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74

Chapter 7
Atmospheric Motions

Multiple Choice Exam Questions

1. Net convergence of air would cause surface pressure to __________ and net divergence would
cause surface pressure to __________.
a. increase, decrease
b. increase, increase
c. decrease, decrease
d. decrease, increase

ANSWER: a

2. If the earth's gravitational force were to increase, atmospheric pressure at the ground would:
a. increase.
b. decrease.
c. remain the same.
d. cause the atmosphere to expand vertically.

ANSWER: a

3. The surface pressures at the bases of warm and cold columns of air are equal. Air pressure in the
warm column of air will __________ with increasing height __________ than in the cold
column.
a. decrease, more rapidly
b. decrease, more slowly
c. increase, more rapidly
d. increase, more slowly

ANSWER: b

4. If a liquid with a lower density than mercury were used in a barometer the height of the column in
the barometer would:
a. increase.
b. decrease.
c. remain the same.
d. not provide an accurate measure of atmospheric pressure.

ANSWER: a
 75

5. A station at an altitude of 900 m (about 3,000 feet) above sea level measures an air pressure of
930 mb. Under normal conditions, which of the values below do you think would be the most
realistic sea level pressure for this station?

a. 840 mb
b. 930 mb
c. 1,020 mb
d. 1,830 mb

ANSWER: c

6. Lines connecting points of equal pressure are called:

a. isobars.
b. millibars.
c. contours.
d. isotherms.
e. a coordinate grid.

ANSWER: a

7. Pressure changes:
a. more rapidly in the horizontal direction than in the vertical.
b. more rapidly in the vertical direction than in the horizontal.
c. at the same rate in the horizontal and vertical directions.
d. more rapidly in the vertical over land than over the ocean.

ANSWER: b

8. On an isobaric surface,
a. altitude is constant.
b. temperature is constant.
c. pressure is constant.
d. both a and c

ANSWER: c

9. Low __________ on a constant height chart corresponds to low __________ on a constant

pressure chart.
a. pressures, pressures
b. pressures, heights
c. heights, pressures
d. heights, heights

ANSWER: b
76

10. The contour lines drawn on a 500 mb chart are lines of constant:
a. pressure.
b. altitude.
c. density.
d. wind direction.

ANSWER: b

11. Warm air aloft is associated with constant pressure surfaces that are found
at __________ altitude than normal and __________ than normal atmospheric pressure aloft.
a. higher, higher
b. higher, lower
c. lower, higher
d. lower, lower

ANSWER: a

12. On an upper-level chart, normally we find warm air associated with __________ pressure, and
cold air associated with __________ pressure.
a. high, high
b. high, low
c. low, low
d. low, high

ANSWER: b

13. A surface low pressure center is generally associated with __________ on an upper level isobaric
chart.
a. a trough
b. a ridge
c. zonal flow
d. convergence

ANSWER: a

14. On an upper-level chart the wind tends to blow:

a. at right angles to the isobars or contour lines
b. parallel to the isobars or contours
c. at an angle between 10 and 30 to the contours and towards lower pressure
d. at constant speed

ANSWER: b
 77

15. On an isobaric weather chart, the spacing of the height contours indicates the magnitude of the
__________ force.
a. pressure gradient
b. Coriolis
c. thermal

ANSWER: a

16. The _________ force is the force that causes the wind to blow.
a. Coriolis
b. pressure-gradient
c. friction

ANSWER: b

17. Which of the following can influence wind direction?

a. Coriolis force
b. pressure gradient force
c. centripetal force
d. all of the above

ANSWER: d

18. Which of the following forces can not act to change the speed of the wind?
a. pressure gradient force
b. frictional force
c. Coriolis force
d. none of the above

ANSWER: c

19. The pressure gradient force is directed from higher pressure toward lower pressure:
a. only at the equator.
b. at all places on earth except for the equator.
c. only in the Northern Hemisphere.
d. only in the Southern Hemisphere.
e. at all places on earth.

ANSWER: e

20. The force that would cause a stationary parcel of air to begin to move horizontally is called the:
a. Coriolis force.
b. pressure gradient force.
c. centripetal force.
d. frictional force.

ANSWER: b
78

21. The wind around a surface high pressure center in the Northern Hemisphere blows:
a. counterclockwise and outward from the center.
b. counterclockwise and inward toward the center.
c. clockwise and outward from the center.
d. clockwise and inward toward the center.

ANSWER: c

22. We can generally expect the air to be __________ above areas of surface low pressure and
__________ above areas of surface high pressure.
a. rising, rising
b. rising, sinking
c. sinking, sinking
d. sinking, rising

ANSWER: b

23. The surface air around a strengthening low pressure area normally __________, while aloft,
above the system, the air normally __________.
a. diverges, diverges
b. diverges, converges
c. converges, converges
d. converges, diverges

ANSWER: d

24. The atmosphere around the earth would rush off into space if the vertical pressure gradient force
were not balanced by:
a. the Coriolis force.
b. the horizontal pressure gradient force.
c. gravity.
d. the centripetal force.
e. friction.

ANSWER: c

True/False Exam Questions

1. Fast winds at high latitudes produce the strongest Coriolis force.

ANSWER: true

2. The rate of the earth's rotation determines the strength of the pressure gradient force.
 79

ANSWER: false

3. The Coriolis force is strongest at the equator.

ANSWER: false

4. If the earth stopped rotating there would no longer be a Coriolis force.

ANSWER: true

5. Suppose that the winds aloft are geostrophic and blowing from the north. Low pressure is located
to the east.

ANSWER: true

6. Suppose that the winds aloft are geostrophic and blowing from the north. With the same
orientation of isobars at the surface, the winds would blow from the southeast.

ANSWER: false

7. The vertical pressure gradient force is directed downward.

ANSWER: false

8. Surface winds blow across the isobars at an angle due to the frictional force.

ANSWER: true

9. If, at your home in the Northern Hemisphere, the surface wind is blowing from the northwest,
then the region of lowest pressure will be to the east of your home.

ANSWER: true

10. Winds blow slightly inward around surface low pressure centers in the Southern Hemisphere.

ANSWER: true

Essay/Critical Thinking Exam Questions

80

1. Suppose you stand outside and feel a fresh breeze blowing against your face. Could this be a
geostrophic wind? Explain.

2. Under what conditions (if any) might you record a station pressure of 750 mb?

3. What differences might you expect to see between the weather conditions depicted on the surface
in your city and at the 500 mb level above your city?

4. Suppose you deflate a fully-inflated bicycle tire by depressing the air valve. Why does air rush
out of the tire? Why does the rushing air feel cold? After the air stops rushing out of the tire, is
the tire empty? Explain your answer.

5. Briefly explain the principle of the mercury barometer. Mercury is relatively expensive and
toxic. Why do you think mercury is used in barometers instead of another fluid such as water?

6. Sketch the wind flow patterns around surface high and low pressure centers in both the Northern
and Southern Hemispheres.

7. Explain briefly why upper-level winds at middle latitudes in the Northern Hemisphere generally
blow from west to east. In what direction do upper level winds at middle latitudes in the
Southern Hemisphere blow?

8. If the earth did not rotate, how would you expect winds to blow with respect to high and low
pressure centers?

9. Explain why closely-spaced contour lines on an upper-level isobaric chart are associated with fast
winds.

10. Explain why strong upper-level divergence will cause the pressure in the center of a surface low
to decrease.

11. Explain why it is often windy at the beach. What forces are responsible, and how do beachfront
conditions differ from conditions farther inland?
Other documents randomly have
different content
The Project Gutenberg eBook of
With Porter in the Essex
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
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laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

Title: With Porter in the Essex

Author: James Otis

Illustrator: William F. Stecher

Release date: September 19, 2013 [eBook #43766]

Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by sp1nd, Martin Pettit and the Online

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Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WITH PORTER IN

THE ESSEX ***
 BOOKS BY JAMES OTIS.
WITH PERRY ON LAKE ERIE. A Tale of 1812. 307 pp.
Cloth. $1.50.
WITH PREBLE AT TRIPOLI. A Story of "Old Ironsides"
and The Tripolitan War. 349 pp. Cloth. $1.50.

WITH PORTER IN THE ESSEX. A Story of his Famous

Cruise in Southern Waters during the War of 1812. 344 pp.
Cloth. $1.50.
THE CRUISE OF THE ENTERPRISE. Being the Story of
the Struggle and Defeat of the French Privateering
Expeditions against the United States in 1779. 359 pp.
Cloth. $1.50.
IT WAS ONLY NECESSARY THAT THE CREW SHOULD REACH
OUT
AND PULL US ON BOARD.
WITH PORTER IN THE
ESSEX
A Story of his Famous Cruise in Southern
Waters during the War of 1812

BY
JAMES OTIS

ILLUSTRATED BY
WILLIAM F. STECHER

BOSTON AND CHICAGO

W. A. WILDE COMPANY

Copyright, 1901,
By W. A. Wilde Company.
All rights reserved.
WITH PORTER IN THE ESSEX.
 CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. Introducing Myself 17
II. The Coast of Chili 34
III. Oliver Benson's Scheme 57
IV. Among the Whalers 80
V. The New Fleet 103
VI. A Call for Volunteers 126
VII. An Island Port 149
VIII. Nukuheva 172
IX. An Old Enemy 195
X. Among the Typees 218
XI. A Naval Station 241
XII. At Valparaiso 264
XIII. The Britishers 287
XIV. The Battle 311
XV. On Parole 334
 ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
"It was only necessary that the crew should reach out Frontispiece
and pull us on board" 28
"He forced the iron rods from their sockets in short
77
order"
"Soon we were out of reach of the grape, and then
158
we ran across the ship's bow"
"The party came in, waving green palm-leaves" 244
"Nearer and nearer came the Phœbe" 295
 PROLOGUE.
The manuscript of this story was written by Ezra McKnight, a cousin
of that Stephen Decatur McKnight of Hartford, Connecticut, who was
captured after the action between the Essex and the Phœbe and
Cherub, and with a companion named James Lyman went to Rio de
Janeiro as exchanged prisoners of war. From that port, according to
Lossing, these two shipped for England in a Swedish vessel, and,
although the ship arrived in safety, her captain never gave any
account of his prisoners, nor was it known what had become of
them. That they were murdered would be the natural inference,
since in event of their being treacherously sent to England some
record must have been found regarding them.
He who wrote the story of the cruise of the Essex which follows
here, searched long but vainly for some clew to the fate of his brave
cousin; in fact, after leaving the United States Navy it was his
lifework to discover the fate of that brave lieutenant who was the
only officer uninjured on board the Essex after that unequal
conquest was cowardly forced upon her by Captain Hillyar of the
Phœbe, whose vessel and life had once been spared by Captain
Porter.
Failing to gain any information concerning the lieutenant, Ezra
McKnight set himself down to write the story of that marvellous
cruise of the Essex, the United States frigate of thirty-two guns,
commanded by Captain David Porter who was born in Boston on the
first of February, 1780. How this manuscript came into the hands of
the editor it is not necessary to state. Suffice it to say that no
change has been made in the original arrangement of the tale, nor
in any of the details; it is here presented virtually as Ezra McKnight
wrote it, with only so much of editing as seemed necessary in order
to bring it within the requirements of a story of the present day.
To those who may read that which follows for the purpose of
learning somewhat of their country's history, it is well to state a few
facts which would not naturally appear in what was originally
intended for an account of the adventurous voyage.
The commander of the Essex gained his first experience in the navy
on board the frigate Constellation, which vessel he entered as
midshipman in 1798. Concerning him Lossing says that "he was in
the action between the Constellation and the L'Insurgente in
February, 1799, when his gallantry was so conspicuous that he was
immediately promoted to lieutenant. He accompanied the first
United States squadron that ever sailed to the Mediterranean in
1803, and was on board the Philadelphia when she struck on the
rock in the harbor of Tripoli. There he suffered imprisonment. In
1806 he was appointed to the command of the Enterprise, and
cruised in the Mediterranean for six years. On his return to the
United States he was placed in command of the flotilla station near
New Orleans, where he remained until war was declared in 1812,
when he was promoted to captain and assigned to the command of
the frigate Essex, taking with him, on this last cruise, his adopted
son, David G. Farragut, who, during the War of the Rebellion, was
made an admiral."
Now, in order that the memory of the reader may be refreshed as to
the strength of the United States Navy while this cruise was being
made, the following extract is taken from Lossing's "War of 1812."
"As we take a survey from a standpoint at mid-autumn, 1813, we
observe with astonishment only three American frigates at sea,
namely, the President, 44; the Congress, 38; and the Essex, 32. The
Constitution, 44, was undergoing repairs; the Constellation, 38, was
blockaded at Norfolk; and the United States, 44, and Macedonian,
38, were prisoners in the Thames above New London. The Adams,
28, was undergoing repairs and alterations, while the John Adams,
28, New York, 36, and Boston, 28, were virtually condemned. All the
brigs, excepting the Enterprise, had been captured, and she was not
to be trusted at sea much longer. The Essex, Commodore Porter, was
the only government vessel of size which was then sustaining the
reputation of the American Navy, and she was in far distant seas,
with a track equal to more than a third of the circumference of the
globe between her and the home port from which she sailed. She
was then making one of the most remarkable cruises on record."
In October, 1812, Captain William Bainbridge was appointed the
successor of Captain Hull in the command of the Constitution; and,
according to Lossing, "a small squadron, consisting of the
Constitution, 44, Essex, 32, and Hornet, 18, were placed in his
charge. When Bainbridge entered upon his duty in the new sphere
of flag officer, the Constitution and Hornet were lying in Boston
harbor, and the Essex, Captain Porter, was in the Delaware. Orders
were sent to the latter to cruise in the track of the English West
Indiamen, and at the specified time to rendezvous at certain ports,
when, if he should not fall in with the flagship of the squadron, he
would be at liberty to follow the dictates of his own judgment. Such
contingency occurred, and the Essex sailed on a very long and most
eventful cruise in the South Atlantic and Pacific Oceans."
The Essex left the Delaware October, 1812, in pursuance with the
command received by Captain Porter; and he must have already
outlined in his own mind what course to pursue in case he failed to
meet the little squadron, for Lossing says, "Captain Porter took with
him a larger number of officers and crew than was common for a
vessel of that size. Her muster roll contained three hundred and
nineteen names; and her supplies were so ample that she sank deep
in the water, which greatly impeded her sailing qualities."
On Porter's monument, which stands in Woodlawn Cemetery,
Pennsylvania, are the following inscriptions:
"Commodore David Porter, one of the most heroic sons of
Pennsylvania, having long represented his country with fidelity as
minister resident at Constantinople, died at that city in the patriotic
discharge of his duties March 3, 1843."
"In the War of 1812 his merits were exhibited not merely as an
intrepid commander, but in exploring new fields of success and glory.
A career of brilliant good fortune was crowned by an engagement
against superior force and fearful advantages, which history records
as an event among the most remarkable in naval warfare."
"His early youth was conspicuous for skill and gallantry in the naval
services of the United States when the American arms were
exercised with romantic chivalry before the battlements of Tripoli. He
was on all occasions among the bravest of the brave; zealous in the
performance of every duty; ardent and resolute in the trying hour of
calamity; composed and steady in the blaze of victory."
JAMES OTIS.

WITH PORTER IN THE ESSEX

WITH PORTER IN THE ESSEX.

 CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCING MYSELF.

An awkward, raw-boned lad of fourteen was I when an opportunity

came to enlist as a boy on board the Essex, a United States frigate
of thirty-two guns, commanded by Captain David Porter. My desire
ever had been to join the navy, in which my cousin, Stephen Decatur
McKnight, had already won much of glory and a commission; it was
through him that I was finally able to satisfy my longings, which had
increased from year to year until it seemed as if I could be content
in no other sphere of action than that of serving my country upon
the ocean.
War had been declared; once more was it proposed to give England
a lesson in good manners; and while that lesson was being taught, I
intended to so act my part that when it was finished I might have
gained a recognized position among men, even though I was no
more than a boy.
Stephen had won his way upward, and why might not I? True, there
were times when my heart grew cowardly; but as I figured it to
myself at such moments, I was too timorous even to run, and
therefore might gain the credit of being a hero, when in reality, had I
been a trifle more brave, I might have shown the white feather.
Perhaps it is not well for me to set down all that was in my mind
when I went on board the Essex, for it can be of no especial interest
to those who may chance to read what is written here. It is enough
if I say that two days before the Essex left the Delaware River, or in
other words, on the 28th of October in the year 1812, I was rated
on her papers as "boy," and had already begun to make the
acquaintance of one Philip Robbins, a lad of about my own age, who
held the same rank. If there had been any lower station aboard the
frigate, of a truth we two would have been found occupying it, for
he knew no more concerning a seaman's duty than did I.
A certain portion of the cruise, which proved to be one of the most
adventurous ever made by a vessel of war, must be omitted here for
the very good reason that I have little or no knowledge concerning
it. During three days after we left the capes of the Delaware it was
to Philip Robbins and myself as if we lingered in the very shadow of
death, and while so lingering received no word of cheer from those
around us because of the fact that we were enduring only that
which every lad must endure who sets out to learn the trade of a
sailor. Sick? It was to me as if that man who should put an end to
my life would have been rendering me a service, for I doubted not
but that death must eventually come, and only when it did would I
be free from the pangs of that overpowering illness which beset me.
Both Philip and I had vaunted ourselves before the lads of
Philadelphia because we could lay claim to being members of the
crew of the Essex; but from the moment the good ship courtesied to
the swell of the Atlantic until we were recovered and could laugh at
the past, either of us would willingly have given up all which we
prized most dearly in the world for the sake of being set back on
shore in the humblest station that might be imagined.
It is enough if I say that we gained the experience which comes to
all who venture upon the sea, whether for pleasure or for profit, and
once having gained it, were in proper condition ever after to laugh at
those who might be learning the same severe and disagreeable
lesson.
There was never a man on board the ship who did not know that
she was bound for the purpose firstly, of capturing any English
vessels that we might be able to cope with, and secondly, to come
across the Constitution and the Hornet, with which ships we would
afterward cruise in company.
Among our crew, and there were, counting officers as well as men,
three hundred and nineteen all told, were a dozen or more who had
fought under Preble at Tripoli; and while we were headed for Port
Praya we heard so many yarns concerning the doings of our fleet
with the Barbary pirates as would more than suffice to fill a dozen
such books as I count this will make. Therefore it is not well that I
attempt to set down any of them, entertaining though the least
exciting would prove.
When Philip and I signed our names to the ship's papers, both
believed that we should be called upon to take part in sea battles
from the time we gained the offing until we were once more in port;
but yet there was nothing of bloodshed, save such as could be found
in the yarns spun by the men, from the time of sailing until the 27th
of November, when we sighted the mountains of St. Jago and
entered the harbor of Port Praya, hoping there to gain some news of
Commodore Bainbridge.
Nothing was learned, however, as we on the gun-deck soon came to
know; for it must be understood that the crew soon have repeated
to them every word which is spoken aft. Some old shellback hears a
bit now and then, and by piecing the fragments together generally
hits upon the truth; while the marines on guard are ever ready to
carry forward such scraps of conversation as they have overheard
when on duty. It is thus, as I have said, that the ordinary seaman,
who is supposed to be in ignorance of everything save the
happenings of the moment, is generally possessed within a few
hours of all the information gained by his superior officers.
All we got from the Portuguese governor of Port Praya was a
bountiful supply of pigs, sheep, poultry, and fruit, and it can well be
supposed that our officers were not exerting themselves to let him
understand exactly why we had to enter the port. When we set sail
again, it was on a seaward course, as if we were bound for an
African port; but as soon as we were beyond sight of land the ship
was hauled around to the southwest, and on the 11th of December
we crossed the equator in longitude 30° west.
Philip and I were in no very comfortable frame of mind as we neared
the equator, knowing full well that lads, and for that matter seamen,
who have never crossed the imaginary line, are subjected to rough if
not absolutely brutal treatment at the hands of every messmate;
and we expected, because of certain remarks that had been made,
to receive an unusually severe dose.
But fortune favored Captain Porter as well as our humble selves; for
just at noon, when the men were making ready to introduce us to
King Neptune, a Britisher hove in sight, and there was no longer
thought of playing pranks. The enemy had been sighted at last, and
even the eldest among us were quivering with excitement, for it was
believed that our success or failure in this first enterprise which
presented itself would indicate the results of the voyage.
I was burning with a desire to question my cousin McKnight as to
what might possibly be the result of losing this craft; but you must
understand that a boy on board a frigate is not supposed to speak to
his superior officer without permission. Even had the lieutenant been
my father, I should have been forced by the rules of the ship to keep
at quite as respectful a distance from him as from Captain Porter
himself.
Up to this time neither Philip nor I had succeeded in cultivating the
acquaintance of the older members of the crew; therefore we stood
alone, so to speak, ignorant of what might be the possibilities, but
not daring to ask a single question lest we bring the ridicule of the
seamen upon us.
If the success of this first venture since we left port had been a true
token of the entire voyage, then were Philip Robbins and myself to
reap the greatest possible benefit from it; for when the Essex was
finally come up with the Britisher on the following day, we lads not
only aided in the capture of the rich prize, but made ourselves such
a friend among the crew as we most needed.
A lad on board a man-of-war sees hard lines if there be not one
among the older seamen who stands in a certain degree sponsor for
him; otherwise the younger members of the crew will put upon him
until his is indeed a slavish life. Now up to this day we boys could
call no man our friend, and in this I am not counting my cousin, the
lieutenant, for his kindness toward us would count for but little while
we were among our shipmates.
However, I am saying overly much of myself, and perchance may be
accused of giving undue importance to those members of the ship's
company who were looked upon as of no especial consequence.
As I have said, we crossed the equator and sighted a strange sail on
the same day. As a matter of course chase was made at once, and
before the sun went down we knew beyond a peradventure that at
last we had before us one of the enemy's vessels.
There was nothing particularly interesting in the chase as it
presented itself to me. During the greater portion of the time Philip
and I were kept at work below by one task-master or another, and
all we knew regarding our chances of overhauling the stranger was
what could be gathered from those who came near where we were.
When night fell, and we lads were at liberty to go on deck, there
was absolutely nothing to be seen.
In the morning, however, when the first shot was fired, just before
daybreak, Philip and I tumbled out of our hammocks, wild with
excitement, and at the same time inwardly quaking lest
peradventure we were upon the eve of a naval engagement.
I question if any orders, however strict, could have kept us below.
We forgot for the moment that one is not allowed to roam over a
naval vessel at will, but clambered on deck as if free to follow our
every inclination; and well for us, perhaps, was it that both officers
and crew were considerably excited at the prospect of finally taking
a prize, otherwise we might have been treated to a dose of the
rope's end because of having unwittingly ventured so far aft.
The stranger was the British government packet, Nocton, carrying
ten guns, and had been hove to when our shot went across her
bow. There was no attempt made at resistance, and she fell into our
hands as a ripe apple falls from the tree, with no particular effort on
our part.
Later, and while the prize crew was being told off to take possession
of her, we learned that she carried thirty-one men, was bound for
Falmouth, and had on board fifty-five thousand dollars in gold and
silver coin.
Lieutenant Finch was made prize-master, and a crew of seventeen
told off to man the packet; for Captain Porter counted on sending
her to the United States, she being a craft that would make a
reasonably good addition to our small navy.
These men were transferred from our ship to the prize without delay,
and then was begun the work of bringing back the specie,—a task, it
is needless to say, in which Philip and I had no share.
The scene was such, however, as to attract the attention of any one,
however much experience he might have had in such matters, and
we lads watched with breathless eagerness all the manœuvres, as
the two vessels rolled lazily upon the long swell, while the small
boats plied to and fro like ants. We gazed curiously at the iron-
bound boxes which were said to be filled with gold or silver, and in
our ignorance it seemed as if already was the cruise a success, since
we had taken from the enemy such a vast amount of money.
Among the crews of our boats was a seaman by the name of Hiram
Hackett, with whom Philip and I had vainly tried to scrape an
acquaintance. A weather-beaten old shellback was he, who had,
against his will, served the king, having been made prisoner by one
of the press-gangs, and who escaped only a few months before
enlisting on board the Essex.
His shipmates looked up to him as to a man of great experience, and
well they might, for I question if Hiram Hackett had not seen more
of the ups and downs of a sailor's life than any among us. He was
the only member of the crew who had not made sport of, or
imposed upon, us two in some way; but yet never a kindly word had
he given us.
Master Hackett was pulling the bow oar of No. 2 boat when she
came alongside with a load of stores, for Captain Porter was taking
from the prize such provisions as would not be needed during the
homeward voyage.
The goods were being hoisted out while the boats lay a few yards
off our lee rail; and as this work was being done a cheese incased in
a wooden box slipped from the sling, and, falling, struck Master
Hackett a glancing blow on the head and shoulder, knocking him
senseless into the sea.
The only thought in my mind at the instant, and Philip and I were
perched on the brig's rail directly opposite the boat, was that the
seaman, having been rendered unconscious by the blow, would be
quickly drowned; and without stopping to think of possible danger, I
leaped overboard.
Philip was moved by the same impulse at the same instant, and we
struck the water side by side.
Looking back upon that attempt at rescue, after so many years of
experience, I believe of a verity that not once in twenty times would
two lads succeed in the effort; for the chances were that we should
come up directly beneath the frigate, or, as we rose to the surface,
be dashed against the hull with force sufficient to kill us.
As it was, however, we went down side by side until we came in
contact with the man we would save, and him we brought to the
surface to windward of the boat, yet so near her that it was only
necessary the crew should reach out and pull us on board.
We had done nothing which merited praise,—in fact, should have
been blamed for interfering when we might have hampered the
movements of those who knew better what ought to be done; and
yet Captain Porter was pleased to compliment us when we
clambered on board looking like a couple of half-drowned rats, and
the sailors clasped us by the hands as if to say that in their opinion
we had proved ourselves worthy to be called shipmates.
It was natural that I should be somewhat puffed up by the attention
which was paid us; but I little dreamed what an important bearing it
would have upon our lives.
The old sailor, still unconscious, was taken below; Philip and I
overhung the rail once more, watching the men as they transferred
the provisions and specie, for the work had not been interrupted
many moments by the mishap, and all was as before, save for that
sense of satisfaction and pride within my heart when Master
Hackett, looking none the worse for the blow and the ducking, came
up behind us.
We were not aware of his presence until he laid his hands on our
shoulders, and said in a deep, grave voice, much as if speaking to
himself:—
"I don't know whether it was a service or contrariwise that you lads
did me, for I'm told that but for your tumblin' over the rail I was like
to have lost the number of my mess, bein' knocked out by the blow
in such fashion that I went down like a stone, with but little chance
of risin'."
I looked around at the old sailor, hardly understanding what he said;
and he, gazing to windward as if there he saw something which we
could not, continued:—
"An old shellback like me is of but little account; and if he hangs on
to life, mayhap it's only to pay off some grudge which them as claim
to know say shouldn't be harbored."
I knew from this that he referred to the grudge he owed the
Britishers for having pressed him into the king's service, and
wondered why he should speak in such a solemn tone when it stood
to reason he ought to be rejoicing because of having escaped death.
It was a full minute before the old man went on, and then he spoke
more nearly natural, as it seemed to me:—
"We'll set it down that you two lads have done a big service—that
you saved my life—an' it isn't much for me to say that I'm obliged to
you, 'cause mere words are cheap. Boys aboard a ship stand in need
of a friendly hand, an' that's what I'm allowin' to hold out toward
you until such time as I've squared off the account begun this day.
Whatsoever a sailorman can do for a mate, I'm bound to do for you;
an' all hands are to understand that what's sauce for you is certain
to be sauce for me, or they'll know the reason why."
Having said this, Master Hackett went aft to where Lieutenant
McKnight was standing, tugged at a wisp of hair which hung over his
forehead, and at the same time scraped one foot behind him, which
answered for a sailor's bow, saying as he did so:—
"I'm ready for duty, sir."
"Your place in the boat has been taken, therefore you are at liberty
until we get under way," my cousin said with a smile, whereupon the
old man went below, never so much as looking at Philip or me.
It seemed as if his manner was decidedly curt. After having
voluntarily acknowledged that we saved his life, it appeared as if he
might have said something more, or at least stood near us a few
moments to let it be seen that he had indeed taken us under his
wing, and I said laughingly to Philip:—
"Master Hackett is proving to us that words are indeed cheap. He
has thanked us, and that seems to be all that is necessary."
"And so it is," Philip replied, for he was a better-natured lad than I
by far, and ever ready to make excuses where I found fault. "It was
really nothing of consequence for us to go overboard where there
are so many to lend a helping hand, and when we came on deck
again I was trembling with fear lest one of the officers give us a
tongue lashing for putting ourselves forward at such a time."
"If we hadn't done so, Master Hackett would likely have gone to the
bottom, for I saw no one making ready to go after him."
"You didn't give them time, Ezra McKnight," Philip replied laughingly.
"The old man had no more than struck the water before we were on
the rail; and yet I am not to be praised for it, because, to tell the
truth, I didn't realize what I was about."
That same was true in my case; but there was no reason just then
why I should speak overly much regarding it when I was hungering
for yet more praise, and I put an end to the conversation by turning
my attention once more to the work going on before us.
The task of transferring the provisions and specie to our ship was
not a long one, and perhaps no more than three hours elapsed from
the time the Nocton hove to until the Essex was on her course once
more, while the prize, with her prisoners below decks, was
stretching off for the home port.
Before the sun set on this night, Philip and I had good proof that
Master Hackett's gratitude was more than the mere thanks we had
received. Every member of the crew treated us in a different fashion
—more as if we were in fact shipmates, although I saw no particular
change in the old man's behavior.
It is difficult for me to explain the difference in our positions, and yet
it was very decided. We were called upon to do quite as much work,
to wait upon this one or that one as before, and yet the orders were
given in a more friendly tone. There were not so many kicks
bestowed upon us, nor did a single man lay a rope's end upon our
backs; whereas from the time of leaving port until we leaped
overboard for Master Hackett I question if there was a waking hour
when we did not receive a blow from some one.