suppress a military revolt in that country. He was told that
Her Majesty's Government did not wish to fetter his discretion as to the particular military operations
which might be necessary, but that the main object of the expedition was to re-establish the power of
the Khedive. He was empowered, after successful operations against Arabi and those in arms against
the Khedive, to enter into any military convention which the circumstances might warrant, but to make
no arrangements involving a political settlement.
In despatching the British expedition, Mr. Gladstone's Government made a final plunge in the
direction which they had from the first wished to avoid. No one can say that their intervention came too
soon.
The Khedive on the 19th had sent for Sir Auckland Colvin, who was the right-hand man of the
Acting British Consul-General, and begged him to urge Her Majesty's Government to take further action
without delay. He pointed out that it was most necessary, as Arabi's power had become so great as to
spread terror and consternation in the minds of all the natives. His possession of the country, and
especially of Cairo, His Highness added, left at his mercy the families and property of all who remained
loyal to the Khedive. His Highness concluded by saying he should be glad to receive an intimation as to
the steps which were contemplated. Those steps, as has been seen, culminated in the despatch of the
British expedition.
The means by which the British Government was gradually induced to adopt a resolute attitude in
regard to Egypt, and the degrees by which it arrived at a decision, will appear later on.
The general feeling of uneasiness at Alexandria was augmented by Omar Loutfi's report. It was
further known that Arabi's forces were daily increasing, and scouts ascertained that his outposts had
been advanced in the direction of the town. Repeated rumours of intended attacks from time to time
prevailed, and scarcely a night passed without an alarm of one kind or another.
The British authorities now began to employ themselves seriously in looking to the defences of the
town, and on the 20th Major Ardagh and the engineers proceeded to repair the drawbridges, to mend
the walls at Kom-el-Dyk, to mount guns at Rosetta Gate, to secure the railway station, and to place
Gatlings in position. Three 9-pounder rifled guns were mounted in Fort Kom-el-Dyk, as part of the
permanent defences of the city, and manned by bluejackets from the fleet.
On the 19th, a brisk wind fanned the embers of some of the ruins into flames, which occupied the
fire brigade several hours to subdue.
The water supply of Alexandria at this time began to be a source of anxiety. The supply to the town
comes from the Mahmoudieh Canal, which joins the Rosetta branch of the Nile at Atfeh, forty-five miles
distant. The canal itself adjoins the position taken by Arabi at Kafr Dowar. Throughout the
bombardment, and subsequently, the town had been abundantly supplied by the efforts of Mr. J. E.
Cornish, the manager. When, previous to the bombardment, all his countrymen, and the great mass of
Europeans, sought safety afloat, he refused to desert his post. He contrived an elaborate system of
defence for the water-works. It comprised an arrangement for throwing jets of steam at any possible
band of assailants, as well as a line of dynamite bombs, capable of being exploded by means of
electricity. The upper part of the engine house was also converted into a kind of arsenal, into which he
and his men could retire as a last resort, and where rifles and ammunition were in readiness. During the