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The Landmark Herodotus The Histories Herodotus
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Herodotus, Robert B. Strassler
ISBN(s): 9781400031146, 1400031141
Edition: Annotated
File Details: PDF, 38.44 MB
Year: 2009
Language: english
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 Praise for Robert B. Strassler)s

THE LANDMARK HERODOTUS

"The Landmark Herodotus may well be the greatest English-language edition
ever published. Lush with maps and illustrations, amplified with useful mar-
ginal comments, and fortified with easy-to-read but unobtrusive footnotes,
it's a book that scholars will value, students can use, and general readers will
cherish." - The Boston Phoenix

"A worthy occasion for celebrating Herodotus' contemporary importance ... .

The headings, index and footnotes let you know precisely where you are .. .
providing a set of landmarks far more detailed than anything Herodotus
could have found during his tours. . . . And the probing introduction by
Rosalind Thomas increases readers' knowledge and curiosity."
- The New York Times

"A lucid new rendition [with] countless maps, photographs, annotations and
appendices." - Newsday

"The neophyte reader will certainly get a great deal ... from The Landmark
Herodotus: an up-to-date translation, a superb analytic index, several back-
ground essays by experts that are the last word on current scholarship, intel-
ligent illustrations geared to the text, running lessons in Mediterranean
geography, occasional useful notes, and a handy glossary."
-Peter Green, The New York Review of Books

"Strassler helps readers unlock the mysteries of the Greek author's account of
the Persian Wars, offering detailed maps, margin notes, twenty-one appen-
dices written by top scholars and more." -Rocky Mountain News

"Unites under one cover, a new, lucid translation ... along with copious
marginal notations and indexes, maps and over twenty highly useful appen-
dices." -The News and Observer (Raleigh)
ALSO BY ROBERT B. STRASSLER

The Landmark Thucydides

 ROBERT B. STRASSLER

TH E L AN DM A R K HERODOTUS

Robert B. Strassler is an independent scholar whose articles have ap-

peared in the Juurnal uf Hellenic Studies. He holds an honorary
Doctorate of H um~U1ities and Letters fl:om Bard College and is chair-
man of the Aston Magna Foundation for Music and the Humanities.
He lives in Brookline, Massachusetts.

Andrea L. Purvis holds a Ph.D. in Classical Studies from Duke Uni-

versity and has taught in Duke University's Department of Classical
Studies. She is the author of Singular Dedimtiuns: Founders and
Innuvators of Private Cults in Clasj·ical Greece and coauthor of Four
Island Utupias. She lives in Durham, North Carolina.
T IH IE lANDM\AIR.IK

HIE RO DOTU S
THE HISTORIES

A New Translation by Andrea L. Purvis

with Maps, Annotations, Appendices, and Encyclopedic Index

Edited by Robert B. Strassler

With an Introduction by Rosalind Thomas

ANCHOR BOOKS
A Division of Random House, Inc .• New York
 CONliENliS
Introduction by Rosalind Thomas ix
Editor)s Preface by Robert B. Strassler xxxvii
Translator)s Preface by Andrea L. Purvis xlix
Dated Outline of Text Ii
Key to Maps lxiv
BOOK ONE 1
BOOK Two U5
BOOK THREE 205
BOOK FOUR 279
BOOK FIVE 365
BOOK SIX 425
BOOK SEVEN 491
BOOK EIGHT 599
BOOK NINE 663
Appendix A The Athenian Government in Herodotus
Peter Krentz, Davidson College 723

Appendix B The Spartan State in War and Peace

Paul Cartledge, University of Cambridge 728

Appendix C The Account of Egypt: Herodotus Right and Wrong

Alan B. Lloyd, University of Wales 737
Appendix D Herodotean Geography
James Romm, Bard College 744
Appendix E Herodotus and the Black Sea Region
Everett L. Wheeler, Duke University 748
Appendix F Rivers and Peoples of Scythia
Everett L. Wheeler, Duke University 756
 CONTENTS

Appendix G The Continuity of Steppe Culture

Everett L. Wheeler, Duke University 759
Appendix H The Ionian Revolt
George L. Cawkwell, University College, Oxford 762
Appendix I Classical Greek Religious Festivals
Gregory Crane, Tufts University 769
Appendix J Ancient Greek Units of Currency) Weight) and Distance
Thomas R. Martin, College of the Holy Cross 773
Appendix K Dialect and Ethnic Groups in Herodotus
William F. Wyatt, Brown University 781
Appendix L Aristocratic Families in Herodotus
Carolyn Higbie, State University of New York, Buffalo 786
Appendix M Herodotus on Persia and the Persian Empire
Christopher Tuplin, University of Liverpool 792
Appendix N Hoplite Warfare in Herodotus
J. w. I. Lee, University of California, Santa Barbara 798
Appendix 0 The Persian Army in Herodotus
J. W. 1. Lee, University of California, Santa Barbara 805
Appendix P Oracles) Religion) and Politics in Herodotus
Donald Lateiner, Ohio Wesleyan University 810
Appendix Q Herodotus and the Poets
Andrew Ford, Princeton University 816
Appendix R The Size of Xerxes) Expeditionary Force
Michael A. Flower, Princeton University 819
Appendix S Trireme Warfare in Herodotus
Nicolle Hirschfeld, Trinity University 824
Appendix T Tyranny in Herodotus
Carolyn Dewald, Bard College 835
Appendix U On Women and Marriage in Herodotus
Carolyn Dewald, Bard College 838
Glossary 843
Ancient Sources 846
Bibliography for the General Reader 848
Figure Credits 850
Index 851
Reftrence Maps 951

viii
 ~ NlilR.OIDUCliIION
Rosalind Thomas

1. Opening Remarks
§l.l. Herodotus' Histories trace the conflict between the Greeks and the Persians
which culminated in the Persian Wars in the great battles of Thermopylae, Salamis,
Plataea, and Mycale (480-479)," a generation or so before he was writing. He
described his theme as comprising both the achievements of Greeks and barbarians,
and also the reasons why they came into conflict (Book 1, Proem). This suggests
that he sought the causes of the conflict in factors that took one back deep into the
past and into the characteristics of each society. He implies that he saw the deep-
seated causes in cultural antagonism of Greek and non-Greek, but he went out of
his way to describe the achievements and customs of many non-Greek peoples with
astonishing sensitivity and lack of prejudice. The Histories are the first work in the
Western tradition that are recognizably a work of history to our eyes, for they cover
the recent human past (as opposed to a concentration on myths and legends), they
search for causes, and they are critical of different accounts. Herodotus' own
description of them as an inquiry, a "historic," has given us our word "history," and
he has been acknowledged as the "father of history." He also has a claim to be the
first to write a major work on geography and ethnography. His interests were
omnivorous, from natural history to anthropology, from early legend to the events
of the recent past: he was interested in the nature of the Greek defense against the
Persians, or the nature of Greek liberty, as well as in stranger and more exotic tales
about gold-digging ants or other wondrous animals in the East. The Histories are
the first long work in prose (rather than verse) which might rival the Homeric epics
in scale of conception and length. Shorter works in prose had appeared before, but
the Histories must in their time have been revolutionary.
§1.2. Who, then, was Herodotus? As with most ancient Greek authors, we have
little reliable information, and the later ancient biographers may have invented
biographical "facts" by drawing from the content of the Histories themselves, as was
common in ancient biographies of writers. He was born in Halicarnassus' in Asia
Minor,b now modern Bodrum in western Turkey. He spent much of his life in exile,
Intra.!.la All dates in this edition of Heradotus and in Intro.I.2a Halicarnassus: Map Intra.I.
its supporting materials are B.C.E. (Before the Intro.I.2b Asia Minor (Asia): Map Intro.I, locator.
Common Era), unless otherwise specified.

IX
 INTRODUCTION

spending some time in Samos,c some in Athens,d and apparently ending up in Thurii,e
the Athenian Panhellenic colony founded in south Italy (Aristotle in the fourth
century knew him as Herodotus of Thurii). The Histories themselves provide the
evidence for his extensive travels in the Greek world, Asia Minor, Phoenicia, Egypt and
North Africa,r and perhaps the Black Sea g (see below). Unlike in many modern travel-
ogues, the main focus of interest is not on the traveling itself but on the information
it yields, so again the personal elements are not extensive. His life spanned much of
the fifth century: here there is no reason to doubt the ancient tradition that he was
born at roughly the time of the Persian Wars (480-479), and he probably lived into
the 420s, since the Histories make references to events in Greece early in the Pelo-
ponnesian War of 431-404. It is usually thought that he was active as researcher and
writer from the 450s to the 420s. The Histories clearly constituted a life's work.

2. The Historical Background

§2.1. The beginning of this period saw the triumph of the Greek mainland states
over the might of the Persian Empire, first in the initial invasion of 490 and the battle
of Marathon ,a then in the second invasion of480/79, with the battles of Thermopylae,
Salamis, Plataea, and finally Mycaleb in Asia Minor. This unexpected victory resonated
in Greek consciousness through the fifth century and indeed beyond, and it is impor-
tant to recall this when reading Herodotus, who was researching a generation or two
after the Greek victory. It helped crystallize Greeks' attitudes to their own way of life
and values, intensified their supreme distrust of monarchy and tyranny, and shaped
their attitude to the Persians. In more practical terms, Athens' naval success in the
Persian Wars and its enterprise immediately after led to the creation of the Athenian
Empire, which started as an anti-Persian league and lasted for almost three-quarters of a
century (479-404). As the SpartansC were increasingly reluctant to continue anti-
Persian activity into the Hellespont and Asia Minor, the Athenians were free to create
their maritime league composed of many smaller Greek states situated around the
Aegean and up into the Hellespont. d Athenian power grew steadily and Athens even
tried a disastrous expedition to help Egypt rebel against the Persian King. As her radical
democracy developed from the 460s, conflict arose between her and the other power-
ful Greek states, particularly Corinthe and Sparta and the members of Sparta's Pelopon-
nesian League. By the late 430s tensions had reached their height. War broke out in
431 between Athens and her allies and Sparta and hers. Athens was now a "tyrant city,"
the Corinthians claimed (1hucydides 1.122.3; generally, 1.68-71, 1.120-124), and
Greece must now be freed from Athens. Greece had been freed from the Persiansf only
to be enslaved by Athens. The great historian of this later war, Thucydides, was succes-
sor and rival to Herodotus. As he makes his Athenian speakers remark in the opening
book of his history, they are weary of pointing out that the Athenian Empire is justified
Intro.I.2c Sarnos: Map Intro.I. Intro.2.1 b Battle sites of 480: Thermopylae and Salamis,
Intro.1.2d Athens: Map Intro.I. of 479, Plataea and Mycale: Map Intra. I.
Intro.I.2e Thurii: Map Intro.I, locator. Intro.2.lc Sparta: Map Intra. 1.
Intro.I.2f Phoenicia, Egypt, and North Africa (Libya): Intro.2.ld Aegean Sea: Map Intro.I. Hellespont: Map
Map Intro.2. Intro.l, locator.
Intro.I.2g Euxine (Black) Sea: Map Intro.l, locator. Intro.2.le Corinth: Map Intro.l.
Intro.2.la Marathon: Map Intro.l. Intro.2.lf Persia: Map Intro.2.

x
INTRODUCTION

on the grounds that the Athenians did most to defeat the Persians (e.g., Ihucydides
1.73.2-75.2: "although we are rather tired of continually bringing up this subject [the
Persian War]," 1.73.2). In other words, the Persian Wars were still very much a living
part of Greek politics in the 430s and 420s and the period during which Herodotus
was researching. They played an important role in the rhetoric and diplomacy of the
time. Athens could and did claim that she had done more than any other Greek city to
help Greece keep her freedom; Sparta and Corinth now asserted that Athens herself
was enslaving Greece. Freedom is central to Herodotus' Histories, and it played a
crucial part in inter-state political argument and antagonism in the later fifth century.
§2.2. Herodotus' Histories need to be seen in part against this background, even
though in formal terms they describe events only down to the end of the Persian
Wars in 479. For he takes as his explicit theme the conflict between the Greeks and
the barbarians, as he puts it in the introduction, and after tracing this conflict back
to the earliest times, he gradually works up to the full narrative of the Greek-Persian
conflict in the Ionian' Revolt of 499-494 (Books 5-6), and to the two Persian inva-
sions of mainland Greece of 490 and 480 (Books 6-9). Herodotus' Histories stop on
the brink of the creation of the Athenian Empire: they end their main narrative at
the point where the Greeks in Asia Minor, helped by the Greek fleet under the Spar-
tan Leotychidas, have won a decisive victory against the Persian forces at Mycale in
Asia Minor-on the very same day on which the Greek army in central Greece
under Pausanias had won the victory at Plataea, which forced the Persians to with-
draw entirely from Greece. The Asia Minor Greeks were taken into the anti-Persian
alliance of the Greek allies (9.106), and the victorious Greek forces sailed up to the
Hellespont to continue aggressive operations against Persia and free more Greek
cities. The Spartans and Peloponnesians went home, fatally leaving the Athenians in
charge (9.114; though they were to send another commander out later), and
Herodotus' narrative ends with the Athenian actions in the Hellespont, which many
scholars have seen as an ominous portent of the future (9.120).
§2.3. Ifwe imagine Herodotus trying to collect accounts, to take oral testimony,
and to gather personal or collective memories about the Persian Wars, then we can
assume that he would have been talking to people who had actually been involved,
who perhaps had fought in the war or whose relations had done so; and since the
effects of the Persian Wars were still immediate and strong, and charges of Medism a
still potent, it is hard to imagine that his research was either simple or straightfor-
ward. His claims to set the record straight and to record both the brave and the
cowardly still had resonances for later generations. Plutarch still resented his remarks
about certain Greek cities, particularly Corinth and Thebes,b several centuries later,
in the late first century C.E., in his fascinatingly and curiously petty essay "On the
Malice of Herodotus," where he also tried in his own way, rather ineffectually, to set
the record straight. Excuses for why the Argives c did not help against the Persians
Intro.2.2a Ionia: Map Intro.l. "Persian" interchangeably, although the
Intro.2.3a Those Greeks who accepted Persian rule and Medes were a people quite distinct from the
fought with the Persians were accused of Persians.
"Medism" by those Greeks who fought Intro.2.3b Thebes (Boeotia): Map Intro.I.
against the Persians. That they were said to Intro.2.3c Argos: Map Intro.l.
have "medized" is an extension of the Greek
habit of using the words" Mede" and

xi
 INTRODUCTION

EUROPE EII.<;lI< (RInck) S<a

THRA CE
r----c~PON ----------~----~1
~t-
Thurii.

A c:gttl II
Sea
"m'J'
}-()
1,"/
ASIA

M editerratlean Sea

o 300 km 300 mi

• Troy

Aegell1l
Sea
Thermopylac ,.

°Thebes
Plataca ,.
Marathon ,. IONIA
Sicyon.
Corinth° Salamis"" °Athens
Samor

,. Mycale

MESSENIA CARlA
Sparta. Ddor/

• Halicarnassus

o 150km 150m;

MAP INTRO.I· • Sec the Editor's Preface and the Key to Maps for an
explanation of map layout, symbols, and typography.
INTROP CTIO>l

EUROPE
C,\UCASUS ,\/7:V5:
~
:. '"

ASIA

INDIA

PHOENI C J.\ .Susa

BabylonO
P E RS I A

LIBYA EGYPT
m ARABIA
Amillonion

ETHIOPIA
1000 km lOOOmi

• BOlito

EGYPT oMemphis

°TIKb.:s

EkphJllrine.
1.50km 150mi
MAP INTRO.2

xiii
 INTRODUCTION

(7.148-152) were still important in the later fifth century and beyond. In fact,
Herodotus knows well that he is often controversial. For instance, he notes that he
is saying something unpopular in declaring that the Athenians in fact did most to
defeat the Persians (7.139): modern historians would usually accept this opinion, so
why was it so unpopular at the time? Presumably the prevailing view in Greece was
that the Spartans were the great heroes of the war and thus he was challenging
that. Even more important, the Athenians were using precisely this boast to justify
their empire. The fact that Herodotus admitted his judgment was unpopular was
not so much a straightforward sign of "pro-Athenian feelings" on his part as an
acknowledgment that he had to have good reasons-which he does and which he
gives at length-for going against the popular view. He may also have been hinting
indirectly at some morals or warnings to be drawn from Greek history down to 479
and applied to the period after the wars. At any rate the Histories end their narrative
oddly: the last but one paragraph reads, "and that was all that happened in the
course of the year" (9.121).d It is as ifhe was discreetly hinting that many important
things were certainly going to occur in the following years. The very last paragraph
(9.122) takes us back to a warning given by Cyrus the Great, the founder of the
Persian Empire, in the very early years of Persian expansion that if they expand too
much and move into rich, luxurious lands, they will become soft and cease to be
rulers. In this unexpected flashback, one could simply read a moralizing tale about
the rise and decline of Persian might, but Herodotus' audience could also, if they
were so minded, see in it a warning about the more recently arisen Athenian Empire.
§2.4. What are the Histories? Far more than the history of the Persian Wars, they
purport to trace the Greek-barbarian hostility back to earliest mythical times (1.1-5),
and they describe the geography of most of the known world of the time. They trace
relations between peoples and cities in such a way as to describe much earlier history,
and they describe the customs of many of the peoples of the inhabited world. The
expansion of the Persian Empire into new areas serves as a peg for several large
sections-often misleadingly called "digressions"-about the geography and peoples
of those areas. The geographical and ethnographical details are often closely linked to
the success or fuilure of those peoples in resisting the Persians (note particularly Book
4 on the Scythians). The section on Egypt runs to one very substantial book in its own
right (note, though, that the book divisions were a later creation), and the Scythians'
receive the second longest section. Ethiopians, Libyans, and Thraciansb are described
in detail. It might be tempting to see this in terms of modern disciplines and in some
sort of hierarchy: is he an anthropologist, a historian, or a geographer? Is the geogra-
phy subservient to the history, or, as the great early-twentieth-century German scholar
Jacoby argued, did he start out as a geographer and only become a historian later in
life? But there are huge problems with these ideas, the most pressing one being that
they impose modern conceptions of modern disciplines on a writer writing at the
"beginning," before history has even been defined or separated from anything else as a
discipline. Herodotus helped create the concept of the discipline of "history," in part
Intro.2.3d Translation throughout the Introduction Intra.2.4b Ethiopia, Libya: Map Intro.2. Thrace: Map
differs from that in this volume. Intra.l, locator.
Intro.2.4a Scythia: Map Intro.2.

xiv
INTRODUCTION

by stressing and criticizing his sources and accepted traditions, but it was his successor
Thucydides who really solidified and in fact narrowed the idea of history as a critical
study of past events (and only past events, as opposed to ethnography, mythology, or
geography). This definition of "history" as the study of past political and military events
is something of an anachronism for Herodotus, who, after all, included so much more
in his "inquiry": we would be applying a later conception to an earlier achievement
which was conceived in earlier and therefore different terms (see below). It also ignores
the complex structure of his work and its overall unity, for in the Histories geography
and customs have a large explanatory role in the course of events, and the interweaving
of geography, ethnography, and the narrative of events is very finely done, not as one
might expect if one or the other area was somehow tacked on later. Besides, "wonders"
and achievements are "worthy of relation/telling" (axiologotatoi), in Herodotus' phrase,
in their own right. Egypt was worthy of a longer description because it had more
marvels than any other place (2.35.1). Wonders were simply part of his subject matter.
§2.5. Herodotus' own conception of his work is that it is a "historic," a Greek
word for "inquiry" which through Herodotus' own use has become our word for
history. Not only did it not yet mean "history," but in the second half of the fifth
century, historic inquiry seems to have had particular connotations, as I hope I have
shown in my book.' It was a term of "science" in the sense that it was accompanied
by the desire to discover the truth about the world, with a degree of critical rigor,
concern for proof, and respect for evidence (though hardly to the degree expected of
modern science). We encounter the term "inquiry into nature" for natural science, or
"inquiry into medicine" for the attempt to understand medicine and its relation to
human nature. Historic was an all-encompassing term that was by no means limited
to research into the past; indeed Herodotus may have been the first to use it for
research that included past human actions. Its appearance in his opening sentence
was surely meant to signal to his audience that here was no rehash of the old myths,
no mere uncritical retelling of stories, but a modern work of critical inquiry.
The opening paragraph of the proem sets out clearly that his subject was wide-
ranging (I give a very literal translation):

This is the publication [or display apodexis] of the inquiry of Herodotus of

Halicarnassus, which he presents in the hope that the achievements of men
should not be obliterated by time, nor that the great and wonderful deeds
[er;ga] of both Greeks and barbarians should be without their due fame, and
also for what reason they fought each other. (Book 1, Proem)

§2.6. The proem itself, then, states that his subject is the events and achievements
of mankind, and that included both Greeks and barbarians. The final clause is similarly
wide-open: for what reason or cause. How did he conceive of causation? The causes of
the conflict could be sought in mythical origins, in the buildup of antagonism in
earlier history, in geographical layout and proximity, in way of life, customs, and over-
Intro.2.5a Rosalind Thomas, Herodotus in Context:
Ethnography, Science and the Art of Persua-
sion (Cambridge, 2000).

xv
 INTRODUCTION

all attitudes, for instance the conflicting values of Greeks and non-Greeks which are
certainly visible in the Histories. The political and social strengths of different peoples
change, too, in the course of the Histories, so that Greeks were not always free, and
non-Greeks were worthy of investigation in their own right. His proem therefore
describes the idea of his work in terms which could virtually encompass everything
which actually appears in the Histories. Of course, writers are at liberty to do more or
less than they promise at the start, but it is striking how wide-open Herodotus' themes
are from the start. It is interesting to compare the way Thucydides opened his History
with a far more focused summary, surely with an eye on his predecessor Herodotus:

Thucydides the Athenian wrote [xunnegrapse] the history of the war

between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians, beginning at the moment it
broke out and believing that it would be a great war and more worthy of rela-
tion than any that had preceded it. (Thucydides 1.1.1: Crawley)

§2.7. Instantly it is obvious that this is to be a more concentrated, sharply

focused account of a war-one war-and not the wider "inquiry," nor a baggy, all-
encompassing account of everything that deserves to have its fame preserved. And
he claims that his war was greater than earlier ones, which includes both the Trojan
War, sung by Homer, and the Persian War. Rivalry with Homer and Herodotus is
emphatically signaled. Turning back from Thucydides to Herodotus, we are struck
by the wide-arching aims of the Herodotean proem: this was indeed going to
encompass far more than the narrative of the Persian Wars alone.
§2.8. Here it may be useful to say something about the structure of the Histories,
which is related to their all-encompassing and inclusive subject matter. As we saw
above, the large sections on the geography and customs of various peoples tend to
be pegged onto the larger narrative framework of conquest: when the Persians or
before them, on a lesser scale, the Lydians' try to conquer a people, these people are
described. Thus the history of the Medes, who conquered the Persians (1.102) but
were later subjected by them, is included in the description of their relations with
the Persians (1.95-104, the Medes rise up against Assyria; see also 1.123-130, Cyrus
and the Persians rise up against the Medes).
§2.9. Right at the start of the Histories the grand theme of the conflict between
Greeks and non-Greeks is launched, and the structure reflects this. We start immedi-
ately after the proem with a curious set of opening myths, contrary stories by
learned Persians, Greeks, and Phoenicians, about mythical abductions of various
women by Persians, Phoenicians, or Greeks (1.1-5): the tit-for-tat of wrongs and
retaliations is thus traced right back to mythical times. But however we interpret this
opening-probably a parody of a certain type of argument about causes of wars-
Herodotus pulls the inquiry back onto safer ground almost immediately, into a
period more susceptible to historical inquiry, by saying tl1at he is not going to
declare whether any of these mythical abductions happened in this way, but he is
Intra.2.Sa Lydia: Map Intra.l, locator.

xvi
INTRODUCTION

going to proceed with the man he knows was the first to commit unjust acts against
the Greeks (1.5.3). This marks a clear division between what he knows and the
unstable and unreliable tales of a more distant past. He then proceeds to tell of
Croesus of Lydia, who attacked the Greeks of Asia Minor in the mid-sixth century
(1.6). This is the period safely within the range of historical knowledge. From now
on in Book 1, the narrative thread follows Croesus' rise and fall as king of Lydia, the
rise of the Median' kingdom and then that of the Persian Empire, the Persian
conquest of Lydia and other territories, and the gradual escalation of hostility
between Persia and the Greek world.
§2.IO. It is, however, the numerous "flashbacks," frequently called "digres-
sions," within this narrative that the modern reader often finds hard to follow.
Attached to this main narrative are many inserted sections which explain circum-
stances, describe the relevant geography, trace how such a situation has arisen, or
describe the state of a city which now becomes involved in the main narrative. A
simple example occurs in the narrative of Croesus' expansionist plans. Croesus king
of Lydia first inquires about possible allies, as part of his plan to go to war (1.56).
This inquiry forms a peg for a description of the major Greek ethnic groups, the
Dorians and Ionians (1.56-58). Then as "Croesus learned that the Athenians,
inhabitants of the foremost city of the Ionians, were ruled at this time by the tyrant
Peisistratos son of Hippocrates" (1.59.1), we are given an account of the mid-sixth-
century factional strife in Athens and Peisistratos' three periods of power. We thus
have an explanation within another explanation, a description hanging from another
description, all of which are in fact important to our understanding of the train of
events." In a form of "ring composition," Herodotus returns neatly at the end of
this to his main narrative and dearly signals the end of the section on Athens with
the sentence "Such, Croesus learned, was the condition of the Athenians" (1.65.1).
The ring is complete, and the ancient reader would be alerted to this by the very
method of ring composition. The modern terms "digression" or "excursus" imply
that these passages are less important, possibly off the point, getting off the main
theme, but this is to impose modern conceptions of linear structure and relevance
and an anachronistically negative slant. The nearest Herodotus gets to describing his
principle is in Book 4 (30.1): "My account goes searching from the start for extra
material [literally "additions"]''' The word "additions" carries a more positive
charge than "digression" and is the excuse for moving from the effects of the cold
on cattle in Scythia to a different but equally odd fact about the impossibility of
breeding mules in Elis. The searching for extra information is part and parcel of the
wide-open nature of his inquiry.

3. The Intellectual and Moral World of Herodotus

§3.1. In all this it is hard to see Herodotus as anything but revolutionary: as the
great scholar and historian Momigliano put it vividly, "There was no Herodotus
Intro.2.9a Media: Map Intro.2. drive out the last Peisistratid tyrant (5.65) and
Intto.2.lOa And this information is also vital to our under- form a new rudimentary, democratic govern-
standing oflater events which Herodoms ment (5.66), from which they draw the
describes subsequently, when the Athenians strength and ,viII (5.78) to resist the Persians.

xvii
 INTRODUCTION

before Herodotus.'" We can pick out earlier writers who pursued one or another
element of the many areas of inquiry that appear in Herodotus' Histories. Of these
Hekataios was the greatest, writing c. 500. He wrote a geographical work enumerat-
ing the peoples and places on a circumnavigation of the Mediterranean (Periodos
Ges) and tried to collect, systematize, and rationalize the many contradictory
legends of the Greeks in a work called Genealogies. Other prose writers may have
written short works on Lydian history and Persian history, but none of these have
survived in anything but a few fragments, and in any case, the great mass of
Herodotus' Histories draws on oral traditions and witnesses rather than written
works. With the exception of Homer, the "predecessors" of Herodotus seem only to
make Herodotus' achievement all the more monumental, and we can perhaps
understand the Histories more if we view Herodotus not so much in comparison
with the few shadowy writers somewhat before his time, but against the background
of developments in his own contemporary world.
§3.2. The supreme model for a narrative on this scale was provided by Homer,
the Iliad as a narrative of war, the Odyssey of travels. There are clear Homeric
features in Herodotus from the very opening, where he declares that his aim is
partly to ensure that fame (kleos) is preserved from the ravages of time. The larger
structure owes something to Homer, and similarities bring out the Homeric reso-
nances and parallels for Greek readers, who would have been very familiar with the
epics. At the start of Xerxes' great invasion of Greece, there is a long catalog of his
forces (7.61-99), which is clearly reminiscent of the great catalog of ships of the
Greek forces at Troy' in the Iliad (Iliad 2.484-779). Dreams playa large part in the
Xerxes narrative as he is persuaded to go ahead with his disastrous expedition
against Greece by a series of dreams sent by the gods to ensure that, despite all argu-
ments raised against the expedition, he nevertheless continues with his plans to
invade Greece (Book 7, beginning). Similarly, early in the Iliad, Agamemnon is sent
a deceptive dream which leads him to believe that the capture of Troy could be
imminent (Iliad 2.1-40)-though here, as the circumstances and effects are so
different, we may wonder if the deceptive dream is simply a feature of the Greek
conception of how dreams and the divine may function in human life and, as such,
common to both Homer and Herodotus. Herodotus uses phrases and expressions
that are reminiscent of Homeric ones, and the practice of giving speeches to the
actors in his Histories continues what is originally a Homeric practice. b
§3.3. Yet there are sharp differences between them, too, and Herodotus on
several occasions distances himself from the Homeric account in such a way as to
emphasize his superior methods and judgment. Writers began to write in prose (as
opposed to verse) in the sixth century for serious attempts to elucidate the grand
workings of the cosmos and to distance themselves from the dominant poetic tradi-
tion. Most early philosophy was in prose, and the early rationalization and ordering
Intro.3.1a A. Momigiiano, "The Place of Herodotus in Companion to Herodotus, and S. Hornblower,
the History of Historiography," Chapter 8 of "Introduction," in Hornblower, ed., Greek
his Studies in Historiography (London, 1966), Historiography (oxford, 1994), 65-7 on
129. Homeric speech and rhythms. Note also S.
lntro.3.2a Troy: Map lntro.!. Said, "Herodotus and Tragedy," Chapter 6 in
lntro.3.2b D. Boedeker, "Epic Heritage and Mythical BrilFs Companion to Herodotus, for an excel-
Patterns in Herodotus," Chapter 5 in Brill's lent analysis of the tragic in Herodotus.

XVlll
INTRODUCTION

of the myths by writers such as Hekataios were written in a rather dry prose. By
Herodotus' time, then, prose was the medium for serious investigation into the
world, although Homer's authority was still enormous. We can often see Herodotus
distancing his account and his whole approach from the Homeric vision. One exam-
ple we saw above, where Herodotus proclaimed (effectively) that it was only the
recent past that could properly be known as a subject of real knowledge (1. 5.3). In
Herodotus' idea that wisdom comes from travel, which he implies in his description
of his own research and makes still clearer in the account of the travels of Solon the
lawgiver (1.29-33), we might see echoes of the Homeric Odysseus, "who saw many
cities and came to know their minds" (Odyssey 1.3). But Herodotus often demolishes
traditions and criticizes myths. He takes apart the veracity of basic elements of
Homer's Iliad in a remarkable section of Book 2, where he argues that Helen never
reached Troy but remained in Egypt for the war, and he believes Homer rejected
this version as inappropriate for epic (2.113-120). Herodotus often recorded tradi-
tions as they stood, as is often pointed out, but he also corrected them, and stressed
that he had the truth. He seems deliberately to mark his distance from the great
epics in his very opening sentence (Proem): "the publication of his inquiry" (apodexis
histories) is an expression which belongs to the intellectual currents of the second
half of the fifth century, and it is placed just before he expresses the desire to
preserve the fame of great achievements, which is an entirely Homeric idea. Then
the next five paragraphs (1.1-5) juxtapose legends of various women being seized in
rationalized versions of the old legends, with accounts about the past which he char-
acterizes as what "I know." The epic poet appealed to the Muse to give him his
story: "Sing, goddess, of the wrath ofPeleus' son Achilles" (Iliad 1.1), the oral poet
calling upon the Muse for inspiration and the very material of his epic. Herodotus'
opening, on the other hand, signals to his audience that his sources are actually his
own inquiries, his own travels, his own experience (or autopsy). The hint at external
sources of information is couched in terms of a new, entirely human-based search
for knowledge.
§3.4. Herodotus' awareness of his sources, the way he actually mentions his
methods and distinguishes between what he has seen and what he has only heard,
enable him to delineate his work as a new kind of "inquiry." For instance, he
emphasizes that the Egyptians keep records of the past and therefore are "the most
learned" of any people he knows (2.77), and he claims the Egyptian priests as
sources of information throughout Book 2. Or, more implausibly, he declares that
he himself saw a great marvel at the site of the battle of Pelusium, where he was
shown the Egyptian and Persian skulls which still lay there in separate piles, and he
claims an identical experience at the battlefield of Paprem is (3.12; see further below,
§4, Herodotus' Reliability). This idea of novelty might at first seem paradoxical
when he is recording past traditions and past histories (e.g., the past history of

XIX
 INTRODUCTION

Sparta, 1.65-68), and when many of his stories have the archaic ring of the folktale
(the story of Polykrates' ring [3.40-42], the story of Solon's visit to Croesus
[1.29-33], the rise and fall of Croesus in Book 1). But in many ways Herodotus'
Histories show his immersion not only in the traditions of his times but also in the
most exciting intellectual developments of the latter part of the fifth century. His
inquiry was a significant part of the shared milieu in that period that included early
medical investigations and speculation, philosophical experiments, sophistic argu-
ments, and creative speculation of all kinds. His methods of inquiry and his own
awareness of them reveal that he is very much a product of this intellectual climate.
Today we expect historians to be aware of their methods and sources, but this prac-
tice only began in the latter part of the fifth century. It is visible in the texts of the
early medical writers which were collected under the name of Hippocrates, and in
the works of contemporary philosophers, and in general in this period, different
methods of getting at the truth, with or without the help of visual evidence, were
being investigated. Thucydides picked up Herodotus' methods and improved upon
them, stating his methods in a more compressed and authoritative manner but with
some of the same vocabulary (Thucydides 1.20-22). Had Herodotus not led the
way, Thucydides' task would have been far harder.
§3.5. There are also links between different writers of the period in the treatment
of certain topics. When Herodotus described in Book 4 the customs (nomoi) of the
Scythians, an ethnic group which lived in what is now the Ukraine, he balanced this
with an account of the geography of the area, which was remarkable for its many
rivers. We know from the late-fifth-century essay "Airs, Waters, Places," attributed
to the doctor Hippocrates, that Scythia was a focus of attention to those intent on
linking climate and geography to the physical character of the human inhabitants:
this link in turn determined their susceptibility to certain illnesses, particularly the
Scythian "female disease." The Scythians turn up elsewhere in the Hippocratic
corpus and seem to have been something of a cause celebre as people whose physical
constitution was extremely damp; the Libyans were the opposite, very hot and dry,
and in Greek eyes, therefore, much healthier. Herodotus' work bears a fascinating
and complex relationship to these ideas. He knows about these investigations and
can employ the idea of environmental determinism himself (e.g., 1.142.1-2, 2.77,
9.122), but he does not borrow slavishly. On the contrary, he seems to criticize
them implicitly, as when he stresses that the Scythians' nomadism was the really
effective part of their strategy in resisting the Persians (4.46.2), or when he empha-
sizes that custom/law (nomos) is the governing principle in the character of a people
(3.38). Here he tells of an experiment of the Persian King Darius, who asked a
group of Greeks what it would take to persuade them to eat the bodies of their dead
parents: they exclaimed that nothing could induce them to do such a thing. Darius
then asked a group of Indians,' who were cannibals, what they would take to burn
their parents' dead bodies (as the Greeks did), and they were equally horrified by
the very idea. Thus, from this demonstration, Herodotus concludes that the famous
Intro.3.5a Delos: Map Intro.I.

xx
INTRODUCTION

poet Pindar was right: "custom [nomos] is king of all" (3.38). Here custom is
implicitly contrasted with nature and the environment. One of the primary interests
of the various writers we call sophists was in the relation or opposition between
nature and custom, physis and nomos. Medical writers linked geography and climate
to health and constitution in a type of environmental determinism. So when
Herodotus stresses the importance of nomos here, as he does also for an explanation
of Spartan superior courage in a conversation between King Xerxes and the former
Spartan king Demaratos (7.101-104), he is engaging in the same debate, and
coming down on the side of nomos as the determining factor.
§3.6. Elsewhere he criticizes current theories with arguments and vocabulary
which would have been thoroughly familiar to other contemporary intellectuals
(whether we call them natural philosophers, sophists, or medical writers matters
less here, since they overlap considerably in this period). For instance, he criticizes
the Ionian writers who believed Egypt comprised only the Egyptian Delta: "If we
think correctly about these things, then the Ionians do not think sensibly about
Egypt; but if the opinion of the Ionians is correct, then I undertake to show that
neither the Greeks nor the Ionians know how to count, who say that there are
three parts to the earth, Europe, and Asia and Libya" (2.16: a deliberately inele-
gant but literal translation). His greatest tour de force in this vein is his long
section about the different theories on the cause of the Nile Rivera flood, knocked
down one after the other in Herodotus' most argumentative and polemical style
(2.19-27). When Herodotus says in the first person, about the Macedonian b kings,
"Now that these are Greeks . . . as they themselves say, I can affirm of my own
knowledge, and indeed, I will demonstrate this later on, that they are Greeks"
(5.22), when he talks of having proof and evidence, he is using the flamboyant,
polemical, and demonstrative style that was fashionable in the latter part of the fifth
century, particularly in the display lecture for a live audience and the investigation
into natural philosophy and medicine.
§3.7. Knowing about fashionable theories, however, does not necessarily mean
that someone accepts them. To say that Herodotus shared some of the ideas and
language of the medical writers and sophists is not to affirm that he necessarily
accepted all their views, still less the more radical ideas associated with certain
sophists. He says in his own person that he believes nomos (custom, law) to be
crucial to human society (3.38), which distances him from the most subversive
sophists, who championed "nature" as more important in human morality, but he
seems happy to declare one or the other custom that he describes to be an excellent
one. He singles out the Babylonian marriage market practice to be "the wisest
custom" of the Babylonians' (1.196). Sadly, it had fallen into disuse, he says, but they
used to hold an auction in which the money offered by rich men to acquire the most
beautiful women as wives was then redistributed as dowries to give to the less beau-
tiful as a kind of compensation, so that everyone, rich and poor, beautiful and less
beautiful, could thus find a mate. This is not the remark of someone who simply
Intro.3.6a Nile River: Map Intro.2, inset. Intro.3.7a Babylon: Map Intro.2.
Intro.3.6b Macedon: Map Intro.I, locator.

xxi
 INTRODUCTION

accepts all human customs as equally good or worthy. He expresses disagreement

with those who thought animal behavior could be used as a justification for human
behavior: speaking of the Egyptian and Greek taboo against coupling in temples, he
says that some said this was justifiable because animals did it, but "I do not agree
with those who now defend their practice in this way" (2.64). It was a fashionable
sophistic trick to defend the apparently indefensible on the grounds of animal
behavior: such arguments and their often ridiculous implications are parodied by
Aristophanes in The Clouds (1421-1431). Herodotus seems to know of such argu-
ments, but he is firmly traditional: animal behavior is one thing, the world of
humans another. He was part of the "Greek Enlightenment"b in many ways, but
remained distant from the most radical or revolutionary theories of the sophists.
§3.8. Above all, he believed that there was a truth that could be discovered, or at
least he was keen to affirm that he was finding out the truth: the Histories are full of
statements of fact and corrections by Herodotus both to false anecdotes and to
accepted tradition. Moreover, while he shared the late-fifth-century emphasis on
human activities in determining the course of events, he believed, like most Greeks,
that oracles would come true, and that the divine might affect the human world.
This perhaps deserves some emphasis. Greek states and Greek citizens consulted the
oracles, above all the oracle at Delphi: about their future course of action, and if we
believe the traditions, questions might be direct or roundabout, and the answers
might range from an enigmatic riddle to the most straightforward directives about
what deities to honor in order to achieve the desired result. Apollo at Delphi is
portrayed repeatedly as foretelling the future (e.g., oracles for Argos and Miletus,
6.19, 6.77, 6.86), and it is striking that in Herodotus' Histories the oracle may be
misunderstood or misinterpreted by the human actors, but the oracle, mouthpiece
of the god, does not itself lie (the priestess may be bribed to give a false oracle, as in
5.63 and 5.66, but that is another matter). It is the fault of men if they willfully or
arrogantly interpret an oracle in such a way as to defeat their original hopes. Croesus,
for example, interpreted the oracle "You shall destroy a great empire" to mean that
he himself would be successful against the Persians, whereas it actually meant the
opposite, as the god Apollo pointed out to him afterward: the destroyed empire
would be his own (1.53,1.91). While the gods do not feature as actors in the histori-
cal narrative of the Histories, as they do in Homer, Herodotus does affirm that "It is
plain from many pieces of evidence that the hand of god is active in human affairs."
He makes this claim in his narrative of the last stages of the Persian Wars, and the
final battle against the Persians at Mycale in Asia Minor. He states that "it is plain" if
it is true that the rumor of the Greek victory at Plataea against the Persians managed
to reach the Greek army fighting the Persians on the same day all the way across the
Aegean at Mycale (9.100). There is a hint of caution here (note the careful expres-
sion), but we are left with the strong impression that the divine plan was indeed to
encourage the Greeks fighting at Mycale, so that they would win the victory in Asia
Intro.3.7b "Greek Enlightenment" (here and later, in Thucydides, Euripides, and Socrates, the
§5.9) is the term sometimes used to refer in period envisaged as background to Socrates'
shorthand to the upsurge in intellectual discussions in most of Plato's dialogues. See,
creativity and innovation in the second half of e.g., F. Solmsen, Intellectual Experiments of
the fifth century associated with Periclean the Greek Enlightenment (Princeton, 1975).
Athens, the emergence of the sophists, Intro.3.8a Delphi: Map Intro.I.

xxii
INTRODUCTION

as well as the crucial final battle on the Greek mainland. The hand of "the god"
(unnamed) is also seen in the terrible storm off Euboea which did so much to reduce
the superiority of the Persian fleet so that it should equal the Greek one (8.13).
§3.9. Herodotus' moral world is thus one which looks backward rather than
forward and which often seems reminiscent of an older Greece. It is worth dwelling
on this further. Modern readers are struck almost immediately in the Histories with
the sense that men (and women) are punished by the gods, brought down, for
excessively arrogant behavior or for the sins of their forefathers. The story of Croe-
sus king of Lydia offers all of this, and its place as the main opening narrative
suggests that Herodotus meant it to be emblematic in some way for the rest of the
Histories. Croesus, the fabulously wealthy Lydian king, was anxious to show off his
wealth and good fortune to Solon the Athenian, one of the many wise men who
visited Croesus (1.29-34). Solon, however, was unimpressed, offering instead two
examples of men of greater happiness: Tellus, who died bravely and received a public
burial, and Cleobis and Biton, who died in their sleep after their strenuous efforts
on behalf of their mother and the deity. From these examples he also draws the
uncomfortable and paradoxical moral "Never call yourself happy until you are
dead": man's life is buffeted constantly, and the gods are jealous; good fortune can
change very suddenly (1.32). The gods seemed to punish Croesus for thinking
himself the happiest of men, for Croesus continued in his high opinion of himself,
misinterpreted in his arrogance the enigmatic oracle mentioned above which said
"You shall destroy a great empire," attacked the Persians, and lost everything. Not
only had he brought this misfortune on himself by his own arrogance, but it turns
out that he was also suffering for the misdeeds of Gyges, an ancestor five genera-
tions back (1.90-91). When he accused the god Apollo of misleading him with the
oracle, Apollo replied that he had managed to delay Croesus' fate for three years,
but not even the gods could escape the fates.
§3.10. This awareness of the transience of human fortune and the jealous nature
of the gods fits smoothly with the moral view of man's place in the world that we
see in earlier poetry and much of Athenian tragedy. It is very Greek, very traditional,
and to some extent Herodotus may have absorbed and continued it from the tradi-
tions which he recorded and reused; by definition these would tend to encapsulate
traditional lines of morality, and the idea that the gods would punish arrogance. Yet
the placing of this story of Solon and Croesus, as I have said, suggests that
Herodotus meant the moral to have emphasis for his Histories as well, and it may be
significant that the warning figure is a highly respected Athenian. At the start of the
Histories, just before he turns to Croesus, he says he will "describe equally the small
and the great cities of men. For the cities which were formerly great have most of
them become small; and such as are powerful in my time were formerly weak. I shall
therefore tell equally of both, knowing that human happiness [eudaimonia] never
continues long in one place" (1.5). The instability of human fortune, then, was to

XXlU
 INTRODUCTION

be a central theme. It is this, followed by the Croesus tale, that persuades some
scholars that Herodotus meant the warning to have force in his own day, and for the
most powerful and most prosperous city of his time, the city of Athens. The virtue
of Herodotus' narrative style and presentation is that he does not need to spell out a
message: the implied moral lies there implicit in the text for anyone to see if they so
wish, clothed in the garb of traditional and therefore unprovocative wisdom, and his
exact intentions remain ambiguous.
§3.11. We should also consider here as an abiding force the motif of revenge and
the dynamic of "tit for tat," more elaborately called "reciprocity," which readers will
see in the often bewildering chains of explanations offered for actions and motives.
This, too, seems to be an archaic or traditional motif and was probably embedded in
the oral traditions of many cities as the explanation for an action or situation, with
all the simplification that oral tradition brought to bear on complex historical forces.
In a particularly complex example, the Spartans in the late sixth century help some
Samian exiles to defeat the Samian tyrant because, we are told, the Samians had once
helped them, the Spartans, in a struggle against the Messenians;' but the Spartans
themselves see their action as revenge because the Samians had once stolen a bowl
which Sparta had sent to Croesus (3.47). The Corinthians are also willing to help,
because they had been insulted by the Samians generations before in a manner
which Herodotus then explains (3.48-49). This rather crude form of explanation
seems also to be a powerful traditional motif in explaining the behavior of individu-
als, though it is by no means the only form of causation in the Histories. The expan-
sion of the Persian Empire can equally be defended in terms of the need to maintain
the dynamism of the ruling power (7.8-9). The opening of Book 7 offers a spec-
trum of different forms of causation and explanation for the Persian invasion along-
side the traditional motifs of reciprocity and revenge.

4. Herodotus' Reliability
§4.1. How far can we believe Herodotus' account? Are the Histories reliable, or
some sections more reliable than others? Is the love of a good story sometimes more
attractive for Herodotus than the quest for the truth? Herodotus' reliability has often
been questioned, and some even wonder whether he was committed to giving histori-
cally accurate information at all. Could a serious historian really believe some of the
implausible tales he recorded?-for instance, that an important stage in the Ionian
Revolt against Persian power was launched by "the slave with the tattooed head"? For
Histiaios, stuck in Susa,a sent a slave with a secret message tattooed onto his head and
the hair grown over, to tell Aristagoras in Ionia that he should now revolt (5.35). Or
that King Amasis of Egypt abandoned his alliance with Polykrates tyrant of Samos
(late sixth century) because Polykrates was too fortunate and was therefore bound to
meet a reversal? And then there is his curiosity about "marvels," exotic animals or
Intro.3.11a Delos: Map Intro.I.
Intro.4.1a Susa: Map Intro.2.

xxiv
INTRODUCTION

humans at the edges of the known world, of which his giant "gold-digging ants" of
India are among the most notorious (3.102-105: this did not prevent Alexander the
Great from looking for them, however, when he was in the vicinity b). And what about
the Egyptian and Persian skulls neatly separated on the battlefield of Pelusium
mentioned above (3.12), which enabled Herodotus to discover an interesting fact
about skull thickness? The sometimes bewildering combination of serious political
analysis and wondrous marvels has led to the nickname "father of history, father of
lies." A more extreme accusation has been made that he deliberately and quite con-
sciously gave false information or even made it up. A few modern scholars suspect that
he goes much further than relaying doubtful information, and that he consciously
invented material, stories, and even the very statements he gives about how he got his
information (for example, the Egyptian priests cited as his sources in Book 2).c One or
two have even doubted that he went to Egypt at all, despite his frequent remarks
about what he saw there and though he repeatedly pressed upon the reader his own
experiences, what he saw himself, as a reason for believing him. If we accept this skep-
tical view, our image of Herodotus the traveler and researcher would be left in total
disarray. Yet, on the other hand, his integrity is also defended, sometimes vehemently.
Occasionally he may be pulling the wool over his audience's eyes, we might admit,
but then there are counterarguments, too. Perhaps (some scholars suggest) he has
simply got things wrong, been misled by his informants, or been taken in by exotic
travelers' tales; or perhaps he simply could not resist including some curious but ques-
tionable stories (the giant ant tale is said to be a Persian account).
§4.2. The disagreements and indeed the very controversy seem to hinge mainly
on two questions: first, what do we think Herodotus meant to convey to his £ifth-
century audience, who may not have understood his statements in the way a modern
reader might? And second, what was he in a position to hear, see, find out, and inves-
tigate in that period? For the first question, he clearly does indicate that he has carried
out investigations himself, that he has traveled widely and questioned people, and it
would seem most unlikely that he would have invented these practices completely
when he was inventing the method of carrying out such research: the satire or parody
of a genre is likely to be a comparatively late development within that genre, not an
initial stage. For instance, early in Book 2, Herodotus gives a fascinating story about
an experimental rearing of young babies organized by the Egyptian pharaoh Psam-
metichos in order to find out the first (natural) language, and the story he prefers is
the one given him by the priests of Hephaistos at Memphis; though the Greeks have
their own versions of the story, and he comments further on the learned Egyptian
priests with whom he conversed (2.2-3). This sounds like an elaborate, perhaps
slightly labored, effort to stress new and thorough, if somewhat eccentric, methods
of inquiry. One strand of the debate has criticized the way Herodotus loosely gives a
version of events or motives as "what is said" by the Athenians, or the Corinthians, or
the Egyptian priests, and if taken absolutely literally, these references are sometimes
Intro.4.1b W. K. Pritchett, The Liar School of Herodotus Intro.4.1c Most particularly argued by D. Fehling, "Herod-
(Amsterdam, 1993), 90ff., gives various otus and His Sources," in Citation, Invention
attempted explanations (e.g., marmots' barrow and Narrative Art (Leeds, 1989; translated
debris dug from gold-bearing sands), all assum- and revised from German original of 1971).
ing there is some kernel of truth in the tale. Intro.4.2a Memphis: Map Intro.2, inset.

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 INTRODUCTION

puzzling or invite skepticism. However, not all the remarks about certain traditions
need necessarily imply that he has gone to the most knowledgeable and direct source
(which in itself would be unlikely for all cases). I would particularly emphasize
phrases such as "the Athenians say," "but the Persians say," "the Corinthians say,"
which recur throughout the Histories. Taken literally, these expressions might imply
that Herodotus talked to "the Athenians," or more likely, members of the Athenian
elite, and that these were therefore his direct source, Herodotus giving us a tradition
with mention of his source in an almost modern fashion. So some scholars interpret
them. But it is almost invariably a piece of Athenian history that "the Athenians say,"
or a Samian version that "Samians say," all quite neat and logical. Should we take
these literally? A more plausible interpretation b is that Herodotus usually means no
more than "This is the Athenian tradition" or "This is the general Athenian version
of events," "This version belongs to the Athenians," thus that he is signaling the
social memory, the collective memory, and his audience would know this quite well.
We shall return to this when we look at oral tradition below.
§4.3. Turning to the second question, we should not judge his account purely
against modern standards of accuracy. It is occasionally suggested that because he is
simply wrong in modern scientific terms, he cannot have seen what he says he has
seen. His account of the Labyrinth in Egypt (2.148), a great "wonder," is hard to
match up with the later description of Strabo and the foundations that are all that is
left of this immense building-though a reconstruction is possible, and one might
expect from its very name that casual observers like Herodotus might indeed find the
grand plan hard to grasp .. The measurements of the Euxine (Black) Sea are not
strictly accurate, though he says he was on the north coast (4.81), and it is strange
that he has remarkably little to say about the great temples of Thebes and Luxor b in
Egypt, which he says he visited (2.3, 2.54 or 2.55.1, 2.143, strongly implied). A
more complex example, which tantalizes the modern reader into wondering what he
really saw in Egypt, is the striking section where he claims that the Egyptians do
everything the other way around to the rest of mankind: "The Egyptians themselves
in their manners and customs seem to have reversed the ordinary practices of
mankind. For instance, women attend market and are employed in trade, while men
stay at home and do the weaving. Men in Egypt carry loads on their heads, women
on their shoulders, women urinate standing up, men sitting down" and so on, and he
continues in this vein for some time, moving gradually to a detailed account of the
most remarkable of Egyptian practices like mummification (2.35-36, 2.37ff.). There
are many theories about what Herodotus might have meant here which serve to
defend or undermine his veracity. Despite all this, however-both antithesis and
exoticism-he still believes that the Greeks learned a great deal from the Egyptians,
including much Greek religious practice (he presents this as his own discovery), so
they are hardly "opposite" in every respect. An even more notorious example is that
of the flying snakes from Arabia, c whose skeletons he claims to have seen himself lying
Intro.4.2b See N. Luraghi, "Local Knowledge in Sources."
Herodotus' Histories," Chapter 7, in N. Intro.4.3a See Alan Lloyd's commentary, Herodotus,
Luraghi, ed., The Historian's Craft in the Age Book II, Vol. III, on 2.148 for details ofrecon-
oJHerodotus(Oxford, 2001), an excellent struction.
critique of Fehling, "Herodotus and His Intro.4.3b Luxor (Thebes): Map Intro.2, inset.

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INTRODUCTION

in great piles at Bouto,d where they were killed by ibises as they entered Egypt
(2.75-76). They have puzzled most commentators. What could he possibly have
seen, if anything? (Guesses abound.) Yet he says he went to Bouto expressly to
inquire about these snakes. Was he too credulous when being shown around by his
Egyptian guides, or does some chain of stories and misunderstandings lie behind this
that can only elude us now? He claims that his information about Egyptian history
and much else comes from discussion with the Egyptian priests, but the accuracy of
his accounts compared to modern knowledge of Egypt is quite patchy. His account
of the process of mummification is astonishingly accurate, but could he really have
talked to priests? Or to lower temple attendants he assumed were priests? Or did he
simply talk to Greek intermediaries in Greek?e
§4.4. We need some common sense here, and we should not lose sight of an
appreciation of what Herodotus was trying to achieve that was new. Scientific
history was not yet invented, indeed "history" itself was not yet a discipline, travel-
ing was difficult, geographical knowledge still mingled with what we would call
mythical space, permanent notekeeping was probably difficult. Anyone with exten-
sive travel experience knows how topography, places, and details can get inextricably
confused, even (or especially) with the help of the camera. A superficial acquain-
tance with local culture can, in a travel account or guidebook, take on the veneer of
a more profound understanding of what is essentially an alien culture. Modern travel
writers frequently take shortcuts, despite the ease of modern travel. Moreover, the
observer is likely to see things through the filter of his or her own culture: certain
features will be picked out, others left unobserved, yet others misinterpreted. Just
on these grounds alone, it seems hardly surprising if Herodotus sometimes has curi-
ous views of a place or people when compared to the full archaeological evidence
now available. It is quite possible that the "Egyptian priests" to whom he talked
lacked an entirely accurate picture of their country's history, and that the accounts
attributed to them in the Histories might also represent an amalgam of Greek ideas
of what the priests said and the priests' traditions seen inevitably through a Helleniz-
ing lens. Then again, certain of the priests' traditions (as recounted by Herodotus)
may in fact reflect developments in Egyptian temple culture of the fifth century.a
Perhaps Herodotus did not describe the fabulous temple of Karnak b because he did
not go there, or was not allowed in, or for some reason was only briefly in Thebes,
or not at all (as above, he says he went there at 2.3; see also 2.143). Could he have
lifted his famously odd description of the hippo, with its mane and tail "like a horse"
(2.71), from his predecessor Hekataios, hoping that Hekataios had seen more of
one than he had? Was this one of his shortcuts, and one that he did not realize
would be detected because Hekataios had also taken a shortcut? Or were they both
simply concocting the description from the very name hippopotamos ("river horse")?
It is hard indeed to believe he went to Babylon, simply because his description is
bizarre and exaggerated; and indeed he never quite says he did, only that he will not
Intro.4.3d Bouto: Map Intro.2, inset. an Egyptian Mirage," Journal of Hellenic
Intro.4.3e See Appendix C, The Account of Egypt, §7, a Studies 122 (2002), 70ff., for fifth-century
discussion of Herodotus' Egyptian sources, Egyptian culture and Herodotus.
for his section on Egyptian history. Intro.4.4b Karnak (Thebes): Map Intro.2, inset.
Intro.4.4a See, for instance, I. Moyer, "Herodotus and

xxvii
 INTRODUCTION

describe the yields of millet and sesame because no one would believe it unless they
had been there themselves (1.193.4). And when he says, "The greatest wonder for
me, after the city itself, I will now describe" (1.194.1), he is using an oddly oblique
way of implying his own personal knowledge. So yes, Herodotus probably took a
few shortcuts. But to go further and disbelieve all his claims to have seen what he
says he saw, to deny all his assertions that he was trying to discover true accounts of
the present or past, would certainly be extreme. Moreover, it would be surprising
for someone to invent examples of conventions within a genre that did not yet exist,
as I mentioned above: the parody of a genre is likely to be a relatively late develop-
ment within that genre. The most interesting point is that he tried to describe
foreign cultures, foreign monuments, and foreign mentalities at all, and that he did
so with an open-mindedness which is astonishing.
§4.5. He was also contending with the frayed edges of the world as it was known
to Greeks, the ends of Greek knowledge, where perhaps someone heard from some-
one else about the tribes or geography beyond the next horizon. What is striking,
and would have been revolutionary in his day, was that he bothered to point out for
his audience tales that he thought stretched credulity, and where his own knowledge
gave out. In Book 2, he says he went down the Nile as far as Elephantine,. at the First
Cataract: "I went to Elephantine and saw for myself; after that I rely on hearsay
(akoue)" (2.29.1). It seems a little unlikely that he had really traveled as far as
Elephantine, for he had just mentioned an absurd account of the sources of the Nile
north of Elephantine with two conical mountains called Crophi and Mophi and fath-
omless springs which flow one toward Egypt, the other to Ethiopia (2.28), and he says
he thinks the scribe who told him this was "playing" (paizein, 2.28). Yet far later
accounts may corroborate the names as truly Egyptian: was Herodotus amalgamating
folktales and topography? Or one tale with another?b Or his own experience with curi-
ous and not entirely compatible accounts from Egyptians? What is significant is that
his curiosity did not stop even there, and he proceeded to add hearsay accounts of
what lay beyond even Elephantine.
§4.6. We should also reckon with the extreme difficulty of fully appreciating an
alien culture, as modern anthropologists are well aware. Outsiders' perceptions may
be influenced, perhaps fatally, by their own preconceptions and theories, and the
prejudices or assumptions of their own culture. Nor do local informants always give
the most informed or most "official" account of local practices. Herodotus went to
Egypt and Scythia with an array of Greek conceptions and expectations and to some
extent he must have seen these cultures through Greek eyes: when he says that the
Egyptians are quite the opposite in their customs to the rest of mankind, mankind
seems primarily to be Greeks (2.35). The fascinating question that arises for the
reader of Herodotus is how far he has combined common Greek perceptions, more
educated Greek theories, and the awkward intrusion of the visual evidence, what he
saw himself, that might correspond to neither of these. He made sense of the world
in part in terms of the Greek division between Greeks and barbarians, but he tran-
scended that dichotomy to such an extent that he could show noble barbarians and
Intro.4.5a Elephantine (modern Aswan): Map 2.2, of Herodotus' account of Egypt. For more
Egypt inset. detailed information on that subject, see
Intro.4.5b See Appendix C for a discussion of the quality lloyd's commentary, Herodotus, Book IL

xxviii
INTRODUCTION

praise barbarian customs. He could describe completely unfamiliar practices like the
Scythian royal burials (4.71-73) or Egyptian mummification (2.86-90) in ways that
correspond well to modern archaeological discoveries, and attribute much of Greek
religious practice to Egyptian influence (e.g., 2.49-53). There were also models that
were popular in Greek natural philosophy for understanding the world: the early
Greek scientific division between the hot and the cold, the wet and the dry, seems to
be there in his accounts of Scythia and Libya (note the large number of horned
animals in Libya: Greek science held that horns grew best in hot and dry condi-
tions). But which came first, the theoretical framework or the observation? Some-
times the theory. Some of his comments about the natural world seem bizarre now,
but were taken seriously enough to deserve rebuttal by Aristotle (e.g., in Generation
of Animals [755b6], he objects to Herodotus' "silly account" at 2.93 of how fish
reproduce). We may also bear in mind that Greek natural science had its own inter-
est in the apparently extraordinary, the obviously marvelous, as elements which
demanded new explanation and further investigation.
§4.7. Wonders merited an account, however, in their own right, too: remarkable
tales often appear in Herodotus precisely because they are marvelous. Some stories
set in India and Arabia sound more like tall travelers' tales or, in the case of the spice
harvesting of Arabia (3.107-112), exotic marketing tales. In any case Herodotus
embraces the marvelous as a subject for his inquiry. On Egypt, he explains that he
will describe it at great length because of the large number of remarkable things in
the country, "and because of the fact that more monuments which are beyond
description are to be found there than anywhere else. It is because of these that I
will dwell on it at greater length" (2.35.1).
§4.8. Herodotus seems to have conceived of his task as covering the entire known
world, mapping the vast expanses of the oikoumene, the inhabited world, and mapping
it in terms of what could be known and what could not, in terms of human activity
and human inhabitants. He pointed out how far knowledge could reach, what was the
furthest extent and the limit of human information. For instance, on the sources of the
Nile he made a comparison with the Danube: a "Now as this river flows through
regions that are inhabited, its course is perfectly well known; but of the sources of the
Nile no one can give any account since Libya, the country through which it passes, is
desert and without inhabitants. As far as it was possible to get information, I have
given a description of the river" (2.34). On the edges of the oikoumene, in particular,
travelers' tales merged with myth: Hyperboreans-people living in the far north and
mentioned by the poets-whose very existence Herodotus doubted (4.32-36),
Libyans and the various inhabitants of the African desert which he charts going west
(4.168-197), along with Lotus-eaters (4.177-178), dog-headed creatures, men with-
out heads and therefore with eyes in their breasts (4.191) and people without names.
§4.9. His remarks about truth, falsehood, and probability are interesting here,
for he notes quite emphatically for the reader what he considers unverifiable, and
this serves to reinforce the information he gives elsewhere as correct. Thus "Ocean,"
the great river surrounding the known land mentioned by the poets, "takes the
Intro.4.8a Danube (ancient Istcr) River: Map Intro.I,
locator.

XXIX
 INTRODUCTION

matter into the realm of the invisible, which therefore admits of no refutation" (2.23,
literal translation): thus one element of mythical and poetic geography is calmly set
aside as beyond the possibility of proof! Other pieces of information about the edge
of the world are hedged around with a careful marking of a train of informants, as
with the travelers into the African interior who came across a crocodile-infested river
flowing west to east, which must, Herodotus believes, be the Nile (2.32-33): he says
that he got this account from the Cyrenaeans, who got it from Etearchos king of
Ammon when he was at the oracle of Ammon a who told them what he had heard
from the Libyan Nasamonians, whose wilder young men had explored the desert. In
one of two possible proofs that Libya was surrounded by sea except for the Suez isth-
mus, he mentions the Phoenicians who sailed around Africa from east to west at the
Egyptian pharaoh's behest, and insisted that the sun appeared on their right, i.e., to
the north (4.42-43). Because of this statement, Herodotus declares that he does not
believe them, but he relates it all the same, and for us the statement indicates their
veracity and Herodotus' denial illustrates a limit of his geometrical knowledge. He
may not be able to resist a good story at times, but he will often express disbelief or
say that he is not sure (2.123.1, "the less plausible version should, since it was given,
be declared"; more disingenuously perhaps on the politically delicate subject of
Argive Medism,b 7.152.3, his method was to "repeat what was said"). There is a link
here with his knowledge of current intellectual arguments mentioned above. He can
express incredulity in modern, sophisticated language but have the best of both
worlds in telling the story anyway. He mentions, for instance, the tale told by the
"bald-headed men" who live beyond the Scythians: they say that the mountains
beyond them, that is, in the far north, are inhabited by goat-footed men and beyond
that, by men who sleep for six months of the year. Of the latter story, Herodotus says
he thinks it "utterly incredible" (4.24-25). He can mention a story which amuses
and fascinates while showing off his superior discernment in disbelieving it.
§4.10. It is remarkable that Herodotus does not simply follow the same vein of
prejudice and simplification about various barbarian peoples that we see in other
Greek writers of the time. He was influenced, like anyone, by the mentality of his
age and culture, but he went far beyond that influence and often seems deliberately
to puncture some prejudice about foreign peoples. As he says about Greek misun-
derstandings of the Egyptians, "the Greeks tell many silly stories without investiga-
tion and among them is the silly fable about Herakles" (in Egypt), which he proceeds
to criticize on logical and rational grounds, since "the Greeks are utterly ignorant of
the character and customs of the Egyptians" (2.45).
§4.11. But Egypt had fascinated Greeks for generations. Mentioned in Homer, it
had become home to Greek traders and mercenaries who lived in Naucratis a and
Memphis, controlled settlements in the Delta, from as far back as the late seventh
century. Egypt was a source of exotic luxuries, ancient wisdom, and influential styles of
monumental art. These were barbarians whom Greeks could admire. Of the other
Near Eastern empires, Herodotus had a skimpy knowledge, but the Persians were
another matter. They had attacked or conquered Greeks and were regarded with far
Intro.4.9a Ammonion: Map Intro.2.
Intro.4.9b Medism: see n. Intro.2.3a.
Intro.4.11a Naucratis: Map Intro.2, inset.

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INTRODUCTION

more hostility by them. It is all the more remarkable, then, how balanced and fair
Herodotus is in his presentation of the Persians. He introduces the Persians as a people
with some noble characteristics, for instance their abhorrence of lying (1.138), and
some commendable customs, such as their rule that the king should not inflict the
death penalty for a single fault (1.137). He carefully explains how, unlike the Greeks,
they do not believe that the gods have human form (1.131). Cyrus the Great, who
founded the Persian Empire, is depicted as an admirable ruler (though he yielded to
excessive pride in the end), and to a lesser extent so is King Darius, who initiated the
Persian invasion of 490. Cyrus' son Cambyses, however, is portrayed as totally without
respect for normal conventions, let alone other peoples' beliefs, and Xerxes, the
aggressor of the second Persian invasion, is also portrayed as the typical tyrant, prone
to sudden and inexplicable bursts of brutality. It is undeniable that acts of autocratic
atrocity are generally attributed to the Persian King. Yet Xerxes, seeing his great army
about to invade Greece, is suddenly struck by the shortness of human life and, in an
almost Solonian moment, realizes they will all be dead in a hundred years and bursts
into tears (7.45-47). It is Cyrus who gives the wise advice about the perils of expan-
sion and of acquiring riches which forms the very last paragraph of the Histories
(9.122), the final words about the dangers of becoming soft and luxury-loving.
§4.12. Of course it is relatively easy to admit that your prime enemy (i.e., the
Persians) had admirable traits as long as those traits were safely in the distant past
and you can portray them as decadent and in decline in the present, the period in
which you have defeated them. Yet it is striking that Herodotus portrays the
Persians in Book 1 as courageous and fierce, and initially they are fighting for their
freedom from the Medes (1.210.2, 1.126.5), though the Persian Empire in later
Greek thought was regarded as antithetical to freedom. Herodotus insists that the
Persian general Mardonios, on behalf of the Persian King, gave the Ionians democ-
racy shortly after the disastrous Ionian Revolt (6.43.3). This was a claim which
would have surprised an Athenian audience: Athenians behaved as if they had a
monopoly on democracy. He once remarks slyly that the mainland Greeks were
terrified of going east of the island of Delos,' for they thought that all the islands
and the Asian coast were overrun with Persian soldiers (8.132.2). Here Herodotus
was probably making a dig at the ignorance and fear of mainland Greeks; for
Herodotus, who grew up in Halicarnassus, and his contemporaries who also lived
on the western edge of the Persian Empire, were probably much more familiar with
Persians than were the mainland Greeks, and much less naive.
§4.13. It may also be the case that the in-between position of a place like Hali-
carnassus, partly Greek, partly Carian,' on the edge of both Athenian and Persian
empires, enabled Herodotus to be reasonably evenhanded in his treatment of the
Persian Empire. The recent publication of some remarkable Persian documents, the
"Fortification Tablets,"b now confirm that Herodotus has a great deal of accurate
information about the workings of the Persian Empire, including the Royal Road, its
subject peoples, and many named Persian dignitaries and officials. His presentation of
the Persians was far more sophisticated and rounded than the cliches that abound in
Intro.4.I2a Delos: Map Intro.l. Herodotus on Persia and the Persian
Intro.4.I3a Carla: Map Intro.I. Empire, §3, n. M.3d.
Intro.4.I3b Fortification Tablets: see Appendix M,

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 INTRODUCTION

political writings of other Greeks, particularly in the fourth century (Isocrates, Plato,
Aristotle).c Five hundred years later, the first-century C.E. writer Plutarch was so
disgusted by Herodotus' stance that he called him philobarbaros, "barbarian lover," in
his strange essay "On the Malice of Herodotus." Indeed, Herodotus' curiosity about
the customs and mores of non-Greek peoples from the Scythians to the Egyptians,
not merely the main Persian antagonists, is a quite remarkable and original feature
which was to exert a strong influence on Greek historians for centuries.
§4.14. To sum up, then, in many cases Herodotus' account was probably as reli-
able as his informants and sources-and probably in part replicated the oddities,
distortions, and prejudices of his world and its traditions. In his accounts of distant
and foreign lands, we need to recall that his subject matter does indeed include the
marvelous. He may well have taken shortcuts occasionally, and included irresistible
stories even though he did not quite believe them. His accounts, like any others, will
have been influenced by his curiosity, prejudices, and particular interests. But we
should not judge him rigidly or exclusively by modern standards. His preoccupation
with true accounts and correct versions reveals that he was not merely peddling
fictions. Some of the novelty of his achievement was precisely in the sustained and
serious curiosity about non-Greek lands and peoples, and much of this, ridiculous
though it may seem now, continued to be discussed by Greek writers like Aristotle
interested in the oikoumene, the inhabited world.

5. Oral Tradition and Historical Narrative

§5.1. Inquiring into existing foreign cultures and peoples is one thing, inquiring
into the past is quite another: with the former there may be gulfs of comprehension,
problems of perception and understanding, but if you were trying to investigate the
past in the ancient Greek world, you were at the mercy of memory and tradition.
The actual witnesses had died; there were few written sources to supplement the
oral traditions. For events within living memory like the Persian Wars, there were
plenty of informants, eyewitnesses and sons of participants, but the stories people
were willing to give (as opposed to what they remembered privately) might be
colored by the desire for personal fame or good reputation and political constraints.
As we have seen, the conduct of the various Greek cities in the Persian Wars still
continued to be political dynamite. Herodotus tried to find out the truth, and as he
made clear, he wished to mark out the brave and courageous, and those who
betrayed Greek liberty. Hence, for example, he carefully distinguishes which cities
and which individuals fought most courageously at Salamis (8.93-95) and at the final
mainland battle at Plataea (9.71-75). Their fame must be recorded for posterity.
§S.2. While the most thorough narrative covers the events leading up to the Persian
Wars and the wars themselves, the Histories are also an important source for much early
Greek history. In this one work he provides our main and earliest evidence for the
Peisistratid tyranny of sixth-century Athens and the struggles which ended it (1.59f£,
Intro.4.13c The Athenian Isocrates, for instance, in his erate (see Chapters 145, 150-155), while at
Panegyricus (c. 380), declared at some the same time complaining, somewhat
length that the Persians were servile in illogically, that the Persian King now
behavior, pampered by luxury, and degen- controlled Greek destinies.

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INTRODUCTION

5.55-78). He even provides us with the main narrative account of Kleisthenes' reforms
of 507, which gave Athens her moderate democracy (5.69-73): they can be supple-
mented with later documentary evidence, but the short paragraph at 5.69 is central.
He provides the earliest and irreplaceable accounts of the great tyrannies of Greece,
Kypselos and the Kypselids at Corinth, Polykrates of Samos, Orthagoras of Sicyon.a
His treatment of early Spartan history is fundamental (if flawed, like all accounts of
early Spartan history), and he records important traditions about some of the cities
which played a part in the colonizing movement beginning in the eighth century, in
which Greek communities were founded all around the Mediterranean. But these
accounts are often more akin to anecdotal stories, or they have the rounded perfection
of folktales without the historical credibility or political bite that we might wish.
§5.3. The fabulous story of how the infant Kypselos, the later tyrant of Corinth, was
saved from murder by the ruling clan (5.92) has elements which can be found in folk-
tales about "founding figures" across the world. Kypselos as a baby is hidden from
certain murder in a chest (a kypselos) and spirited away to return later as ruler, a tale remi-
niscent of the tale of Moses in the bullrushes; the infancy of Cyrus the Great, who was
to be exposed on a hillside when he was a baby; and the tale of Oedipus. In Herodotus'
account of Cyrus' early years (1.108-123), he also refers to the "well-known tale" of
the Persians that the baby Cyrus was suckled by a bitch, which he claims was a story
put about by the real parents, who created the story to show his miraculous preserva-
tion. The version Herodotus prefers has a rationalized element in which a woman with
the odd name Kyno ("bitch") wishes to save the baby Cyrus. We are clearly dealing
with storytelling motifs which have grown up around certain figures, perhaps
borrowed across cultures, and the amount of hard historical fact is probably minimal.
It is just possible that Kypselos' name, which means "chest," points to a "kernel of
truth," but we seem to be dealing with folktales and oral traditions which have
survived generations. In addition to this, Herodotus has probably remolded the story
yet again to suit his narrative, for it appears in a speech on the evils of tyranny (5.92).
§5.4. The impression of Herodotus' "naiVete," much of the famous Herodotean
charm, the delight of the good story, the moralizing tales, are largely bound up with the
presence of such folktales, which often form an important part of his narrative. These
were the traditions of the Greeks, though, and it is simplistic to see them merely as signs
of Herodotus' nalve credulity. The Greeks knew of their past from oral traditions, and
in part from the poetic traditions (which themselves preserved or created some oral
traditions). But events that occurred more than three generations ago would be only
very loosely remembered and increasingly altered by the various oral traditions, unless
they were embedded in the more lasting form of poetry; or they would be forgotten
altogether. The Greeks had no formalized way of memorizing oral traditions of the
recent past (epic dealt with the distant heroic past), so their traditions were particularly
at the mercy of the vagaries of memory and the simplifying process of telling a good
story. Above all, there had to be reasons of some kind not only to remember a tale
but to pass it on down the generations. Those very reasons for transmitting the tales
Intra.S.2a Sicyan: Map Intra.I.

xxxiii
 INTRODUCTION

themselves playa part in the selection of the tales and the angles given to these tales
which are passed on. Glorious achievements, for instance, are more keenly remem-
bered than inglorious. A community will retain elements in the collective memory
which may be different from those remembered by a family. There is a tendency for
oral traditions to conform increasingly to communal fears and ideals, the ideals of the
group; after all, one does not retell tales that an audience does not wish to hear.
§5.5. This explains why so many of the tales about the more distant past are
noticeably more stylized than Herodotus' accounts of the recent past, the Ionian
Revolt and the Persian Wars. Many tyrant tales were presumably transmitted in
order to glorifY the city's liberation from tyranny. Herodotus could omit these or
retell them, while Thucydides chose instead to offer a concise and rationalized view
of early Greek history down to the Persian Wars based on abstract theories about the
growth of power (Thucydides 1.Iff.). We may presume that Herodotus relayed many
of the traditions mostly as he heard them, though he may have altered them further
to point out a moral or to fit what he thought plausible within his narrative. 'It is
because he lacked Thucydides' distaste for such traditions that we are in the fortu-
nate position of having a wealth of Greek oral traditions about the archaic age.
§5.6. As he wrote of events closer to his own period, Herodotus' narrative became
more detailed. His account of the fall of the Athenian tyranny of the late sixth century
and the eventual establishment of democracy is complex and sophisticated. It was not
drawn (as used to be thought) from a single family source, and he was not taken in by
the popular tradition of Athens, which glorified the tyrannicides even though they did
not really end the tyranny. His account of the Ionian Revolt (499-495) is even more
thorough. That, too, had important resonances in his day, for he claimed that the
Persian King only thought of attacking Greece because Athens sent ships to help the
Ionians free themselves. Only twenty ships, but "these ships were the beginning of
evils for the Greeks," as he adds ominously and decisively (5.97; echoing Homer
Iliad 5.62-65, 11.604). The account of the Ionian Revolt suffers from a curious
emphasis on the petty and personal motifs of individuals who held responsible posi-
tions under the Persians, the tyrants Histiaios and Aristagoras, and it may well be that
the tradition or, rather, various traditions were affected by the disastrous fact of fail-
ure. Since the revolt failed, memories were perhaps fragmented into recriminations,
criticism of the Persian-backed tyrants, self-criticism for lack of discipline and organi-
zation. But even here we can be under no illusions about the importance of the
revolt. Herodotus devoted considerable space to it, and while the reasons for its
origins and failure do not entirely cohere, there can be no doubt that this was a politi-
cally charged narrative. The fate of the Ionian cities under the Athenian Empire was
one that many cities regretted, others embraced, and it may have seemed important to
Herodotus, who was from Asia Minor himself, to affirm that the Greeks of Asia
Minor did in fact revolt: they had tried to gain freedom, they had not merely fought
on the Persian side, but their geographical situation on the edge of the Persian
Empire made it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to defeat the Persians, as
discussions of the future of the Ionians attest (1.170, 9.106; see also 5.36).

xxxiv
INTRODUCTION

§5.7. As he drew nearer his own time, Herodotus could use living witnesses, but
he names very few. It is interesting that each of the witnesses he does name gives
striking and surprising information. One was Thersandros, who told Herodotus
about a banquet for Persian commanders he had attended in Thebes a few days
before the battle of Plataea (9.16). His Persian neighbor at the banquet told him,
weeping, that he thought the battle to come would leave few Persians alive.
Herodotus also mentions an Archias, a Spartan whom he met in Sparta itself
(3.54-55), who told him about the activities of his grandfather, also called Archias,
whose bravery in the Spartan siege of Samos had been honored by the Samians with
a public burial. A third named informant is Tymnes, an agent of a Scythian king,
who tells him about the sage Anacharsis and his family (4.76).
§5.S. We can guess at other specific informants: Zopyrus, for instance, the grand-
son of the Zopyrus who helped Darius capture Babylon by a bizarre stratagem
(3.160.2), for we have reason to believe that the younger Zopyrus visited Athens,
and Herodotus could easily have met him there. Zopyrus could have given him
access to inside information about the conspiracy by which Darius seized the Persian
throne (3.7lff.). Many other informants remain unnamed, but Herodotus also
stresses information that he received from Egyptian priests and other logioi,a such as
the priests of Thebes and Dodona. There is little reason to doubt that Herodotus
did talk to such people, the elite of their communities, though his "Egyptian
priests" might have been quite lowly or the product of some misunderstanding of
categories (for instance, he may have talked to people he took to be priests who
were in fact more lowly). But we need also to take into account the vaguer, more
nebulous general traditions and beliefs which can perhaps be called "social memory"
or "collective memory," the general traditions that a community might have about
its past, and which might be embedded in monuments or poetry. These surely
existed, though it would probably still be elite members of such communities who
relayed such traditions to Herodotus. Phrases such as "the Athenians say" may mean
nothing more than that, as we saw above. Often these general traditions are cited so
as to contrast them with the views of another group. For instance, the defamatory
account of what the Corinthian contingent did at Salamis is presented as what the
Athenians say, but the Corinthians deny that it has any truth at all (S.94). In fact, it
is interesting that Herodotus felt that he needed to distinguish different traditions,
different views of various groups, at all, and to mark this in the text. Thucydides,
after all, mentioned virtually no informants, nor divergent views, perhaps in reaction
to Herodotus. We cannot leave the Histories without a strong sense of separate polis
traditions and diverging views. The author often leaves his audience to decide.
§5.9. It has been aptly said of Herodotus that "he did not invent his sources; he
discovered the problem of sources."> This is where Herodotus' sense of his inquiry as
belonging to the contemporary world intersects with his practice of distinguishing
traditions and (occasionally) naming informants. His preoccupation with sources
and evidence, with criticizing traditions, and his presentation of his inquiries in
terms which sometimes mirror contemporary philosophical or scientific discussions
Intro.5.8a Logioi means those possessed of logoi, that is, poraries," Journal of Hellenic Studies ll6
"'learned men." (1996),62-87: p. 86.
Intro.5.9a R. L. Fowler, "Herodotus and His Contern-

xxxv
 INTRODUCTION

all indicate that his basic approaches to his inquiry-despite the marvels, oral tradi-
tions, and tall tales-belong to the intellectual currents of the latter part of the fifth
century. The period of the "Greek Enlightenment"b saw an exploration of methods
of arriving at the truth; the thinkers of the time developed new habits of argument,
they explored the production of evidence and new ideas about what constituted
proof and evidence. This is strikingly clear in early oratory and in the early medical
writers, who were less concerned with abstract philosophical argument than with the
business of diagnosing and curing patients. When he explicitly states and shares his
methods, when he reveals a source or a group tradition or argues for his own view,
and when he reveals or constructs his personality as an inquirer-all so absent from
Thucydides-Herodotus seems to be identifying himself as belonging to the same
late-fifth-century intellectual milieu. In the middle of Book 2, Herodotus says,
"thus far I have relied on my own sight (opsis), and inquiry (historic) and judgment
(gnome), but from now on I rely on the accounts (logoi) given to me by the Egyp-
tians, though with a little 'of my own autopsy (opsis)" (2.99.1), and with this he
switches to the account of Egypt's past history. He is shifting from the type of
knowledge that can be acquired by autopsy or "sight," experience and research,
mostly Egyptian geography and social and religious practices, to the more problem-
atic use of tradition or hearsay (akouc) for accounts of the past. In his very self-
consciousness about this shift, and even more in the fact that he marks it explicitly,
Herodotus was using the methods and style also familiar in the late-fifth-century
medical world. We should presume that this was the now fashionable way of talking
about the process of inquiry. But it was the radical achievement of Herodotus-so
far as our evidence indicates-to apply those methods and that style to a sustained
inquiry into the peoples of the inhabited world and to the narrative of the past itself.
§5.10. Herodotus' lasting achievement in the Histories was eventually to change
the meaning of historic "inquiry" for later generations to that of "history." This
inquiry encompassed the longest and most sustained investigation yet attempted
into the past, and especially the recent past, which was susceptible to rational inquiry,
rather than the mythical periods which were the conventional material of poetry and
which earlier mythographers had tried to rationalize. Since Herodotus' inquiry was
also very much concerned with separating "true" accounts from false, with sifting
arguments and traditions, and investigating causes (however conceived), above all
the causes of the Greek-barbarian conflict, it can emphatically be seen as a work of
history, and Herodotus thus as the first historian. But it is much more besides.
While the geography and ethnography illuminate the historical processes and events,
they are also there in their own right. For his own audience in the Greek world, his
subject encompassed the whole of human activity in the known world of his day.

Rosalind Thomas
Balliol College
Oxford University
Intro.5.9b Greek Enlightenment: see n. Intro.3.7•.

XXXVI
 IE D IIliOIR.'S IP IR.IE IFAC IE
Robert B. Strassler

Although I had a high opinion of Herodotus when I began work on this edition in
1997, I felt at that time that Thucydides was the greater historian of the two. That is
no longer my view. In fact, I come away from completing this edition with a profound
admiration for the Histories that transcends comparison with other works. Many ele-
ments of the narrative that at first appeared to me as weaknesses now appear to me to
be remarkable achievements. What I initially saw as arbitrary digressions now stand
revealed as cleverly inserted background material that often proves vital to a reader's
understanding of later, sometimes much later, episodes. His omnivorous curiosity,
which struck me as misplaced in a volume of history, now appears a fascinating and
valuable asset to historical comprehension. And the vast scope of his tale in time and
territory, which seemed so bewildering at first, proves in the end to be a fitting back-
ground for the epic scale of his climax. In short, I now recognize and admire the skill
with which he crafted such a brilliant account of Persia's worldwide expansion and
unexpected defeat at the hands of the mainland Greeks. I hope that many of those
who read this volume (or any text of Herodotus, for that matter) will come to under-
stand why I feel this way about Herodotus and will come to share my opinion.
Herodotus has been called the "father of history," and whether or not we would
credit him with originating the field, we in the English-speaking world must admit
that his work is the progenitor of much that we now call history. We are the cultural
heirs, one might say the direct intellectual descendants, of Herodotus and other
ancient Greek writers. For better or worse, our concepts and vocabularies for many
disciplines-history, medicine, philosophy, mathematics, architecture, sculpture,
theater, poetry, to name a few-have come down to us from these ancient Greeks,
many of whom not only pioneered these fields but also produced brilliant works in
them whose excellence is still recognized by us today, 2,400 years later. Herodotus
is one of those, and the Histories is his masterpiece.
Our direct line of descent from his intellectual world, however, does not mean
that everything he wrote can be easily understood by us. Although he says in his
Proem that he had posterity in mind when he wrote, he could hardly have foreseen
the immense changes that have occurred in human life over the last two and half

xxxvii
 EDITOR'S PREFACE

millennia. Nor can he be faulted for this; who among us would have the temerity
to predict what human life will look like two and a half millennia from now?
Herodotus simply assumed that his readers would always be familiar with many
elements of ancient Greek life about which he wrote and in which he lived. Thus
he provided little explanation, elaboration, or background on what, to his ancient
readers, would have been common and familiar aspects of life, but which today
have become long-dead and forgotten customs and practices. The geography he
describes has in some instances changed substantially over the centuries, and many
of the cities and sites which figure in his narratives have disappeared or now exist
under different names (which renders most modern maps useless and in some cases
deceptive). Military tactics, religious rites, and political rules of ancient Greece are
complete mysteries to current readers, who know nothing of rowed warships,
animal sacrifices and other pagan religious rituals, or the rules and procedures of
ancient Greek political institutions.
Unfortunately, current editions of Herodotus, although they may present skillful
translations from the Greek, make little attempt to provide needed background in-
formation. They contain only a small number of often inadequate maps, sparse in-
dexes, incomplete (and sometimes incorrect) chronologies, and few if any helpful
appendices. There are exceptions to this blanket criticism, but no edition I know of
makes a concerted or systematic effort to inform the reader of the general context,
or about what some obscure but important elements of the text might mean, or
even where and when the events described took place.
Modern readers who lack special schooling or assistance of some sort understand
progressively less about what is happening as they proceed into the book and soon
find the going arduous and confusing. After all, how much can readers expect to
comprehend of a historical narrative if they are not informed of the date or location
of many events, cannot envision the temporal or geographic relationship between
events, or are unaware of the meaning and significance of important aspects of those
events? This ignorance creates a barrier which obscures the readers' perception,
diminishes their interest, and separates them from an essential quality of the narra-
tive: its historicity. At its worst, the text becomes something like a literary exercise, a
dreary recitation of disconnected incidents at unknown places concerning artificial
characters whose names cannot be pronounced. At best, it reads like a modern
fantasy novel, but all too often, it is a bad novel, a boring novel.
This transformation, or degradation, is particularly lamentable in the case of
Herodotus, whose work, although it includes explicitly identified speculative and
fabulous episodes, is truly a historical account of momentous and dramatic events
that really took place. The Persians did mount attacks on mainland Greece, and they
were repulsed. Arrow and spear heads have been collected from the battlefields of
Thermopylae and Marathon and are now displayed in museums. a Many of the
participants in this epic struggle-Greeks and Persians alike-were brave and intelli-
gent men who acted and risked all without knowing what the future would hold;
EP.a See Figure 6.117b.

xxxviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE

and because Herodotus is a talented writer, his text can convey the dread that men
feel when facing an unknown, ominous future. If he set out, as he says, to preserve
for us the momentous deeds of real men in the real past, he has succeeded brilliantly.
But if a reader today is unable to recognize that excellence, cannot perceive its
power, and is not moved by the historical reality that lies at the heart of the text,
then the reader has missed the essence of Herodotus, and of history.
This Landmark edition is an attempt to reduce the barriers between the general
reader and Herodotus' text. It employs many of the same elements that were used
eleven years ago in The Landmark Thucydides. Both editions, for example, contain a
large number of maps, side notes, and footnotes, but since the two ancient texts
differ significantly in scope and method, the number and nature of these and other
features are not identical. In the section that follows I give a brief description and
explanation of how the maps, notes, and the other features listed in this volume's
contents page are to be read and used.
This volume contains 127 maps designed to support every episode of the narra-
tive. Each one is located within or adjacent to the text it supports. Every known city,
town, shrine, river, mountain, or other geographic feature that appears in the text is
referenced in the text by a footnote to a nearby map. Those maps which display
many labels employ a simple coordinate system to help readers search for a particular
site. In the interest of clarity, each map displays the names of only those features that
appear in the surrounding text. If the location of a place is unknown, the footnote
says so. Ifwe moderns are not sure of a site's location, our uncertainty is mentioned
in the footnote and indicated on the map with a question mark. A few maps have
been designed to support some of the appendices, and they are also placed into or
adjacent to the relevant appendix text.
Although a number of maps are single images, most are double or triple, ar-
ranged in overlapping format from small scale (wide scope) to large scale (detailed
scope). Thus the reader often finds a series of maps which are to be read from the
top down, as their scale increases.
The first and topmost map is usually called a locator map, covering the widest
and most easily recognized area. It is framed by a thin black border. Within the loca-
tor map a dark and slightly thicker rectangular outline identifies the location and
boundaries of the main map. Occasionally, when the main map is of sufficient scope
so as to be easily recognizable itself, the locator map is dispensed with and the main
map becomes the topmost map. Many of the main maps contain one or two thick,
light gray rectangular outlines indicating, in their turn, the location and edges of
larger-scale inset maps. These maps (always with light gray borders) show areas of
particular narrative interest in greater detail. All maps display simple distance scales
in miles and kilometers.
Locating the correct map from the rectangular outlines is facilitated by map
shape, common major sites labeled, prominent physical features (islands or coast-
lines), and border frame characteristics.

xxxix
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Kellett, Sgt. F., M.S.M.
Sloan, R.Q.M.S. R., M.S.M.
Kelsey, R.Q.M.S. C. (F.).
Morris, Sgt. W., M.M. (F.).
Robinson, L.-Cpl. J. (F.).

126th INFANTRY BRIGADE

1/4 BATTALION EAST LANCASHIRE REGIMENT

Officers

Battye, Lt.-Col. C. W., D.S.O., to be Brevet Lt.-Col.

Bolton, Capt. M.B., M.C.
Green, Capt. L., M.C.
Bennett, Lieut. and Q.M. G., M.C.
Robinson, Lieut. A. J. D., M.C.
Davenport, 2nd Lieut. A. A. O., M.C.
Burrows, Maj. H. M., I.A. (F.).
Mellowes, Capt. and Adjt. H. A., (F.).

Other Ranks

Gertson, Cpl. F., D.C.M.

Murphy, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J. (A. R.S.M.), D.C.M.
Potts, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. A., D.C.M.
Smith, Pte. T., D.C.M.
Wilkinson, Pte. T., D.C.M.
Bury, Pte. J., M.M.
Driver, Sgt. R., M.M.
Graham, Sgt. R., M.M.
Jennings, Pte. M., M.M.
Kay, Pte. F., M.M.
Kay, Pte. G., M.M.
Middlehurst, Pte. J., M.M.
Atkinson, R.Q.M.S. J., M.S.M.
Clarke, R. Sgt.-Mjr. F. J., M.S.M.
Lonsdale, Pte. A., M.S.M.
Cooper, L.-Cpl. L. (F.).
Dean, Cpl. J. S. (F.).
Wearing, L.-Cpl J. D. (F.).
Dugdale, Sgt. W. R., to be C.Sgt.

1/5 BATTALION EAST LANCASHIRE REGIMENT

Officers

V.C. Smith, 2nd Lieut. A. V.

Clare, Lt.-Col. O. C., D.S.O. and Bar, M.C.
Hodge, Capt. A., D.S.O., M.C.
Murray-White, Lt.-Col R. S., D.S.O.
Acton, Maj. W. M., D.S.O.
Dick, Capt. W. H., D.S.O.
Reed, J., M.C. and Bar.
Wintle, M.C. and Bar.
Worswick, Capt. H. B., M.C. and Bar.
Hoxey, Lt.-Col. J. P., M.C.
Baxter, Capt. W. H., M.C.
Britcliffe, Capt. F., M.C.
Curl, Capt. C., M.C.
Kay, Capt. G. B., M.C.
Rawcliffe, Capt. J. M., M.C.
Bolton, Lieut. G. G. H., M.C.
Cooke, Lieut. S. D., M.C.
Dunkerley, Lieut. W., M.C.
Dunlop, Lieut. G. H., M.C.
Elliott, Lieut. A. C., M.C.
Lancaster, Lieut. P. G., M.C.
Little, Lieut. W. B., M.C.
Cookson, 2nd Lieut. W., M.C.
Gledhill, 2nd Lieut. A., M.C.
Holdsworth, 2nd Lieut. H., M.C.
Pacey, 2nd Lieut. S. W., M.C.
Smith, 2nd Lieut. A. V. (F.).

Other Ranks

Houston, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. D., D.C.M. and Bar.

Birkett, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
Cooke, Pte. J. L., D.C.M.
Entwistle, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Evans, Sgt. H. E., D.C.M.
Gowers, Sgt. G. W., D.C.M.
Greenhalgh, Cpl. W., D.C.M.
Hargreaves, Cpl. T., D.C.M.
Harrison, Pte. J., D.C.M.
Harrison, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J. H., D.C.M.
Haslam, R. Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
Jolly, Cpl. J., D.C.M.
Jones, Pte. E., D.C.M.
Kehoe, Pte. W. H., D.C.M.
Kinsella, Sgt. W., D.C.M.
Marshall, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Pratt, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. W. H., D.C.M.
Spiers, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Steele, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. R. J., D.C.M.
Stezaker, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. A., D.C.M.
Swarbrick, Cpl. W., D.C.M.
Waterworth, Pte. A., D.C.M.
Whitehead, L.-Cpl. G., D.C.M.
Whittaker, Pte. F., D.C.M.
Wilkinson, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Littlewood, Sgt. R., M.M. and Bar.
Airey, Pte. G. F., M.M.
Baldwin, Pte. E., M.M.
Bannister, Pte. H., M.M.
Baxter, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. E., M.M.
Berry, L.-Cpl. H., M.M.
Brierley, Pte. E., M.M.
Brindle, Sgt. T., M.M.
Brotherton, Pte. T., M.M.
Burnett, Pte. W., M.M.
Cain, Pte. M. H., M.M.
Chadwick, Pte. E., M.M.
Clarke, Pte. J. T., M.M.
Cole, Pte. R., M.M.
Connolly, Pte. J., M.M.
Cooper, Pte. G., M.M.
Cox, Pte. H., M.M.
Farrell, Pte. J. A., M.M.
Gillibrand, Pte. G., M.M.
Gorse, Pte. E., M.M.
Green, Pte. J., M.M.
Greenhalgh, L.-Cpl. A., M.M.
Gregson, Sgt. G., M.M.
Haffner, Sgt. G. C. A., M.M.
Hardman, Pte. G., M.M.
Hargreaves, Pte. D. E., M.M.
Hargreaves, Sgt. W., M.S.M., M.M.
Hartley, Pte. W., M.M.
Higgins, Pte. J., M.M.
Horne, Pte. H., M.M.
Hurley, Sgt. J., M.M.
Kneale, Pte. J. W., M.M.
Lewis, Pte. A., M.M.
Livesey, L.-Cpl. C., M.M.
Longworth, Pte. H., M.M.
Maloney, Pte. J., M.M.
McGlynn, L.-Cpl. T., M.M.
Moden, Sgt. A. W., M.M.
Partington, Pte. J., M.M.
Patefield, Pte. W., M.M.
Potter, Pte. H. G., M.M.
Sarginson, Pte. H., M.M.
Singleton, Pte. J. H., M.M.
Smith, Pte. G., M.M.
Steele, Sgt. R. J., M.M.
Sullivan, Pte. J., M.M.
Ward, L.-Cpl. C., M.M.
Whittaker, Sgt. A., M.M.
Wilson, Pte. J., M.M.
Yegliss, Pte. H., M.M.
Yoxall, Pte. W., M.M.
Hudson, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. H., M.S.M.
Oliver, Sgt. W. J., M.S.M.
Stezaker, R.Q.M.S. W., M.S.M.
Haffner, C.Q.M.S. G. C. A. (F.).
Hargreaves, Cpl. T. (F.).
Harrison, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J. M., D.C.M. (F.).
Jones, Pte. A. H. (F.).
Marshall, Pte. F. (F.).

1/9 BATTALION MANCHESTER REGIMENT

Officers

V.C. Forshaw, Lieut. W. T.

Lloyd, Lt.-Col E. C., D.S.O. and Bar.
Connery, Q.M. and Hon. Maj. M. H., M.C.
Stephenson, Capt. D. B., M.C.
Wood, Lieut. R. G., M.C. (F.).
Cooke, 2nd Lieut. C. E., M.C.
Hunt, 2nd Lieut. G., M.C.
Sutton, 2nd Lieut. O. J., M.C.
Howorth, Maj. T. E. (F.).
Nowell, Maj. R. B. (F.).
Welbon, Capt. F. W. (C.F.), M.C.

Other Ranks

Bayley, Cpl. S., D.C.M.

Christie, R. Sgt.-Mjr. J. C., D.C.M.
Davies, L.-Cpl. A., D.C.M.
Grantham, Sgt. H., D.C.M.
Greenhalgh, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Hibbert, Pte. J., D.C.M.
Horsfield, Sgt. J., D.C.M., M.M.
Latham, Pte. A., D.C.M.
Littleford, Pte. S., D.C.M.
May, Cpl. R., D.C.M.
Moss, Cpl. J., D.C.M.
Pearson, L.-Cpl. S., D.C.M.
Pickford, Pte. T., D.C.M.
Sylvester, L.-Cpl. G. J., D.C.M.
Thickett, Sgt. F., D.C.M.
Holden, Pte. J., M.M. and Bar.
Adshead, Pte. A., M.M.
Allen, Sgt. G., M.M.
Atherton, Sgt. J., M.M.
Byrom, Pte. T. H., M.M.
Chadderton, Pte. H., M.M.
Chadderton, Pte. W., M.M.
Eastwood, Cpl. A., M.M.
Garside, Pte. H., M.M.
Gorman, Pte. F., M.M.
Hall, Cpl. R., M.M.
Horton, Pte. A., M.M.
Howard, Pte. T. M., M.M.
Kinsella, Pte. J., M.M.
Longson, Pte. J., M.M.
Metcalfe, Sgt. H., M.M.
O’Donnell, Cpl. R., M.M.
Pemberton, Pte. F., M.M.
Price, L.-Cpl. R., M.M.
Radcliffe, L.-Cpl. F. D., M.M.
Ratcliffe, Pte. F. E., M.M.
Roberts, L.-Sgt. H., M.M.
Shelmerdine, Pte. J., M.M.
Simister, Pte. N., M.M.
Tipton, L.-Sgt. T., M.M.
Vause, Pte. J., M.M.
White, Pte. F., M.M.
Howard, Cpl. J., M.S.M.
Andrew, L.-Cpl. R. (F.).
Christie, R. Sgt.-Mjr. J. A., D.C.M. (F.).
Horsfield, Sgt. J., D.C.M. (F.).
Sheekey, Pte. W. (F.).

1/10 BATTALION MANCHESTER REGIMENT

V.C. Mills, Pte. W.

Officers

Robinson, Brig.-Gen. G. W., C.B.

Peel, Lt.-Col. W. R., 2 Bars to D.S.O.
Wilde, Maj. L. C., D.S.O.
Taylor, Capt. J. A. C., D.S.O., M.C. and Bar.
Bletcher, Capt. T., M.C.
Butterworth, Capt. A., M.C.
Hampson, Capt. H. J., M.C.
Hardman, Capt. F., M.C.
Cook, Lieut. F. E., M.C.
Howarth, Lieut. F., M.C.
Shaw, Lieut. W. D., M.C.
Hassall, 2nd Lieut. H., M.C.
Whitehead, 2nd Lieut. J. B., M.C.
Williams, 2nd Lieut. W., M.C.

Other Ranks

Toogood, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. K., D.C.M. and Bar.

Ayre, L.-Cpl. C., D.C.M.
Baddeley, L.-Cpl. F., D.C.M.
Brown, Sgt. D., D.C.M.
Darby, Pte. E., D.C.M.
Haskey, Sgt. M., D.C.M.
Langley, Sgt. C., D.C.M.
Lees, Sgt. S. R., D.C.M., M.M.
Leigh, Cpl. R., D.C.M.
Lloyd, Cpl. O., D.C.M.
Owen, L.-Cpl. E., D.C.M.
Revell, L.-Cpl. W., D.C.M.
Rigby, Cpl. R., D.C.M.
Schofield, Pte. F., D.C.M.
Seddon, L.-Cpl. J., D.C.M.
Spedding, Cpl., D.C.M.
Sugden, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Taylor, Pte. T., D.C.M.
McNamara, Pte. W., M.M. and Bar.
Ashurst, Pte. W., M.M.
Bradbury, Sgt. M. R., M.M.
Bradshaw, L.-Cpl. J., M.M.
Bridge, Pte. J., M.M.
Brimelow, Pte. J. L., M.M.
Brookes, Cpl. H., M.M.
Butterworth, Sgt. E., M.M.
Carroll, Cpl. H., M.M.
Clutton, Sgt. T. H., M.M.
Cooke, Pte. H., M.M.
Creswell, Sgt. F., M.M.
Critchley, Pte. F., M.M.
Davies, Pte. J., M.M.
Dukenson, Pte. G. R., M.M.
Fisher, Cpl. A., M.M.
Hancock, Pte. A., M.M.
Hayes, Pte. J., M.M.
Hayes, Pte. J. R., M.M.
Heslop, Pte. R. W., M.M.
Hulme, Pte. S., M.M.
Hutchins, Pte. E., M.M.
Matthews, Pte. F., M.M.
Milner, Sgt. J., M.M.
Newton, Sgt. H., M.M.
Nicholson, Pte. W., M.M.
Parker, L.-Cpl. W., M.M.
Radcliffe, Pte. W., M.M.
Robinson, Cpl. B. B., M.M.
Silverwood, Pte. T., M.M.
Smith, Pte. G. A., M.M.
Smith, Sgt. R. S., M.M.
Spink, Pte. E., M.M.
Squires, Sgt. W., M.M.
Stockton, Cpl. E., M.M.
Storey, Pte. J., M.M.
Sugden, Sgt. J., M.M.
Ward, Pte. R. B., M.M.
Weston, Pte. T., M.M.
Whittaker, Pte. H., M.M.
Dransfield, Cpl. J., M.S.M.
Gartside, Sgt. J., M.S.M.
Hollingsworth, Sgt. J. E., M.S.M.
Keighley, Cpl. J. H., M.S.M.
Robinson, L.-Cpl. B. B., M.S.M.
Scholes, Cpl. J., M.S.M.
Trevitt, R.Q.M.S. J. P., M.S.M.
Coulson, Pte. J. (F.).
Hammond, Pte. J. (F.).
Haslam, Sgt. S., (F.).
McHugh, Sgt. M. (F.).
Whitehead, L.-Cpl. R. (F.).
Wilde, Pte. S. (F.).

127th INFANTRY BRIGADE

1/5 BATTALION MANCHESTER REGIMENT

V.C. Wilkinson, L.-Cpl. A.

Officers

Darlington, Lt.-Col. H. C., C.M.G.

Cronshaw, Lt.-Col. A. E., D.S.O.
Woods, Capt. W. T., D.S.O.
Welsh, Lieut. R. H., D.S.O.
Simpson, Lt.-Col. A. W. W., O.B.E.
Frost, 2nd Lieut. C. E., M.C. and Bar.
Bryan, Maj. J. L., M.C.
Bryham, Maj. A. L., M.C.
Fletcher, Maj. B. L., M.C.
Burrows, Capt. E. J., M.C.
Burrows, Capt. M. K., M.C.
Clayton, Capt. P. C., M.C.
Dickson, Capt. S., M.C.
Douglas, Capt. R. A., M.C. (U.S.A.)
Ellis, Capt. R. R., M.C.
Frost, Capt. M., M.C.
Greer, Capt. J. M., M.C.
Just, Capt. L. W., M.C.
Sanders, Capt. J. M. B., M.C.
Woods, Capt. W. T., M.C.
Fletcher, Lieut. P. C., M.C.
Fox, Lieut. J., M.C.
Taylor, Lieut. S., M.C.
Barker, 2nd Lieut. J. P., M.C.
Bootland, 2nd Lieut. F. R., M.C.
Lockyer, 2nd Lieut. H. R., M.C.
Rourke, 2nd Lieut. T., M.C.
Cronshaw, Lt.-Col. A. E. (F.).
Darlington, Lt.-Col. H. C. (F.).
Simpson, Lt.-Col. A. W. W. (F.).

Other Ranks

McCartney, Sgt. J., D.C.M. and Bar.

Andrews, Pte. F., D.C.M.
Barnes, Sgt. C., D.C.M.
Bent, Pte. R., D.C.M.
Blythe, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. G., D.C.M.
Casey, Cpl. A. E., D.C.M.
Chadwick, Cpl. F., D.C.M.
Christy, R.Q.M.S. W. H., D.C.M.
Davies, Pte. A., D.C.M.
Greensmith, Sgt. W., D.C.M.
Gregory, Cpl. R., D.C.M.
Grimshaw, L.-Cpl. J., D.C.M.
Hibbert, Pte. J., D.C.M.
Hills, Pte. S. L., D.C.M.
Hilton, Pte. A., D.C.M.
Lever, C.Q.M.S. J., D.C.M.
McCarty, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. T., D.C.M.
Moore, Pte. W., D.C.M.
Morrisin, R. Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
Oldham, Cpl. A., D.C.M.
Seddon, Pte. T., D.C.M.
Smith, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Stockton, Cpl. S., D.C.M.
Stott, L.-Cpl. J., D.C.M.
Stridgeon, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
Trousdale, L.-Cpl. F., D.C.M.
Ward, Pte. R. W., D.C.M.
Cunningham, L.-Sgt. J., M.M. and Bar.
Abrahams, Pte. J. W., M.M.
Atherton, Sgt. J., M.M.
Barker, Cpl. J., M.M.
Barker, Cpl. J., M.M.
Bevan, L.-Sgt. J., M.M.
Bowers, Pte. J., M.M.
Brennan, Pte. F., M.M.
Britton, Pte. E., M.M.
Carroll, Pte. J., M.M.
Carter, Pte. W., M.M.
Chadwick, Pte. A., M.M.
Coogan, Pte. H., M.M.
Creed, Pte. J., M.M.
Drouthwaite, Sgt. T., M.M.
Flavill, Cpl. H., M.M.
Florendine, Cpl. J., M.M.
Hamer, Sgt. F., M.M.
Hayes, L.-Cpl. H., M.M.
Hewitt, Pte. J., M.M.
Hooley, Pte. H., M.M.
Hosler, Pte. T., M.M.
Kane, Pte. R., M.M., M.S.M.
Lee, Pte. F., M.M.
Lee, L.-Cpl. J. E., M.M.
Lomas, Pte. W., M.M.
Lowe, Pte. T., M.M.
Melling, Cpl. J., M.M.
Millward, Pte. H. S., M.M.
Molyneux, Pte. C., M.M.
Morgan, Pte. G., M.M.
Newcombe, Pte. C., M.M.
Parrott, Pte. W., M.M.
Pattison, Pte. C., M.M.
Penkethman, Cpl. H., M.M.
Poole, Pte. E., M.M.
Radcliffe, Pte. W., M.M.
Ralphs, Pte. T., M.M.
Reynolds, Pte. J., M.M.
Roberts, L.-Sgt. H., M.M.
Rooke, Pte. J., M.M.
Rowe, Pte. A., M.M.
Smith, Cpl. J., M.M.
Stamper, C.Q.M.S. P. A., M.M.
Stuart, Sgt. T., M.M.
Teague, Pte. A. E., M.M.
Turner, Pte. J. H., M.M.
Valentine, Pte. H., M.M.
Walsh, L.-Sgt. S., M.M.
Webb, Pte. J., M.M.
Whitehead, Pte. J., M.M.
Whittle, Pte. W., M.M.
Wilde, Pte. W., M.M.
Hyde, Pte. T., M.S.M.
Jones, Cpl. R., M.S.M.
Leake, Sgt. G., M.S.M.
Owen, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J., M.S.M.
Seddon, Cpl. W., M.S.M.
Stone, Sgt. H., M.S.M.
Taylor, C.Q.M.S. F., M.S.M.
Gill, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. G. (F.).
Grimes, Pte. J. (F.).
Dandy, Pte. H. (F.).
Lomas, Pte. W. (F.).

1/6 BATTALION MANCHESTER REGIMENT

Officers

Pilkington, Lt.-Col. C. R., C.M.G.

Holberton, Capt. and Adjt. P. V., to be Brevet Major.
Worthington, Lt.-Col. C. S., D.S.O. and Bar.
Blatherwick, Lt.-Col. T., D.S.O.
Wedgwood, Lt.-Col. G. H., D.S.O.
Benton, Capt. F. C., M.C.
Blatherwick, Capt. T., M.C.
Kershaw, Capt. G. G., M.C.
Kershaw, Capt. G. V., M.C.
Molesworth, Capt. W. N., M.C.
Norris, Capt. A. H., R.A.M.C., M.C.
Till, Capt. G. F., M.C.
Wilson, Capt. H., R.A.M.C., M.C.
Wood, Capt. J., M.C.
Collier, Lieut. S., M.C.
Crossley, Lieut. F., M.C.
Hammick, Lieut. H. A., M.C.
Maule, Lieut. R., M.C.
Warburton, Lt.-Qr. Mr. W. R., M.C.
Heyhoe, 2nd Lieut. S. G., M.C.
Martin, 2nd Lieut. H. R., M.C.
Lane, 2nd Lieut. W. J., M.C.
Holberton, Maj. P. V. (F.).

Other Ranks

Roberts, Sgt. W., D.C.M. and Bar.

Ashley, Pte. E., D.C.M.
Cutter, Pte. G. R., D.C.M.
Davies, Pte. T. J., D.C.M.
Dennerly, L.-Sgt. R., D.C.M.
Doig, Pte. A. M., D.C.M.
Farthing, R.Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
Gill, Sgt. R. W., D.C.M.
Hartshorn, Cpl. E. P., D.C.M.
Hashim, Pte. R., D.C.M.
Hay, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. F., D.C.M.
Holden, Sgt. H., D.C.M.
Hurdley, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
Ingham, Pte. J. R., D.C.M.
Kent, R.Sgt.-Mjr. W. A., D.C.M.
Martin, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J. R., D.C.M.
McDonald, L.-Sgt. A., D.C.M.
McDowell, Sgt. A., D.C.M.
Moores, Pte. S., D.C.M.
Murphy, Pte. J., D.C.M.
Roberts, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. W., D.C.M.
Senior, L.-Cpl. W. A., D.C.M.
Sturgess, Sgt. S., D.C.M.
Whitford, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. H. D., D.C.M.
Wignall, Sgt. A., D.C.M.
Wilson, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. S. H., D.C.M.
Wood, Sgt. G. H., D.C.M.
Jarvis, Pte. H. W., M.M. and Bar.
Shea, Cpl. M., M.M. and Bar.
Stubbs, Pte. B., M.M. and Bar.
Aldridge, Pte. J., M.M.
Allen, Pte. G., M.M.
Atherton, L.-Cpl. E. A., M.M.
Baker, Cpl. W., M.M.
Barker, Pte. W., M.M.
Beresford, Pte. T., M.M.
Berry, Sgt. A. J., M.M.
Brooks, Pte. A., M.M.
Butterworth, Pte. S., M.M.
Clarke, Pte. J., M.M.
Crowther, Pte. J. C., M.M.
Dugdale, L.-Cpl. F., M.M.
Dutton, Pte. G., M.M.
Farrand, Pte. W., M.M.
Farrell, Pte. J., M.M.
Fearn, Pte. M., M.M.
Fletcher, Pte. W. S., M.M.
Foster, Cpl. J. M., M.M.
Fox, L.-Cpl. W. H., M.M.
Gibbons, Sgt. W. G., M.M.
Gorman, L.-Sgt. D. W., M.M.
Griffiths, Pte. W. H., M.M.
Hadfield, Pte. E. G., M.M.
Hallworth, Pte. W., M.M.
Halstead, Pte. G., M.M.
Hancock, Pte. H., M.M.
Houghton, Pte. W. S., M.M.
Irwin, Pte. S., M.M.
James, L.-Cpl. W. H., M.M.
Johnson, Sgt. R., M.M.
Jones, Pte. J. N., M.M.
Kennedy, Pte. P. J., M.M.
Kent, Sgt. G., M.M.
Lockett, Sgt. P., M.M.
Maskell, Sgt. C. H., M.M.
McCarthy, Pte. D., M.M.
McDermott, Pte. J., M.M.
Mitton, Cpl. S. H., M.M.
Mullins, Cpl. P., M.M.
Parkinson, Pte. G. V., M.M.
Parry, L.-Sgt. E. E., R.A.M.C., M.M.
Potts, Cpl. A. V., M.M.
Pounder, Pte. W., M.M.
Ralphs, Pte. T., M.M.
Richardson, Pte. N., M.M.
Saxon, Pte. C., M.M.
Sellers, Pte. J., M.M.
Senior, Pte. W., M.M.
Sidebottom, L.-Cpl. W. J. H., M.M.
Smith, Pte. N. S., M.M.
Smith, Pte. W. E., M.M.
Tomkinson, Pte. W., M.M.
Tomlinson, Pte. S., M.M.
Warburton, Pte. H., M.M.
Whitehead, Pte. E., M.M.
Whittaker, L.-Cpl. O., M.M.
Williams, L.-Cpl. R. D., M.M.
Chadwick, C.Q.M.S. A. R., M.S.M.
Dale, C.Q.M.S. T. R., M.S.M.
Lee, R.Q.M.S. S., M.S.M.
Taylor, Sgt. V., M.S.M.
White, R.Q.M.S. J., M.S.M.
Wills, L.-Sgt. N. T., M.S.M.
Featherstone, Sgt. (F.).
Foster, Cpl. J. M. (F.).
Hurdley, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J. (F.).
McDowell, Sgt. A. (F.).

1/7 BATTALION MANCHESTER REGIMENT

Officers

Canning, Lt.-Col. A., C.M.G.

Fawcus, Lt.-Col. A. E. F., D.S.O., M.C.
Hodge, Lt.-Col. A., D.S.O., M.C.
Carr, Lt.-Col. H. A., D.S.O., to be Brevet Lt.-Col.
Cronshaw, Lt.-Col. A. E., D.S.O.
Brown, Maj. J. N., D.S.O.
Creagh, Maj. P. H., D.S.O.
Rae, Maj. G. B. L., D.S.O.
Welch, Lieut., D.S.O.
Scott, Maj. and Q.M. J., O.B.E.
Nasmith, Capt. G. W., O.B.E.
Thorpe, Capt. J. H., O.B.E.
Gresty, Lieut. W., M.C. and Bar.
Burn, Maj. F. G., M.C.
Whitley, Maj. N. H. P., M.C.
Allen, Capt. C. R., M.C.
Baker, Capt. J., M.C.
Farrow, Capt. J., R.A.M.C., M.C.
Hayes, Capt. F., M.C.
Hoskyns, Capt. E. C. (C.F.), M.C.
Kirby, Capt. E. T., M.A. (C.F.), M.C.
Nidd, Capt. H.H., M.C.
Williamson, Capt. C. H., M.C.
Bagshaw, Lieut. K., M.C.
Douglas, Lieut. C. B., M.C.
Edge, Lieut. N., M.C.
Franklin, Lieut. H. C., M.C.
Goodall, Lieut. J. C., M.C.
Goodier, Lieut. A., M.C.
Gorst, Lieut. H., M.C.
Harris, Lieut. L. G., M.C.
Siddall, Lieut. J. R., M.C.
Wilson, Lieut. S. J., M.C.
Harland, 2nd Lieut. J. A., M.C.
Milne, 2nd Lieut., M.C.
Thrutchley, 2nd Lieut. F. D., M.C.
Cronshaw, Lt.-Col. A. E. (F.).
Fawcus, Lt.-Col. A. E. F. (F.).
Brown, Maj. J. N. (4th Class), (F.).
Whitley, Maj. N. H. P. (F.).
Brown, Maj. J. N. (F.).
Chadwick, Capt. G. (F.).
Manger, Lt.-Col. E. V., to be Brevet Lt.-Col.
Brown, Maj. J. N., Brevet Majority.

Other Ranks

Bamber, Sgt. F., D.C.M., M.S.M.

Fleetwood, Sgt. A., D.C.M.
Green, Sgt. J. W., D.C.M., M.M.
Hand, Sgt. A., D.C.M.
Heasman, L.-Cpl. A., D.C.M.
Holbrook, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Horsfield, Sgt. J., D.C.M., M.M.
King, Cpl. A. W., D.C.M.
Lockett, Cpl. S., D.C.M.
Mather, Sgt., D.C.M.
McHugh, Co. Sgt.-Mjr., D.C.M.
Mort, L.-Sgt. W., D.C.M.
Quinn, Pte. J., D.C.M.
Richardson, Pte. M., D.C.M.
Tabbron, Co. Sgt.-Mjr., D.C.M., M.M.
White, Cpl. F., D.C.M.
Wood, Cpl. T., D.C.M.
Greer, Pte. A., M.M. and Bar.
Heath, Sgt. F., M.M. and Bar.
McHugh, Co. Sgt.-Mjr., M.M. and Bar.
Twist, L.-Cpl. T., M.M. and Bar.
Aldred, L.-Sgt. J., M.M.
Bailey, Pte. S., M.M.
Banahan, Sgt. J., M.M.
Booker, L.-Cpl. F. W., M.M.
Botham, Pte. W. E., M.M.
Bowman, Pte. J., M.M.
Boydell, Pte. J., M.M.
Bradshaw, Pte. W., M.M.
Braithwaite, Pte. T., M.M.
Broughton, Cpl. A., M.M.
Coffey, Sgt. W., M.M.
Collinge, Pte. H., M.M.
Conrey, Pte. R. E., M.M.
Craven, L.-Cpl. A., M.M.
Daley, Sgt. W., M.M.
Davies, Pte. W. T., M.M.
Dearden, Pte. R., M.M.
Downs, Pte. A., M.M.
Eastwood, Cpl. W., M.M.
Edwards, Pte. R., M.M.
Fidler, Sgt. W., M.M.
Gammond, Sgt. T. A., M.M.
Gregory, Cpl. B., M.M.
Hadfield, Sgt. A., M.M.
Halfhide, Pte. C., M.M.
Hayhurst, Pte., M.M.
Hyde, L.-Cpl. L., M.M.
Jackson, L.-Cpl. E., M.M.
Jennions, Pte. H., M.M.
Jolly, Sgt. J., M.M.
Joyce, Co. Sgt.-Mjr., M.M.
Latham, Pte. H., M.M.
Livesley, Sgt. J. L., M.M.
Lynn, Sgt. H., M.M.
Lyons, Pte. C., M.M.
Maguire, Cpl. A., M.M.
McClean, Pte. T., M.M.
Moore, Pte. T. C., M.M.
Morris, L.-Cpl. G., M.M.
Mottram, L.-Sgt. G., M.M.
Mullin, Pte. C., M.M.
Parker, Sgt. G., M.M.
Parkin, Pte. I., M.M.
Pickering, Pte. W., M.M.
Reeves, Pte. E., M.M.
Riley, Pte. J. G., M.M.
Riley, Sgt. R., M.M.
Rotham, Pte. J., M.M.
Rourke, Pte. A., M.M.
Sanderson, Pte. G., M.M.
Shaughnessy, Pte., M.M.
Standring, Cpl. W., M.M.
Stubbard, Pte. R., M.M.
Thorpe, Sgt. H., M.M.
Titchener, Pte. E., M.M.
Titterington, L.-Sgt. H. L., M.M.
Walsh, Pte. J., M.M.
Walton, Pte. F. G., M.M.
Warrington, Pte. W., M.M.
Whiskin, Pte. A., M.M.
Wilkinson, Pte. H., M.M.
Wilkinson, Pte. J., M.M.
Willmer, Pte. R., M.M.
Anlezark, R. Sgt.-Mjr. W., M.S.M.
Clavering, Sgt. H., M.S.M.
Ogden, R.Q.M.S., M.S.M.
Shields, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J., M.S.M.
Horsfield, Sgt. J. (F.).
Joyce, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. (F.).

1/8 BATTALION MANCHESTER REGIMENT

Officers

McCarthy Morrogh, Lt.-Col. D. F., C.M.G.

Cross, Lt.-Col. E. G. K., D.S.O.
Bluhm, Maj. Q. M., D.S.O.
Lings, Maj. H. C., D.S.O.
Stewart, Capt. W. H., O.B.E.
Horsfall, Maj. E., M.C.
Moore, Maj. C. G., M.C. (F.).
Barlow, Capt. A. E., M.C.
Norman, Capt. H. L., M.C.
Ross, Capt. E. A., M.C.
Holdaway, Lieut. N. A., M.C.
McGuffie, Lieut. T., M.C.
Parsons, 2nd Lieut. H., M.C.
Stephenson, Lt.-Col. H. M. (F.).

Other Ranks

Code, R.Q.M.S. J. H., D.C.M.

Evans, Cpl. G., D.C.M.
Harrison, Sgt. H., D.C.M., M.M.
Hennessey, Pte. T., D.C.M.
Knott, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. J., D.C.M.
O’Connell, Pte. J., D.C.M.
Simpson, Co. Sgt.-Mjr. H., D.C.M.
Stenton, L.-Cpl. W., D.C.M.
Tasker, Pte. G., D.C.M.
Waterhouse, Sgt. J., D.C.M.
Wood, Pte. H. T., D.C.M.
Boardman, Sgt. E., M.M.
Bogie, Cpl. H. S., M.M.
Bradshaw, Cpl. G., M.M.
Derrig, Sgt. T. H., M.M.
Forrest, Pte. J., M.M.
Halliwell, Pte. J., M.M.
Harris, Pte. W. S., M.M.
Hewitt, Cpl. C., M.M.
Holmes, Pte. C., M.M.
Hooper, Pte. H., M.M.
Jones, L.-Cpl. H., M.M.
Jones, Pte. T., M.M.
Kelly, Cpl. J. C., M.M.
Kirwin, Pte. J., M.M.
Layton, Pte. T., M.M.
McCormick, Pte. J., M.M.
McMullon, Pte., M.M.
Monks, Pte. G., M.M.
Poke, Cpl. J., M.M.
Quinn, L.-Cpl. F. P., M.M.
Rigly, Pte. T., M.M.
Rimmer, Pte. W., M.M.
Russell, Cpl. R. F., M.M.
Slowe, Pte. E., M.M.
Taylor, Pte. W., M.M.
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