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Chapter 02 Challenges for Managers

TRUEFALSE

1. An organization in which the national viewpoint supersedes the global viewpoint is a transnational
organization.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)

2. Mr. Okazaki, a Japanese manager employed at the Honda plant in Marysville, Ohio, is an
expatriate.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (A)

3. Cultures characterized by individualism are tightly knit social frameworks in which individual
members depend strongly on others and group decisions are valued and accepted.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)

4. In countries with a high power distance, people believe in minimizing inequality.

(A) True

(B) False
Answer : (B)

5. In societies with low power distance, bosses are afforded more authority, which is seldom
bypassed, titles are used, and formality is the rule.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)
6. In cultures characterized by traditional femininity, assertiveness and materialism are valued.

(A) True

(B) False

Answer : (B)

7. The glass ceiling is the degree to which a culture tolerates ambiguity and uncertainty.

(A) True

(B) False

Answer : (B)

8. In corporations that shatter the glass ceiling, upper managers demonstrate support for the
advancement of women.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (A)

9. Ethical theories help us understand, evaluate, and classify moral arguments.

(A) True

(B) False

Answer : (A)

10. Consequential theories of ethics emphasize the character of the act itself, not its effects, in
arriving at universal moral rights and wrongs.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)

11. Drug testing, free speech, downsizing and layoffs, and due process are but a few of the employee
rights issues that managers face.

(A) True

(B) False
Answer : (A)

12. Sexual harassment is more likely to occur in some organizations than in others-for example, in
male-dominated workplaces.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (A)

13. Sexual coercion includes crude comments or behaviors that convey hostility toward a particular
gender.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)

14. Distributive justice is the fairness of the process by which outcomes are allocated in an
organization.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)

15. The ethical questions in procedural justice examine the process by which an organization
distributes its resources.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (A)

16. Organizations can manage whistleblowing by explaining the conditions that are appropriate for
disclosing wrongdoing.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (A)

17. Corporate social responsibility is an organization's obligation to behave ethically in its social
environment.

(A) True

(B) False

Answer : (A)

18. Firms that are seen as socially responsible do not have a competitive advantage in attracting
applicants.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (B)

19. A profession's code of ethics becomes a standard against which members can measure
themselves in the absence of internalized standards.

(A) True (B)

False

Answer : (A)

MULTICHOICE

20. Which of the following is a major challenge that managers must overcome to remain
competitive?

(A) Globalizing their firm's operations

(B) Managing a person's finances and daily activities

(C) Managing a uniform workforce

(D) Anticipating changes in foreign currency valuations

Answer : (A)

21. In the context of competing in the global economy, globalization suggests that the:

(A) presence of a uniform workforce curtails competition.

(B) world is divided by borders and diverse cultures.

(C) world is free from national boundaries and is borderless.

(D) organization's nationality is held strongly in consciousness.

Answer : (C)

22. Many Chinese use guanxi, or personal connections, to:

(A) reward employees at work.

(B) conduct business or obtain jobs.

(C) evaluate the performance of individual group members.

(D) understand the global work environment.

Answer : (B)

23. The eliminated many of the tariffs, such as the heavy tariffs Mexico placed on U.S. exports,
and provided that the remaining tariffs be phased out over time.

(A) G-3 Free Trade Agreement

(B) General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade

(C) North American Free Trade Agreement

(D) ASEAN Free Trade Area

Answer : (C)

24. is a cultural orientation in which people belong to loose social frameworks and their
primary concern is for themselves and their families.

(A) Collectivism

(B) Individualism

(C) Communitarianism

(D) Socialism

Answer : (B)

25. is a cultural orientation in which individuals belong to tightly knit social frameworks and
depend strongly on extended families or clans.

(A) Collectivism

(B) Individualism

(C) Communitarianism
(D) Socialism

Answer : (A)

26. is the degree to which a culture accepts unequal distribution of power.

(A) Glass ceiling

(B) Uncertainty avoidance

(C) Power norms

(D) Power distance

Answer : (D)

27. In countries with a high power distance, .

(A) formality is the rule

(B) titles are not used

(C) people trust one another

(D) employees judge each other on a basis of equality

Answer : (A)

28. In societies with low power distance, _.

(A) bosses are afforded more authority

(B) managers and employees judge each other on a basis of equality

(C) managers and employees see one another as fundamentally different kinds of people

(D) titles are used and formality is the rule

Answer : (B)

29. Which of the following statements is true of people in cultures with high uncertainty avoidance?

(A) They are less threatened by and more willing to trust one another.

(B) They are more willing to take risks and are more comfortable with individual differences.

(C) They accept dissenting viewpoints.

(D) They tend to seek consensus in an effort to moderate the threat of life's inherent uncertainty.

Answer : (D)
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30. Which of the following statements is true of people in cultures with low uncertainty avoidance?

(A) They are less threatened by and more willing to trust one another.

(B) They are more willing to take risks and are more comfortable with individual differences.

(C) They are concerned with security and tend to avoid conflict.

(D) They tend to seek consensus in an effort to moderate the threat of life's inherent uncertainty.

Answer : (B)

31. Which of the following statements is true of cultures characterized by traditional masculinity?

(A) Achievement is admired.

(B) Quality of life is very important.

(C) People and the environment are emphasized.

(D) Relationships are valued.

Answer : (A)

32. Diversity has garnered increasing attention in recent years largely because:

(A) understanding diversity results in more profits.

(B) the global viewpoint supersedes national issues.

(C) of guanxi, the Chinese practice of building networks for social exchange.

(D) of demographic changes in the working population.

Answer : (D)

33. Managers feel that dealing with diversity is a paramount concern because:

(A) they have low uncertainty avoidance.

(B) they must value respect for tradition.

(C) they must communicate with employees who have different values.

(D) they are given authority only if they have expertise.

Answer : (C)

34. Minority workers are less likely to be prepared to face severe economic difficulties and high
crime rates in large cities because:
(A) their share of authority and compensation does not increase.

(B) they have not had satisfactory schooling.

(C) they only have basic training skills.

(D) they are the underutilized talents of the workforce.

Answer : (B)

35. The globalization of business and changing demographic trends present organizations with a
culturally diverse workforce, creating the challenge:

(A) to prepare women to contribute in organizations.

(B) to utilize the talents of the workforce.

(C) to harness the wealth of differences provided by cultural diversity.

(D) to take a more activist position regarding employee rights.

Answer : (C)

36. Which of the following is a risk created by the changing demographic trends that present
organizations with a culturally diverse workforce?

(A) Stereotypes may prevent managers from developing synergies to benefit the organization.

(B) Women's share of compensation may not increase commensurately with their education.

(C) The aging workforce may decrease intergenerational contact at work.

(D) People who adhere strictly to cultural relativism may avoid difficult ethical dilemmas.

Answer : (A)

37. Which of the following statements is true of women in the workforce?

(A) Their representation on standing committees is accurate.

(B) Their share of authority is increasing commensurately with their education.

(C) Majority of them occupy line positions in business.

(D) They receive fewer benefits because benefits are tied to compensation.

Answer : (D)

38. In the context of age diversity, which of the following statements is true of the baby boomers?

(A) They are also called the silent generation.

(B) They tend to strive for moral rights in the workplace.

(C) They are people born from 1965 through 1976.

(D) They struggle to integrate into a cohesive group.

Answer : (B)

39. In the context of age diversity, which of the following statements is true of young workers?

(A) They may view older workers as resistant to change.

(B) They are more satisfied with their jobs.

(C) They are more committed to their organization.

(D) They strive for moral rights in the workplace.

Answer : (A)

40. In the context of valuing diversity, which of the following is a difference between prejudice and
discrimination?

(A) Prejudice is a cultural orientation in which people belong to loose social frameworks, whereas
discrimination is a cultural orientation in which individuals belong to tightly knit social frameworks.

(B) Prejudice relates to the acceptance of the unequal distribution of power, whereas discrimination
relates to the tolerance of ambiguity and uncertainty.

(C) Prejudice emphasizes results of behavior, whereas discrimination emphasizes the character of an
individual.

(D) Prejudice is an attitude, whereas discrimination describes behavior.

Answer : (D)

41. Which of the following is a similarity between prejudice and discrimination?

(A) Both diminish organizational productivity.

(B) Both help in minimizing inequality.

(C) Both value assertiveness and materialism.

(D) Both are characterized by traditional masculinity.

Answer : (A)

42. Which of the following statements is true of managing diversity?

(A) It makes companies less competitive.

(B) It decreases intergenerational contact at work.

(C) It is a cultural orientation in which relationships and concern for others are valued.

(D) It requires a painful examination of employees' hidden assumptions.

Answer : (D)

43. Which of the following is a benefit of diversity?

(A) It results in better communication.

(B) It enhances organizational flexibility.

(C) It leads to faster decision making.

(D) It helps in solving interpersonal conflicts.

Answer : (B)

44. Corporations and business enterprises tend to subscribe to .

(A) cultural relativism

(B) universal moralism

(C) consequential ethics

(D) rule-based ethics

Answer : (C)

45. Which of the following statements is true of Smith's doctrine of natural liberty?

(A) The self-interest of human beings is the government's providence.

(B) People should be allowed to pursue what is in their economic self-interest.

(C) An individual's inner character is the main focus of this ethical concept.

(D) The character of an act is the main focus of this ethical concept.

Answer : (B)

46. Which of the following statements is true of cultural relativism?

(A) People should not be allowed to pursue what is in their economic self-interest.

(B) Local standards guide ethical behavior.

(C) Good is the ultimate moral value.

(D) Good consequences do not always follow right actions.

Answer : (B)

47. includes crude comments or sexual jokes and behaviors that convey hostility toward a
particular gender.

(A) Gender coercion (B)

Sexual exploitation (C)

Gender harassment (D)

Sexual abuse Answer :

(C)

48. involves unwanted touching or repeated pressures for dates.

(A) Sexual coercion

(B) Unwanted sexual attention

(C) Gender harassment

(D) Sexual abuse

Answer : (B)

49. Procedural justice concerns:

(A) creativity and innovation.

(B) organizational flexibility.

(C) the fairness of the process by which outcomes are allocated.

(D) the fairness of outcomes individuals receive.

Answer : (C)

50. In the context of ethical dilemmas facing the modern organization, whistle-blowing is:

(A) an example of white-collar crime.

(B) a powerful influence on the corporate world.

(C) an illustration of distributive justice.

(D) unethical.

Answer : (B)

51. Which of the following statements is true of corporate social responsibility?

(A) Organizations are not obliged to behave ethically in their social environment.

(B) Ethical conduct at the organizational level can translate into social responsibility at the
individual level.

(C) Multiple stakeholders expect organizations to engage in communally accountable actions.

(D) Firms that are seen as socially responsible do not have a competitive advantage.

Answer : (C)

ESSAY

52. Briefly discuss the issues an organization would want to understand if it were interested in a
business venture in China.

Graders Info :

Answers will vary.Chinese managers' business practices have been shaped by the Communist party,
socialism, feudalistic values, and guanxi, the practice of building networks for social exchange. Once
guanxi is established, individuals can ask favors of each other with the expectation that the favor will be
returned. Thus, many Chinese use guanxi, or personal connections, to conduct business or obtain jobs.
Americans can learn to build their own guanxi in order to interact effectively with Chinese managers.
This would involve understanding the Chinese chain of command and negotiating slow, general
agreements. Please see the section "Competing in the Global Economy" for more information.

53. Mention the benefits and problems of diversity.

Graders Info :

Answers will vary. The benefits of diversity are:

1. It attracts and retains the best talent.
2. It improves marketing efforts.
3. It promotes creativity and innovation.
4. It results in better problem solving.
5. It enhances organizational flexibility.

The problems of diversity are:

1. It is resistant to change.
2. It lacks cohesiveness.
3. It consists of communication problems.
4. It results in interpersonal conflicts.
5. It slows the decision making process. Please see the section "The Diverse Workforce" for more
information.

54. Provide a brief explanation for the character theories of ethics.

Graders Info :

Answers will vary.Virtue ethics, of which character theories of ethics are a type, offer an alternative to
understanding behavior in terms of self-interest or rules. Character theories of ethics emphasize the
character of the individual and the intent of the actor instead of the character of the act itself or its
consequences. These virtue-ethics theories are based on an Aristotle's view of ethics, which focused on
an individual's inner character and virtuousness rather than on outward behavior. Thus, the good
person who acted out of virtuous and right intentions was one with integrity and ultimately good ethical
standards. Robert Solomon is the best known advocate of this Aristotelian approach to business ethics.
He advocates a business ethics theory centered on the individual within the corporation, emphasizing
personal virtues as well as corporate roles. Solomon's six dimensions of virtue ethics are community,
excellence, role identity, integrity, judgment, and holism. Please see the section "Ethics, Character, and
Personal Integrity" for more information.

55. Explain distributive justice and procedural justice and distinguish between them.

Graders Info :

Answers will vary.Distributive justice concerns the fairness of outcomes individuals receive. For
example, during former President George H.W. Bush's 1992 visit, Japanese CEOs questioned the
distributive justice of keeping American CEOs' salaries so high while many companies were
struggling and laying off workers.

Procedural justice concerns the fairness of the process by which outcomes are allocated. The ethical
questions in procedural justice examine the process by which an organization distributes its resources.

One study of work scheduling found that advance notice and consistency, two dimensions of
procedural justice, reduced voluntary turnover. Some research suggests cultural differences in the
effects of distributive and procedural justice. Please see the section "Ethical Dilemmas Facing the
Modern Organization" for more information.
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 Niccolini’s Interview with the Pope and unfavourable
reception.—Report of it to Cioli.—Magalotti’s Letters.—
Real object of the Special Commission to find a pretext
for the Trial.—Its discovery in the assumed Prohibition of
1616.—Report of the Commission, and charges against
Galileo

CHAPTER V.
The Summons to Rome.
Niccolini’s attempt to avert the Trial.—The Pope’s Parable.—
The Mandate summoning Galileo to Rome.—His grief and
consternation.—His Letter to Cardinal Barberini.—
Renewed order to come to Rome.—Niccolini’s fruitless
efforts to save him.—Medical Certificate that he was unfit
to travel.—Castelli’s hopeful view of the case.—Threat to
bring him to Rome as a Prisoner.—The Grand Duke
advises him to go.—His powerlessness to protect his
servant.—Galileo’s mistake in leaving Venice.—Letter to
Elia Diodati 175

CHAPTER VI.
Galileo’s Arrival at Rome.
Galileo reaches Rome in February, 1632.—Goes to the Tuscan
Embassy.—No notice at first taken of his coming.—Visits
of Serristori.—Galileo’s hopefulness.—His Letter to
Bocchineri.—Niccolini’s audience of the Pope.—Efforts of
the Grand Duke and Niccolini on Galileo’s behalf.—Notice
that he must appear before the Holy Office.—His
dejection at the news.—Niccolini’s advice not to defend
himself 191

CHAPTER VII.
The Trial before the Inquisition.
The first hearing.—Galileo’s submissive attitude.—The events
of February, 1616.—Galileo denies knowledge of a special
Prohibition.—Produces Bellarmine’s certificate.—Either the
Prohibition was not issued, or Galileo’s ignorance was
feigned.—His conduct since 1616 agrees with its non-
issue.—The Inquisitor assumes that it was issued.
—“Opinions” of Oregius, Inchofer and Pasqualigus.—
Galileo has Apartments in the Palace of the Holy Office
assigned to him.—Falls ill.—Letter to Geri Bocchineri.—
Change of tone at second hearing hitherto an enigma.—
Now explained by letter from Firenzuola to Cardinal Fr.
Barberini.—Galileo’s Confession.—His Weakness and
Subserviency 201

CHAPTER VIII.
The Trial Continued.
Galileo allowed to return to the Embassy.—His hopefulness.—
Third hearing.—Hands in his Defence.—Agreement of it
with previous events.—Confident hopes of his friends.—
Niccolini’s fears.—Decision to examine Galileo under
threat of Torture.—Niccolini’s audience of the Pope.—
Informed that the Trial was over, that Galileo would soon
be Sentenced, and would be Imprisoned.—Final
Examination.—Sent back to “locum suum.”—No evidence
that he suffered Torture, or was placed in a prison cell 217

CHAPTER IX.
The Sentence and Recantation.
The Sentence in full.—Analysis of it.—The Copernican System 230
had not been pronounced heretical by “Infallible”
authority.—The special Prohibition assumed as fact.—The
Sentence illegal according to the Canon Law.—The Holy
Office exceeded its powers in calling upon Galileo to
recant.—The Sentence not unanimous.—This escaped
 notice for two hundred and thirty-one Years.—The
Recantation.—Futile attempts to show that Galileo had
really altered his opinion.—After the Sentence,
Imprisonment exchanged for Banishment to Trinita de’
Monti.—Petition for leave to go to Florence.—Allowed to
go to Siena

CHAPTER X.
Current Myths.
Popular Story of Galileo’s Fate.—His Eyes put out.—“E pur si
Muove.”—The Hair Shirt.—Imprisonment.—Galileo only
detained twenty-two Days at the Holy Office.—Torture.—
Refuted in 18th Century.—Torture based on the words
“examen rigorosum.”—This shown to be untenable.—
Assertion that the Acts have been falsified refuted.—False
Imputation on Niccolini.—Conclusive Evidence against
Torture.—Galileo not truly a “Martyr of Science” 249

PART III.
GALILEO’S LAST YEARS.

CHAPTER I.
Galileo at Siena and Arcetri.

Arrival at Siena.—Request to the Grand Duke of Tuscany to 267

ask for his release.—Postponed on the advice of Niccolini.
—Endeavours at Rome to stifle the Copernican System.—
Sentence and Recantation sent to all the Inquisitors of
Italy.—Letter to the Inquisitor of Venice.—Mandate
against the publication of any new Work of Galileo’s, or
new Edition.—Curious Arguments in favour of the old
System.—Niccolini asks for Galileo’s release.—Refusal, but
permission given to go to Arcetri.—Anonymous
accusations.—Death of his Daughter.—Request for
 permission to go to Florence.—Harsh refusal and threat.
—Letter to Diodati.—Again at work.—Intervention of the
Count de Noailles on Galileo’s behalf.—Prediction that he
will be compared to Socrates.—Letter to Peiresc.—
Publication of Galileo’s Works in Holland.—Continued
efforts of Noailles.—Urban’s fair speeches

CHAPTER II.
Failing Health and Loss of Sight.
Galileo’s Labours at Arcetri.—Completion of the “Dialoghi delle
nuove Scienze.”—Sends it to the Elzevirs at Leyden.—
Method of taking Longitudes at Sea.—Declined by Spain
and offered to Holland.—Discovery of the Libration and
Titubation of the Moon.—Visit from Milton.—Becomes
blind.—Letter to Diodati.—On a hint from Castelli,
petitions for his Liberty.—The Inquisitor to visit him and
report to Rome.—Permitted to live at Florence under
restrictions.—The States-General appoint a Delegate to
see him on the Longitude question.—The Inquisitor sends
word of it to Rome.—Galileo not to receive a Heretic.—
Presents from the States-General refused from fear of
Rome.—Letter to Diodati.—Galileo supposed to be near
his end.—Request that Castelli might come to him.—
Permitted under restrictions.—The new “Dialoghi” appear
at Leyden, 1638.—They founded Mechanical Physics.—
Attract much notice.—Improvement of health.—In 1639
goes to Arcetri again, probably not voluntarily 284

CHAPTER III.
Last Years and Death.
Refusal of some Favour asked by Galileo.—His pious 299
Resignation.—Continues his scientific Researches.—His
pupil Viviani.—Failure of attempt to renew Negotiations
about Longitudes.—Reply to Liceti and Correspondence
with him.—Last discussion of the Copernican System in
reply to Rinuccini.—Sketch of its contents.—Pendulum
Clocks.—Priority of the discovery belongs to Galileo.—Visit
from Castelli.—Torricelli joins Viviani.—Scientific discourse
on his Deathbed.—Death, 8th Jan., 1642.—Proposal to
deny him Christian Burial.—Monument objected to by
Urban VIII.—Ferdinand II. fears to offend him.—Buried
quietly.—No Inscription till thirty-two years later.—First
Public Monument erected by Viviani in 1693.—Viviani
directs his heirs to erect one in Santa Croce.—Erected in
1738.—Rome unable to put down Copernican System.—
In 1757 Benedict XIV. permits the clause in Decree
forbidding books which teach the new System to be
expunged.—In 1820 permission given to treat of it as
true.—Galileo’s work and others not expunged from the
Index till 1835

APPENDIX.
I. History of the Vatican Manuscript 319
II. Description of the Vatican Manuscript 330
III. Estimate of the Vatican Manuscript 334
IV. Gherardi’s Collection of Documents 341
V. Decree of 5th March, 1616 345
VI. Remarks on the Sentence and Recantation 347
 WORKS CONSULTED.[5]
Albèri (Eugenio): “Le opere di Galileo Galilei.” Prima edizione
completa condotta sugli autentici manoscritti Palatini. Firenze,
1842-1856.
*“Sul Processo di Galileo. Due Lettere in risposta al giornale
S’opinione.” Firenze, 1864.
Anonym: “Der heilige Stuhl gegen Galileo Galilei und das
astronomische System des Copernicus.” Historisch-politische
Blätter für das katholische Deutschland; herausgegeben von
G. Phillips und G. Görres. Siebenter Band. München, 1841.
“Galileo Galilei. Sein Leben und seine Bedeutung für die
Entwickelung der Naturwissenschaft.” Die Fortschritte der
Naturwissenschaft in biographischen Bildern. Drittes Heft.
Berlin, 1856.
“Galileo Galilei.” Die Grenzboten. XXIV. Jahrgang. I.
Semester. Nr. 24. 1865.
*Arduini (Carlo): “La Primogenita di Galileo Galilei rivelata dalle sue
lettere.” Florence, 1864.
Barbier (Antoine Alexandre): “Examen critique et complément des
dictionnaires historiques les plus répandus.” Paris, 1820.
Article Galilée.
*Berti (Prof. Domenico): “La venuta di Galileo Galilei a Padova.
Studii. Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti,
dal Novembre 1870 all’ ottobre 1871.” Tomo decimosesto,
seria terza, dispensa quinta, ottava, nono e decima. Venezia,
1870, 1871.
*“Copernico e le vicende del Sistema Copernicano in Italia
nella seconda metà del secolo XVI. e nella prima del secolo
 XVII.” Roma, 1876.
“Il Processo originale di Galileo Galilei, pubblicato per la
prima volta.” Roma, 1876.
“La Critica moderna e il Processo contro Galileo Galilei.”
(Nuova Antologia, Gennajo, 1877 Firenze.)
Bouix (L’Abbé): “La condamnation de Galilée. Lapsus des écrivains,
qui l’opposent à la doctrine de l’infaillibilité du Pape.”—Revue
des Sciences ecclésiastiques. Arras-Paris, février et mars,
1866.
Cantor (Professor Dr. Moritz): “Galileo Galilei.” Zeitschrift für
Mathematik und Physik. 9. Jahrgang. 3. Heft. Leipzig, 1864.
“Recensionen über die 1870 erschienenen Schriften
Wohlwill’s und Gherardi’s über den Galilei’schen Process.”
Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik. 16. Jahrgang. 1. Heft.
1871.
Caspar (Dr. R.): “Galileo Galilei. Zusammenstellung der Forschungen
und Entdeckungen Galilei’s auf dem Gebiete der
Naturwissenschaft, als Beitrag zur Geschichte der neueren
Physik.” Stuttgart, 1854.
Chasles (Prof. Philarète): “Galileo Galilei, sa vie, son procès et ses
contemporains d’après les documents originaux.” Paris, 1862.
*Combes (Louis): “Galilée et L’Inquisition Romaine.” Paris, 1876.
Delambre (Jean Baptiste Joseph): “Histoire de l’astronomie ancienne.”
Paris, 1821.
Eckert (Professor Dr.): “Galileo Galilei, dessen Leben und Verdienste
um die Wissenschaften.” Als Einladung zur Promotionsfeier
des Pädagogiums. Basel, 1858.
Epinois (Henri de L’): “Galilée, son procès, sa condamnation d’après
des documents inédits.” Extrait de la Revue des questions
historiques. Paris, 1867.
 *“Les Pièces du Procès de Galilée, précédées d’un avant-
propos.” Rome, Paris, 1877 v. Palmé société Générale de
Librairie Catholique.
*“La Question de Galilée, les faits et leurs conséquences.”
Paris Palmé, 1878.
Figuier (Louis): “Galilée.” Vies des savants illustres du dix-septième
siècle. Paris, 1869.
Friedlein (Rector): “Zum Inquisitionsprocess des Galileo Galilei.”
Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik. 17. Jahrgang. 3. Heft.
1872.
Gherardi (Prof. Silvestro): “Il Processo Galileo riveduto sopra
documenti di nuova fonte.” Rivista Europea. Anno 1. Vol. III.
Firenze, 1870.[6]
“Sulla Dissertazione del dott. Emilio Wohlwill. Il processo di
Galileo Galilei.” Estratto della Rivista Europea. Firenze, 1872.
*Gilbert (Prof. Ph.): “Le Procès de Galilée d’après les Documents
contemporains.” Extrait de la Revue Catholique tomes I., II.
Louvains, 1869.
Govi (Gilberto): “Intorno a certi manuscritti apocrifi di Galileo.”
Torino, 1869. Estr. dagli Atti della Accadémia delle Scienze di
Torino Vol. V. Adunanza del 21 Nov. 1869.
“Intorno a tre lettere di Galileo Galilei tratte dall’ archivio
dei Gonzaga.” Bollettino di bibliografia e di storia delle scienze
matematiche e fisiche pubblicato da B. Boncompagni. Tomo
III. Roma, 1870.
Govi (Gilberto): “Il S. Offizio, Copernico e Galileo a proposito di un
opuscolo postumo del P. Olivieri sullo stesso argomento.”
Torino, 1872.
*Grisar (Prof. H. S. J.): “Der Galilei’sche Process auf der neuesten
Actenpublicationen historisch und juristisch geprüft.”
 Zeitschrift für Kath. Theol. II. Jahrgang, pp. 65-128.
Innsbruck.
Jagemann: “Geschichte des Lebens und der Schriften des Galileo
Galilei.” Neue Auflage. Leipzig, 1787.
Libri: “Galileo Galilei, sein Leben und seine Werke.” Aus dem
Französischen mit Anmerkungen von F. W. Carové. Siegen
und Wiesbaden, 1842.
Marini (Mgr. Marino): “Galileo e l’inquisizione.” Memorie storico-
critiche. Roma, 1850.
Martin (Henri Th.): “Galilée, les droits de la science et la méthode
des sciences physiques.” Paris, 1868.
Nelli (Gio. Batista Clemente de): “Vita e commercio letterario di
Galileo Galilei.” Losanna (Firenze), 1793.
Olivieri (P. Maurizio-Benedetto Ex. generale dei domenicani e
Commissario della S. Rom. ed Univer. Inquisizione): “Di
Copernico e di Galileo scritto postumo ora per la prima volta
messo in luce sull’ autografo per cura d’un religioso dello
stesso istituto.” Bologna, 1872.
Parchappe (Dr. Max): “Galilée, sa vie, ses découvertes et ses travaux.”
Paris, 1866.
*Pieralisi (Sante, Sacerdote e Bibliotecario della Barberiniana):
“Urbano VIII. e Galileo Galilei: Memorie Storiche.” Roma,
1875. Tipografia poliglotta della L. P. di Propaganda Fide.
*“Correzioni al libro Urbano VIII. Galileo Galilei proposte
dall’ autore Sante Pieralisi con osservazione sopra il processo
originale di Galileo Galilei pubblicato da Domenico Berti.”
Settembre, 1876.
Reitlinger (Prof. Edmund): “Galileo Galilei.” Freie Blicke.
Populärwissenschaftliche Aufsätze. Berlin, 1875.
Reumont (Alfred von): “Galilei und Rom.” Beiträge zur italienischen
Geschichte. 1 Bd. Berlin, 1853.
Reusch (Professor Dr. F. H.): “Der Galilei’sche Procesz.” Ein Vortrag.
Historische Zeitschrift; herausgegeben von Prof. Heinrich von
Sybel. 17. Jahrgang. 1875. 3. Heft.
Rezzi (M. Domenica): “Sulla invenzione del microscopio, giuntavi una
notizia delle Considerazioni al Tasso attribuite a Galileo
Galilei.” Roma, 1852.
*Riccardi (Prof. Cav. Pietro): “Di alcune recenti memorie sul processo
e sulla condanna del Galilei. Nota e Documenti aggiunti alla
bibliografia Galileiana.” Modena, 1873.
Riccioli (P. Jo. Bapt.): “Almagestum novum.” Bonioniae, 1651.
Rosini (M. Giovanni): “Per l’inaugurazione solenne della statua di
Galileo.” Orazione. Pisa, 1839 (2 Oct).
Rossi (Prof. Giuseppe): “Del Metodo Galileiano.” Bologna, 1877.
*Scartazzini (Dr. T. A.): “Der Process des Galileo Galilei.” Unsere Zeit.
Jahrgang 13. Heft 7 and 18.
*“Il processo di Galileo Galilei e la moderna critica tedesca.”
Revista Europea, Vol. IV. Part V., Vol. V. Parts I and II., 1 and
16 Jan. 1878.
*Schneemann (P. S. J.): “Galileo Galilei und der Römische Stuhl.”
Stimmen aus Maria Laach. Kath. Blättern. Nos. 2, 3, 4, Feb.
Mar. April, 1878.
Snell (Dr. Carl): “Ueber Galilei als Begründer der mechanischen
Physik und über die Methode derselben.” Jena, 1864.
Targioni Tozzetti: “Notizie degli aggrandimenti delle scienze fisiche in
Toscana.” Firenze, 1780. (Contains in Vol. ii.: “Vita di Galileo
scritta da Nic. Gherardini.”)
Venturi (Cav. Giambattista): “Memorie e lettere inedite finora o
disperse di Galileo Galilei.” Modena, 1818-1821.
Viviani: “Raconto istorico della vita di Galileo Galilei.” (Enthalten im
XV. Bande der Opere di Galileo Galilei. Prima edizione
completa. Firenze, 1856.)
Vosen (Dr. Christian Hermann): “Galileo Galilei und die Römische
Berurtheilung des Copernicanischen Systems.”
Broschürenverein Nr. 5. Frankfurt am M. 1865.
Wohlwill (Dr. Emil): “Der Inquisitionsprocess des Galileo Galilei. Eine
Prüfung seiner rechtlichen Grundlage nach den Acten der
Römischen Inquisition.” Berlin, 1870.
*“Ist Galilei gefoltert worden? Eine kritische Studie.”
Leipzig, 1877.
“Zum Inquisitionsprocesz des Galileo Galilei.” Zeitschrift für
Mathematik und Physik. 17. Jahrgang. 2. Heft. 1872.
*Wolynski (Dott. Arturio): “Lettere inedite a Galileo Galilei.” Firenze,
1872.
*“Relazione di Galileo Galilei colla Polonia esposte secondo i
documenti per la maggior parte non pubblicati.” Firenze,
1873.
“La Diplomazia Toscana e Galileo Galilei.” Firenze, 1874.
 PART I.
GALILEO’S EARLY YEARS, HIS IMPORTANT
DISCOVERIES, AND FIRST CONFLICT WITH
THE ROMAN CURIA.

CHAPTER I.
EARLY YEARS AND FIRST DISCOVERIES.
 Birth at Pisa.—Parentage.—His Father’s Writings on Music.—
Galileo destined to be a Cloth Merchant.—Goes to the
Convent of Vallombrosa.—Begins to study Medicine.—Goes
to the University of Pisa.—Discovery of the Isochronism of
the Pendulum.—Stolen Lessons in Mathematics.—His
Hydrostatic Scales.—Professorship at Pisa.—Poor Pay.—The
Laws of Motion.—John de’ Medici.—Leaves Pisa.—
Professorship at Padua.—Writes various Treatises.—The
Thermoscope.—Letter to Kepler.—The Copernican System.
—“De Revolutionibus Orbium Cœlestium.”

The same memorable day is marked by the setting of one of the

most brilliant stars in the firmament of art and the rising of another
in the sphere of science, which was to enlighten the world with
beams of equal splendour. On the 18th February, 1564, Michael
Angelo Buonarotti closed his eyes at Rome, and Galileo Galilei first
saw the light at Pisa.
He was the son of the Florentine nobleman, Vincenzo Galilei, and
of Julia, one of the ancient family of the Ammanati of Pescia, and
was born in wedlock, as the documents of the church clearly attest.
[7] His earliest years were spent at Pisa, but his parents soon
returned to Florence, which was their settled home. Here he
received his early education. His father had distinguished himself by
his writings on the theory of music, particularly the mathematical
part of it.[8] They were not merely above mediocrity, but aimed at
innovation, and if they did not achieve reform, it was to be
attributed to the conservative spirit then reigning in Italy, which
asserted itself in every department of life, and especially in the
spheres of art and science.
Galileo’s father had no property. His income was but scanty, and
the fates had endowed him with a numerous family instead of with
fortune.[9] Under these untoward circumstances he at first destined
the little Galileo, as is related by Gherardini, his earliest biographer,
to a career by no means distinguished, though advantageous in a
material point of view, and one that conferred much of their wealth
on the Florentines, so that it was held in high esteem—he was to be
a cloth dealer. But the young noble first received the education
befitting his station, that is, a very mediocre teacher instructed him
in the Humanities.[10] Fortunately for the clever young scholar, he
was handed over to the pious brethren of the convent of
Vallombrosa for further education. Here he at once made rapid
progress. He acquired great facility in the classics. His thorough
study of the masterpieces of antiquity was of the greatest advantage
to him. He doubtless thereby laid the foundation of the admirable
style to which he afterwards, in some measure, owed his brilliant
successes.
Galileo had a great variety of talent. Besides ardent pursuit of the
solid branches of learning, he had considerable skill in drawing and
music, in which he afterwards attained so much perfection that his
judgment was highly esteemed, even by great artists.[11] He played
the lute himself with the skill of a master. He also highly appreciated
poetry. His later essays on Dante, Orlando Furioso, and
Gerusalemme Liberata, as well as the fragment of a play, bear
witness to his lively interest in belles lettres. But from his earliest
youth he showed the greatest preference for mechanics. He made
little machines with an ingenuity and skill which evinced a really
unusual talent for such things.[12]
With these abilities his father must soon have arrived at the
conclusion that his son was born for something better than for
distributing wool among the people, and resolved to devote him to
science; only it was necessary that the branch of it to which he
turned his attention should offer a prospect of profit. Medicine was
decided on as the most likely to be lucrative, although it may not
seem the one most suited to his abilities.
On 5th November, 1581, Galileo, then just seventeen, entered the
University of Pisa.[13] Even here the young medical student’s
independent ideas and aims made way for themselves. At that time
any original ideas and philosophical views not derived from the
dogmas of Aristotle were unheard of. All the theories of natural
science and philosophy had hitherto been referred to theology. It
had been held to be the Alpha and Omega of all human knowledge.
But now the period was far advanced in which it was felt to be
necessary to cast off the narrow garments fashioned by religion,
though at first the will to do so exceeded the power. A stir and
ferment agitated men’s minds. A period of storm and stress had
begun for the study of nature and the philosophical speculation so
closely connected with it. Men did not as yet possess energy and
ability for direct advance, so they turned with real fanaticism to
ancient learning, which, being independent, and not based on
religious notions, afforded them satisfaction. Under these
circumstances recurrence to the past was real progress.
Unconditional surrender to the ideas of others, entire adoption of
opinions, some of which were not too well verified, might suit
mediocrity, but it could not suffice for the powerful mind of Galileo,
who was striving to find out the truth for himself. The genius of the
young student rebelled fiercely against rigid adherence to an
antiquated standpoint. To the horror of the followers of Aristotle,
who were quite taken aback at such unheard-of audacity, he
resolutely attacked in public disputations many oracular dicta of their
great master hitherto unquestioned, and this even then made him
many enemies, and acquired for him the epithet of “the
Wrangler.”[14]
Two circumstances occur during Galileo’s student years, which, in
their main features, are not without historical foundation, although
in detail they bear an anecdotal impress. One, which is characteristic
of Galileo’s observant eye, shows us the student of nineteen
devoutly praying in the Cathedral at Pisa; but he seems to have soon
wearied of this occupation, for he dreamily fixed his eye on the
Maestro Possenti’s beautiful lamp, hanging from an arch, which, in
order to light it more readily, had been moved out of its vertical
position and then left to itself. The oscillations were at first
considerable, became gradually less and less, but notwithstanding
the varying distances, they were all performed in the same time, as
the young medical student discovered to a nicety by feeling his
pulse. The isochronism of the vibrations of the pendulum was
discovered![15]
The other story refers to Galileo’s first mathematical studies.
Gherardini relates that he was scarcely acquainted with the elements
of mathematics up to his twentieth year, which, by the by, seems
almost incredible. But while he was diligently studying medicine at
Pisa, the court of Tuscany came there for some months. Among the
suite was Ostilio Ricci, governor of the pages, a distinguished
mathematician and an old friend of the Galilei family; Galileo,
therefore, often visited him. One morning when he was there, Ricci
was teaching the pages. Galileo stood shyly at the door of the
schoolroom, listening attentively to the lesson; his interest grew
greater and greater; he followed the demonstration of the
mathematical propositions with bated breath. Strongly attracted by
the science almost unknown to him before, as well as by Ricci’s
method of instruction, he often returned, but always unobserved,
and, Euclid in hand, drank deeply, from his uncomfortable
concealment, of the streams of fresh knowledge. Mathematics also
occupied the greater part of his time in the solitude of his study. But
all this did not satisfy his thirst for knowledge. He longed to be
himself taught by Ricci. At last he took courage, and, hesitatingly
confessing his sins of curiosity to the astonished tutor, he besought
him to unveil to him the further mysteries of mathematics, to which
Ricci at once consented.
When Galileo’s father learnt that his son was devoting himself to
Euclid at the expense of Hippocrates and Galen, he did his utmost to
divert him from this new, and as it seemed to him, unprofitable
study. The science of mathematics was not then held in much
esteem, as it led to nothing practical. Its use, as applied to the laws
of nature, had scarcely begun to be recognised. But the world-wide
mission for which Galileo’s genius destined him had been too
imperiously marked out by fate for him to be held back by the mere
will of any man. Old Vincenzo had to learn the unconquerable power
of genius in young Galileo, and to submit to it. The son pursued the
studies marked out for him by nature more zealously than ever, and
at length obtained leave from his father to bid adieu to medicine and
to devote himself exclusively to mathematics and physics.[16]
The unexpected successes won by the young philosopher in a very
short time in the realm of science, soon showed that his course had
now been turned into the proper channel. Galileo’s father, who,
almost crushed with the burden of his family, could with difficulty
bear the expense of his son’s residence at the University, turned in
his perplexity to the beneficence of the reigning Grand Duke,
Ferdinand de’ Medici, with the request that, in consideration of the
distinguished talents and scientific attainments of Galileo, he would
grant him one of the forty free places founded for poor students at
the University. But even then there were many who were envious of
Galileo in consequence of his unusual abilities and his rejection of
the traditional authority of Aristotle. They succeeded in inducing the
Grand Duke to refuse poor Vincenzo’s petition, in consequence of
which the young student had to leave the University, after four
years’ residence, without taking the doctor’s degree.[17]
In spite of these disappointments, Galileo was not deterred, on his
return home, from continuing his independent researches into
natural phenomena. The most important invention of those times, to
which he was led by the works of Archimedes, too little regarded
during the Middle Ages, was his hydrostatic scales, about the
construction and use of which he wrote a treatise, called “La
Bilancetta.” This, though afterwards circulated in manuscript copies
among his followers and pupils, was not printed until after his death,
in 1655.
Galileo now began to be everywhere spoken of in Italy. The
discovery of the movement of the pendulum as a measurement of
time, the importance of which was increasingly recognised,
combined with his novel and intellectual treatment of physics, by
which the phenomena of nature were submitted, as far as possible,
to direct proof instead of to the a priori reasoning of the
Aristotelians, excited much attention in all scientific circles.
Distinguished men of learning, like Clavius at Rome, with whom he
had become acquainted on his first visit there in 1587,[18] Michael
Coignet at Antwerp, Riccoboni, the Marquis Guidubaldo del Monte,
etc., entered into correspondence with him.[19] Intercourse with the
latter, a distinguished mathematician, who took the warmest interest
in Galileo’s fate, became of the utmost importance to him. It was not
merely that to his encouragement he owed the origin of his excellent
treatise on the doctrine of centres of gravity, which materially
contributed to establish his fame, and even gained for him from Del
Monte the name of an “Archimedes of his time,” but he first helped
him to secure a settled and honourable position in life. By his
opportune recommendation in 1589, the professorship of
mathematics at the University of Pisa, just become vacant, was
conferred on Galileo, with an income of sixty scudi.[20] It is
indicative of the standing of the sciences in those days that, while
the professor of medicine had a salary of two thousand scudi, the
professor of mathematics had not quite thirty kreuzers[21] a day.
Even for the sixteenth century it was very poor pay. Moreover, in
accordance with the usage at the Italian Universities, he was only
installed for three years; but in Galileo’s needy circumstances, even
this little help was very desirable, and his office enabled him to earn
a considerable additional income by giving private lessons.
During the time of his professorship at Pisa he made his grand
researches into the laws of gravitation, now known under the name
of “Galileo’s Laws,” and wrote as the result of them his great treatise
“De Motu Gravium.” It then had but a limited circulation in copies,
and did not appear in print until two hundred years after his death,
in Albèri’s “Opere complete di Galileo Galilei.” Aristotle, nearly two
thousand years before, had raised the statement to the rank of a
proposition, that the rate at which a body falls depends on its
weight. Up to Galileo’s time this doctrine had been generally
accepted as true, on the mere word of the old hero of science,
although individual physicists, like Varchi in 1544, and Benedetti in
1563, had disputed it, maintaining that bodies of similar density and
different weight fall from the same height in an equal space of time.
They sought to prove the correctness of this statement by the most
acute reasoning, but the idea of experiment did not occur to any
one. Galileo, well aware that the touchstone of experiment would
discover the vulnerable spot in Aristotelian infallibility, climbed the
leaning tower of Pisa, in order thence to prove by experiment, to the
discomfiture of the Peripatetic school, the truth of the axiom that the
velocity with which a body falls does not depend on its weight but
on its density.[22]
It might have been thought that his opponents would strike sail
after this decisive argument. Aristotle, the master, would certainly
have yielded to it—but his disciples had attained no such humility.
They followed the bold experiments of the young professor with
eyes askance and miserable sophistries, and, being unable to meet
him with his own weapons of scientific research, they eagerly sought
an opportunity of showing the impious and dangerous innovator the
door of the aula.
An unforeseen circumstance came all at once to their aid in these
designs. An illegitimate son of the half-brother of the reigning Grand
Duke,—the relationship was somewhat farfetched, but none the less
ominous for Galileo—John de’ Medici, took an innocent pleasure in
inventing machines, and considered himself a very skilful artificer.
This ingenious semi-prince had constructed a monster machine for
cleaning the harbour of Leghorn, and proposed that it should be
brought into use. But Galileo, who had been commissioned to
examine the marvel, declared it to be useless, and, unfortunately,
experiment fully confirmed the verdict. Ominous head-shakings were
seen among the suite of the deeply mortified inventor. They entered
into alliance with the Peripatetic philosophers against their common
enemy. There were cabals at court. Galileo, perceiving that his
position at Pisa was untenable, voluntarily resigned his professorship
before the three years had expired, and migrated for the second
time home to Florence.[23]
His situation was now worse than before, for about this time, 2nd
July, 1591, his father died after a short illness, leaving his family in
very narrow circumstances. In this distress the Marquis del Monte
again appeared as a friend in need. Thanks to his warm
recommendation to the Senate of the Republic of Venice, in the
autumn of 1592 the professorship of mathematics at the University
of Padua, which had become vacant, was bestowed on Galileo for six
years.[24] On 7th December, 1592, he entered on his office with a
brilliant opening address, which won the greatest admiration, not
only for its profound scientific knowledge, but for its entrancing
eloquence.[25] His lectures soon acquired further fame, and the
number of his admirers and the audience who eagerly listened to
his, in many respects, novel demonstrations, daily increased.
During his residence at Padua, Galileo displayed an extraordinary
and versatile activity. He constructed various machines for the
service of the republic, and wrote a number of excellent treatises,
intended chiefly for his pupils.[26] Among the larger works may be
mentioned his writings on the laws of motion, on fortification,
gnomonics (the making of sun-dials), mechanics, and on the
celestial globe, which attained a wide circulation even in copies, and
were some of them printed long afterwards—the one on fortification
not until the present century;[27] others, including the one on
gnomonics, are unfortunately lost. On the wide field of inventions
two may be specially mentioned, one of which was not fully
developed until much later. The first was his proportional circle,
which, though it had no special importance as illustrative of any
principle, had a wide circulation from its various practical uses. Ten
years later, in 1606, Galileo published an excellent didactic work on
this subject, dedicated to Cosmo de’ Medici, and in 1607 a polemical
one against Balthasar Capra, of Milan, who, in a treatise published in
1607, which was nothing but a plagiarism of Galileo’s work disfigured
by blunders, gave himself out as the inventor of the instrument.
Galileo’s reply, in which he first exhibited the polemical dexterity
afterwards so much dreaded, excited great attention even in lay
circles from its masterly satire.[28] The other invention was a
contrivance by which heat could be more exactly indicated. Over
zealous biographers have therefore hastened to claim for their hero
the invention of the thermometer, which, however, is not correct, as
the instrument, which was not intended to measure the
temperature, could not be logically called a thermometer, but a
thermoscope, heat indicator. Undoubtedly it prepared the way by
which improvers of the thermoscope arrived at the thermometer.[29]
Before proceeding further with Galileo’s researches and
discoveries, so far as they fall within our province, it seems
important to acquaint ourselves with his views about the Copernican
system. From a letter of his to Mazzoni, of 30th May, 1597,[30] it is
clear that he considered the opinions of Pythagoras and Copernicus
on the position and motion of the earth to be far more correct than
those of Aristotle and Ptolemy. In another letter of 4th August of the
same year to Kepler, he thanks him for his work, which he had sent
him, on the Mysteries of the Universe,[31] and writes as follows
about the Copernican system:—

“I count myself happy, in the search after truth, to

have so great an ally as yourself, and one who is so
great a friend of the truth itself. It is really pitiful that
there are so few who seek truth, and who do not
pursue a perverse method of philosophising. But this is
not the place to mourn over the miseries of our times,
but to congratulate you on your splendid discoveries in
confirmation of truth. I shall read your book to the
end, sure of finding much that is excellent in it. I shall
do so with the more pleasure, because I have been for
many years an adherent of the Copernican system,
and it explains to me the causes of many of the
appearances of nature which are quite unintelligible on
 the commonly accepted hypothesis. I have collected
many arguments for the purpose of refuting the latter;
but I do not venture to bring them to the light of
publicity, for fear of sharing the fate of our master,
Copernicus, who, although he has earned immortal
fame with some, yet with very many (so great is the
number of fools) has become an object of ridicule and
scorn. I should certainly venture to publish my
speculations if there were more people like you. But
this not being the case, I refrain from such an
undertaking.”[32]

In an answer from Grätz, of 13th October of the same year, Kepler

urgently begs him to publish his researches into the Copernican
system, advising him to bring them out in Germany if he does not
receive permission to do so in Italy.[33] In spite of this pressing
request of his eminent friend, however, Galileo was not to be
induced to bring his convictions to the light yet, a hesitation which
may not appear very commendable. But if we consider the existing
state of science, which condemned the Copernican system as an
unheard of and fantastic hypothesis, and the religious incubus which
weighed down all knowledge of nature irrespective of religious belief,
and if, besides all this, we remember the entire revolution in the
sphere both of religion and science involved in the reception of the
Copernican system, we shall be more ready to admit that Galileo had
good reason to be cautious. The Copernican cause could not be
served by mere partisanship, but only by independent fresh
researches to prove its correctness, indeed its irrefragability. Nothing
but the fulfilment of these conditions formed a justification, either in
a scientific or moral point of view, for taking part in overturning the
previous views of the universe.
Before the powerful mind of Copernicus ventured to question it,
our earth was held to be the centre of the universe, and about it all
the rest of the heavenly bodies revolved. There was but one “world,”
and that was our earth; the whole firmament, infinity, was the fitting
frame to the picture, upon which man, as the most perfect being,
held a position which was truly sublime. It was an elevating thought
that you were on the centre, the only fixed point amidst countless
revolving orbs! The narrations in the Bible, and the character of the
Christian religion as a whole, fitted this conception exceedingly well;
or, more properly speaking, were made to fit it. The creation of man,
his fall, the flood, and our second venerable ancestor, Noah, with his
ark in which the continuation of races was provided for, the
foundation of the Christian religion, the work of redemption;—all this
could only lay claim to universal importance so long as the earth was
the centre of the universe, the only world. Then all at once a learned
man makes the annihilating assertion that our world was not the
centre of the universe, but revolved itself, was but an insignificant
part of the vast, immeasurable system of worlds. What had become
of the favoured status of the earth? And this indefinite number of
bodies, equally favoured by nature, were they also the abodes of
men? The bare possibility of a number of inhabited worlds could but
imperil the first principles of Christian philosophy.
The system of the great Copernicus, however, thanks to the
anonymous preface to his famous work, “De Revolutionibus Orbium
Cœlestium,” had not, up to this time, assumed to be a correct
theory, but only a hypothesis, which need not be considered even
probable, as it was only intended to facilitate astronomical
calculations. We know now that this was a gigantic mistake, that the
immortal astronomer had aimed at rectifying the Ptolemaic
confusion, and was fully convinced of the correctness of his system;
we know that this unprincipled Introduction is by no means to be
attributed to Copernicus, but to Andreas Osiander, who took part in
publishing this book, which formed so great an epoch in science, and
whose anxious soul thereby desired to appease the anticipated
wrath of the theologians and philosophers. And we know further that
the founder of our present system of the universe, although he
handled the first finished copy of his imperishable work when he was
dying, was unable to look into it, being already struck by paralysis,
and thus never knew of Osiander’s weak-minded Introduction, which
had prudently not been submitted to him.[34]
A few days after receiving a copy of the great work of his genius,
Copernicus died, on 24th May, 1543; and his system, for which he
had been labouring and striving all his life, was, in consequence of
Osiander’s sacrilegious act, reduced to a simple hypothesis intended
to simplify astronomical calculations! As such it did not in the least
endanger the faith of the Church. Even Pope Paul III., to whom
Copernicus had dedicated his work, received it “with pleasure.” In
1566 a second edition appeared at Basle, and still it did not excite
any opposition from the Church. It was not till 1616, when it had
met with wide acceptance among the learned, when its correctness
had been confirmed by fresh facts, and it had begun to be looked
upon as true, that the Roman curia felt moved to condemn the work
of Copernicus until it had been corrected (donec corrigantur).
Having thus rapidly glanced at the opposition between the
Copernican system and the Ptolemaic, which forms the prelude to
Galileo’s subsequent relations with Rome, we are at liberty to fulfil
the task we have set ourselves, namely, to portray “Galileo and the
Roman Curia.”

CHAPTER II.
THE TELESCOPE AND ITS REVELATIONS.
 Term of Professorship at Padua renewed.—Astronomy.—A New
Star.—The Telescope.—Galileo not the Inventor.—Visit to
Venice to exhibit it.—Telescopic Discoveries.—Jupiter’s
Moons.—Request of Henry IV.—“Sidereus Nuncius.”—The
Storm it raised.—Magini’s attack on Galileo.—The Ring of
Saturn.—An Anagram.—Opposition of the Aristotelian
School.—Letter to Kepler.

The first six years of Galileo’s professorship at Padua had passed

away, but the senate were eager to retain so bright a light for their
University, and prolonged the appointment of the professor, whose
renown was now great, for another six years, with a considerable
increase of salary.[35]
As we have seen, he had for a long time renounced the prevailing
views about the universe; but up to this time he had discussed only
physical mathematical questions with the Peripatetic school, the
subject of astronomy had not been mooted. But the sudden
appearance of a new star in the constellation of Serpentarius, in
October, 1604, which, after exhibiting various colours for a year and
a half, as suddenly disappeared, induced him openly to attack one of
the Aristotelian doctrines hitherto held most sacred, that of the
unchangeableness of the heavens. Galileo demonstrated, in three
lectures to a numerous audience, that this star was neither a mere
meteor, nor yet a heavenly body which had before existed but had
only now been observed, but a body which had recently appeared
and had again vanished.[36] The subject, though not immediately
connected with the Copernican question, was an important step
taken on the dangerous and rarely trodden path of knowledge of
nature, uninfluenced by dogmatism or petrified professorial wisdom.
This inviolability of the vault of heaven was also conditioned by the
prevailing views of the universe. What wonder then that most of the
professors who had grown grey in the Aristotelian doctrine
(Cremonio for instance, Coressio, Lodovico delle Colombo, and
Balthasar Capra) were incensed at these opinions of Galileo, so