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 Solutions Manual for Beginning and Intermediate Algebra 5th Edition by
Martin Gay ISN 1256776181 9780321785121
Solutions Manual

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Chapter 2
Section 2.1 Practice 4. a. 3y + 8y − 7 + 2 = (3 + 8)y + (−7 + 2) = 11y
−5
1. a. The numerical coefficient of t is
1, since t is 1t.
b. 6x − 3 − x − 3 = 6x − 1x + (−3 − 3)
= (6 − 1)x + (−3 − 3)
b. The numerical coefficient of −7x
= 5x − 6
is −7.

w 3 t − t = 3 t − 1t = ⎛ 3 −1⎞ t = − 1 t
c.
c.
ish−e n,umerical coefficient of −
T
4 4 ⎜⎝ 4 ⎟⎠ 4
5 5
since − means − 1 d. 9y + 3.2y + 10 + 3 = (9 + 3.2)y + (10 + 3)
w ⋅ w.
5 5 = 12.2 y + 13

d. The numerical coefficient of 43x4 is 43. e. 5z − 3z4

e. The numerical coefficient of −b is 5

−1, since d. 5 y
y and are like terms, since the
−b is −1b. 2
exponents on y are the same.
2. a. −4xy and 5yx are like terms, since
xy = yx by the commutative 3. a. −3y + 11y = (−3 + 11)y = 8y
property.

b. 4 x2 + x2 = 4x2 + 1x2 = (4 + 1)x2 =

b. 5q and −3q2 are unlike terms,
since the exponents on q are 5x2
not the same.
 c. 5x − 3x2 + 8x2 = 5x + (−3 + 8)x2 = 5x +
5x2
c. 3ab2 , − 2ab2, and 43ab2 are
like terms, since each variable
and its exponent match.
 = −2x + y − z + 2
These two terms cannot
be combined because
they are unlike terms. 6. a. 4(9x + 1) + 6 = 36x + 4 + 6 = 36x + 10

5. a. 3(2x − 7) = 3(2x) + 3(−7) = 6x − b. −7(2x − 1) − (6 − 3x) = −14x + 7 − 6 + 3x

21 = −11x + 1
b. −5(x − 0.5z − 5)
= −5(x) + (−5)(−0.5z) + (−5)(−5) c. 8 − 5(6x + 5) = 8 − 30x − 25 = −30x −
= −5x + 2.5z + 25 17
7. “Subtract 7x − 1 from 2x + 3”
c. −(2x − y + z − 2)
translates to (2 x + 3) − (7x − 1) = 2x
= −1(2x − y + z − 2) + 3 − 7x + 1 = −5x + 4
= −1(2x) − 1(− y) − 1(z) − 1(−2)
 8. a. Three double a
d. 20y2 + 2y2 − y2 = 20y2 +
added
2y2 −1y2
= (20 + 2 −1)
y2

= 21y2 to number

↓ ↓ ↓
3 + 2x
or 2x + 3

34
ISM: Beginning and Intermediate Algebra Chapter 2: Equations, Inequalities, and Problem
Solving

b. the sum subtract six

of 5 ed
and a from
numbe
r

↓ ↓ ↓
(5 + − 6 =5+x−
x) 6

(5 + x) − 6 = 5 + x − 6 = x − 1

c. the
sum
two time of 3 increas 4
s and a ed
number by
↓ ↓ ↓ ↓ ↓
2 ⋅ (3 + + 4
x)
2(3 + x) + 4 = 6 + 2x + 4 =
2x + 10

d. 5
a adde half added the
numbe to numb numb
r er er
↓ ↓ ↓ ↓ ↓
x + 21 x + 5
x
x + 1 x + 5x = 13 x
2 2
Vocabulary, Readiness & Video Check 2.1

1. 23y2 + 10 y − 6 is called an expression while 23y2 , 10y, and −6 are each called a term.

2. To simplify x + 4x, we combine like terms.

3. The term y has an understood numerical coefficient of 1.

4. The terms 7z and 7y are unlike terms and the terms 7z and −z are like terms.
 1 1
5. For the term − xy2 , the number − is the
numerical coefficient. 2 2
6. 5(3x − y) equals 15x − 5y by the distributive property.
7. Although these terms have exactly the same variables, the exponents on each are
not exactly the same⎯the exponents on x differ in each term.
8. distributive property

9. −1
10. The sum of 5 times a number and −2, plus 7 times the number; 5x + (−2) + 7x; because
there are like terms.

.35
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Chapter 2: Equations, Inequalities and Problem Solving ISM: Beginning and Intermediate
Algebra
Exercise Set 2.1 34. −4(y + 6) = −4(y) + (−4)(6) = −4y − 24
2. The numerical coefficient of 36. 9(z + 7) − 15 = 9z + 63 − 15 = 9z + 48
3x is 3.

4. The numerical coefficient of −y is 38. −2(4x − 3z −1) = −2(4x) − (−2)(3z) −

−1, since (−2)(1)
−y = −1y. = −8x + 6z + 2

6. The numerical coefficient of 40. −(y + 5z − 7) = −y − 5z + 7

1.2xyz is 1.2.
42. 4(2x − 3) − 2(x + 1) = 8x −12 − 2x − 2
8. −2x2 y and 6xy are unlike terms, = 6x −14
since the exponents on x are not
the same.

10. ab2 and −7ab2 are like terms, 44. 3 y − 5 y + 16

added
since each variable and its to
exponent match.

↓ ↓ ↓
12. 7.4 p3q2 and 6.2 p3q2r are unlike (3 y − 5) + (y + 16) = 3y + y − 5 +16
terms, since the exponents on r are = 4y +11
not the same.

14. 3x + 2x = (3 + 2)x = 5x 46. 12 + x minus 4x − 7

16. c − 7c + 2c = (1 − 7 + ↓ ↓ ↓
2)c = −4c (12 + x) − (4x − 7) = 12 + x − 4x + 7
= 12=+19 − 4x
7 +−x3x
18. 6g + 5 − 3g − 7 = 6g − 3g
+5−7
= (6 − 3) g −
2

= 3g − 2 48. 2m − 6 minus m − 3

20. a + 3a − 2 − 7a = a + 3a − 7a − 2 ↓ ↓ ↓
= (1+ 3 − 7)a − 2 22. 8 p + 4 − 8 p −15 = (8 p − 8 p) + (4 −15)
= −3a − 2 = (8 − 8) p + (−11)
 = 0 p − 11 (2m − 6) − (m − 3) = 2m − 6 − m + 3
= −11 = 2m − m − 6 + 3
24. 7.9 y − 0.7 − y + 0.2 = 7.9 y − y − =m−3
0.7 + 0.2
50. 7c − 8 − c = 7c − c − 8 = (7 − 1)c − 8 = 6c
= (7.9 − 1) y − 0.5 −8
= 6.9 y − 0.5
52. 5 y −14 + 7y − 20y = 5y + 7y − 20y
26. 8h +13h − 6 + 7h − h = 8h + 13h + −14
7h − h − 6 = (5 + 7 − 20)y −14
= (8+13 + 7 −1)h = −8 y −14
−6
54. −3(2x + 5) − 6x = −3(2x) + (−3)(5) − 6x
= 27h − 6
= −6x −15 − 6x
= −6x − 6x −15
28. 8x3 + x3 −11x3 = (8 + 1−11)x3
= −12x −15
= −2x3
56. 2(6x −1) − (x − 7) = 12x − 2 − x + 7
= 11x + 5
58. 8 y − 2 − 3( y + 4) = 8y − 2 − 3y −12 = 5y
−14
30. 0.4y − 6.7 + y − 0.3 − 32. 7(r − 3) = 7(r) − 7(3) = 7r − 21
2.6y
= 0.4y + y − 2.6y − 6.7
− 0.3
= (0.4 + 1 − 2.6)y −
7.0
= −1.2y − 7
 62. (8 − 5 y) − (4 + 3 y) = 8 − 5 y − 4 − 3y = −8
60. −11c − (4 − 2c) = −11c − 4 y+4
+ 2c =
−9c − 4 64. 2.8w − 0.9 − 0.5 − 2.8w = 2.8w − 2.8w −
0.9 − 0.5
=
−1.4

.
ISM: Beginning and Intermediate Algebra Chapter 2: Equations, Inequalities, and Problem
Solving

1 1 9 2 2 1
66. (9 y + 2) + (2 y −1) = y + + y −
5 10 5 5 10 10
=9y+1y+2−1
5 5 5 10
= 10 y + 4 −
1 5 10
10
3
= 2y +
10

68. 8 + 4(3x − 4) = 8 + 12x − 16 = −8 + 12x

70. 0.2(k + 8) − 0.1k = 0.2k + 1.6 − 0.1k = 0.1k + 1.6

72. 14 − 11(5m + 3n) = 14 − 55m − 33n

74. 7(2x + 5) − 4(x + 2) − 20x = 14x + 35 − 4x − 8 − 20x
= 14x − 4x − 20x + 35 − 8
= −10x + 27

76. 1 (9x − 6) − (x − 2) = 3x − 2 − x + 2
3
= 2x

The difference divided

78. by 5
of a
number
and 2

↓ ↓ ↓ x−
(x − 2) ÷ 5= 2
5

80. 8 more than triple a number

↓ ↓ ↓
8 + 3x
82. eleven increased two-thirds of
by a number
↓ ↓ ↓
2x
11 + 3
9 times a 3 times the
84. subtract

number ↓
9x number and 10
↓ ↓
− (3x + 10)
9x − (3x + 10) = 9x − 3x − 10 = 6x − 10

.37
 Chapter 2: Equations, Inequalities and Problem Solving ISM: Beginning and Intermediate
Algebra

the
8 difference Six
6.
times of a
number
and 5
↓ ↓ ↓
6 ⋅ (x − 5)
6(x − 5) = 6x − 30
88.
half a minus the product
of number the number
and 8
↓ ↓ ↓
1x −
8x 2
1
x − 8x = −7.5x
2
adde add 5 times adde
0. twice d −1 ed the d −1
n umbe to 2
r to number to
↓ ↓ ↓ ↓ ↓ ↓ ↓
2x + −1 + 5x + −1
2

2x + (−1) + 5x + (−12) = 7x − 13

92. gh − h2 = 0(−4) − (−4) 2 = 0 −16 = −16

94. x3 − x2 + 4 = (−3)3 − (−3)2 + 4

= −27 − 9 + 4
= −32

96. x3 − x2 − x = (−2)3 − (−2)2 − (−2)

= −8 − 4 + 2
= −10
98. 5 + (3x − 1) + (2 x + 5) = 5 + 3x − 1 + 2x + 5
= 5x + 9
The perimeter is (5x + 9) centimeters.

100. 2 cylinders 3
cubes 2 cubes + 2
cubes 3
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 cubes
4 cubes = 3 cubes: Not balanced
102. 1 cylinder 1 cone
+1 cube 2 cubes 1
cube + 1 cube
2 cubes = 2 cubes: Balanced
104. answers may vary

106. 5x + 10(3x) + 25(30x −1) = 5x + 30x + 750x − 25

= 785x − 25
The total value is (785x − 25)¢.
108. no; answers may vary

38 .
 ISM: Beginning and Intermediate Algebra Chapter 2: Equations, Inequalities, and Problem
Solving
4
11 4m4 p2 + m4 p2 − 5m2 p4 = 5m4 5. x = 16

5 54
0.
p2 − 5m2 p4 ⋅ x = 5 ⋅16
4 5 4
11 ⎛ 5 ⋅ 4 ⎞ x = 5 ⋅16
2 2 2 2
2. 9 y − (6xy − 5y ) − 8xy
= 9y2 − 6xy2 + 5y2 −8xy2
⎝⎜ ⎠ 4
= 14y2 4 5 ⎟
−14xy2

1x = 20
114. −(7c3d − 8c) − 5c − 4c3d x =20
= −7c3 d + 8c − 5c − 4c 3d Check: 4 x = 16
5
= −11c3d + 3c 4 ⋅ 20 16

Section 2.2 Practice 5

16 = 16
1. x + 3 = −5 x = −10
x + 3− 3 = −5 − 3
x = −8

Check: x + 3 = −5
−8 + 3 − 5
−5 = −5

The solution is −8.

2. y − 0.3 = −2.1
y − 0.3 + 0.3 = −2.1 +
0.3

y = −1.8

Check: y − 0.3 = −2.1

−1.8 − 0.3 − 2.1
−2.1 = −2.1

The solution is −1.8.

3. 8x − 5x − 3 + 9 = x + x +
3−7
3x + 6 = 2x − 4
3x + 6 − 2x = 2x − 4
 − 2x
x + 6 = −4
x + 6 − 6 = −4 − 6
 The solution is 20. −96
8(−12) −
6. 8x = −96 96
−96 = −96
8x = −96 The solution is −12.
8 8
x = −12
7. x = 13
C 5
h 5 ⋅ x = 5⋅13
e
5
c x = 65
k Check: x = 13
: 5
65 13
5
13 = 13
8 The solution is 65.
x

Check:
8x − 5x − 3 + 9 = x + x + 3 − 7 8. 6b − 11b = 18 + 2b − 6 + 9
8(−10) − 5(−10) − 3 + 9 −10 + (−10) + 3 − 7 −5b = 21+ 2b
−80 + 50 − 3 + 9 −10 + (−10) + 3 − 7 −5b − 2b = 21+ 2b − 2b
−24 = −24 −7b = 21
The solution is −10. −7b = 21
−7 −7
4. 2 = 4(2a − 3) − (7a + 4) Check by replacing a with 18 in
2 = 4(2a) + 4(−3) − 7a − 4 the original equation.
2 = 8a −12 − 7a − 4
2 = a −16
2 +16 = a −16 +16
18 = a
 b= 9. a. The other number is 9 − 2 = 7.
−3
Check by replacing b with b. The other number is 9 − x.
−3 in the original equation. c. The other piece has length (9 − x)
The solution is −3. feet.

.39
Chapter 2: Equations, Inequalities and Problem Solving ISM: Beginning and Intermediate
Algebra
10. Let x = first integer. 13. addition property;
x + 2 = second even integer.
x + 4 = third even integer. multiplication property; answers
x + (x + 2) + (x + 4) = 3x + 6 may vary
Vocabulary, Readiness & Video Check 14. (x + 1) + (x + 3) = 2x + 4
2.2
Exercise Set 2.2
1. The difference between an equation 2. x + 14 = 25
and an expression is that an x + 14 −14 = 25 −14
equation contains an equal sign,
x = 11
whereas an expression does not.
Check: x + 14 = 25
2. Equivalent equations are equations 11 +14 25
that have the same solution. 25 = 25
The solution is 11.
3. A value of the variable that makes
the equation a true statement is called 4. y−9 =1
a solution of the equation. y−9+9=1+9
4. The process of finding the solution of y = 10
an
Check: y − 9 = 1
equation is called solving the 10 − 9 1
equation for the variable. 1=1

The solution is 10.

5. By the addition property of equality, x
= −2 and 6. 8 + z = −8
8 − 8 + z = −8 − 8
x + 10 = −2 + 10 are equivalent z = −16
equations. Check: 8 + z = −8
6. By the addition property of equality, x 8 + (−16) − 8
= −7 and
x − 5 = −7 − 5 are equivalent
equations.
7. By the multiplication property of
equality,

y = and 5 ⋅ y = are equivalent equations. −8 =

1 1
5⋅
2 2 −8 The solution
is −16.

8. By the multiplication property of equality, 8. t − 9.2 = −6.8

9x −63
9x = −63 and =
9 9
 Another Random Document on
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beginning at that time to appear in Paris, and to visit at La Forge's,
where Calvin met them. The latter asked his friend who these
strange-looking people were: 'They pretend to have been banished
from their country,' said La Forge; 'perhaps.... But if so, believe me it
was for their misdeeds and not for the Word of God.'[235] They were
the chiefs of the sectarians afterwards known by the name of
Libertines, who had just come from Flanders. La Forge not only gave
his money, but was able somewhat later to give himself, and to die
confessing Jesus Christ. When Calvin remembered at Geneva the
sweet conversations they had enjoyed together, he exclaimed with a
sentiment of respect: 'O holy martyr of Jesus Christ! thy memory will
always be sacred among believers.'[236]
Besides La Forge, Calvin had another intimate friend at Paris,
whose personal character possessed a great attraction for him,
although the tendency of his mind was quite different from that of
his own. Louis du Tillet was one of those gentle moderate christians,
who fear the cross and are paralysed by the opinion of the world.
The frondeur and he were two extremes: Calvin was a mean
between them. Du Tillet wished to maintain the Catholic Church,
even when reforming it, for he respected its unity. The reformer had
been struck with his charity, his humility, and his love of truth; while
Louis, on the other hand, admiring 'the great gifts and graces which
the Lord had bestowed on his friend,' was never tired of listening to
him. He belonged to a noble family of Angoulême; his father was
vice-president of the Chamber of Accounts; his eldest brother was
the king's valet-de-chambre; and his other brother was second chief-
registrar to the parliament. He was continually fluctuating between
Calvin and his own relatives, between Scripture and tradition,
between God and the world. He would often leave Calvin to go and
hear mass; but erelong, attracted by a charm for which he could not
account, he returned to his friend, whose clear ideas threw some
little light into his mind. Du Tillet exclaimed: 'Yes, I feel that there is
much ignorance and darkness within me.' But the idea of forsaking
the Church alarmed him, and he had hardly uttered such words as
these when he hurried off again to confess.
 Calvin, thanks to the numerous friends who saw him closely,
began to be appreciated even by those who calumniated his faith.
'This man at least leads an austere life,' they said: 'he is not a slave
to his belly; from his youth he has abhorred the pleasures of the
flesh;[237] he indulges neither in eating nor drinking.[238] ... Look at
him ... his mind is vigorous; his soul unites wisdom with daring....
But his body is thin and spare; one clearly sees that his days and
nights are devoted to abstinence and study.'—'Do not suppose that I
fast on account of your superstitions,' said Calvin. 'No! it is only
because abstinence keeps away the pains that disturb me in my
task.'
=CALVIN AND COP.=
Professor Nicholas Cop, son of that William Cop, the king's
physician, the honour of whose birth (says Erasmus) both France
and Germany disputed,[239] had recognised an inward life in Calvin,
and a vigorous faith which captivated him, and he never met him in
the neighbourhood of the university without speaking to him. They
were often seen walking up and down absorbed in talk, while the
priests looked on distrustfully. These conversations disturbed them:
'Cop will be spoilt,' they said, and they endeavoured to prejudice him
against his friend; but their intimacy only became stricter.
Calvin's reputation, which was beginning to extend, reached the
ears of the Queen of Navarre, and that princess, who admired men
of genius and delighted in agreeable conversation, wished to see the
young literary christian. Thus there was an early intercourse
between them. The christian and learned scholar undertook the
defence of the sister of Francis I. in a letter written to Daniel in
1533, and this princess afterwards made known to him the projected
marriage of her daughter Jeanne d'Albret—circumstances which
indicate an intimate connection between them. During the time
when the piety of the Queen of Navarre was the purest, a mutual
respect and affection united these two noble characters. 'I conjure
you,' said Margaret to Calvin, 'do not spare me in anything wherein
you think I can be of service to you. Rest assured that I shall act
with my whole heart, according to the power that God has given
me.'[240]
=MARGARET AND CALVIN.=
'A man cannot enter the ministry of God,' says Calvin, 'without
having been proved by temptation.' The queen's wit, the court of St.
Germain, intercourse with men of genius and of rank, the prospect
of exercising an influence that might turn to the glory of God—all
these things might tempt him. Would he become Margaret's
chaplain, like Roussel? Would he quit the narrow way in which he
was treading, to enter upon that where christians tried to walk with
the world on their right hand and Rome on their left? The queen's
love for the Saviour affected Calvin, and he asked himself whether
that was not a door opened by God through which the Gospel would
enter the kingdom of France.... He was at that moment on the brink
of the abyss. What likelihood was there that a young man, just at
the beginning of his career, would not gladly seize the opportunity
that presented itself of serving a princess so full of piety and genius
—the king's sister? Margaret, who made Roussel a bishop, would
also have a diocese for Calvin. 'I should be pleased to have a servant
like you,' she told him one day. But the rather mystical piety of the
princess, and the vanities with which she was surrounded, were
offensive to that simple and upright heart. 'Madame,' he replied, 'I
am not fitted to do you any great service; the capacity is wanting,
and also you have enough without me.... Those who know me are
aware that I never desired to frequent the courts of princes; and I
thank the Lord that I have never been tempted, for I have every
reason to be satisfied with the good Master who has accepted me
and retains me in his household.'[241] Calvin had no more longing for
the semi-catholic dignities of the queen than for the Roman dignities
of the popes. Yet he knew how to take advantage of the opportunity
offered him, and nobly conjured Margaret to speak out more frankly
in favour of the Gospel. Carried away by an eloquence which, though
simple, had great power, she declared herself ready to move
forward.
 An opportunity soon presented itself of realising the plan she had
conceived of renewing the universal Church without destroying its
unity; but the means to be employed were not such as Calvin
approved of. They were about to have recourse to carnal weapons.
'Now the only foundation of the kingdom of Christ,' he said, 'is the
humiliation of man. I know how proud carnal minds are of their vain
shows; but the arms of the Lord, with which we fight, will be
stronger, and will throw down all their strongholds, by means of
which they think themselves invincible.'[242]
Luther now appears again on the scene; and on this important
point Luther and Calvin are one.
[215] 'Cum facultate retinendi simul archiepiscopatum
tolosanum.'—Gallia Christiana.
[216] 'Scis nos episcopum nationis tuæ habere.'—Daniel
Calvino, Berne MSS.
[217] 'Ut officialis dignitate aut aliqua alia te ornaret.'—Daniel
Calvino, Berne MSS.
[218] Calvin, Lettres Françaises.
[219] 'Unus de plebe, homuncio mediocri seu potius modica
eruditione præditus.'—Calvinus, Præf. de Clementia.
[220] 'Peccavimus omnes ... et usque ad extremum ævi
delinquemus.'—De Clementia, lib. i.
[221] 'Ferarum vero, nec generosarum quidem, præmordere
et urgere projectos.'—De Clementia, cap. v.
[222] 'Si leones ursique regnarent.'—Ibid. cap. xxvi.
[223] 'Plus pecuniæ exhauserunt.'—Calvinus Danieli, Geneva
MSS.
[224] 'Tandem jacta est alea.'—Ibid.
[225] 'Quo favore vel frigore excepti fuerint.'—Ibid.
[226] 'Ut Landrinum inducas in protectionem.'—Calvinus
Danieli, Geneva MSS.
[227] 'De Bibliis exhausi mandatum tuum.'—Ibid.
[228] 'Ita se gessit, ut gratiosus esset apud ordinis nostri
homines.'—Calvinus Bucero, Strasburg MSS.
[229] 'Cum non posset submittere diutius cervicem isti
voluntariæ servituti.'—Calvinus Bucero, Strasburg MSS.
[230] 'Cassait toutes les vitres.'
[231] 'Si quid preces meæ, si quid lacrimæ valent, hujus
miseriæ succurras.'—Calvinus Bucero, Berne MSS.
[232] Versio et Commentarii, published at Paris in 1531.
[233] 'Academiam parisiensem super monstrum esse
fundatam.'—Morrhius Erasmo, March 30, 1532.
[234] 'Res delata est ad inquisitores fidei.'—Ibid.
[235] 'Quod ex Stephano a Fabrica (De la Forge) intellexi,
istos potius ob maleficia ... egressos esse.'—Adv. Libertinos.
[236] Ibid.
[237] 'Calvinus strictiorem vivendi disciplinam secutus est.'—
Flor. Rémond, Hist. de l'Hérésie, ii. p. 247.
[238] 'Cibi ac potus abstinentissimus.'—Ibid.
[239] 'Illum incomparabilem, quem certatim sibi vindicant,
hinc Gallia, hinc Germania.'—Erasmi Epp. p. 15.
[240] Calvin's Letters, i. p. 342. Philadelphia, ed. J. Bonnet.
[241] Lettres Françaises de Calvin. A la Reine de Navarre, i. p.
114, ed. J. Bonnet.
[242] Calvin, in 2ᵃᵐ Epist. ad Corinth. ch. x.
 CHAPTER XXI.
CONFERENCES AT SMALCALD AND CALAIS.

(March to October 1532.)

=DU BELLAY'S PROJECTS.=

F RANCE, or at least the king and the influential men, appeared at

this time to be veering towards a moderate Reform. Francis I.
seemed to have some liking for his sister's religion; but there were
other motives inclining him to entertain these ideas. Finding himself
without allies in Europe, he endeavoured to gain the friendship of
the protestants, hoping that with their help he would be in a
condition to oppose the emperor and restore the French
preponderance in Italy. One man in particular set himself the task of
directing his country into a new path; this was William du Bellay,
brother to the Bishop of Paris, and 'one of the greatest men France
ever had,' says a catholic historian.[243] A skilful, active, and prudent
diplomatist, Du Bellay called to mind the memorable struggles that
had formerly taken place between the popes and the kings of
France; he believed that christendom was in a state of transition,
and desired, as the Chancellor de l'Hôpital did in later years, that the
new times should be marked with more liberty, and not with more
servitude, as the Guises, the Valois, and the Bourbons would have
wished. He went even farther: he thought that the sixteenth century
would substitute for the papacy of the middle ages a form of
christianity, catholic of course, but more in conformity with the
ancient Scriptures and the modern requirements. From that hour his
dominant idea, his chief business, was to unite catholic France to
protestant Germany.
Having received the instructions of Francis I., Du Bellay left
Honfleur, where the king was staying,[244] on the 11th of March,
1532, and crossed the Rhine about the middle of April. At
Schweinfurth-on-the-Maine, between Wurtzburg and Bamberg, he
found an assembly composed of a few protestant princes on one
side, and a few mediators on the other, among whom was the
elector-archbishop of Mayence. As this brings us into Germany, it is
necessary that we should take a glance at what had happened there
since the great diet of Augsburg in 1530.[245]
The catholics and protestants had made up their minds at that
time for a contest, and everything foreboded the bursting of the
storm in the next spring (1531). There were, so to say, two contrary
currents among the friends of the Reformation in Germany. One
party (the men of prudence) wished that the evangelical states
should seek powerful alliances and prepare to resist the emperor by
force of arms; the other (the men of piety) called to mind that the
Reformation had triumphed at Augsburg by faith, and added that
from faith all its future triumphs were to be expected. These two
parties had frequent meetings at Wittemberg, Torgau, and
elsewhere. One man especially, with open countenance and firm
look, whose lips seemed always ready to speak, made his clear and
sonorous voice heard: this was Luther. 'To God alone,' he told the
elector, 'belongs the government of the future; your Highness must
therefore persevere in that faith and confidence in God which you
have just displayed so gloriously at Augsburg.'[246] But the jurists of
Torgau were not entirely of that opinion, and they endeavoured to
prove that their rights in the empire authorised the protestants to
repel force by force. Luther was not to be shaken. 'If war breaks
out,' he replied, 'I call God and the world to witness, that the
Lutherans have in no wise provoked it; that they have never drawn
the sword, never thrown men into prison, never burnt, killed, and
pillaged, as their adversaries have done; and, in a word, that they
have never sought anything but peace and quietness.'[247] The
politicians smiled at such enthusiasm, and said that in real life things
must go on very differently. A conference was appointed for the
consideration of what was to be done, and in the meanwhile great
efforts were made to win over new allies to the protestant cause.
=ALLIANCE OF SMALCALD.=
 On the 29th of March, 1531, the deputies of the protestant states
met at Smalcald, in the electorate of Hesse. In the eyes of the peace
party this was a place of evil omen: the town was fortified, and there
were iron mines in the neighbourhood, from which arms have been
manufactured and cannons founded. As the deputies proceeded to
the castle of Wilhelmsburg, built on a hill near the town, they wore a
mournful anxious look. They were disappointed in the hope they had
entertained of seeing Denmark, Switzerland, Mecklenburg, and
Pomerania join them. Nevertheless they did not hesitate,
notwithstanding their weakness, to assert their rights against the
power of Charles V. Nine princes and eleven cities entered into an
alliance for six years 'to resist all who should try to constrain them to
forsake the Word of God and the truth of Christ.'
This resolution was received with very different sentiments. Some
said that it was an encroachment on the spirituality of the Church;
others maintained that since liberty of conscience was a civil as well
as a religious right, it ought to be upheld, if necessary, by force of
arms. They soon went farther. Some persons proposed, with a view
of making the alliance closer, to introduce into all the evangelical
churches a perfect uniformity both of worship and ecclesiastical
constitution; but energetic voices exclaimed that this would be an
infringement of religious liberty under the pretence of upholding it.
When the deputies met again at Frankfort, on the 4th of June, these
generous men said boldly: 'We will maintain diversity for fear that
uniformity should, sooner or later, lead to a kind of popery.' They
understood that the inward unity of faith is better than the
superficial unity of form.[248]
After various negotiations the evangelicals met at Schweinfurth to
receive the proposals of their adversaries; and it was during this
conference (April and May 1532) that the ambassador of the King of
France arrived. When the protestants saw him appear, they were
rather embarrassed; but still they received him with respect. He
soon found out in what a critical position the men of the confession
of Augsburg were placed. True, the mediators offered them peace,
but it was on condition that they made no stipulations in favour of
those who might embrace the Gospel hereafter. This proposal greatly
irritated the Landgrave of Hesse, his chancellor Feig, and the other
members of the conference. 'What!' exclaimed the Hessians, 'shall a
barrier be raised between protestantism and popery, and no one be
allowed to pass it?... No! the treaty of peace must equally protect
those who now adhere to the confession of Augsburg and those who
may hereafter do so.'—'It is an affair of conscience,' wrote the
evangelical theologians, and Urban Regius in particular; 'this is a
point to be given up on no account.'[249] The electoral prince himself
was resolved to adopt this line of conduct.
=LUTHER OPPOSES DIPLOMACY AND WAR.=
Luther was not at Schweinfurth, but he kept on the look-out for
news. He spoke about the meeting to his friends; he attacked the
schemes of the politicians; all these negotiations, stipulations,
conventions, signatures, ratifications, and treaties in behalf of the
Gospel annoyed him. When he learnt what they were going to do at
Schweinfurth, he was dismayed. To presume to save the faith with
protocols was almost blasphemous in his eyes! One of his powerful
letters fell like a bomb-shell into the midst of the conference. 'When
we were without any support,' he said, 'and entirely new in the
empire, with struggles and combats all around us, the Gospel
triumphed and truth was upheld, despite the enemies who wished to
stifle them both. Why should not the Gospel triumph now with its
own strength? Why should it be necessary to help it with our
diplomacy and our treaties? Is not God as mighty now as then? Does
the Almighty want us to vote the aid that we mean to give him in
future by our human stipulations?'...
These words of Luther caused general consternation. People said
to one another that 'the Doctor had been ill, and that he had
consoled his friends by saying: "Do not be afraid; if I were to sink
now, the papists would be too happy; therefore I shall not die."
They added that his advice against treaties was no doubt a remnant
of his fever; the great man is not quite right in his mind; the prince-
electoral and the excellent chancellor Bruck wrote to the elector, who
was in Saxony, that everybody was against Luther, who appeared to
have no understanding of business.' But the reformer did not suffer
himself to be checked; on the contrary, he begged the elector to
write a sharp letter to his representatives. 'The princes and
burgesses have embraced the Gospel at their own risk and peril,' he
said, 'and in like manner every one must in future receive and
profess it at his own expense.' At the same time he began to agitate
Wittemberg, and drew up an opinion which Pomeranus signed with
him. In it he said: 'I will never take upon my conscience to provoke
the shedding of blood, even to maintain our articles of faith. It would
be the best means of destroying the true doctrine, in the midst of
the confusions of war.'[250] The reformer thought that if the
Lutherans and the Zwinglians, the Germans and the Swiss united,
they would feel so strong, that they would assume the initiative and
draw the sword—which he wished to avert by all means in his power.
=DU BELLAY'S OVERTURES.=
But the politicians were not more inclined to give way than the
theologians. On the contrary, they made preparations for receiving
the ambassador of France, in which, however, there was some
difficulty. The diplomatist's arrival compromised them with the
imperialists; they could not receive him in the assembly at
Schweinfurth, since catholic princes would be present. The
protestants therefore went a few miles off, to the little town of
Königsberg in Franconia, between Coburg, Bamberg, and
Schweinfurth. Here they formed themselves into a secret committee
and received the ambassador. 'Most honoured lords,' said Du Bellay,
'the king my master begs you will excuse him for not having sent me
to you sooner. That proceeds neither from negligence nor from want
of affection, but because he desired to come to some understanding
with the King of England, who also wishes to help you in your great
enterprise. The negotiations are not yet ended; but my august
master, desirous of avoiding longer delay, has commissioned me to
say that you will find him ready to assist you. Yes, though he should
do it alone; though his brother of England (which he does not
believe) were to refuse; though the emperor should march his
armies against you, the king will not abandon you. On the honour of
a prince, he said. I have received ample powers to arrange with you
about the share of the war expenses which his Majesty is ready to
pay.'[251]
The circumstances were not favourable for the proposals of
Francis I. The pacific ideas of Luther prevailed. The Elector of
Saxony, who was then ill, desired to die in peace. He therefore sided
with the reformer, and it was agreed to name in the act of alliance
the princes and cities that had already adhered to the confession of
Augsburg, and that they alone should be included in the league.
These peaceful ideas of the protestants did not harmonise with the
warlike ideas of King Francis. Du Bellay was not discouraged, and
skilfully went upon another tack; while the Saxon diplomatists were
compelled to yield to the will of their master, Du Bellay remarked a
young prince, full of spirit and daring, who spared nobody and said
aloud what he thought. This was the Landgrave of Hesse, who
complained unceasingly either of Luther's advice, or of the resolution
of the conference. 'The future will show,' he told everybody,
'whether they have acted wisely in this matter.' The minister of
Francis I., who was of the landgrave's opinion, entered into
communication with him.
An important question—the question of Wurtemberg—at that time
occupied Germany. In 1512 Duke Ulrich, annoyed because he had
not more influence in the Suabian league, had seceded from it,
quarrelled with the emperor, thrown that prince's adherents into
prison, burdened his subjects with oppressive taxes, and caused
trouble in his own family. In consequence of all this, the emperor
expelled him from his states in 1519 and 1520, and he took refuge
in his principality of Montbéliard. It seemed that adversity had not
been profitless to him. In 1524, when Farel went to preach the
Reformation at Montbéliard, Ulrich (as we have seen[252] ) defended
religious liberty. When the emperor was at Augsburg in 1530,
wishing to aggrandise the power of Austria, he had given the duchy
of Wurtemberg to his brother Ferdinand, to the great indignation of
the protestants, and especially of the landgrave. 'We must restore
the legitimate sovereign in Wurtemberg,' said this young and
energetic prince: 'that will take the duchy from the catholic party
and give it to the protestants.' But all the negotiations undertaken
with this view had failed. If, however, one of the great powers of
Europe should take up the cause of the dukes of Wurtemberg, their
restoration would be easier. Francis I. had not failed to see that he
could checkmate the emperor here. 'As for the Duke of
Wurtemberg,' said Du Bellay to the Königsberg conference, 'the king
my lord will heartily undertake to serve him to the utmost of his
power, without infringing the treaties.'[253] The landgrave had taken
note of these words, and their result was to establish the
Reformation in a country which is distinguished by its fervent
protestantism and its zeal in propagating the Gospel to the ends of
the world.
=PEACE OF NUREMBERG.=
A mixed assembly of catholics and protestants having met at
Nuremberg in the month of May, the protestants demanded a council
in which everything should be decided 'according to the pure Word
of God.' The members of the Romish party looked discontented: 'It
is a captious, prejudiced, and anti-catholic condition,' they said. Yet,
as the Turks were threatening the empire, it was necessary to make
some concessions to the Reformation, in order to be in a condition
to resist them. The violent fanatics represented to no purpose that
Luther was not much better than Mahomet; peace was concluded at
Nuremberg on the 23rd of July, 1532, and it was agreed that, while
waiting for the next free and general council, the status quo should
be preserved, and all Germans should exercise a sincere and
christian friendship. This first religious peace cheered with its mild
beams the last days of the elector John of Saxony. On the 14th of
August, 1532, that venerable prince, whom even the imperialists
styled 'the Father of the German land,' was struck with apoplexy.
'God help me!' he exclaimed, and immediately expired. 'Wisdom died
with the elector Frederick,' said Luther, 'and piety with the elector
John.'
 Yet Du Bellay was always harassed by the desire of emancipating
from Rome that France which the Medici, the Guises, the Valois, and
afterwards the Bourbons, were about to surrender to her. He
therefore increased his exertions among the protestants to induce
them to accept the friendship, if not the alliance, of his master. But
they had no great confidence in 'the Frenchman;' they were afraid
that they would be surprised, deceived, and then abandoned by
Francis; they 'shook with fear.' The ambassador was more urgent
than ever; he accepted the conditions of the protestants, and the
two parties signed a sort of agreement. Du Bellay returned to
Francis I., who was then in Brittany, and the king having heard him,
sent him instantly to England, to give Henry VIII. a full account of all
his negotiations with the protestant princes.[254]
Thus politicians were intriguing on every side. In Germany, France,
and England, the princes imagined that they could conquer by
means of diplomacy; but far different were the forces by which the
victory was to be gained. In the midst of all this activity of courts
and cabinets, there was an inner and secret activity which stirred the
human mind and excited in it a burning thirst, which the truth and
the life of God alone could quench. Centuries before, as early as
1020, the revival had begun in Aquitaine, at Orleans, and on the
Rhine. Men had proclaimed that christians 'ought to be filled with the
Holy Ghost; that God would be with them, and would give them the
treasures of his wisdom.'[255] This inward movement had gone on
growing from age to age. The Waldenses in the twelfth century, the
purest portion of the Albigenses in the thirteenth, Wickliffe and the
Lollards in the fourteenth, and John Huss and his followers in the
fifteenth, are the heroes of this noble war. This christian life arose,
increased, and spread; if it was extinguished in one country, it
reappeared in another. The religious movement of the mind gained
strength; the electricity was accumulated in the battery; the mine
was charged, and the explosion was certain erelong. All this was
being accomplished under the guidance of a sovereign commander.
He applied the match in the sixteenth century by the hand of Luther;
once more he sprang the mine by the powerful preaching of Calvin,
Knox, and others. It was this that won the victory, and not
diplomacy. However, we have not yet done with it.
=MEETING OF FRANCIS AND HENRY.=
At this time Francis I. was enraptured with Henry VIII., calling him
his 'good brother' and 'perpetual ally.' Wearied of the pope and of
the popedom, which appeared as if unable to shake off the tutelage
of Charles V., the King of France saw Germany separating from
Rome, and England doing the same, and Du Bellay was continually
asking him why he would not conclude a triple alliance with these
two powers? Such a coalition, formed in the name of the revival of
learning and of reform in the Church, would certainly triumph over
all the opposition made to it by ignorance and superstition. Francis I.
had not made up his mind to break entirely with the pope, though
he was resolved to unite with the pope's enemies. In order to
conclude a close alliance with Henry, he chose the moment when
that prince was most out of humour with the court of Rome. The
articles were drawn up on the 23rd of June, 1532.[256]
The two kings were not content with making preparations only for
the great campaign they meditated against the emperor and Rome:
they determined to have an interview. On the 11th of October, 1532,
the gallant Henry, accompanied by a brilliant court, crossed the
Channel and arrived at Calais, at that time an English possession;
while the elegant Francis, attended by his three sons and many of
his nobles, arrived at Boulogne one or two days later. The great
point with Francis was glory—a victory to be gained over Charles V.;
the great point with Henry was to gratify his passions, and as
Clement VII. thwarted him, he had a special grudge against the
pope. With such hatreds and such intentions, it was easy for the two
kings to come to an understanding.
Their first meeting was at Boulogne, in the abbot's palace, where
they stayed four days under the same roof. Francis was
inexhaustible in attentions to his guest; but the important part of
their business was transacted in one of their closets, where these
impetuous princes confided to each other their anger and their
plans. The King of England gave vent to 'great complaints and
grievances' against Clement VII. 'He wants to force me to go to
Rome in person. If he means to institute an inquiry, let him send his
proctors to England. Let us summon the pope (he added) to appear
before a free council empowered to inquire into the abuses under
which princes and people suffer so severely, and to reform them.'[257]
Francis, who also had 'goodwill to complain,' filled the abbot's
palace with his grievances: 'I have need of the clergy-tenths (the
tenth part of the Church revenues), in order that I may resist the
Turk; but the holy father opposes my levying them. I have need of
all the resources of my subjects; but the holy father is continually
inventing new exactions, which transfer the money of my kingdom
into the coffers of the popedom. He makes us pay annates, maintain
pontifical officers at a great expense, and give large presents to
prothonotaries, valets, chamberlains, ushers, and others. And what
is the consequence? The clergy are poor; the ruined churches are
not repaired; and the indigent lack food.... Most assuredly the
Roman government is only a net to catch money. We must have a
council.'[258]
The two princes resolved to 'take from the pope the obedience of
their kingdoms,' as Guicciardini says.[259] However, before resorting
to extreme measures, Francis desired to begin with milder means,
and Henry was forced to consent that France should forward his
grievances to Rome.
=THE MASKED LADY.=
After living together for four days at Boulogne, Henry and Francis
went to Calais, where the latter found his apartments hung with
cloth of gold, embroidered with pearls and precious stones. At table,
the viands were served on one hundred and seventy dishes of solid
gold. Henry gave a grand masked ball, at which the King of France
was considerably tantalised by a masked lady of very elegant
manners with whom he danced. She spoke French like a
Frenchwoman, abounded in wit and grace, and knew, in its most
trifling details, all the scandal of the court of France. The king
declared the lady to be charming, and her neck the prettiest he had
ever seen. He little imagined then that this neck would one day be
severed by the orders of Henry VIII. At the end of the dance, the
King of England, with a smile, removed the lady's mask, and showed
the features of Anne Boleyn, Marchioness of Pembroke, who (it will
be recollected) had been brought up at the court of the French
king's sister.[260]
Pleasure did not make the two princes forget business. They were
again closeted, and signed a treaty, in accordance with which they
engaged to raise an army of 65,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry,
intended apparently to act against the Turks.[261] Du Bellay's policy
was in the ascendant. 'The great king,' he said, 'is staggering from
his obedience.'[262]
=FRANCIS THREATENS SEPARATION.=
Wishing to make a last effort before determining to break with the
pope, Francis summoned Cardinals de Tournon and de Gramont,
men devoted to his person, and said to them: 'You will go to the
holy father and lay before him in confidence both our grievances and
our dissatisfaction. You will tell him that we are determined to
employ, as soon as may be advisable, all our alliances, public as well
as private, to execute great things ... from which much damage may
ensue and perpetual regret for the future. You will tell him that, in
accord with other christian princes, we shall assemble a council
without him, and that we shall forbid our subjects in future to send
money to Rome. You will add—but as a secret and after taking the
pope aside—that in case his holiness should think of censuring me
and forcing me to go to Rome for absolution, I shall come, but so
well attended that his holiness will be only too eager to grant it
me....
'Let the pope consider well,' added the king, 'that the Germans,
the Swiss League, and several other countries in Christendom, have
separated from Rome. Let him understand that if two powerful kings
like us should also secede, we should find many imitators, both
Italians and others;[263] and that, at the least, there would be a
greater war in Europe than any known in time past.'[264]
Such were the proud words France sent to Rome. The two kings
separated. A young prince, held captive by Charles V., gave them the
first opportunity of acting together against both emperor and pope.
[243] Le Grand, Hist. du Divorce de Henri VIII. i. p. 20.
[244] 'Ex oppido unde fluctu Lexoviorum.'—Rommel, Philippe
le M. ii. p. 259.
[245] History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century,
vol. iv. bk. xiv. ch. xii.
[246] Lutheri Epp. iv. p. 201—Dec. 1530.
[247] Warnung an seine lieben Deutschen. Lutheri Opp. lib.
xx. p. 298.
[248] Seckendorf, pp. 1174-1192, sqq.
[249] Urban Regius to the Landgrave.
[250] Lutheri Epp. iv. pp. 335, 337, 369, 372, sqq.
[251] Du Bellay, Mémoires, pp. 168, 169, Paris, 1588. The
historian is very well informed, especially on everything
concerning his brother's missions.
[252] Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Cent. vol. iii. bk. xii.
chap. xi.
[253] Du Bellay, Mémoires, pp. 171, 172.
[254] Du Bellay, Mémoires, pp. 171, 172.
[255] 'Deus tibi comes nunquam deerit, in quo sapentiæ
thesauri atque divitiarum consistunt.' See Ademarus, monk of
Angoulême in 1029, Chronic. Gesta Synodi Aurelianensis, &c.
[256] The articles are given in Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p.
366, sqq. Du Bellay, Mémoires, p. 171.
[257] Du Bellay, Mémoires, p. 173.
[258] Du Bellay, Mémoires, pp. 173, 174.
[259] Guicciardini, Hist. des Guerres d'Italie, ii. liv. xx. p. 893.
[260] 'The French king talked with the marchioness a
space.'—Hall, p. 794.
[261] Le Grand, Hist. du Divorce de Henri VIII. p. 238.
[262] Brantôme, Mémoires, i. p. 235.
[263] The words tant italiens que autres, are not in the
speech delivered at Calais according to Du Bellay; but they are
in the written instructions given to the two cardinals. Preuves
des Libertés, p. 260.
[264] Du Bellay, Mémoires, pp. 175, 176, sqq.
 CHAPTER XXII.
A CAPTIVE PRINCE ESCAPES FROM THE HANDS OF THE EMPEROR.

(Autumn 1532.)

T HE news of the meeting of Francis I. and Henry VIII. alarmed

Germany, Italy, and all Europe. 'The kings of France and
England,' it was said, 'are going to take advantage of the emperor's
campaign against the Turks, to unite their armies with those of the
protestants and gain a signal victory.'[265] But nobody was more
alarmed than the pope. Abruptly addressing the Bishop of Auxerre,
the minister of France, he made the bitterest complaints to him.[266]
Already he saw France, like England, shaking off the yoke of Rome.
'I have it from good authority,' says Brantôme, 'that the King of
France was on the point of renouncing the pope, as the King of
England had done.'[267]
On leaving Boulogne, Francis went to Paris, where he spent the
winter and took his measures for 'the great effort' with which he
threatened the pope. The priests were very uneasy, and began to
dread a reform similar to that in England. Calling to mind that in
Denmark, Sweden, and elsewhere, a great part of the ecclesiastical
property had been transferred to the treasury of the State, they
granted the king all he asked; and the prince thus obtained between
five and six hundred thousand ducats, which put him in a condition
to do 'the great things' with which the cardinals were to menace the
pontiff.[268] An unexpected event furnished the opportunity of
employing the priests' money in favour of the Reformation.
=CHARLES V. HASTENS TO ITALY.=
The haughty Soliman had invaded Hungary, in July 1532, at the
head of numerous and terrible hordes. Displaying a luxury without
precedent, he gave audience on a golden throne, with a crown of
solid gold at his side, and the scabbards of his swords covered with
pearls. But erelong the sickly Charles succeeded in terrifying this
magnificent barbarian. Having raised an army which combined the
order and strength of the German lansquenets with the lightness
and impetuosity of the Italian bands and the pride and perseverance
of the Spanish troops, he forced Soliman to retreat. The emperor
was all the more delighted, as the conference between Henry and
Francis made him impatient to settle with the Mussulmans. It was
even said in the empire that it was this conference which brought
Charles back, as he desired to join the pope in combating projects
which threatened them both. The emperor passed the Alps in the
autumn of 1532.[269]
Among the nobles and warriors who accompanied him, was a
young prince of eighteen, Christopher, son of Duke Ulrich of
Wurtemberg. He was only five years old when his father was
expelled from his duchy by the Austrians; and the latter, wishing to
make him forget Wurtemberg, resolved to separate him from his
country and his parents. The little boy and his guardians having left
Stuttgard, stopped to pass the night in a town near the frontier. A
lamb was gambolling in the yard; the poor boy, delighted with the
gentleness of the animal, ran and took it up in his arms, and began
to play with it. In the morning, just as they were leaving, little
Christopher, less distressed at their taking away his sceptre than at
their separating him from his pet companion, kissed it with tears in
his eyes, and said to the host: 'Pray take care of it, and when I
return I will pay you for your trouble.'
Christopher was taken to Innsbruck, where his life was a hard
one. The young prince who, in later times, filled his country with
evangelical schools, had no one to cultivate his mind, and he who
was one day to sit at the table of kings was often half-starved; his
dress was neglected, and even the beggars, when they saw him,
were moved with compassion. From Innsbruck he was transferred to
Neustadt (Nagy-Banya) in Hungary, beyond the Theiss. One day a
troop of Turkish horsemen, having crossed the Carpathians, scoured
the country that lay between the mountains and the river, and,
catching sight of the prince, rushed upon him to carry him off. But a
faithful follower, who had observed their movements, shouted for
help, and succeeded in saving Christopher from the hands of the
Mussulmans. And thus the heir of Wurtemberg grew up in the
bosom of adversity.
=THE PRINCE AND HIS GOVERNOR.=
The noble-hearted man who had saved him at the peril of his own
life was Michael Tifernus. In his early childhood he had been carried
off by the Turks, and, being abandoned by them, he had succeeded
in reaching a village near Trieste, where some kind people took care
of him. Tifernus (who derived this name from the place of his
adoption, for his parents' name was never known) was sent to a
school in Vienna, where he received a sound education. King
Ferdinand, who was guilty of negligence towards Christopher rather
than of ill-will, gave him Tifernus for tutor. The latter attached
himself passionately to the prince, who, under his care, became an
accomplished young man. In the midst of the splendours of the
court of Austria and of the Roman worship, grew up one who was
erelong to rescue Wurtemberg from both Austria and Rome. An
important circumstance occurred to agitate the young prince deeply,
and throw a bright light over his dark path.
Christopher accompanied the emperor in 1530 to the famous diet
of Augsburg. He was struck by the noble sight of the fidelity and
courage of the protestants. He heard them make their confession of
faith; his elevated soul took the side of the oppressed Gospel; and
when, at this very diet, Charles solemnly invested his brother
Ferdinand with the duchy of Wurtemberg,—when Christopher saw
the standard of his fathers and of his people in the hands of the
Austrian archduke—the feeling of his rights came over him; he
viewed the triumphant establishment of the evangelical faith in the
country of his ancestors as a task appointed him. He would recover
his inheritance, and, uniting with the noble confessors of Augsburg,
would bring an unexpected support to the Reformation.
The emperor, after the war against the Turks, desired the prince to
accompany him to Italy and Spain; perhaps it was his intention to
leave him there; but Christopher made no objection. He had
arranged his plans: two great ideas, the independence of
Wurtemberg and the triumph of the Reformation, had taken
possession of his mind, and while following the emperor and
appearing to turn his back on the states of his fathers, he said
significantly to his devoted friend Tifernus: 'I shall not abandon my
rights in Germany.'[270]
=PRINCE CHRISTOPHER'S ESCAPE.=
Charles V. and his court were crossing the Alps in the autumn of
1532. The young duke on horseback was slowly climbing the passes
which separate Austria from Styria, contemplating the everlasting
snows in the distance, and stopping from time to time on the
heights from whose base rushed the foaming torrents which
descend from the sides of the mountains. He had a thoughtful look,
as of one absorbed by some great resolution. The news of the
interview of Francis I. and Henry VIII., which had alarmed Austria,
had inflamed his hopes; and he said to himself that now was the
time for claiming his states. He had conversed with his governor
about it, and it now remained to carry the daring enterprise into
execution. To escape from Charles V., surrounded by his court and
his guards, seemed impossible; but Christopher believing that God
can deliver out of the mouth of the lion, prayed him to be his guide
during the rest of his life. As etiquette was not strictly observed in
these mountains, Christopher and his governor lagged a little in the
rear of their travelling companions. A tree, a rock, a turn in the road
sufficed to hide them from view. Yet, if one of the emperor's
attendants should turn round too soon and look for the laggards, the
two friends would be ruined. But no one thought of doing so:
erelong they were at some distance from the court, and could see
the imperial procession stretching in the distance, like a riband,
along the flanks of the Norican Alps. On a sudden the two loiterers
turned their horses, and set off at full gallop. They asked some
mountaineers to show them a road which would take them to
Salzburg, and continued their flight in the direction indicated. But
there were some terrible passes to cross; Christopher's horse broke
down, and it was impossible to proceed. What was to be done?
Perhaps the imperialists were already on their track.
The two friends were not at a loss. There was a lake close at
hand; they dragged the useless animal by the legs towards it, and
buried it at the bottom of the water, in order that there might be no
trace of their passage. 'Now, my lord,' said his governor, 'take my
horse and proceed; I shall manage to get out of the scrape.' The
young duke disappeared, and not before it was time. 'What has
become of Prince Christopher?' asked Charles's attendants. 'He is in
the rear,' was the reply; 'he will soon catch us up.' As he did not
appear, some of the imperial officers rode back in search of him. The
little lake into which the prince's horse had been thrown was partly
filled with tall reeds, among which Tifernus lay concealed. Presently
the imperialists passed close by him; he heard their steps, their
voices; they went backwards and forwards, but found nothing. At
last, they returned and mournfully reported the uselessness of their
search. It was believed that the two young men had been murdered
by brigands among the mountains. The court continued its progress
towards Italy and Rome. All this time Christopher was fleeing on his
governor's horse, and by exercising great prudence he reached a
secure asylum without being recognised, and here he kept himself in
concealment under the protection of his near relatives the dukes of
Bavaria. Tifernus joined him in his retreat.
=CHRISTOPHER CLAIMS HIS STATES.=
The report of Christopher's death was circulated everywhere; the
Austrians, who had no doubt about it, felt surer than ever of
Wurtemberg; they were even beginning to forget the prince, when a
document bearing his name and dated the 17th of November, 1532,
[271] was suddenly circulated all over Germany. Faithful to his

resolution, the young prince in this noble manifesto gave utterance

to the bitterest complaints, and boldly claimed his inheritance in the
face of the world. This paper, which alarmed Ferdinand of Austria,
caused immense joy in Wurtemberg and all protestant Germany. The
young prince had everything in his favour: an age which always
charms, a courage universally acknowledged, virtues, talents,
graceful manners, an ancient family, a respected name, indisputable
rights, and the love of his subjects. They had not seen him, indeed,
since the day when he had bedewed the pet lamb with his tears; but
they hailed him as their national prince who would recover their
independence. Protected by the Duke of Bavaria, by the Landgrave
of Hesse, and by the powerful King of France, Christopher had all
the chances in his favour. He had more: he had the support of God.
As a friend of the Gospel, he would give fresh strength to the great
cause of the Reformation. Du Bellay would use all his zeal to
reestablish him on the throne, and thus procure an ally for France
who would help her to enter on the path of religious liberty.
We must now return to the country of Margaret of Navarre, and
see how this princess began to realise her great project of having
the pure Gospel preached in the bosom and under the forms of the
Roman Catholic Church.
[265] 'The people was marvellously affrayed less you would
have joined armies.'—Hawkins to Henry VIII., Nov. 21, 1532.
State Papers, vii. p. 388.
[266] 'Hys Holynes taketh it greatly for ill.'—Ibid. p. 381.
[267] Brantôme, Mémoires, p. 235.
[268] Du Bellay, Mémoires, p. 174. Relation des
Ambassadeurs Vénitiens, i. p. 52.
[269] Hammer, iii. p. 118. Schoertlin, Lebens Beschreibung.
Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, iii. p. 425.
[270] 'Entschlossen seine Gerechtigkeiten in Deutschland
nicht zu verlassen.'—Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, iii. pp. 448-
451. This narrative is based upon Gabelkofer, extracted by
Sattler and Pfister.
[271] This document will be found in Sattler, ii. p. 229. See
also Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, iii. p. 450.