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Quantitative Analysis for Management, 12e (Render)
Chapter 10 Integer Programming, Goal Programming, and Nonlinear Programming

1) If conditions require that all decision variables must have an integer solution, then the class of problem
described is an integer programming problem.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1
Topic: INTRODUCTION

2) An integer programming solution can never produce a greater profit objective than the LP solution to
the same problem.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

3) 0-1 integer programming might be applicable to selecting the best gymnastics team to represent a
country from among all identified teams.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES

4) Nonlinear programming is the case in which objectives and/or constraints are nonlinear.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1
Topic: INTRODUCTION

5) The following objective function is nonlinear: Max 5X + (1/8)Y - Z.

Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

6) In goal programming, if all the goals are achieved, then the value of the objective function will always
be zero.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

7) Unfortunately, multiple goals in goal programming are not able to be prioritized and solved.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

8) The following objective function is nonlinear: Max 5X - 8YZ.

Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

1
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
9) Goal programming permits multiple objectives to be satisfied.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

10) The constraint X1 + X2 ≤ 1 with 0 -1 integer programming allows for either X1 or X2 to be a part of the
optimal solution, but not both.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES

11) Requiring an integer solution to a linear programming problem decreases the size of the feasible
region.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

12) The transportation problem is a good example of a pure integer programming problem.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

13) The three types of integer programs are: pure integer programming, impure integer programming,
and 0-1 integer programming.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

14) When solving very large integer programming problems, we sometimes have to settle for a "good,"
not necessarily optimal, answer.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

15) Quadratic programming contains squared terms in the constraints.

Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

16) In goal programming, our goal is to drive the deviational variables in the objective function as close to
zero as possible.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

17) There is no general method for solving all nonlinear problems.

Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

2
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
18) A 0-1 programming representation could be used to assign sections of a course to specific classrooms.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES

19) In goal programming, the deviational variables have the same objective function coefficients as the
surplus and slack variables in a normal linear program.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

20) Unfortunately, goal programming, while able to handle multiple objectives, is unable to prioritize
these objectives.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

21) A model containing a linear objective function and linear constraints but requiring that one or more of
the decision variables take on an integer value in the final solution is called
A) a goal programming problem.
B) an integer programming problem.
C) a nonlinear programming problem.
D) a multiple objective LP problem.
E) a branch-and-bound programming problem.
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

22) Assignment problems solved previously by linear programming techniques are also examples of
A) pure-integer programming problems.
B) mixed-integer programming problems.
C) zero-one integer programming problems.
D) goal programming problems.
E) nonlinear programming problems.
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES

23) A mathematical programming model that permits decision makers to set and prioritize multiple
objective functions is called a
A) pure-integer programming problem.
B) mixed-integer programming problem.
C) zero-one integer programming problem.
D) goal programming problem.
E) nonlinear programming problem.
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

3
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
24) Goal programming differs from linear programming in which of the following aspects?
A) It tries to maximize deviations between set goals and what can be achieved within the constraints.
B) It minimizes instead of maximizing as in LP.
C) It permits multiple goals to be combined into one objective function.
D) All of the above
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

25) Which of the following is a category of mathematical programming techniques that doesn't assume
linearity in the objective function and/or constraints?
A) integer programs
B) goal programming problems
C) nonlinear programs
D) multiple objective programming problems
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 1
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

26) A type of integer programming is

A) pure.
B) mixed.
C) zero-one.
D) All of the above
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

27) Which of the following functions is nonlinear?

A) 4X + 2Y + 7Z
B) -4X + 2Y
C) 4X + (1/2)Y + 7Z
D) Z
E) 4X/Y + 7Z
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

4
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
28) Goal programming is characterized by
A) all maximization problems.
B) setting of lower and upper bounds.
C) the deviation from a high-priority goal must be minimized before the next-highest-priority goal may
be considered.
D) All of the above
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

29) An integer programming (maximization) problem was first solved as a linear programming problem,
and the objective function value (profit) was $253.67. The two decision variables (X, Y) in the problem
had values of X = 12.45 and Y = 32.75. If there is a single optimal solution, which of the following must be
true for the optimal integer solution to this problem?
A) X = 12 Y = 32
B) X = 12 Y = 33
C) The objective function value must be less than $253.67.
D) The objective function value will be greater than $253.67.
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

30) An integer programming (minimization) problem was first solved as a linear programming problem,
and the objective function value (cost) was $253.67. The two decision variables (X, Y) in the problem had
values of X = 12.45 and Y = 32.75. If there is a single optimal solution, which of the following must be true
for the optimal integer solution to this problem?
A) X = 13 Y = 33
B) X = 12 Y = 32
C) The objective function value must be less than $253.67.
D) The objective function value will be greater than $253.67.
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

31) In a goal programming problem with two goals at the same priority level, all the deviational variables
are equal to zero in the optimal solution. This means
A) there is no feasible solution to the problem.
B) all goals are fully achieved.
C) nonlinear programming must be used to solve this.
D) this problem was an integer programming problem.
E) None of the above
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

5
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
32) A goal programming problem had two goals (with no priorities assigned). Goal number 1 was to
achieve a profit of $2,400 and goal number 2 was to have no idle time for workers in the factory. The
optimal solution to this problem resulted in a profit of $2,300 and no idle time. What was the value for the
objective function for this goal programming problem?
A) 2300
B) 100
C) -100
D) 0
E) None of the above
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

33) A goal programming problem had two goals (with no priorities assigned). Goal number 1 was to
achieve a profit of $3,600 and goal number 2 was to have no wasted material. The optimal solution to this
problem resulted in a profit of $3,300 and no wasted material. What was the value for the objective
function for this goal programming problem?
A) 300
B) -300
C) 3300
D) 0
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

34) In an integer programming problem, if it is desired to have variable X be exactly twice the value of
variable Y, the constraint would be written
A) 2X + Y = 0.
B) X + 2Y = 0.
C) 2X - Y = 0.
D) X - 2Y = 0.
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

6
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
Table 10-1

A company has decided to use 0-1 integer programming to help make some investment decisions. There
are three possible investment alternatives from which to choose, but if it is decided that a particular
alternative is to be selected, the entire cost of that alternative will be incurred (i.e., it is impossible to build
one-half of a factory). The integer programming model is as follows:

Maximize 5000 X1 + 7000X2 + 9000X3

Subject to: X1 + X2 + X3 ≤ 2 (only 2 may be chosen)
25000X1 + 32000X2 + 29000X3 ≤ 62,000 (budget limit)
16 X1 + 14 X2 + 19 X3 ≤ 36 (resource limitation)
all variables = 0 or 1

where X1 = 1 if alternative 1 is selected, 0 otherwise

X2 = 1 if alternative 2 is selected, 0 otherwise
X3 = 1 if alternative 3 is selected, 0 otherwise

The optimal solution is X1 = 0, X2 = 1, X3 = 1

35) According to Table 10-1, which presents an integer programming problem, if the optimal solution is
used, what would the value of the objective function be?
A) 21,000
B) 12,000
C) 16,000
D) 2
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

36) According to Table 10-1, which presents an integer programming problem, if the optimal solution is
used, how much of the budget would be spent?
A) $32,000
B) $29,000
C) $61,000
D) $62,000
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

7
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
37) In Table 10-1, which presents an integer programming problem, using the optimal solution means
only two of the alternatives would be selected. How much slack is there in the third constraint?
A) 0
B) 3
C) 33
D) 36
E) None of the above
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

38) According to Table 10-1, which presents an integer programming problem, the optimal solution is to
select only two of the alternatives. Suppose you wished to add a constraint that stipulated that alternative
2 could only be selected if alternative 1 is also selected (i.e., if alternative 1 is not selected, you may not
select alternative 2; however, you may select #1 and not select #2). How would this constraint be written?
A) X1 = X2
B) X1 ≤ X2
C) X1 ≥ X2
D) X1 + X2 = 2
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

8
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
Table 10-2

Maximize Z = 34 X1 + 43 X2 + 29 X3

Subject to: 5 X1 + 4 X2 + 7 X3 ≤ 50
1 X1 + 2 X2 + 2 X3 ≤ 16
3 X1 + 4 X2 + 1 X3 ≤ 9
all Xi are integer and non-negative

Final Integer Solution: Z = 208

Decision
Variable Solution
X1 1
X2 0
X3 6

39) According to Table 10-2, which presents a solution for an integer programming problem, at the
optimal solution, how much slack exists in the third constraint?
A) 0
B) 9
C) 5
D) 6
E) -1
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

40) We do not have a general method for solving all types of ________ problems.
A) mixed-integer programming
B) 0-1 integer programming
C) goal programming
D) nonlinear programming
E) pure integer programming
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

9
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
41) A capital budgeting problem involving the selection of possible projects under budget constraints is
solved by which of the following?
A) mixed-integer programming
B) 0-1 integer programming
C) goal programming
D) nonlinear programming
E) pure integer programming
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES

42) A transportation problem is an example of

A) a pure-integer programming problem.
B) a mixed-integer programming problem.
C) a zero-one integer programming problem.
D) a goal programming problem.
E) a nonlinear programming problem.
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

43) If we wish to develop a stock portfolio wherein we maximize return and minimize risk, we would
have to use
A) pure-integer programming.
B) goal programming.
C) zero-one integer programming.
D) mixed-integer programming.
E) nonlinear programming.
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

44) Another name for a 0-1 variable is a(n) ________ variable.

A) either-or
B) binary
C) yes-no
D) quadratic
E) on-off
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES

10
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
45) Terms that are minimized in goal programming are called
A) deviational variables.
B) global variables.
C) decision variables.
D) minimization variables.
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

46) The concept of a local optimum is affiliated with which of the following?
A) mixed integer programming
B) integer programming
C) linear programming
D) nonlinear programming
E) goal programming
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

47) The concept of "satisficing" is affiliated with which of the following?

A) mixed integer programming
B) integer programming
C) linear programming
D) nonlinear programming
E) goal programming
Answer: E
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

48) The following

represents a:
A) goal programming problem.
B) mixed integer programming problem.
C) nonlinear programming problem.
D) 0-1 integer programming problem.
E) pure integer programming problem.
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING

11
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
49) As part of a larger problem, you are trying to determine whether or not to open a plant with a
capacity of 10,000 units (using binary variable Y). You also define X as the number of units (if any)
produced at that plant. How will you ensure that Y will equal 1 if the plant is open?
A) Y ≥ X
B) Y ≤ X
C) X + Y ≥ 2
D) X = 10000Y
E) X ≤ 10000Y
Answer: E
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

50) Which of the following is not considered nonlinear programming?

A) nonlinear objective and nonlinear constraints
B) linear objective with nonlinear constraints
C) nonlinear objective with linear constraints
D) binary decision variable with nonlinear constraints
E) integer decision variable with linear constraints
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

51) A quadratic programming problem involves which of the following conditions?

A) squared terms in the objective function and linear constraints
B) linear objective function and squared terms in the constraints
C) squared terms in both the objective function and constraints
D) a strictly goal programming problem with squared terms in the objective function
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

52) Which of the following statements is false concerning goal programming?

A) The objective function is the main difference between linear programming and goal programming.
B) The objective in goal programming is to minimize deviational variables.
C) Deviational variables are zero if a goal is completely obtained.
D) It is not possible for two goals to have equal priority.
E) The priorities of each goal are reflected in the objective function.
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

12
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
53) Consider the following 0-1 integer programming problem:

If we wish to add the constraint that no more than two of these variables must be positive, how would
this be written?
A) 2X + 2Y + 2Z ≤ 3
B) X + Y + Z ≤ 2
C) X ≤ 2, and Y ≤ 2, and Z ≤ 2
D) X, Y, Z ≤ 2
E) None of the above
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

54) Consider the following 0 - 1 integer programming problem:

If we wish to add the constraint that X must be positive, and that only Y or Z, but not both, can be
positive, how would the additional constraint(s) be written?
A) X + Y + Z ≤ 3, Y + Z ≤ 1
B) X ≤ 1, Y + Z = 1
C) X ≤ 2, and Y ≤ 2, and Z ≤ 2
D) X = 1, Y + Z ≤ 1
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

55) An integer programming (maximization) problem was first solved as a linear programming problem,
and the objective function value (profit) was $253.67. The two decision variables (X, Y) in the problem
had values of X = 12.45 and Y = 32.75. Which of the following must be true for the optimal integer solution
to this problem?
A) X = 12 Y = 32
B) X = 12 Y = 33
C) X = 12
D) Y = 32
E) None of the above
Answer: E
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING
13
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
56) The overall best solution in a nonlinear program is a
A) global optimum.
B) local optimum.
C) binary optimum.
D) nonlinear optimum.
E) goal optimum.
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING

57) A goal programming problem had two goals (with no priorities assigned). Goal number 1 was to
achieve a cost of $2,400 and goal number 2 was to have no idle time for workers in the factory. The
optimal solution to this problem resulted in a cost of $2,400 and no idle time. What was the value for the
objective function for this goal programming problem?
A) 2300
B) 100
C) -100
D) 0
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

58) A goal programming problem had two goals (with no priorities assigned). Goal number 1 was to
achieve a cost of $3,600 and goal number 2 was to have no wasted material. The optimal solution to this
problem resulted in a cost of $3,900 and no wasted material. What was the value for the objective function
for this goal programming problem?
A) 300
B) -300
C) 3300
D) 0
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

14
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
Table 10-3

A company has decided to use 0−1 integer programming to help make some investment decisions. There
are three possible investment alternatives from which to choose, but if it is decided that a particular
alternative is to be selected, the entire cost of that alternative will be incurred (i.e., it is impossible to build
one-half of a factory). The integer programming model is as follows:

Maximize 5000 X1 + 7000X2 + 9000X3

Subject to: X1 + X2 + X3 ≤ 2 Constraint 1
-X1 + X2 ≤ 0 Constraint 2
25,000 X1 + 32,000 X2 + 29,000 X3 ≤ 62,000 (budget limit)
16 X1 + 14 X2 + 19 X3 ≤ 36 (resource limitation)
all variables = 0 or 1

where X1 = 1 if alternative 1 is selected, 0 otherwise

X2 = 1 if alternative 2 is selected, 0 otherwise
X3 = 1 if alternative 3 is selected, 0 otherwise

Solution x1 = 1, x2 = 0, x3 = 1, objective value = 14,000.

59) Table 10-3 presents an integer programming problem. What is the meaning of Constraint 1?
A) If X1 is selected, X2 must also be selected.
B) No more than two alternatives may be selected.
C) At least two alternatives must be selected.
D) If X2 is selected, X1 must also be selected.
E) None of the above
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

60) Table 10-3 presents an integer programming problem. What is the meaning of Constraint 2?
A) Both alternatives 1 and 2 must be selected.
B) If alternative 2 is selected, alternative 1 must also be selected.
C) Either alternative 1 or alternative 2 must be selected.
D) No more than one alternative may be selected.
E) None of the above
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

15
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
61) Table 10-3 presents an integer programming problem. If the optimal solution is used, then only two of
the alternatives would be selected. How much slack would there be in the third constraint?
A) 1000
B) 5000
C) 3300
D) 8000
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

62) Table 10-3 presents an integer programming problem. Suppose you wish to add a constraint that
stipulates that both alternative 2 and alternative 3 must be selected, or neither can be selected. How
would this constraint be written?
A) X2 = X3
B) X2 ≤ X3
C) X2 ≥ X3
D) X2 + X3 = 1
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: MODELING WITH 0-1 (BINARY) VARIABLES
AACSB: Analytic Skills

16
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
Table 10-4

63) Table 10-4 represents a solution to a goal programming problem. There are three goals (each
represented by a constraint). Which goals are only partly achieved?
A) number 1 only
B) number 1 and number 2
C) number 2 and number 3
D) number 1 and number 3
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

64) Table 10-4 represents a solution to a goal programming problem. There are three goals (each
represented by a constraint). Goal number 3 represents a resource usage goal. How much of this resource
would be used by this solution?
A) 50 units
B) 70 units
C) 2500 units
D) 240 units
E) None of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

17
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
65) Table 10-4 represents a solution to a goal programming problem. There are three goals (each
represented by a constraint). Which of the goals is assigned the highest priority?
A) goal 1
B) goal 2
C) goal 3
D) goals 2 and 3
E) All goals have the same priority.
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

Table 10-5

Maximize Z = 34 X1 + 43 X2 + 29 X3

Subject to: 5 X1 + 4 X2 + 7 X3 ≤ 50
1 X1 + 2 X2 + 2 X3 ≤ 16
3 X1 + 4 X2 + 1 X3 ≤ 9
all Xi are integer and non-negative

Final Integer Solution: Z = 208

Decision
Variable Solution
X1 1
X2 0
X3 6

66) Table 10-5 represents a solution for an integer programming problem. If this problem had been solved
as a simple linear programming problem, what would you expect the value of the objective function to
be?
A) less than 208
B) greater than 208
C) exactly 208
D) A or C
E) B or C
Answer: E
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

18
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
67) Table 10-5 represents a solution for an integer programming problem. If one uses the optimal solution
presented, how much slack is there in the first equation?
A) 0 units
B) 5 units
C) 3 units
D) 2 units
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: INTEGER PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

68) A model containing a linear objective function and requiring that one or more of the decision
variables take on an integer value in the final solution is called
A) an integer programming problem.
B) a goal programming problem.
C) a nonlinear programming problem.
D) a multiple objective LP problem.
E) insufficient information.
Answer: E
Diff: 2
Topic: INTRODUCTION

Table 10-6

The profit function for a set of two electronics products can be expressed by the following expression: X 12
-2X1 -3X2 + 2X22 where X1 = the number of product 1 units produced and X2 = the number of product 2
units produced. At least 10 units of X1 must be produced and at least 20 units of X 2 must be produced.
No more than 50 units total can be produced.

69) What type of mathematical programming model is required for the problem described in Table 10-6?
A) An integer programming model
B) A goal programming model
C) A nonlinear programming model
D) A zero-one integer programming model
E) A mixed-integer programming model
Answer: C
Diff: 1
Topic: VARIOUS

19
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
70) According to Table 10-6, how is the constraint expressed that no more than 50 units can be produced?
A) X1 + X2 ≥ 50
B) X1 + X2 ≤ 50
C) X12 + X22 ≥ 50
D) X12 + X22 ≤ 50
E) X1 + X2 = 50
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

71) What is the optimal solution to the problem described in Table 10-6?
A) X1 = 50; X2 = 0
B) X1 = 30; X2 = 20
C) X1 = 20; X2 = 30
D) X1 = 25; X2 = 25
E) X1 = 0; X2 = 25
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: NONLINEAR PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

72) Goal programming and linear programming differ in that

A) in LP, the objective function is maximized or minimized, while in goal programming, the deviation
between goals and possible achievement is minimized.
B) slack variables are used in LP, while deviational variables are used in goal programming.
C) deviational variables have positive objective function coefficients in goal programming, but slack
variables have 0 coefficients in LP.
D) All of the above
E) None of the above
Answer: D
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING

73) A goal programming problem had two goals (with no priorities assigned). Goal number 1 was to
achieve a cost of $3,600 and goal number 2 was to complete the task in 400 hours or fewer. The optimal
solution to this problem resulted in a cost of $3,600 and a completion time of 420 hours. What was the
value for the objective function for this goal programming problem?
A) 400
B) -400
C) 20
D) 0
E) None of the above
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Topic: GOAL PROGRAMMING
AACSB: Analytic Skills

20
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
Exploring the Variety of Random
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much solicitude, it erects a warning beacon. It shows to them the
stormy breakers which lately threatened the public peace with
shipwreck, and invites them to adhere to pilots of their own
choosing, and to charts with which they are acquainted.
If the President had not thought some of the societies instrumental in
producing the late calamity, they would not have attracted his
notice, nor that of the House. It is because they are believed to have
assisted and fomented the insurrection, that our constituents ought
to be warned against them; and that another necessity for exerting
their patriotism may be saved to those brave men who are at
present encountering every difficulty in the West. These societies are
not attended to, because, however offensive some of their
proceedings and doctrines may have been, yet the rights of the
press ought not to be freely handled.
Mr. Fitzsimons had no violent predilection for any performance of his
own. He had, therefore, to prevent so much disputing, prepared to
withdraw his motion, provided the committee be willing that he
should do so, and, in the room of this motion, he would read
another, for which he was indebted to a gentleman at his right hand,
(Mr. B. Bourne.)
The committee consented. The former motion was withdrawn, and
the other was read. This was an echo of that part of the speech of
the President which mentions self-created societies.
Mr. Christie then rose. He was sorry to differ from his worthy
colleague (Mr. Murray) on the question then before the committee;
and he was doubly sorry to hear that gentleman labor so strenuously
to saddle a public odium on some of the best citizens of the State
which he represented. Mr. C. should not have risen on the present
occasion, although he thought it an important one, had it not been
to endeavor to rescue from public censure a society of gentlemen,
who were described in the present amendment before the
committee, as objects of public opprobrium. Mr. C. alluded to the
Republican Society of the town of Baltimore. If the present
amendment took place, that society would be involved in general
and undeserved censure. He would, therefore, inform the House of
what description of men the Republican Society of Baltimore
consisted; and then the committee would be the best judges
whether they ought to be rewarded in the manner in which the
present amendment proposes. They are a society of gentlemen
associated together for the purpose of diffusing political knowledge
throughout the State of Maryland, and to instruct their
Representatives in Congress, and the Legislature of the State, in any
point that they think necessary, and not for the purpose of sowing
dissension among the citizens of America, or of cultivating dislike to
the Union, or to the laws. This society consists of men whose
characters are superior to any censure that might be thrown against
them, by the mover of the amendment. But when Congress are
about to cast an odium on a particular society, the members of
which have every respect for that body, and have always inculcated
obedience to the laws of the United States, Mr. C. left it to the
committee to determine whether, if they were themselves in the
place of the Baltimore Society, they would not feel their sensibility
materially wounded? Was not this returning good for evil? He again
reminded the committee that the Republican Society at Baltimore
was composed of a band of patriots, not the fair-weather patriots of
the present day, but the patriots of seventy-five, the men who were
not afraid to rally around the American standard, when that station
was almost concluded to be a forlorn hope. They were men who,
with their persons and properties, had assisted to drive from the soil
of America the present lawless disturbers of the world. Are these the
men, asked Mr. C., who ought to have all this mass of Congressional
odium cast upon them? I trust not, sir. I trust, that if particular
gentlemen are illiberal enough to censure them, yet that this House
will never agree to such iniquitous measures. What was the conduct
of this society when the first news of the late insurrection reached
them? Did they not, in the most pointed manner, discountenance
any such proceeding? Did they not refuse to correspond with any
society that aided, or in any manner abetted, the insurrection? They
did more. They offered their personal services to go and help to
crush this commotion in the bud. Mr. C. subjoined that he would
venture to say, and at the same time he spoke within bounds, that
nine-tenths of this society actually took up their muskets and
marched into the field for the above laudable purpose, and that
numbers of them still continue there, and are the friends of peace
and order, and not the disorganizers that the present amendment
would make them. Mr. C. appealed to the candor of the committee
to say, whether the Baltimore self-created Republican Society were
the description of men whom the President, in his Speech, meant to
describe. He was sure it was not. Therefore, why involve in this
indiscriminate censure men who have deserved so well of their
country? men who, instead of having odium cast upon them, merit
every praise which the Federal Government can bestow. For these,
and some other reasons, Mr. C. declared that he should vote against
the amendment, and he trusted that he should vote in the majority.
Mr. Murray rose to explain. He did not mean this society. It was the
Philadelphia and Pittsburg societies. Mr. M. was acquainted with this
society, and had the greatest respect for them. As for the members
of the other societies, he was for gibbeting their principles only.
Mr. Rutherford.—This alarm is owing to an overgrown moneyed
system, with which the people are not entirely satisfied. But the
moneyholders need not be afraid. The people will pay the public
debt. Then why disturb the tranquillity of the people? The President,
in his Speech, points only at combinations over the mountains. As to
the character of the President himself, to praise him was like holding
up a rush candle to let us see the sun. I have known that man, said
Mr. R., for these forty years. I have had the honor of serving under
him in the last war, and of frequently executing his wise and noble
orders. The member declared that this amendment could answer no
purpose but that of disturbing the public peace. He himself
represented as respectable a district as any in Virginia, and he had
as good opportunities as any gentleman in that House to know the
temper of Americans. They were firmly attached to the present
Government, and the holders of paper need not be so much afraid of
Democratic societies, for the people, to preserve the tranquillity,
were determined to discharge the public debt, no matter how it was
contracted, and, therefore, it would be much better not to harass
the public mind with amendments like that on the table.
Mr. Giles said, that he had an amendment to propose that would, he
hoped, meet with the approbation of a certain description of
gentlemen in that committee. His amendment was to strike out the
words "self-created societies," from the amendment of Mr. Fitzsimons,
and insert "the Democratic societies of Philadelphia, New York, and
Pittsburg." Gentlemen could then have some specific object at which
they could say that their vote of censure was levelled; for the
general expression of self-created, comprehended every society of
any kind in the Union. For his own part, he was very far from
wanting to censure any set of men for their political opinions.
Mr. Parker seconded the motion for striking out, but he would not
consent to the insertion proposed by Mr. Giles.
Mr. Sedgwick thought that the amendment stands better as it is at
present.
Mr. Venable said, that there was a paper on that table (he referred to
the letter from Mr. Hamilton to the President) which showed that the
combinations in the western counties began their existence at the
very same time with the Excise law itself. It was, therefore, entirely
improper to ascribe them to Democratic societies. Should
Government, said Mr. V., come forward and show their imbecility by
censuring what we cannot punish? The people have a right to think
and a right to speak. I am not afraid to speak my sentiments. I am
not afraid of being called a disorganizer. I am, as much as any
gentleman in this committee, a friend to regular government.
Mr. Dexter believed that such societies were, in themselves, wrong,
but he was still not for making laws against them. He had, however,
numerous objections to their conduct. One of these was, that they
erected themselves into a model for the rest of their fellow-citizens
to copy. The great principle of Republicanism was, that the minority
should submit to the will of the majority. But these people have
elevated themselves into tyrants. Such societies are proper in a
country where government is despotic, but it is improper that such
societies should exist in a free country like the United States, and
hence, Mr. D. was a friend to the amendment proposed by Mr.
Fitzsimons. It had been said, that it was unusual to give opinions of
this kind, but, in reality, the House were in the practice of expressing
their sentiments on matters of that sort, in such addresses as the
one now before them. Mr. D. was decidedly against the amendment
of the amendment proposed by Mr. Giles.
Mr. Nicholas.—Gentlemen have brought us into a discussion, and
then say we must decide as they please, in deference to the
President. This is the real ground and foundation of their arguments.
But who started this question? If the gentlemen have brought
themselves into a difficulty with regard to the President, by their
participation in proposing votes of censure which they cannot carry
through, they have only to blame themselves. Is it expected, said Mr.
N., that I am to abandon my independence for the sake of the
President? He never intended that we should take any such notice of
his reference to these societies; but if the popularity of the President
has, in the present case, been committed, let those who have
hatched this thing, and who have brought it forward, answer for the
consequences. This whole question turns upon a matter of fact,
which ought to be proved, viz: Have the Democratic societies been
one of the principal causes of the Western insurrection? This is a
matter of fact, or otherwise, and it depends upon direct evidence.
But how do gentlemen handle this question? They digress into
abstract propositions, a thing never heard of before, where a matter
of fact was to be proved. I say, where direct proof is wanted, we see
gentlemen standing on the floor for half an hour together, without
attempting to advance a single fact in support of their assertions; yet
this is the only admissible kind of evidence that the societies are
from their nature unfriendly to the Federal Government.
Mr. N. then adverted to a remark which had been made, that libels
were daily prosecuted in this country, from which it was inferred that
calumnious attacks on Government were the just objects of
reprehension. Mr. N. said, that the comparison was not fair, because
in a case of libel, the parties accused have a proper opportunity to
defend themselves. Have these people here (the Democratic
societies) any such opportunity? It has been alleged, as a crime
against them, that they have never once published any approbation
of any measure of Government. Mr. N. argued that this arose from
the very nature of their institution, which was to watch the errors of
the Legislature and Executive, and point out to the public what they
considered to be mistakes. Faults were the only kind of facts which
they were in quest of. Here Mr. N. drew a material distinction. If
these societies had censured every proceeding of Government, there
would have been the greatest reason for taking some measures. But
what was the case? As to an immense number of the proceedings of
the Executive and Legislature, they had taken no notice whatever.
Mr. Sedgwick thought that the President would have been defective in
his duty, had he omitted to mention what he religiously believed to
be true, viz: that the Democratic societies had in a great measure
originated the late disturbances. It was the indispensable duty of the
President to speak as he had spoken. The present amendment (of Mr.
Fitzsimons) would have a tendency to plunge these societies into
contempt, and to sink them still farther into abhorrence and
detestation. He pronounced them to be illicit combinations. One
gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) tells you, that he despises them most
heartily. Another (Mr. Lyman) says that they begin to repent. Will the
American people perversely propose to shoulder and bolster up
these despised and repenting societies, which are now tumbling into
dust and contempt? Their conduct differed as far from a fair and
honorable investigation, as Christ and Belial. They were men
prowling in the dark. God is my judge, said Mr. S., that I would not
wish to check a fair discussion.
One gentleman (Mr. McDowell) had told the committee, that the
Assumption and Funding transactions were a cause of public
discontent. It has been the trick of these people to make this
assertion. They have said that the Funding System is a mass of
favoritism, for the purpose of erecting an oppressive aristocracy, and
a paper nobility. There is not a man among them, who is able to
write, and who does not know that these assertions are false. As to
the assumption of the debts of individual States, it has been said
that this measure was undertaken for the purpose of making up a
large debt. There was no such thing. Before the adoption of the new
constitution, of which Mr. S. considered the Funding and Assumption
Systems to be essential preliminaries, the credit and commerce of
America were declining or gone. The States were disagreeing at
home, and the American name was disgraced abroad. It was not to
be supposed that every one of the measures of the new Government
could please every body. Among the rest, excise was objected to in
both Houses of Congress; but at last the good sense of the people
acquiesced. At this crisis, a foreign agent (Genet) landed at
Charleston. On his way to this city, he was attended by the hosannas
of all the disaffected. He did the utmost mischief that was in his
power; and in consequence of his efforts, Democratic societies
sprung up. Mr. S. here gave a particular account of some
proceedings of a society in Virginia, of more than usual boldness. He
quoted some of their expressions relative to a very illustrious
character, the President, and added that perhaps the individuals who
composed this society were in themselves too despicable to deserve
any notice in this place. He did not know whether they were or not.
[Mr. S. was here interrupted by a member from Virginia, and an
explanation ensued.]
Mr. McDowell rose to make an apology for some words which had
escaped him the day before. He did not expect to have been so
smartly handled. He had been forcibly struck at the time, and had
spoken from a momentary impulse. In substance, however, he
adhered to all his former allegations. He still persisted in believing
that the excise laws were shapen in darkness. He apologized for
some part of his heat, from having seen and suffered so much by
despotic government during the last war in which this gentleman
supported the character of a brave and able officer.
Mr. Hillhouse approved of the amendment; as proposed by Mr.
Fitzsimons. Constituents made no scruple to tell Representatives of
their faults, and he saw no reason why Representatives might not
tell constituents of theirs? The resolutions of Democratic societies
printed in newspapers, had spirited up the people in the Western
counties to resistance. They had weakly fancied that the American
nation would not stand by their constitution and their President. But
for the publication of these resolutions, there would have been no
insurrection. This was a piece of information which the people of the
United States had a right to know. It was the duty of that House to
let them know it. The President had done his duty. Mr. H. did not
consider the amendment of Mr. Fitzsimons as an indiscriminate
censure levelled at these societies; he thought it only a suitable
answer to a part of the President's Speech.
Mr. Parker concluded this long debate by the following remarks. He
did not think that Democratic societies were so far to blame as had
been imagined. He suspected that the President himself, for whose
character and services he felt as much respect and gratitude as any
man in America, had been misinformed on this point. It would be
absurd to say, that the Western disturbances originated from the
publications of Democratic societies, if it could be proved to the
satisfaction of the committee, that such disturbances had begun
long before any of the associations alluded to had a being. To prove
this position, Mr. P. desired that the Clerk might read a passage from
the letter on that affair, written by Mr. Hamilton, and which has
already been published in all the newspapers. The Clerk accordingly
read a part of the letter, from which Mr. P. inferred that his inference
was incontestable, and he then stated the absurdity of making the
Democratic publications the origin of a discontent, which existed
before them. He was satisfied that the President did not wish this
thing echoed; and that he would entirely disapprove of the proposed
persecution. Mr. P. said, that he had the honor of being an honorary
member of a Democratic society. Personally he knew nothing of the
gentlemen, but he understood that they were respectable
characters; and that they were friends to good order and the Federal
Government, there could be no question, for when the Embargo was
laid last spring, and some vessels had been attempting to get off,
these vigilant citizens armed and embodied themselves, and
prevented the execution of the design. With all his respect for the
President, he was not to give up his opinions for the sake of any
man. He was convinced that all this violent declamation and irritation
in the House would do a great deal of mischief, and would have an
effect exactly the reverse of what was designed by the amendment
as it first stood. A gentleman (Mr. Dexter) had spoken of town
meetings, as the proper vehicles for the communication of political
ideas, and had drawn a comparison between these and Democratic
societies. Mr. P. requested that it might be noticed, that in the
Southern States there neither were nor could be such things as town
meetings, because the population was too thin and too widely
scattered. They were therefore to make the best of it which they
could, and meet and deliberate, no matter where, whenever they
found a convenient opportunity. Mr. P. expressed, in strong terms the
aversion that his constituents would feel to this species of
censorship. He concluded with these words: "They love your
Government much, but they love their independence more."
The question was then called for on striking out the word "self-
created" from the new amendment of Mr. Fitzsimons. For the
amendment of Mr. Giles, ayes 47, noes 45. This amendment was
therefore adopted.
Mr. Giles then proposed an amendment, after the words
"combination of men," by adding, "in the four Western counties of
Pennsylvania."
Mr. Hartley said, that the gentleman should have added, "and a
county in Virginia." This amendment of Mr. Giles was rejected.
The committee now rose, and reported the amendments to the
House.

Wednesday, November 26.

[The committee having risen, and the question having been taken in
the House, the yeas and nays on the motion to reinstate the
obnoxious words, were:]
Yeas.—Fisher Ames, James Armstrong, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot,
Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, David
Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, William J. Dawson, Jonathan
Dayton, Samuel Baxter, Thomas Fitzsimons, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel
Gilbert, Nicholas Gilman, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue, James
Gordon, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Thomas Hartley, James
Hillhouse, William Hindman, Samuel Holten, John Wilkes Kittera,
Henry Latimer, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, Francis Malbone,
William Vans Murray, Thomas Scott, Theodore Sedgwick, John S.
Sherburne, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, Zephaniah Swift, George
Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Peter
Van Gaasbeck, Peleg Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, John Watts, and
Paine Wingate.
Nays.—Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas
P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Thomas Claiborne, Isaac Coles, Henry
Dearborn, George Dent, Gabriel Duvall, William Findlay, William B.
Giles, James Gillespie, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, George
Hancock, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heister, John
Hunter, Matthew Locke, William Lyman, Nathaniel Macon, James
Madison, Joseph McDowell, Alexander Mebane, William Montgomery,
Andrew Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, Joseph Neville, Anthony New,
John Nicholas, Nathaniel Niles, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker,
Andrew Pickens, Francis Preston, Robert Rutherford, John Smilie,
Israel Smith, Thomas Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Abraham
Venable, Francis Walker, and Joseph Winston.
And then the main question being put, that the House do agree to
the said clause, amended to read as followeth:
"In tracing the origin and progress of the insurrection, we can
entertain no doubt that certain self-created societies and
combinations of men in the four Western counties of Pennsylvania,
and parts adjacent, careless of consequences, and disregarding the
truth, by disseminating suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the
Government, have had all the agency you ascribe to them, in
fomenting this daring outrage against social order and the authority
of the laws:"
It passed in the negative, nineteen members only rising in the
affirmative.

Friday, November 28.

Answer to the Address.

The Answer, as amended, was then read throughout at the Clerk's
table as follows:
Sir: The House of Representatives, calling to mind the blessings
enjoyed by the people of the United States, and especially the
happiness of living under constitutions and laws which rest on their
authority alone, could not learn, with other emotions than those you
have expressed, that any part of our fellow-citizens should have
shown themselves capable of an insurrection. And we learn, with the
greatest concern, that any misrepresentations whatever, of the
Government and its proceedings, either by individuals or
combinations of men, should have been made, and so far credited
as to foment the flagrant outrage which has been committed on the
laws. We feel, with you, the deepest regret at so painful an
occurrence in the annals of our country. As men regardful of the
tender interests of humanity, we look with grief at scenes which
might have stained our land with civil blood. As lovers of public
order, we lament that it has suffered so flagrant a violation: as
zealous friends of Republican Government, we deplore every
occasion which, in the hands of its enemies, may be turned into a
calumny against it.
This aspect of the crisis, however, is happily not the only one which
it presents. There is another, which yields all the consolations which
you have drawn from it. It has demonstrated to the candid world, as
well as to the American people themselves, that the great body of
them, every where, are equally attached to the luminous and vital
principle of our constitution, which enjoins that the will of the
majority shall prevail; that they understand the indissoluble union
between true liberty and regular government; that they feel their
duties no less than they are watchful over their rights; that they will
be as ready, at all times, to crush licentiousness, as they have been
to defeat usurpation: in a word, that they are capable of carrying
into execution that noble plan of self-government which they have
chosen as the guarantee of their own happiness, and the asylum for
that of all, from every clime, who may wish to unite their destiny
with ours.
These are the just inferences flowing from the promptitude with
which the summons to the standard of the laws has been obeyed;
and from the sentiments which have been witnessed, in every
description of citizens, in every quarter of the Union. The spectacle,
therefore, when viewed in its true light, may well be affirmed to
display, in equal lustre, the virtues of the American character, and
the value of Republican Government. All must particularly
acknowledge and applaud the patriotism of that portion of citizens
who have freely sacrificed every thing less dear than the love of their
country, to the meritorious task of defending its happiness.
In the part which you have yourself borne through this delicate and
distressing period, we trace the additional proofs it has afforded of
your solicitude for the public good. Your laudable and successful
endeavors to render lenity in executing the laws conducive to their
real energy, and to convert tumult into order, without the effusion of
blood, form a particular title to the confidence and praise of your
constituents. In all that may be found necessary, on our part, to
complete this benevolent purpose, and to secure the ministers and
friends of the laws against the remains of danger, our due co-
operation will be afforded.
The other subjects which you have recommended, or
communicated, and of which several are peculiarly interesting, will
all receive the attention which they demand. We are deeply
impressed with the importance of an effectual organization of the
militia. We rejoice at the intelligence of the advance and success of
the army under the command of General Wayne, whether we regard
it as a proof of the perseverance, prowess, and superiority of our
troops, or as a happy presage to our military operations against the
hostile Indians, and as a probable prelude to the establishment of a
lasting peace, upon terms of candor, equity, and good neighborhood.
We receive it with the greater pleasure, as it increases the
probability of sooner restoring a part of the public resources to the
desirable object of reducing the public debt.
We shall, on this, as on all occasions, be disposed to adopt any
measure which may advance the safety and prosperity of our
country. In nothing can we more cordially unite with you, than in
imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to multiply His blessings on
these United States; to guard our free and happy constitution
against every machination and danger; and to make it the best
source of public happiness, by verifying its character of being the
best safeguard of human rights.
Resolved, That Mr. Speaker, attended by the House, do present the
said address; and that Mr. Madison, Mr. Sedgwick, and Mr. Scott, be a
committee to wait on the President, to know when and where it will
be convenient for him to receive the same.
Mr. Giles, from the committee appointed, presented a bill to regulate
the pay of the non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates,
of the militia of the United States, when called into actual service,
and for other purposes; which was read twice and committed.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Treasurer of the
United States, accompanying his account of receipts and
expenditures of public moneys, from the 1st of April to the 30th of
June, 1794; also, his account of payments and receipts for the War
Department, from the 1st of July to the 30th of September, 1794,
inclusive; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Madison, from the committee appointed to wait on the President
of the United States, to know when and where it will be convenient
for him to receive the Address of this House, in answer to his Speech
to both Houses of Congress, reported that the committee had waited
on the President, who signified to them that it would be convenient
to him to receive the said Address at twelve o'clock to-morrow, at
his own house.

Saturday, November 29.

The Speaker, attended by the House, then withdrew to the house of
the President of the United States, and there presented to him the
Address of this House, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of
Congress; to which the President made the following reply:
Gentlemen: I anticipated, with confidence, the concurrence of the
House of Representatives in the regret produced by the insurrection.
Every effort ought to be used to discountenance what has
contributed to foment it; and thus discourage a repetition of like
attempts. For, notwithstanding the consolations which may be drawn
from the issue of this event, it is far better that the artful approaches
to such a situation of things should be checked by the vigilant and
duly admonished patriotism of our fellow-citizens, than that the evil
should increase until it becomes necessary to crush it by the
strength of their arms.
I am happy that the part which I have myself borne on this occasion
receives the approbation of your House. For the discharge of a
constitutional duty, it is a sufficient reward to me to be assured that
you will unite in consummating what remains to be done.
I feel, also, great satisfaction in learning that the other subjects
which I have communicated or recommended, will meet with due
attention; that you are deeply impressed with the importance of an
effectual organization of the militia; and that the advance and
success of the army under the command of General Wayne is
regarded by you, no less than myself, as a proof of the
perseverance, prowess, and superiority of our troops. G.
WASHINGTON.
Tuesday, December 2.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the
Treasury, stating his intention of resigning his office on the last day
of January next, and which he now communicates, in order that an
opportunity may be given, previous to that event, to institute any
further proceedings which may be contemplated, if any there be, in
consequence of the inquiry during the last session, into the state of
the Treasury Department; which was read, and ordered to lie on the
table.[55]

Thursday, December 4.

Thanks to General Wayne.

Mr. W. Smith wished to make his promised motion, which he prefaced
by observing that he had varied it at the request of several
gentlemen. In the original motion, he had particularly noticed the
diligence of the General in disciplining his army to the nature of the
service in which they were engaged, and his fortitude and
perseverance in encountering the difficulties which opposed his
march through a wilderness.
Though he and many others were ready to acknowledge in the
fullest manner the merits of the General in those important
particulars, yet as they were not matters of general notoriety, and as
unanimity on an occasion like the present was extremely desirable,
he had now confined the motion to the brilliant action of the 20th
August.
Mr. Smith concluded with saying, that as he had no doubt the
services of the army had made the same impression on the House
as they had on him, he trusted the motion he was about to make
would be honored with a unanimous vote. He then moved the three
resolutions, as follow:
Resolved, That the thanks of this House he given to Major General
Wayne for the good conduct and bravery displayed by him in the
action of the 20th August last with the Indians.
Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this House be given to
the brave officers and soldiers of the legion under the orders of
Major General Wayne, for their patience, fortitude, and bravery.
Resolved, That the thanks of this House be given to Major General
Scott, and to the gallant mounted volunteers from the State of
Kentucky, who have served their country in the field during the late
campaign, under the orders of Major General Wayne, for their zeal,
bravery, and good conduct.
Mr. Giles foresaw many bad consequences that might ensue from the
practice of giving opinions of men. One part of the House might be
for a vote of thanks, and the other against it. He should vote for the
proposition, but wished that some mode might be adopted for
expressing the general opinion of the House against the practice.
Mr. Kittera was for restoring the clause respecting the vigilance of
General Wayne in attending to the discipline of his troops.
Mr. Hillhouse hoped that the resolutions would not be adopted. He
should go farther than the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) and
vote against them. The House in their answer to the President, had
expressed their approbation, and that was enough. It was not the
business of that House, but of the Executive, to express such things.
Mr. H. had voted most cordially for that part of the Address
respecting the Western army. The Answer to the Speech of the
President would always afford a good opportunity of conveying these
kind of matters. It would immediately become necessary to give
thanks in every case; and not to give them will be regarded as an
implied censure. He trusted that the gentleman would withdraw his
motion, and that the House in this way would get rid of it. He had,
and he repeated it again, a high sense of the merit of the officers
and soldiers of the army under General Wayne, but he had said so
already in the Address to the President. It had been urged, as a
precedent for this measure, that it was usual to thank the Speaker.
This was a mere ceremony. He wished that it had never come into
practice, but since it had been so, he should always agree to the
vote of thanks.
Mr. Murray thought that we might trust that the House would always
have too much prudence to abuse their thanks, by giving them
improperly. By way of precedent Mr. M. read a vote of the State of
Virginia, thanking Governor Lee for his conduct in the Western
insurrection.
Mr. Nicholas approved highly of the conduct of the troops, but it was
only an act of duty. If we send soldiers against the Indians, it is
supposed that they will stand to their posts, otherwise the
Government cannot be supported even for a month.
Mr. Hillhouse saw no business which the House had with the
proceedings in the State of Virginia. It had been hinted that the
army under General Wayne might feel disagreeably, if the resolution
should be rejected. With that Mr. H. had no business. He acted on
principles without regarding the feelings of individuals.
Mr. W. Smith agreed with gentlemen that the principal object of the
House was to legislate; but it did not follow that they were to be
confined merely to legislation. Every Legislative body exercised the
right of opinion in cases where no act was to follow. This House has
frequently exercised it: the answers to the President's Speech; the
answer to the King of the French on his acceptance of the
Constitution of ninety-one; the opinion of the House on the merits of
that constitution; the vote respecting Benjamin Franklin; the vote of
last session in reply to a letter from the Committee of Public Safety
of France; the votes of thanks to the Speakers, were precedents on
the journals which refuted a contrary doctrine. It had been said that
the latter case was a mere matter of form. Mr. S. thought differently,
and if ever he was in that House when a vote of thanks should be
proposed to a Speaker who had no claim to it, he should feel it his
duty to oppose it. Gentlemen apprehended that this practice might
lead to innumerable difficulties hereafter. But every House would
exercise its judgment and discretion. Members would not be so rash
as to propose the thanks of the House where serious opposition was
expected, nor would the thanks be voted unless well merited. He
was unwilling as any member to make the thanks of the House too
cheap; but all must confess that if ever there was an occasion where
they were properly called for, this was one. To deny the right or
expediency of the practice was in fact to strip the House of one of its
most agreeable functions, that of expressing its gratitude.
It had been advanced as an objection, that the two Houses might
differ; one might vote thanks and the other censure, in the same
case; but that might happen in other cases where the propriety of
expressing an opinion was admitted; in answering the President's
Speech in the State Legislatures, where thanks were frequently
voted, the two branches might differ; that was never deemed an
objection to the practice; each House expressed its individual
opinion.
Mr. Smith said, if the House had been sitting in September last when
the account arrived of this victory, would the members have then felt
as coldly as they now do? No: he was convinced that in the moment
of joy and gratitude, they would have unanimously voted thanks to
the army without the least hesitation; but they have since had time
to cool, and the impression is worn away.
Gentlemen should consider the hard services of that army; how
badly paid they were; the nature of the country they were in; and
then determine whether the brilliant action of the 20th August is to
go unrewarded? To appreciate truly the merits of that army in
obtaining so signal a victory, let the House reflect on the
consequences of a defeat: the army disbanded and broken up; the
frontiers exposed to the ferocious savages; the combination of the
tribes more cemented and formidable; an expensive, long, and
bloody war. What is now our prospect? The frontiers protected; the
combination of the tribes dissolved, and peace with them all a
probable event.
Before, therefore, the motion which he had made could be got rid of,
it was incumbent on the gentlemen on the other side to show, either
that it was improper in any case whatever to pass a vote of thanks,
or that this was not a case entitled to them; to do the first they must
establish, in the face of precedents innumerable, a doctrine
destructive of one of the most amiable privileges of the House; to do
the last, they must express a sentiment which would, he was
persuaded, be repugnant to the sentiments of all their constituents,
for throughout the United States there was but one opinion on this
subject, and that was in unison with the motion. Having made the
motion after due deliberation, he certainly should not withdraw it;
but would submit it to the good sense of the House.
Mr. Coit moved the previous question. He thought the practice of
dangerous consequence. It might produce much uncomfortable
proceeding in that House. He was seconded by a number of
members.
Mr. Parker felt the highest esteem for the services of the Western
army. He was intimate both with General Wayne and General Scott;
but he disapproved of the practice upon principle. It was wrong in
Mr. Murray to quote the proceedings in the Legislature of Virginia,
where the Governor was in authority a mere cipher, because the two
cases did not apply. The Federal Government was on a quite
different footing, a mixture of monarchy, of aristocracy, and of
democracy. The President represented the monarchical part. It was
his business to give thanks, if requisite. If he himself was an officer
in that army, Mr. P. said that he should be satisfied by the first
thanks, those in the answer to the President. He would be hurt by
the second as unconstitutional. What if, in the mean time, General
Wayne and his army may have committed some error that requires
an inquiry, and the House are to go into it with this vote of thanks
staring them in their face! It had been said by Mr. Smith, that if we
had been sitting in September, when this news arrived, a vote of
thanks would have been passed immediately and unanimously. I
believe no such thing (said Mr. P.) We should have recommended
such a step to the President.
Mr. Giles said, that if there ever could have been any doubt as to the
impropriety of the resolution, that was now removed, (alluding to
the speech of Mr. Parker.) He thought that the gentleman (Mr. Coit)
who moved the previous question had acted from the best motives.
Two gentlemen (Mr. Giles referred to Mr. Sedgwick and Mr. Ames) had
recommended an appeal to feeling. We are sent here to reason. A
gentleman (Mr. Sedgwick) says that he has feelings which he cannot
express. Let him strive to express them. It is not expected that a
member is to express all that he may feel on every subject.
Mr. Murray said he thought the present resolution proper,
unexceptionable, and as the fate of this question would have an
effect on the motion for thanks to the militia, which he brought
forward yesterday, he hoped it would succeed, and that its mover
(Mr. Smith, of South Carolina) would not withdraw it. Gentlemen who
are against the vote have talked of precedent. If example would
serve their feelings with a stimulus, he would take the liberty of
calling their attention to a page he had in his hand, in which they
would find that some of our constituents have got the start of us, for
the House of Delegates of Virginia had very properly considered the
conduct of their Governor (Mr. Lee) in a light which merited their
thanks for his acceptance of the command of his fellow-citizens
against the insurgents. Mr. M. read the vote from a newspaper,
which was a unanimous one. He said he considered this
circumstance as extremely auspicious to both votes.
He said he had no objection to consider the practice as founded in
principles which would bear examination. He thought it more
necessary in the administration of our Government—the great basis
of which was public opinion—than in that of any other which he had
read or heard of. Here our theories have made a bold appeal to the
reason and feelings of our fellow-citizens. Neither titles, nor
hereditary honors, nor crosses, nor ribbons, nor stars, nor garters,
are permitted or endurable. Neither would they be accepted here
were they offered. We had but two ways, as far as his knowledge
then served him, of rewarding or acknowledging great displays of
public virtue. One way is by pay in money; the other by thanks
expressed by vote, or presented and perpetuated in some memorial,
as in a medal. The first is unequal; as the fortunes of men differ, so
would such reward not be equally valuable to all its objects; and
were it practicable to apportion this reward agreeably to the fortunes
of men, there is a something ill-assorted in it with the idea of
honorable ambition; nor did he think there was any good man who
had a spark of what is called sentiment in his bosom, who would not
say the reward was not only lame for want of uniformity, but
defective in point of taste in its species. He believed much in the
sense of duty as a motive to good and reasonable services, and that
an enlightened mind would feel the close alliance between interest
and duty; but he held reward to be essential, politically considered,
to the practice of great virtue, taking men as you find them. Not that
money can be an adequate reward; it was therefore that he wished
to see a style of acknowledgment derived both from the genius of
the Government and congenial with the passions which work on the
side of virtue—a mode as far removed from mere avarice as it was
nearly associated to the movements of the most elevated minds. He
readily yielded his belief that the gentlemen who were unwilling to
adopt the practice fully admitted the merits to which they did not
think it expedient to give a vote of thanks; but the precedent,
founded expressly on the principle, that in no case of the greatest
events are we to give thanks to the agents in them, will absolutely
strip the Government of the only power its constitution admits of
conferring deserved distinction. He thought that public gratitude was
a great fund, which if judiciously and delicately economized, might
be rendered a source of great and good actions. It is an honor both
to the nation that can feel and express it, and to those who receive
it. He did not think it ought to be lightly drawn on, and hoped a line
which it was more easy to conceive than draw, would be adopted by
the House to save the Legislature from those perilous occasions
which would lessen its value, and that no member would ever move
a vote of thanks but upon the happening of some event so strikingly
great and useful as to carry but one opinion. The two events
designated at present (for he saw both votes were to have one fate)
were great, highly interesting, and carried but one opinion. The
army under General Wayne had gained a brilliant victory. It was, he
believed, the first great victory that had attended the arms of the
United States since the adoption of the constitution. That army
merited the thanks of their country, and we may say so. They had
not only gained victory and fame, but had earned them in a solitude
where the voice of fame could not be heard; in a profound
wilderness, where neither the soothings of just ambition can reach
them, nor the smiles of social and civilized life can comfort them
after their severe labors.
The militia, both officers and men, in "quelling the insurrection," had
displayed the wisdom and virtue which the constitution had
anticipated; had eminently deserved the most public testimony to
their good conduct. Shall we, as we certainly feel this to be true, be
deterred from expressing what we feel, because the folly of a future
moment may possibly betray us into an undue multiplication of
thanks, or because we may be harassed by a fatiguing succession of
calls upon our gratitude? There could be little fear that great events
would crowd too fast upon our feelings, and take up our time by
applause, and he believed his constituents would readily admit the
importance of two such events as some excuse for the time we
consume in celebrating them.
In favor of the principle, we are supported by the example of the old
Congress, by the practice of all nations, and by the known character
of human nature in all cases and everywhere. The ancients and the
moderns, by a variety of inventions and of policy, analogous to our
object, endeavored to enlist all the passions in the public service.
The old Congress understood the springs that work in great events,
and though there was in the glorious revolution which they guided,
an ardor in the public mind that needed little aid, they did not
disdain an appeal to the just pride and ambition of the individual;
that the motives to public virtue might be multiplied, they in many
instances took care that great events and services should be
attended by some small but inestimable memorial.
Mr. Ames.—The apprehensions of the House have been attempted to
be alarmed, as if they were pushed to adopt hastily and unguardedly
some dangerous new principle. The practice of all public bodies,
without exception, has been to express their approbation of
distinguished public services. Instead of establishing a new principle,
the attempt is now made to induce us to depart from an old one.
Nay, the objection taken altogether is still more inconsistent and
singular, for it is urged, the answer of the House to the President's
Speech has already expressed our approbation of the conduct of
General Wayne and his army. It is, say they, superfluous to express
it again. The argument opposed to the vote of thanks stands thus: It
is a dangerous new principle, without a precedent, and without any
just authority from the constitution, to thank the army; for, the
objectors add, we have in the answer to the Speech expressed all
that is contained in the motion. It is unusual to quote precedent,
and our own recent conduct, to prove a motion unprecedented, and
to prove a measure new and dangerous because it has been
adopted without question or apprehension heretofore.
It is simply a question of mere propriety; and is it a novelty, is it any
thing to alarm the caution of the House, that such questions are
always to be decided by feeling? What but the sense of propriety
induces me to perform to others the nameless and arbitrary duties,
and to receive from others the rights which the civilities and
refinements of life have erected into laws? In cases of a more
serious kind, is not sentiment the only prompt and enlightened guide
of our conduct? If I receive a favor, what but the sentiment of
gratitude ought to direct me in my acknowledgments? Shall I go to
my benefactor and say, Sir, I act coolly and carefully; I will examine
all the circumstances of this transaction, and if upon the whole I find
some cause of gratitude, I will thank you. Is this gratitude or insult?
The man who affects to hold his feelings, and his best feelings back
for this cold-blooded process of reasoning, has none. He deceives
himself, and attempts to deceive others, if he pretends to reason up
or to reason down the impressions which actions worthy of gratitude
and admiration make upon his heart. Was it necessary to wait for
the joy and exultation which the news of the victory of General
Wayne instantly inspired, till we could proceed with all due phlegm
and caution to analyze it? The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas)
has not even yet received the impressions which are so natural and
so nearly universal; for he has insisted that the army has only done
its duty, and therefore it is improper to express our thanks. Indeed,
it has done its duty, but in a manner the most splendid, the most
worthy of admiration and thanks. That gentleman has also
expressed his doubts of the very important nature of the victory, and
one would suppose it was thought by many a very trivial advantage
that is gained. It is such an one, however, as has humbled a
victorious foe; as has avenged the slaughter of two armies; as gives
us the reasonable prospect of a speedy peace. Can we desire any
thing more ardently than a termination of the Indian war?
A soldier, of all men, looks to this kind of recompense for his
services; and surely, to look to the approbation and applause of his
country is one means of keeping alive the sentiments of citizenship,
which ought not to be suffered to expire even in a camp. Shall we
make it an excuse for refusing to pass this vote, that we establish
the principle of thanking nobody? Is not this, as a principle, as novel,
as improper, as that which alarms our opponents? And shall we
establish it as a principle against the known practice of other
assemblies and of this, and against the intrinsic propriety of the
case, merely because we think our discretion will not be firm enough
in future to prevent the abuse of the practice? Scarcely any abuse
could have a worse influence than the refusal to adopt this vote,
because, should the negative prevail, what would the army believe?
Would they not say, a vote of thanks has been rejected? It is said we
have not done much, and what we have done is merely our duty, for
which we receive wages?
The debate has taken such a turn, that I confess I could have
wished the motion had not been made. For the most awkward and
ridiculous thing in the world is to express our gratitude lothly. But at
least it offers to those who fear that votes of thanks will be too
frequent, some security against their apprehensions. Would any man
risk the feelings and character of his friend by an attempt to force a
vote of thanks by a bare majority through the House? No, an
ingenuous mind will shrink from this gross reward. If there is any
force in the precedent it is feared we are now making, it will operate
more to deter from than to invite the repetition.
Mr. Dearborn was in favor of the original motion. In addition to some
remarks relative to the Republicanism of the idea of the
Representatives of the people thanking the armies of the people for
their prowess and victories, he compared the argument against the
resolutions on the score of abuse to a miser's excusing himself from
the practice of charity, lest he should bestow it on unworthy objects.
Mr. Rutherford was opposed to the previous question. He hoped the
resolution of thanks would pass without a dissenting voice.
The previous question was now called for, by five members, viz:
"Shall the main question to agree to the said resolution, be now
put?" And
On the previous question, "Shall the said main question be now
put?" it was resolved in the affirmative—yeas 52, nays 36.
And then the main question being put, that the House do agree to
the said resolution, it was
Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this House be given to
the brave officers and soldiers of the legion under the orders of
Major General Wayne, for their patience, fortitude, and bravery.
Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this House be given to
Major General Scott, and to the gallant mounted volunteers from the
State of Kentucky, who have served their country in the field, during
the late campaign, under the orders of Major General Wayne, for
their zeal, bravery, and good conduct.
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to
transmit the foregoing resolutions; and that Mr. William Smith and Mr.
Murray be appointed a committee to wait on the President therewith.
On motion of Mr. Murray,
Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this House be given to
the gallant officers and privates of the militia of the States of New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, who, on the late call of
the President, rallied round the standard of the laws, and, in the
prompt and severe services which they encountered, bore the most
illustrious testimony to the value of the constitution, and the
blessings of internal peace and order; and that the President be
requested to communicate the above vote of thanks in such manner
as he may judge most acceptable to the patriotic citizens who are its
objects.
Ordered, That Mr. William Smith and Mr. Murray be appointed a
committee to wait on the President with the foregoing resolution.

Tuesday, December 9.

The Mint.
The House then took up the motion of Mr. Coit, relative to the Mint.
The letter of Mr. Rittenhouse, referred to yesterday, was again read.
Mr. Boudinot drew the attention of the House for some time, by a
series of the most interesting observations. He went to the Bank of
the United States to inquire for cents. He was told that there were
none to be had, because the Bank could not get them from the Mint.
He then went to the Mint, where he was informed that cents were
not coined faster because the officers of the Mint did not know
where to get them vented! He said that this Mint cost twenty-four
thousand dollars per annum, and every cent coined there cost the
public several cents, though he could not exactly tell how many. In
New Jersey far more cents had been coined in a few months than
had ever been coined altogether at the Mint of the United States,
and this had been done at one-fortieth part of the expense which
the Mint of the United States has cost.
Several other members adverted to the prodigious inconvenience
which is felt all over the Union for want of copper coin; and it
appeared to excite some curiosity, on what foundation the officers of
the Mint said that they could not get their cents vented. It was
remarked by Mr. W. Smith that, except as to Philadelphia, the Mint is
of little or no use whatever. The cents given out never go farther
than the city.
A committee of three members were appointed to examine and
report on the state of the Mint, and what means may be used to
render the institution more beneficial to the United States.

Wednesday, December 10.

An engrossed bill making appropriations for the support of
Government, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-
five, was read the third time, and passed.

Monday, December 15.

Two other members, to wit: from Virginia, John Page; and from North
Carolina, Benjamin Williams, appeared, and took their seats in the
House.

Tuesday, December 16.

Pennsylvania Insurgents.
It was then moved and seconded that the House should go into a
committee, on the report of the select committee, on that part of the
President's Speech which recommended compensation to the
sufferers by the insurgents in the Western counties. The House
accordingly went into a committee, Mr. Cobb in the chair, and the
report was read.
In the clause for making compensation to officers of Government,
and other citizens, Mr. Nicholas was for striking out the three last
words, and restricting indemnification to the officers of Government,
as the additional words would make room for a set of claims which
never could be satisfied or put to an end. It is now ascertained that
the majority of the people of the four western counties have always
been in favor of Government; but, since it is so, they ought to have
suppressed the insurrection, and saved the expense of sending an
army into that country. But as they did not do so, Mr. N. did not see
what claim they had for compensation any more than the sufferers
in the war with Britain.
Mr. Findlay thought that sound policy required an indemnification to
the sufferers.
Mr. Hillhouse was in favor of the report of the committee as it stood.
The whole affair was but a trifle. He understood that the damages
done by the rioters did not altogether exceed twenty thousand
dollars; and that three-fourths of this sum was for losses sustained
by officers of the revenue. The rest of the account was for persons
who had fought in defence of the officers or who had lodged and
protected them. He observed that the whole of the select committee
were of one mind upon the subject, and agreed in considering the
other citizens as equally entitled to indemnification with the officers
themselves.
Mr. Nicholas was still against the resolutions as originally worded. He
did not see any proof of extraordinary attachment on the part of the
claimants, nor any peculiar call on the justice of the House in this
particular case.
Mr. W. Smith said, that one man had his whole property burned for
having, at the hazard of his life, assisted in attempting to defend the
house of the Inspector General. A second received the same
treatment for having lodged an excise officer; and a third, because
he had antecedently been one himself, though he had quitted his
employment before the riots began. Mr. S. urged that these were
certainly peculiar and pressing cases, and that it would be highly
impolitic not to protect such people.
Mr. Gilbert hoped that there would be no discrimination, but that all
the sufferers would be alike reimbursed.
Mr. Boudinot proposed a kind of compromise between the original
resolution and the amendment by Mr. Nicholas. He proposed that the
clause should read thus: "officers of the revenue, and other citizens
aiding and assisting them." He was willing to indemnify persons who
had actually suffered in defence of Government, but not other
persons who might accidentally have been injured by the rioters.
Mr. Dayton was of opinion that some restriction of this sort was
necessary. Citizens were in duty bound to support Government, but
the latter was not in all cases bound to indemnify their losses. Let
any person go through any part of the country wherever British
soldiers had marched, and he would find thousands and tens of
thousands of people whose property had been utterly destroyed by
the wanton barbarity of these troops. Go to another part of the
country and you will find people who suffered very considerably by
the American soldiers, when Government did not give them an
ounce of bread for pounds that they should have had. It was not
possible to make satisfaction to all these people.
Mr. Sedgwick said it was extremely disagreeable to attempt detaining
the committee with this subject, to which they discovered such
general inattention, that he did not know if it had ever been equalled
in any popular assembly before. He again adverted to an argument
which he had used on a former day, viz: that when a private person,
at the risk of his property and his life, comes forward to support the
execution of the laws, his service was much more meritorious, and
demonstrated a much greater degree of patriotism than that of a
revenue officer who was paid for his share of the business. He
inferred that the sufferers by the Western rioters should all be
equally indemnified.
Mr. Hillhouse repeated some of his former reasons for wishing to
discharge the whole claims. He was therefore against the qualified
amendment of Mr. Boudinot.
Mr. Swift was against the amendment of Mr. Boudinot, because he
was against giving, at present, any thing at all. He would suffer the
persons who have sustained injury from these rioters and
trespassers to prosecute them at law. If they cannot get any
retribution in that way, then, and not sooner, you may begin to
consider upon the propriety of giving any compensation; but till the
parties aggrieved have done their utmost in that way, he would have
no steps whatever taken of the nature proposed. It had been alleged
that the House might advance money in the mean time to the
sufferers, and leave them to their actions against the rioters. But if
you pay a man for his damages, what security is there that he will
follow up his suit; or, is it not evident that such previous
compensation will greatly damp his ardor? Mr. S. said, that if
previous notice were given of Government being ready to pay the
damages, in case they could not be recovered before a court of law,
there certainly never would be found a jury to bring a verdict against
a private person. For this reason Mr. S. was entirely against the
resolution at this time. What he might do hereafter, he would not
say. There was only one case wherein he could be induced to
advance money. If any of these persons could prove that they had
been reduced by the rioters to such poverty that they were unable
to prosecute their claims in a court of law, it might then perhaps be
expedient to advance for them the expenses of the suit. But the
interposition of the House at this period would affect the claims very
greatly, and thus confer on the rioters themselves a favor which Mr.
S. was very unwilling to bestow, as he would wish them prosecuted
to the utmost. Before the meeting of next Congress, it might be
ascertained what could be made of these prosecutions, and then,
and not till then, Mr. S. would think it proper to enter on the
discussion suggested by the report of the select committee.
Mr. Dexter drew a distinction between persons suffering by an open
enemy, whose approaches they could not avoid, and those who