2014 Kantack Relationships
2014 Kantack Relationships
DISSERTATION
by
DISSERTATION
Detroit, Michigan
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
2014
Approved by:
Steven Abell, Ph.D.__ 2-24-14_
Advisor Date
2014
I would like to thank my husband, Geoffrey, for his continual support and my parents
for their encouragement and generosity. I would also like to thank my dissertation
chairperson, Dr. Steven Abell, for his guidance and my committee members, Drs. Elizabeth
Hill, Libby Blume, and David Schwartz, for their helpful suggestions. Lastly, I would like to
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Table of Contents
Literature Review…………………………………………………………………………...…1
Body Image……………………………………………………………………………1
Perfectionistic Self-Presentation……………………………………………………..22
Body Esteem…………………………………………………………………31
iii
Self-Esteem and Body Distortion……………………………………………39
Hypotheses…………………………………………………………………………...74
Method……………………………………………………………………………………….76
Participants…………………………………………………………………………...76
Measures……………………………………………………………………………..77
Alexithymia…………………………………………………………………..77
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Perfectionism………………………………………………………………...77
Perfectionistic Self-Presentation……………………………………………..79
Self-Esteem…………………………………………………………………..79
Ethnic Identity………………………………………………………………..80
Body Dissatisfaction…………………………………………………………81
Body Distortion………………………………………………………………82
Procedures……………………………………………………………………………84
Statistical Analysis…………………………………………………………………...85
Additional Analyses………………………………………………………….88
Data cleaning………………………………………………………………...89
Results………………………………………………………………………………………..90
Descriptive statistics…………………………………………………………………90
Preliminary Analyses………………………………………………………………...92
Tests of Hypotheses………………………………………………………………….96
Regression Analyses………………………………………………………..101
Test of Mediation…………………………………………………………...107
Additional Analyses………………………………………………………………...108
Discussion…………………………………………………………………………………..115
Overview……………………………………………………………………………115
v
Alexithymia and Self-Esteem………………………………………………………116
Self-Esteem and Perfectionism……………………………………………………..116
Alexithymia and Body Satisfaction………………………………………………...117
Perfectionism and Body Satisfaction……………………………………………….118
PSP and Body Satisfaction…………………………………………………………119
Ethnicity and Body Image………………………………………………………….120
Body Image Models………………………………………………………………...121
Appearance Evaluation……………………………………………………..121
Body Areas Satisfaction…………………………………………………….122
The Role of Body Distortion………………………………………………………..122
Exploratory Findings……………………………………………………………….123
Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….136
References…………………………………………………………………………………..138
Abstract………………………………………………………………………….………….184
Autobiographical Statement………………………………………………………………...186
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List of Tables
Table 14: Group Differences for Roman Catholic Participants and Participants…………114
of Other Christian Denominations
vii
1
Literature Review
Body Image
conceptual, and emotional components (1985). The cognitive ability to recognize size and
weight (physiological), capacity to hold a mental image of one’s body in her mind
(conceptual), and the attitudes towards the form and weight of one’s body (emotional)
contribute to the development of body image (Birthchnell et al., 1985). In modern culture, the
primary foci pertaining to body image appear to be on one’s weight and shape of the body
(Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001). Recent data suggests that 80 percent of women in the United
States are dissatisfied with their appearance (Ross, 2013). This negative attitude towards the
body extends to young American girls. For instance, it is documented that 50-70 percent of
normal weight girls believe they are overweight, with 81 percent of ten year old girls
reportedly feeling afraid of becoming overweight. Additionally, 35 percent of 6-12 year old
girls have a desire to diet and 42 percent of first through third grade girls have a desire to lose
reflection of a harsh, critical superego that attacks the self for thoughts and feelings that are
employed by the ego known as “turning against the self” which refers to the redirection of
these unacceptable, negative emotions towards a person (i.e., anger or criticism) against the
self. Holding one’s feelings inside can often feel safer than expressing those emotions. Freud
2
posited that individuals often fear that others cannot tolerate their feelings of anger or
criticism towards them and, therefore, they turn those feelings against themselves instead,
making them unaware of the emotions they are really experiencing towards their
environment. Therefore, one could begin to believe that their body is “disgusting” as they
are, in reality, disgusted by the treatment they have received from others. Further, this anger
towards others turned into hatred towards the body can result in self-harm behaviors such as
cutting, which have been described as indicative of the person’s unconscious need to punish
themselves for the negative thoughts and feelings they have towards others (Freud, 1936).
such as sexual and physical abuse (Turner & Paivio, 2002), parental neglect or criticism
(Burns, 1980), and familial instability (Krystal, 1978). It has been suggested that turning
one’s emotions against one’s self develops out of an individual’s need to feel in control after
these types of traumas (Zlotnick, Mattia, & Zimmerman, 2001). By blaming the self for these
situations rather than the unreliable or abusive caregivers, the person can believe that, if she
were only “good enough,” then these negative events and the poor treatment she received
could have been prevented. This irrational belief of needing to be “good enough” or “perfect”
in order to change an overly critical or neglectful environment can extend to the belief that
the perfection of one’s body can lead to control over one’s environment. Further, Sorotzkin
explained that the need for perfection in one’s self, which would include physical
appearance, and the desire to scrutinize any physical imperfection is representative of a harsh
superego that has internalized parental criticism (1998). Horney also previously theorized
that the need to appear perfect stemmed from being deprived of affection and approval in
childhood (1950). This deficit leads to continual seeking of approval, admiration, and
3
recognition from others in later life to fill this relational need. Consequently, any perceived
errors (which one could argue includes physical flaws) are considered intolerable and must
be avoided as they fear these imperfections will lead to loss of love and acceptance yet again
(Horney, 1950).
(Freeman, Beach, Davis, & Solyom, 1985; Perez-Lopez & Petretic, 2004). While body
dissatisfaction relates to a negative emotional view of the body, body distortion describes a
conceptual inaccuracy in the view of one’s body (Freeman et al., 1985). Perez-Lopez and
Petretic (2004) described body distortion as existing on three levels: perceptual, subjective,
the size of one’s body (similar to the physiological component of body image described by
Birthchnell et al., 1985). A study by Cash and Deagle (1997) showed a trend in patients with
bulimia and anorexia to overestimate their body size. This was supported in later studies by
Farrell, Lee, and Shafran (2005) and Skrzypek, Wehmeier, and Remschmidt (2001). Other
research has indicated that, in non-eating disordered samples, the mental representation of
one’s body size tends to be underestimated (Vocks et al., 2007). It has been suggested that
body distortion does not reflect faulty sensory processing but rather inaccurate information
processing (Ahrberg, 2011). For instance, Jansen, Nederkoorn, and Mulkens (2005)
described that individuals with distorted body images attend more to areas of their body that
body distortion relates to the influences of bullying based on one’s body size and negative
ideas about one’s body based on premature body development. The socio-cultural
explanation of body distortion states that disturbance in the view of one’s body is due to the
4
pressure that society places on individuals to attain an ideal physical shape that is not realistic
(Perez-Lopez & Petretic, 2004). Specifically, the societal pressure to be beautiful, physically
fit, and able to manage one’s weight has been shown to be positively related to poor body
satisfaction (Keeton, Cash, & Brown, 1990; Loosemoore & Moriarty, 1990; Strauman &
Glenberg, 1994).
body distortion and body image dissatisfaction (Etu & Gray, 2010; Ferguson, Munoz,
Contreras, & Velasquez, 2011; Gardner & Tockerman, 1993; Kasper, 2001). Williamson,
Gleaves, Watkins, and Schlundt (1993) described that, as fear of fatness and body
dissatisfaction increased, body distortion also increased. This also was observed in a later
study by Gleaves (1995) in a sample which included individuals with and without disordered
eating behaviors. The positive correlation between body distortion and body dissatisfaction
was also observed with obese individuals in a study by Drewnowski and Yee (1987). A study
by Sarwer, Wadden, and Foster (1998), which found no relationship between body image
dissatisfaction and BMI among obese women, also indicated that the predictors of body
dissatisfaction are more complex than weight alone and that one’s perceptions about her
body can more significantly affect body image satisfaction than her objective weight.
and problematic eating behaviors (i.e., binge eating disorder and obesity). While this
hypothesis was not supported, the study did show positive relationships between body
dissatisfaction and BMI, binge eating, and depression. A limitation of this study was that 75
percent of the sample consisted of Caucasian females and individuals of other ethnicities
5
were underrepresented. The positive correlation between body dissatisfaction and BMI was
also supported in a study by Dalley, Buunk, and Umit (2009) where neuroticism was a
moderating variable. The correlation between body dissatisfaction and body distortion was
also found in an earlier study that examined the effect of one’s view of menstruation on these
anticipated menses and viewed the onset of menstruation in a negative light had greater body
of her body size. The photo distortion technique involves participants altering a manipulated
picture of themselves until it resembles what they believe to be their body size (Alleback,
Hallberg, & Epsmark, 1976; Probst, Vandereycken, van Coppenolle, & Pieters, 1998; Vocks
et al., 2007). A related body distortion measure is the whole-image technique which involves
participants adjusting a real image of another person to match their own body size (Gardner,
1996). This technique also has been performed using mirrors which adjust to different sizes
(Traub & Orbach, 1964). Another technique to measure the perceptual component of body
image is the body site technique in which participants are asked to create a distance between
two points that matches the width of their body parts (Gardner, 1996). The chest, hips, waist,
stomach, and thighs are commonly measured areas in these studies (Gardner, 1996).
Thompson and Spana (1988) used a similar technique with a light beam apparatus where they
asked participants to adjust the length of a light beam to match the width of their body. One
of the most common types of body distortion measurement is the silhouette technique
(Holmqvist, 2010; Thompson & Gray, 1995). This involves presenting participants with
6
silhouettes of females with varying weight types ranging from underweight to obese
(Thompson & Gray, 1995). Individuals are instructed to select the silhouette which they
believe represents their body size and this is compared to the silhouette which most
accurately reflects their body size (determined by matching silhouettes with corresponding
BMIs). The discrepancy between the participants’ perceived body size and actual body size
indicates the degree to which their perceptions of their body size are distorted (Thompson &
Gray, 1995).
While various methods have been used to measure degree of body distortion, the most
common procedure is to divide the estimated size by the actual size and multiply by 100
which provides the body distortion index (BDI) (Thompson, 1987). The BDI produces a
percentage of over or underestimation in body size or body mass index (BMI). BMI ((weight
The range for normal BMI is 20–25 (Garrow & Webster, 1985).
It has been recognized that Western society has supported an ideal body type that is
thin and getting thinner (Singh, 1993). A study by Guaraldi, Orlandi, Boselli, and O'Donnell
(1999) found that having an ideal body image that differed from that of the mainstream
sociocultural standard was protective against body dissatisfaction. They discovered that
88.46 percent of women in their study endorsed an ideal body image that was in accordance
with that of the mainstream culture. This supported work done by Silberstein, Striegel-
Moore, Timko, and Rodin (1988) who found that 75.3 percent of their sample internalized an
ideal body image that was very tall and thin. As stated by Anschutz (2009), internalization of
the thin ideal occurs when the individual has adopted the cultural ideal for body type
7
(thinness) as her own standard of attractiveness and participates in behaviors to attain this
ideal (i.e., disordered eating behaviors, dieting, or ruminating about the size and shape of her
body). Individuals who participate in these behaviors to achieve the ideal level of beauty also
believe this beauty will bring them overall success and satisfaction in life (Levine & Murnen,
2009).
Guaraldi et al.’s (1999) study showed that women who put the greatest level of
importance on having a tall and thin body type showed the most body dissatisfaction.
Consistent with results of a study by Palta, Prineas, Berman, and Hannan (1982), body
dissatisfaction was more likely to be present for women who believed they had a body type
closer to the ideal body image than was the reality (body distortion). Women with figures
that varied from the ideal body type (e.g., shorter and larger) had less body dissatisfaction.
The authors concluded from these findings that there was a positive correlation between
internalization of a mainstream sociocultural ideal body image and both body distortion and
and Rodin (1986) also showed the connection between one’s perceived body size (regardless
of actual weight) and acceptance of the societal view of a thin body as the ideal. However,
the findings from a 1989 study by Wardle and Foley suggested that those with a thin ideal
body image would be likely to overestimate their body size. In a similar study by Williamson
(1990), body distortion (defined in this study as the difference between actual body size and
the ideal body size decided on by a peer group) led to body dissatisfaction.
The results of the studies above suggest that women who internalize a thin body ideal
will also be dissatisfied with their bodies, regardless of being thin, and will continue to strive
to attain an ideal lower weight which continues to be just out of their reach, which leads to
8
more body dissatisfaction. This vicious cycle was shown in a sample where the majority of
participants were Hispanic teenage girls and women (Ferguson et al., 2011). In this study,
underweight participants had greater body dissatisfaction than participants whose BMI was
in the normal range. Further, those with a BMI in the thin category (based on the World
Health Organization’s (2010) classification criteria) were almost as dissatisfied with their
bodies as those in the obese category. Participants’ body satisfaction was not shown to be
Saules et al. (2009) and Dalley et al. (2009) that showed viewing thin media images led to
higher levels of body dissatisfaction. While results of this study are helpful in illuminating
the relationship between BMI and body dissatisfaction, the results are limited to the Hispanic
population and it would be beneficial to examine these variables in other ethnic groups.
Females have been shown to be more susceptible to body distortion and body
dissatisfaction in comparison to males (Arkoff & Weaver, 1966; Thompson & Thompson,
1986). One study found that females of Japanese-American descent exhibited much higher
women (Arkoff & Weaver, 1966). In another study by Thompson & Thompson (1986) that
examined a non-eating disordered sample, females were found to rate their bodies as 25%
larger than their actual size compared to males who overestimated their body size by 13%.
Body dissatisfaction can pertain to negative feelings about one’s whole body shape or to
Males who do show dissatisfaction with their bodies typically are preoccupied with
different areas of the body than are women (Moreno & Thelen, 1993; Nagel & Jones, 1992).
9
The thighs, legs, buttocks, hips, and abdominal region (areas with high fat deposits in
females) are common areas of dissatisfaction for women (Furnham & Greaves, 1994; Nagel
& Jones, 1992). Additionally, women often are concerned with the attractiveness of their face
(Furnham & Greaves, 1994). While women often are concerned with their bodies being too
large (Moreno & Thelen, 1993), men tend to be preoccupied either with not being muscular
enough or with having too much body fat (Peters & Phelps, 2001). However, one study with
female bodybuilders revealed that this population also had a bidirectional body
dissatisfaction where some participants were seeking a more muscular frame while others
wished to have a thinner body type (Peters & Phelps, 2001). Different from women, men
tend to be preoccupied with areas of the body related to upper body strength such as biceps,
chest and shoulders (Furnham & Greaves, 1994). Also, men often desire to weigh more while
women desire to be lighter. Specifically, a study by Furnham & Greaves (1994) found that
males wished to be three pounds heavier while women reported a desire to be seven pounds
lighter, on average.
Sifneos first created the term “alexithymia” which stands for “no words for mood”
(1973). Four categories have been identified to describe alexithymia: difficulty identifying
and expressing feelings, difficulty differentiating emotions from physical sensations, limited
capacity for fantasy, and concrete thinking with little capacity for self-awareness or
introspection (Taylor, Bagby, & Parker, 1991). Alexithymia has been described to have its
origins in a chaotic familial upbringing (Krystal, 1978). Further, alexithymia has been traced
to childhood sexual and/or physical abuse (Turner & Paivio, 2002). It has been suggested that
individual’s need to feel in control after these types of traumas (Zlotnick, Mattia, &
Zimmerman, 2001).
This is consistent with Anna Freud’s description of the defense mechanism “turning
against the self” which refers to the redirection of negative emotions towards a person (i.e.,
anger or criticism) against the self (1936). This method of coping serves two main functions:
First, it allows the person to feel more in control of difficult situations where her well-being
is reliant upon undependable or abusive caregivers. By blaming the self for these situations
rather than the caregivers, the person can believe that, if she were only “good enough,” then
these negative events and the poor treatment she received could have been prevented.
Second, holding one’s feelings inside can often feel safer than expressing those emotions.
People often fear that others cannot tolerate their feelings of anger or criticism towards them
and, therefore, they turn those feelings against themselves instead, making them unaware of
the emotions they are really experiencing towards their environment (Freud, 1936).
Most of the clinical research on alexithymia has been conducted with eating disorders
populations (e.g., Bydlowski et al., 2005; Carano et al., 2006; De Barardis et al., 2007;
Heatherton & Baumeister, 1991). Hilde Bruch (1962) described difficulty in differentiating
and expressing emotions as a core issue with eating disorder patients. Similar to Zlotnick et
al. (2001) and Freud (1936), Bruch described alexithymia in eating disorder symptomatology
as reflective of feeling out of control and ineffective in creating change in one’s life (1962).
It has been posited that patients with eating disorders experience a deep sense of vulnerability
and that alexithymia serves as a way to fight against overwhelming emotions (Corcos &
Speranza, 2003). Binge eating disorder has also been described to result from inability to
successfully regulate emotions (Wheeler, Greiner, & Boulton, 2005). Similarly, Heatherton
11
and Baumeister (1991) developed the escape theory of binge eating disorder which holds that
participating in binging protects against negative feelings by distracting the person from what
they are feeling and keeping these feeling out of conscious awareness.
Indeed, alexithymic patients have been shown to have much higher levels of
emotional distress than non-alexithymics (de Groot, Rodin, & Olmstead, 1995; Taylor,
Parker, Bagby, & Bourke, 1996) and alexithymia is directed related to severity of eating
disorder symptoms (e.g., Bydlowski et al., 2005; Carano et al., 2006; Cochrane, Brewerton,
Wilson, & Hodges, 1993; De Barardis et al., 2007; Schmidt, Jiwany, & Treasure, 1993). In a
study by Delaney (2002), binge eaters were more likely to have difficulty identifying their
emotions and less able to understand physical sensations than healthy controls. Additionally,
Wheeler et al. (2005) found a positive association between alexithymia and binge eating.
This study further found a mediating effect of alexithymia between death of a parent and
childhood abuse with eating disorders (Wheeler et al., 2005). In related studies, childhood
emotional abuse and disordered eating was mediated by alexithymia (Hund & Espelage,
Fewer studies have examined the relationship between alexithymia and body
dissatisfaction (Newman, 2004). Carano et al. (2006) found alexithymia to be directly related
to body dissatisfaction. This relationship was supported in a later study which found those
high in body dissatisfaction to have difficulty recognizing when they were feeling angry
(Ridout et al., 2010). In an interesting study by De Barardis et al. (2005) of women with
premenstrual dysphoric disorder, women high in alexithymia evaluated their bodies more
negatively than women low in alexithymia. Newman (2004) examined differences in body
dissatisfaction and alexithymia in Caucasian and African American college students and
12
found that, while African Americans experienced less body dissatisfaction and pressure to be
thin, they were just as likely as Caucasians to have difficulty identifying and expressing their
feelings and distinguishing emotion from somatic symptoms. Furthermore, Franzoni et al.’s
(2013) findings suggested that alexithymia resulted from unprocessed trauma and associated
feelings of shame and that this shame was related to body dissatisfaction. Given the proposed
relationship between alexithymia and body dissatisfaction (Carano et al., 2011), it is possible
that the tendency to criticize one’s body could reflect Anna Freud’s theory of an individual’s
Brannan & Petrie, 2008; Casale, Biondi, & Pacini, 2011; Chan & Owens, 2006).
excessive emphasis on precision and organization, the setting of and striving for unrealistic
personal standards, critical self-evaluation if these standards are not reached, excessive
concern over mistakes, and doubts about the quality of personal achievements” (Castro-
Fornieles et al., 2007, p. 562). To first discuss overall theoretical models of perfectionism, it
has been described by Burns (1980) as the expectance of achieving excellence and then
criticizing one’s self for not reaching this goal. Hamachek (1978) described that some
perfectionism can be adaptive while other perfectionism can enter the neurotic, maladaptive
realm. He stated that normal perfectionism is present for individuals who possess a strong
need for achievement and set practical goals for themselves, which leads to increases in self-
esteem and overall life satisfaction. However, neurotic perfectionism he described as being
motivated by a fear of failing, yet these individuals create unreasonable criteria to meet so as
to not become a failure (Hamachek, 1978). This neurotic type of perfectionism is associated
13
with various forms of psychological disturbance (Blatt, 1995; Flett, Hewitt, Blankstein, &
Mosher, 1995).
Similar to the perfectionism model by Hamachek (1978), Slade and Owens (1998)
developed the dual process model of perfectionism which is based on behavioral theories of
reinforcement. It posits that there are negative and positive forms of perfectionism, with
(called the avoidance orientation) and positive reinforcement which is characterized by the
to attempt to reach unreasonable standards and failing, while the positive perfectionist
experiences more life satisfaction because she can adjust her expectations based on results
and constructive criticism from others. To put it another way, positive perfectionists strive to
become their ideal self while negative perfectionists struggle to avoid becoming their feared
inflexible standards for the self even when these standards prove to be impossible to attain.
For non-pathological perfectionism, while it also involves high achievement standards, the
goals are not as rigid as these perfectionists are able to keep in their sights which behaviors
are helpful to their success and which behaviors are not (i.e., continuing to pursue a goal
which will not come to fruition) (Anthony & Swinson, 1998). According to Rosen (1992),
due to perfectionists’ need to be perfect when it comes to appearance as well, they often
situations where they could feel anxiety due to issues related to body dissatisfaction.
multiple reasons why the individual strives to achieve at such a high level, could be most
helpful in understanding the role that this variable plays in the development and maintenance
Álvarez-Rayón, 2005; Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990a; Hewitt, Flett, & Ediger,
1995). Studies by Dunkley, Blankstein, Halsall, Williams, and Winkworth (2000) and Frost,
Heimberg, Holt, Mattia, and Neubauer (1993) supported two dimensions of perfectionism
(personal standards and evaluative concerns). Personal standards (PS) perfectionism consists
excessive concern over mistakes and self-doubt and criticism about performance (Frost et al.,
1993). In addition to self-criticism, EC perfectionism is also defined by the belief that others
will be just as critical of them for not being perfect (Hewitt & Flett, 1991).
thin ideal internalization, which they believed to be one example of a perfectionist’s tendency
to strive for excellence. This study built upon past research which examined the meditational
effect of thin ideal internalization on the positive correlation between perfectionism and body
dissatisfaction (Tissot & Crowther, 2008). Boone (2011) argued that, because individuals
high in EC perfectionism can harbor feelings of failure and insecurity, these individuals may
gain confidence and a sense of control by striving for a thin physique. Results showed that
EC perfectionism was associated with both body dissatisfaction and perceived pressure to be
thin (Boone, 2011), supporting Hewitt and Flett’s (1991) proposition that EC perfectionists
15
are self-critical and believe others to be critical of them as well. This study also supported
Thompson et al.’s (1999) findings that women who strive for perfection believe that a perfect
body will bring them social success and positive self-worth. A possible limitation to Boone’s
(2011) study is the homogenous Caucasian sample. Also, the sample included individuals
with bulimic symptomatology and the results may not generalize to a non-clinical population.
unrealistically high self-standards. Brannan and Petrie (2008) found a relationship between
body dissatisfaction and SOP and concluded that women who strive to be perfect extend this
standard to their physical appearance, and feel they are failures for not having bodies they are
proud of. A limitation of Brannan and Petrie’s study is that it only included Caucasian
women. SOP has also been linked with depression (Hewitt & Flett, 1993a; Hewitt, Flett, &
Ediger, 1996), neuroticism, poor self-esteem and a need for approval (Hewitt & Flett, 1991).
Although, SOP can be beneficial at non-clinical levels as it is associated with high levels of
SPP is an interpersonal construct referring to the belief that others stress perfection in
the person and so the person must, therefore, work to achieve extremely high standards to
avoid failure and criticism from others (Hewitt & Flett, 1991). Studies by Chang (1998) and
Hewitt, Norton, Flett, Callander, and Cowan (1998) revealed that SPP increases one’s risk
for suicide attempts. Additionally, Tissot and Crowther (2008) showed that SOP had a
16
meditational effect on the relationship of SPP with thin ideal internalization and body
dissatisfaction.
The third interpersonal perfectionism category is OOP which refers to the belief that
other people should achieve perfection which leads to harsh criticism of others’ actions
(Hewitt & Flett, 1991). Since individuals high in OOP are often disappointed by others when
they, inevitably, fail to achieve their unrealistic expectations for them, this often results in
marriage and relationship problems in areas such as difficulty trusting others and harboring
feelings of hostility and blame towards others (Habke, Hewitt, & Flett, 1999; Hewitt, Flett, &
Mikail, 1995). OOP also has been associated with body image avoidance (i.e., avoidance of
individuals’ criticism of others’ failures in such areas as beauty can be reflective of the
perfectionists’ own feelings of self-criticism. However, lesser degrees of OOP can lead to
positive qualities such as good motivational and leadership abilities (Hewitt & Flett, 1991).
All three perfectionistic spheres in this model have been observed to be positively corrected
depression, anxiety, and procrastination (Hewitt, Flett, & Turnbull, 1992). However, the
Paula, 2002).
(Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Robenblate, 1990b). Frost described perfectionism as being
composed of 6 components: setting very high personal standards, being highly concerned
17
over making mistakes, doubting one’s actions, perceiving parents to have high achievement
expectations for the person, believing parents to be critical of one’s behaviors, and focusing
on organization (Frost et al., 1990b). While the combination of setting high personal
standards with low concerns over mistakes and doubt about actions has been shown to be
directly related to self-esteem and overall life satisfaction (Flett, Hewitt, Blankstein, &
O’Brien, 1991; Flett & Hewitt, 2002; Rice & Mirzadeh, 2000), high personal standards
combined with high concerns over mistakes, doubting actions, and parental
criticism/expectations has been associated with anxiety (Frost & Henderson, 1991),
procrastination (Solomon & Rothblum, 1984), low self-confidence (Hall, Kerr, & Matthews,
1998), self-sabotaging behaviors (Hobden & Pliner, 1995), and body dissatisfaction (Frost et
al., 1990a). In addition, Striegel-Moore et al. (1986) found body dissatisfaction to increase
(as evidenced by reports of feeling fatter) when women were experiencing a high level of
concern over mistakes and perceived failures. This model of perfectionism has been
includes not only values (i.e., organization and high personal standards) and thoughts (i.e.,
concern over mistakes) characteristic of perfectionists but also takes into account
Consistent with Frost’s model of perfectionism, parental criticism has been discussed
(e.g., Burns, 1980; Blatt, 1995; Hollender, 1965; Parker, 1997). Parker’s work with school
children revealed that children who experienced high levels of criticism and expectations
from parents had negative perfectionistic traits, which included concern over making
18
mistakes, doubt about their actions, and unrealistic goals for their achievements (1997).
Children who experienced lower levels of parental criticism and parental expectations had
more realistic standards, less self-doubt, and less anxiety regarding perceived mistakes
(Parker, 1997). Guilt, shame, and basing self-worth on what one achieves are also
characteristics of individuals who grew up perceiving that their parents expected perfection
from them (Hollender, 1965). These feelings can lead the perfectionist to make attempts to
win their parents’ affection through exemplary performance and to attempt to avoid failing
out of concern that this would result in criticism and loss of parental love (Burns, 1980).
Furthermore, Blatt (1995) stated that self-worth attached to achievement resulted in poor
body esteem, unstable self-esteem, and low overall self- esteem. The experiencing of extreme
forms of criticism and punishment (i.e., neglect or emotional, physical and sexual abuse) in
childhood also has been associated with perfectionistic traits and body dissatisfaction through
internalizing critical views of the self (Blatt, 1995; Dunkley, 2010; Glassman, Weierich,
Hooley, Deliberto, & Nock, 2007). In other words, children from harsh, punitive parental
environments often grow into adults with maladaptive perfectionism and they repeat the
patterns they grew up with by continuing to punish themselves through self-blame and
Another theory that has been employed to highlight the importance of the relationship
between perfectionism and body dissatisfaction is sociocultural theory which stresses the
influence of internalization of the thin ideal on these two variables (Boone, 2011; Tissot &
Crowther, 2008; van den Berg et al., 2002). According to this theory, women are more likely
to develop body dissatisfaction when they experience pressure from others (especially from
19
parents, friends, romantic partners, and the media) to lose weight (similar to socially-
prescribed perfectionism) (Cafri et al., 2005; McKee, 2006). However, it has been shown that
the individual must internalize the message that only thinness is acceptable (similar to self-
oriented perfectionism) for the greatest levels of body dissatisfaction to occur (Tissot &
children who are exposed to pressures to be perfect while growing up are seen to internalize
these perfectionistic standards and live by them later in life (Flett, Hewitt, Oliver, &
Macdonald, 2002).
The relationship between perfectionism and body dissatisfaction has also been
examined using self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987). This theory holds that individuals
have various ideal selves, such as the ideal self they create for themselves as well as the ideal
self they believe other people have for them. When there is a discrepancy between a person’s
actual physical appearance and their own ideal self, they can experience what Higgins (1987)
labeled as “dejection-related emotions” (p. 322) such as body dissatisfaction. In the event
that there is an incongruity between individuals’ perception of others’ ideal self for them and
their actual body size, feelings such as embarrassment and shame about the body can follow
(Higgins, 1987). This has found to be particularly true for individuals with perfectionistic
tendencies and low self-esteem (Forbes et al., 2001; Tantleff-Dunn & Lindner, 2011).
A few studies have examined perfectionism in relation to both self-esteem and body
dissatisfaction (Shaw, Stice, & Springer, 2004; Stice, 2001; Vohs, Voelz, Pettit, Bardone,
Katz, Abramson, & Joiner, 2001). In a study by Shaw et al. (2004), individuals high in all
three areas of body dissatisfaction, perfectionism, and self-esteem were shown to have
perfectionism, but low in self-esteem, showed more binge eating behaviors. Shaw et al.
(2004) attributed this pattern to the ability for individuals’ with adequate self-esteem to
consider being overweight as an impermanent state that they are able to change (in spite of
high perfectionism), while individuals lacking in self-esteem do not believe they can control
their weight loss, resulting in problems related to emotional and food regulation.
Casale (2011) found a significant interaction effect between perfectionism and body
dissatisfaction. One study found that negative (neurotic) perfectionism is related to specific
eating disorder symptoms, including drive for thinness, bulimia, and body dissatisfaction
(Chan & Owens, 2006). Neurotic perfectionism was also found to be related to attractiveness
and weight preoccupation in a study by Davis, Claridge, and Fox (2000). The authors
concluded from these results that more physically beautiful women can become
hyperfocused on and attempt to perfect their body weight because, due to receiving a great
deal of praise for their attractiveness during their youth, they can begin to base their sense of
self-worth on their ability to maintain their perfect appearance (Davis et al., 2000). This
coincides with results by Pokrajac-Bulian (2005) which suggested that young females can
become overly involved with developing a perfect body as a method of filling the existential
needs for life meaning and emotional satisfaction. In an interesting study by McKee (2006)
on perfectionism and body dissatisfaction, it was found that perfectionism (related to needing
to appear physically perfect in public) was associated with body dissatisfaction (i.e., feeling
negative about the body and larger discrepancies between actual and ideal body size).
Ruggiero (2003) examined the relationship between body dissatisfaction and perfectionism in
both stressful (e.g., when participants were taking a test or being graded on a task) and non-
stressful settings and found the two variables to be strongly related in both conditions.
21
However, one study of adolescent girls did not find a relationship between body
Cafri, Yamamiya, Brannick, and Thompson (2005) also examined perfectionism and
body dissatisfaction in a sample of women suffering from bulimia. They observed that body
dissatisfaction as well as thin ideal internalization moderated the relationship between Frost’s
high personal standards perfectionism and binge eating. In both this study and Boone’s
(2011) study, perfectionism was considered to precede thin ideal internalization and
perceived pressure to be thin and it was failing to meet these unreasonably high standards for
the body that led to body dissatisfaction and, subsequently, to eating disordered behaviors.
Glassman et al. (2007) further observed that self-criticism mediated the relationship between
perfectionistic traits and body dissatisfaction in a sample of patients with binge eating
disorder. Bardone-Cone, Abramson, Vohs, Heatherton, and Joiner (2006) also described the
binge eating behaviors. Specifically, they found that individuals high in perfectionism and
low in self-efficacy were the most likely to feel hopeless about losing weight and develop
binge eating as a method to reduce weight loss-related anxiety. This formula has been coined
the vulnerability-stress model with perfectionism and poor agency being the vulnerability
factors and stress referring to anxiety surrounding body dissatisfaction (Bardone-Cone et al.,
2006). These findings supported an earlier study by Heatherton and Baumeister (1991) where
the greatest incidences of binge eating behaviors in a non-clinical sample were observed in
perfectionistic participants with low self-efficacy. It has been suggested that women who
present with perfectionism but higher self-efficacy related to weight loss can avoid eating
22
disordered behaviors and, instead, will utilize healthier weight loss strategies (i.e., dieting or
Much less research has been conducted comparing perfectionism and body distortion
relative to the work done on perfectionism and body dissatisfaction (Bardone, Vohs,
Abramson, Heatherton, & Joiner, 2000; Vohs et al., 2001; Welch, Miller, Ghaderi, &
Vaillancourt, 2009). It has been suggested that individuals with body distortion
underestimate their attractiveness or overestimate their body size due to a need to be perfect
(Buhlmann, Etcoff, & Wilhelm, 2008; Veale & Lambrou, 2002). This was supported in
studies where perfectionistic self-criticism was seen to be directly related to concerns about
body size and overestimating one’s weight and body size (body distortion) (Fairburn,
Cooper, & Shafran, 2003; Hrabosky, Masheb, White, & Grilo, 2007). According to
researchers such as Veale, Kinderman, Riley, and Lambrou (2003), additional studies need to
Perfectionistic Self-Presentation
as taking great strides to appear perfect to others by not showing defects or weaknesses in
differs from perfectionism in that this variable refers to one’s personal drive for perfection
while PSP is concerned with a desire to present one’s self to others as perfect (Hewitt &
Flett, 1991). It has also been described as the effort to showcase one’s perfectionism to others
through three avenues: self-promotion (or engaging in behaviors to prove one’s perfectionist
23
and non-display of imperfection (which is trying to hide imperfect qualities about the self in
the presence of others) (Hewitt et al., 2003). To put it differently, perfectionistic self-
(Hewitt et al., 2003). PSP has been shown to be more closely related to self-oriented and
self-presenter’s focus on appearing perfect but not requiring actual perfection from
themselves or others (Hewitt & Flett, 1991). Drawing from Sullivan’s interpersonal theory of
personality development (1938/2000), PSP points to the importance of how the interpersonal
interactions are affected in individuals suffering from perfectionism (Hewitt et al., 2003).
Hewitt and his colleagues view PSP as an important aspect of personality and a global and
stable form of interpersonal interaction (2003). Buss and Finn (1987) also have described
was representative of a neurotic personality style. However, Schlenker and Weigold (1992)
argued that there exist both positive and negative aspects of self-presentation. Still, Hewitt et
al. (2003) believe that PSP leads to distress for the self and others, regardless of some
adaptive or useful outcomes that may also result from this personality style. Sorotzkin
upon Rothstein’s (1991) work who theorized a child’s deep sense of inferiority from an
overcritical and/or neglectful environment as leading to the development of the belief that
24
only by being perfect (or grandiose) can he/she lessen feelings of inferiority. Sortozkin
(1998) stated that perfectionism in narcissistic patients serves as a way to avoid shame for
not fulfilling their grandiose fantasies of themselves. Therefore, narcissistic injuries and a
sense of shame develop when the perfectionistic self-presenter views others as seeing them
as less than perfect, which leads to further feelings of inferiority. Perfectionistic self-
presentation from a neurotic standpoint, however, serves as a way to avoid guilt feelings that
accompany a harsh superego that has internalized parental criticism (1998). In other words,
the narcissistic perfectionist, with their feelings of superiority, attempts to depict him/herself
as perfect to others (i.e., the self-promotion subtype of PSP) while the neurotic perfectionist
strives to earn acceptance by hiding imperfections from others (i.e., the non-disclosure and
non-display of imperfection PSP subtypes) (Sorotzkin, 1998). Earlier work by Sorotzkin also
included and admired by others where the guise of perfection protects them against rejection
(1985). Hobden and Pliner (1995) described that PSP can also lead these individuals to avoid
opportunities for growth if they believe there is a possibility that they will not perform
Frost et al. (1995) also commented on this idea by stating that individuals high in the
avoidance PSP subtypes (i.e., non-display and non-disclosure of imperfection) will avoid
situations where they could be potentially ridiculed or asked to reveal a form of imperfection.
This is consistent with Karen Horney’s (1950) view of the perfectionist’s need to avoid
criticism by concealing his/her flaws before others can take notice of them. Horney described
that, when children are deprived of affection and approval, it can lead to neurotic needs in
relationships later in life. For instance, they may constantly seek the approval, admiration,
25
and recognition from people that they were denied in their youth by striving to appear
perfect. Therefore, any perceived errors are considered intolerable and must be avoided as
they fear mistakes will lead to loss of love and acceptance again (Horney, 1950).
These avoidance PSP subtypes have been shown to increase anxiety in social
situations (Flett, Hewitt, Endler, & Tassone, 1994; McGee, Hewitt, Sherry, Parkin, & Flett,
2005) and to limit the level of intimacy in interpersonal relationships for these individuals
(Alden, Bieling, & Wallace, 1994; Derlega, Metts, Petronio, & Margulis, 1993; Hewitt et al.,
2003; Meleshko & Alden, 1993; Weisinger & Lobenz, 1981). A study examining PSP in
wives’ sexual dissatisfaction and wives’ PSP to be related to less personal sexual satisfaction
(Habke, Hewitt, & Flett, 1999). The fear of displaying and/or disclosing imperfection to
others has also been observed to be related with lower levels of verbal expression in social
While self-presentation is a newer concept and has not been researched in great depth
as of this time, recent studies have indicated there is a significant, positive relationship
between perfectionistic self-presentation and body dissatisfaction (Penkal & Kurdek, 2007;
Rudiger, Cash, Roehrig, & Thompson, 2007; Sherry, Vriend, Hewitt, Flett, & Wardrop,
2009). Sherry et al. (2009) posited that, due to the fear of displaying faults that accompanies
pertaining to their bodies as well, leading to negative feelings about their bodies and efforts
to cover up what they believe to be physical defects. Further, Hewitt et al. (2003) stated that
PSP is heightened in those who negatively evaluate their bodies and that a characteristic of
26
PSP includes fixating on how ones’ body appears in public. Flett and Hewitt (2005)
described that body dissatisfaction will be especially heightened in individuals with PSP who
have poor confidence in their ability to solve problems and who utilize emotion-focused
coping (i.e., blaming the self for mistakes). Therefore, it can be suggested that individuals
with PSP who blame themselves for being overweight and feel they will be ineffective in
one’s ability to have a positive self-presentation of the body has been shown to be affected by
the cultural view of the ideal body shape (Leary, 1992) and the thin body ideal in Western
society has been linked with insecurity among females regarding their bodies being perceived
Hart, Leary, and Rejeski (1989) introduced social physique anxiety (SPA), an element
of PSP which is the emotional reaction to individuals’ worry about others criticizing their
bodies (Leary, 1992). SPA has been linked to body dissatisfaction such as discrepancies
between one’s actual and ideal body types (Hart et al., 1989). Additionally, a relationship
between SPA and eating disturbance (typically associated with body dissatisfaction) has been
shown to be moderated by BMI (Haase & Prapavessis, 1998). Corning, Krumm, and
Smitham (2006) also stated that, when perfectionistic individuals believe others are
negatively evaluating their bodies, this results in negative body image and the belief that they
are incapable of attaining the thinner body shape of their peers. An earlier study by Oates-
Johnson (2004) similarly found that preoccupation with how others perceive one’s body,
need for others to approve of one’s body, and avoidance subtypes of PSP were present for
women dissatisfied with their weight. Further, Oates-Johnson suggested that weight
27
preoccupied women feared to fail in weight-loss attempts as they likely believed this would
lead to social rejection based upon peers’ criticism of their weight (2004). A related study by
Baratelli (2009) with young adult females from Venezuela found that fear of others’
criticizing their physical appearance was the most significant predictor of body
dissatisfaction. Kehoe’s (2003) findings similarly showed that the fear of negative body
evaluation common in PSP moderated the relationship between body dissatisfaction and thin
ideal internalization.
PSP has been observed to be strongly, negatively associated with self-esteem as well, a
variable consistently related to body dissatisfaction. Hewitt and Flett (1993b) found PSP to
be the best predictor of self-esteem, even beyond the variance accounted for by the non-self
of low self-worth (Hewitt & Flett, 1993b). Baumeister, Tice, and Hutton’s (1989) findings
also pointed to how the concealment PSP subtypes can reflect individuals with low self-
esteem’s reluctance to reveal any flaws to others which would further damage their views of
themselves.
Hayaki, Friedman, and Brownell (2002) indicated that, among perfectionistic self-
presenters, the tendency to conceal imperfect aspects of the self can lead to difficulties with
overall emotional expression. The ability to talk about one’s feelings is thought to be
negatively associated with body dissatisfaction (Hayaki et al., 2002). Similarly, De Berardis
et al. (2009) suggested that individuals high in PSP would prohibit themselves from having
and revealing emotions that may be perceived by others as negative (such as anger and
28
sadness). Results of this study found alexithymia (defined in this study as difficulty in
dissatisfaction (De Barardis et al., 2009). This was supported in a subsequent study which
disturbance (Ruggiero, Scarone, Marcero, Bertelli, & Sassaroli, 2011). A study by Quinton
and Wagner (2005) did not find a relationship between alexithymia and body dissatisfaction;
however, difficulty with emotional expression was found to predict perfectionism (Quinton
A strong, negative association has been shown to exist between self-esteem and body
dissatisfaction (Button, Loan, Davies, & Sonuga-Barke, 1997; Brytek, 2010; Johnson &
Wardle, 2005; Tiggemann, 2005). It has been suggested by Allgood-Merten, Lewinsohn, and
Hops (1990) that body image is one crucial aspect of self-esteem and that body satisfaction is
esteem have been offered. Rosenberg (1979) defined self-esteem as a one-dimensional and
Alternatively, Tafardoi and Swan (1995) argued that self-esteem was bidimensional in
is defined as one’s opinion of one’s self based on feedback and acceptance from others, while
self-competence refers to one’s belief that he/she is a capable individual (Tafarodi & Swan,
1995). In two studies by Franzoi and Shields (1984) and Rosen and Alan (1986), self-esteem
was examined as a global construct and lower self-esteem was related to lower body
construct as well as specifically in social, familial, and professional settings. This study of
29
female participants who were suffering with obesity showed a correlation between body
dissatisfaction and all of the four above-mentioned aspects of self-esteem (Brytek, 2010).
between body dissatisfaction and poor self-esteem. A positive correlation between self-
esteem and body satisfaction and negative correlation between self-esteem and body
(2011). Studies by Bas, Asci, Karabudak, and Kiziltan (2004), Green and Pritchard (2003),
and Koff, Rierdan, and Stubbs (1990) also added to the research supporting a positive
correlation between body satisfaction and self-esteem in both males and females.
Thompson and Altabe (1991) found the relationship between body satisfaction and
correlation between self-esteem and body dissatisfaction for females versus males was also
seen in a study by Levine and Smolak (2002). This was further supported in study by
Furnham, Badmin, and Sneade (2002) which showed that body dissatisfaction was related
with low self-esteem to a higher degree in girls in comparison to boys. Given the
correlational nature of the study, it could not be determined whether low self-esteem led to
body dissatisfaction in this sample or if being dissatisfied with their bodies contributed to
study by Johnson & Wardle (2005), and a study by Abell and Richards (1996) found
decreases in self-esteem to be related to greater body dissatisfaction. It has also been shown
that women with higher acceptable weights for themselves have higher self-esteem than
women who believe they should be at a lower weight (Beamer, 1999). These results were
30
echoed in a later study by Laliberte, Newton, McCabe, and Mills (2007) who found that
stronger views on weight control were associated with lower self-esteem and body
dissatisfaction. Additionally, this study revealed that participants who stressed the
importance of weight control were more likely to strive to lose weight, attempt to have a thin
body, and restrict their eating. Further, individuals who felt they should be able to control
their weight and were solely responsible for their weight had more body dissatisfaction and
poorer self-esteem, which the authors attributed to feelings of failure that these participants
would have when they did not achieve the unrealistic and unattainable thin ideal (Laliberte et
al., 2007). It also has been suggested that, when women feel that, no matter how hard they
try, they cannot lose enough weight or change their bodies enough to reach the thin ideal
(external-fate beliefs), this can lead to the development of poor self-esteem and symptoms of
A related study by Tiggemann and Rüütel (2001) found that women who focused on
being thin and spent many hours watching television (where the media portrays a very thin
body as the ideal body type) had low self-esteem. Body dissatisfaction and self-esteem were
also shown here to be related. Further, emphasizing a slim body continued to predict poor
self-esteem even when body dissatisfaction was controlled for (Tiggemann & Rüütel, 2001).
The negative correlation between body dissatisfaction and self-esteem was observed in a
study by Joiner, Schmidt, and Wonderlich (1997) with a sample of individuals with bulimia
and unipolar depression, which indicated that self-esteem and body dissatisfaction were
important factors in the development and maintenance of both of these disorders. The
relationship of body dissatisfaction with negative affect, restrictive dieting, and poor self-
esteem was also illustrated by Stice (1994). However, one study of adolescents did not find
31
individuals (Kostanski & Gullone, 1998). Although, a significant relationship was found
between body mass index and body dissatisfaction (Kostanski & Gullone, 1998).
Additionally, a study by Kasper (2001) found that poorer self-esteem was associated with
greater body dissatisfaction (defined in this study as negative feelings and thoughts towards
their bodies and a discrepancy between participants’ ideal body size and their perceptions of
their actual body size), regardless of their mood. Allgood et al.’s (1990) study similarly
showed that the correlation between body dissatisfaction and depression was insignificant
Body Esteem
Studies have also demonstrated the degree to which low self-esteem can create
difficulties in other areas of a person’s life beyond body dissatisfaction (Henry, Anshel &
Michael, 2006; Striegel-Moore, 1990). One study found self-esteem to be associated with
social physique anxiety (or consistent worrisome thoughts related to others’ opinion of one’s
physical appearance) and body dissatisfaction in groups of both athletic and non-athletic
adolescents (Henry et al., 2006). The authors discussed that, in this study, body size and
weight were important predictors of self-esteem and that physical appearance was believed
al., 2006). The results of a more recent study by Koyuncu, Tok, Canpolat, and Catikkas
(2010) replicated those of Henry et al. (2006) in finding that greater self-esteem was related
to less social physique anxiety and greater body satisfaction in both female athlete and non-
athlete groups. Additionally, research by Martin, Engels, Wirth, and Smith (1997) found that
global self-esteem was significantly related to social physique anxiety in elite college female
32
athletes.
A study by Striegel-Moore (1990) showed that poor self-esteem was related to greater
Self-esteem was shown to be lower among lesbian students than heterosexual students in this
sample. Further, overall self-esteem was related to esteem related specifically to one’s body
and this body esteem had a stronger relationship with self-esteem among lesbians than
heterosexuals (Striegel-Moore, 1990). Another study of body esteem and overall self-esteem
also found a strong positive relationship between body cathexis (ratings of body parts) and
self-cathexis (ratings of self-worth) (Secord & Jourard, 1953). In a third study on body
esteem, Roberts and Good (2010) examined the big five personality traits (e.g., openness,
body esteem in women after viewing media images portraying women with the “thin ideal”
body type. Results of the study showed that only the neuroticism trait was related with
negative changes in body esteem after exposure to these images, with women higher in
neuroticism experiencing more body dissatisfaction after viewing the thin images. Women
who scored highly on the neuroticism trait also experienced a greater decrease in body
dissatisfaction than less neurotic women after watching images of larger women. The other
four, more positive, personality traits were related to healthier self-appraisals after viewing
the idealized images, which indicated that the thin ideal media images may only impact the
body satisfaction of women who also experience neuroticism (Roberts & Good, 2010). It is
plausible that women with higher levels of neuroticism are also more prone to internalizing
the thin ideal, where the thin media image is accepted as the ideal body type and then serves
as the comparison model for the individual’s own body (Stice, Mazotti, Weibel, & Agras,
33
2000).
As described by Stice and Shaw (2002), when the internalized thin ideal is not
reached, body dissatisfaction is a result. Given that the more neurotic women in Roberts and
Good’s (2010) study also experienced greater shifts towards body satisfaction after viewing
images of heavier women, this malleable body image also provides evidence for the
argument that these women base their self-esteem on messages from external factors (such as
the media) regarding what is an acceptable body rather than their own beliefs of what a
healthy weight is. Johnson (2006) examined the detrimental effect of a thin ideal
internalization and found that this variable, along with negative attitudes about physical
appearance and poor self-esteem, was predictive of body dissatisfaction. In a 25 study meta-
analysis on this topic, greater body dissatisfaction was present in women after they viewed
inanimate objects (Groesz, Levine, & Murnen, 2002). Cepeda (2005) added to this line of
research in finding that internalization of the thin ideal was associated with poorer self-
body shape and weight for self-esteem maintenance. Steele (1988) proposed that, even if one
is preoccupied by body image concerns, self-affirming in other areas (such as being a kind
person) can enhance one’s overall self-image. A study by Armitage (2012) attempted to
mediated the relationship between these two variables. Self-affirmation was shown to affect
34
body dissatisfaction in adolescent girls but not boys, where encouraging the importance of
kindness moved girls’ sense of self-importance away from their physical appearance (e.g.,
facial beauty, body size, and weight). The author suggested that the boys’ self-esteem was
not as affected by the self-affirmation technique as were girls’ because the boys did not place
as much value on physical attractiveness as girls from the onset of the study (Armitage,
2012). This is consistent with work by Furnham and Greaves (1994) which showed that,
given the emphasis that society puts on female physicality, body satisfaction was more
important for self-esteem and overall well-being in females than males due to the fact that
males typically have other self-worth contingencies (i.e., high earning career).
The study by Armitage (2012) illustrates the concept that individuals are driven to
have a solid sense of self-worth (Steele, 1988) and that altering the spheres from which
individuals develop their self-esteem (i.e., from being outwardly attractive to a good person)
can positively impact body dissatisfaction and overall self-satisfaction (Armitage, 2012).
This appears to provide support for therapeutic techniques which do not necessarily directly
challenge thoughts, beliefs, feelings, and behaviors related to body image but rather help the
patients become more confident in, and kinder to, themselves which, in turn, leads to a
to this study include the study’s participants being mostly Caucasian as well as nearly half of
the girls in the experimental group having more positive body satisfaction scores before the
intervention (scores greater than the mean plus one standard deviation above those in the
control group).
negatively impact body image, a study by Etu and Gray (2010) examined the relationship
35
between cognitive rumination and body image distress by asking participants to read a body
image-related vignette intended to elicit negative feelings about one’s body. Participants
were then placed in either a rumination group (where participants were instructed to think
more about the negative body image vignette) or a distraction group (where participants’
attention was drawn away from the distressing vignette). Results revealed that individuals in
the rumination group had significantly more body dissatisfaction and anxiety than those in
Verplanken, Friborg, Wang, Trafimow, and Woolf (2007) found that it was not
ruminating on negative thoughts about one’s body alone that led to poor self-esteem but
rather the degree to which individuals’ negative self-beliefs were a habitual practice for them.
Verplanken et al. (2007) further observed that habitual negative self-thinking continued to
predict eating disturbance and self-esteem when body dissatisfaction was controlled for. The
relationships between self-esteem, eating disordered behaviors, and body dissatisfaction were
found previously in studies by Stice, Presnell, and Spangler (2002) and Thompson, Heinberg,
Thompson et al. (1999) created the Tripartite Influence Model to illustrate the various
factors associated with body dissatisfaction. This model describes sociocultural factors (e.g.,
pressure from peers, family, and media to develop a thin body; comparing one’s appearance
to others; internalizing the thin ideal) as precursors to body dissatisfaction (van den Berg,
Thompson, Brandon, & Coovert, 2002). The Tripartite Influence Model also suggests that
body dissatisfaction leads directly to problems with eating regulation and that eating
eating disorder populations (e.g., Grilo & Macheb, 2005; Makri-Botsari, 2009; Matz, Foster,
Faith, & Wadden, 2002; Shin & Shin, 2008). One study of adolescent students revealed that
adolescents with higher levels of body dissatisfaction (related to weight and overall physical
appearance) also endorsed more eating disorder pathology, lower self-esteem, and poorer
self-perception than the students who displayed less body dissatisfaction (Makri-Botsari,
2009). Grilo and Macheb (2005) investigated the relationship between self-esteem and body
self-esteem and body dissatisfaction (Grilo & Macheb, 2005). Comparable findings on the
relationship between these two variables was observed in a study which included women
who struggled with morbid obesity (Grilo, Macheb, Brody, Burke-Martindale, & Rothschild,
2005).
Self-esteem also was related to body dissatisfaction in a study of 79 obese and non-
obese women (Sarwer, Wadden, & Foster, 1998). Results additionally showed that 72
percent of obese women versus 49 percent of non-obese women in this sample reported
moderate to severe body dissatisfaction with specific body parts. Forty-seven percent of the
obese women and 42 percent of non-obese women described feeling the most dissatisfaction
with their abdominal area or waist size. Surprisingly, only eight obese women stated that they
were more dissatisfied with their body as a whole than any specific body part. Taken as a
whole, Sarwer et al.’s (1998) results indicate that obese women can also have more specific,
rather than global, body image distress and that body dissatisfaction for these women likely
involves factors other than simply being obese (such as poor self-esteem). In another study
37
with obese women without binge eating habits who were interested in beginning a weight
loss program, self-esteem, teasing in adulthood, and internalization of the thin ideal were
predictors of body dissatisfaction (Matz et al., 2002). Conversely, the experience of being
teased in childhood was not predictive of self-esteem or body dissatisfaction (Matz et al.,
2002).
Jones and Newman (2009) examined the relevance of body dissatisfaction and self-
esteem issues in adolescents in their study on appearance teasing. They concluded that
appearance teasing partly mediated the relationship between body dissatisfaction and self-
esteem and that early adolescents’ body image and self-esteem can be greatly harmed by
critical and harsh comments by peers (Jones & Newman, 2009). Numerous other studies
have considered the effect of adolescents’ body dissatisfaction on their self-esteem, mood,
and overall level of emotional distress (Cash, 2002; Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson,
2004; van den Berg et al., 2010; Wertheim, Koerner, & Paxton, 2001; Wichstrom, 1999). A
five year longitudinal study by Paxton (2006) found body dissatisfaction to be a risk factor
for both depression and low self-esteem in adolescent boys and girls over the five year
period. Paxton (2006) concluded that a vicious cycle exists among adolescents prone to body
dissatisfaction in that it leads to mood disturbance and poor self-esteem, creating more body
dissatisfaction, then worse feelings about the self, etc. As described by Shroff and Thompson
(2006), adolescence is a critical time for self-image development as weight gain occurs
during puberty. This is a difficult time to shift away from the thin ideal body type during a
period of development where adolescents long for acceptance and inclusion by peers (Berndt
& Hestenes, 1996) in addition to the pressures of increasing academic challenges and new
38
internalizing the thin ideal, and comparing physical appearance also have been positively
related to body dissatisfaction, eating disturbance, and poor self-esteem among adolescents
dissatisfaction for adolescent boys and girls (Furnham et al., 2002; Pokrajac-Bulian, 2005).
to self-esteem in girls than in boys. In an earlier study, body dissatisfaction was shown not to
affect self-esteem in boys, while it did affect self-esteem development in girls (Furnham et
al., 2002). However, a study by Silberstein et al. (1988) revealed that self-esteem was
affected by body dissatisfaction in boys regardless of if they desired to weigh more or less.
Although, within the same study, a relationship between body dissatisfaction and self-esteem
among girls was not supported as adolescent females scored similarly on self-esteem
measures irrespective of being satisfied with their body or desiring a thinner body
The positive relationship between body satisfaction and self-esteem has been
acknowledged in children as well (Taylor, Wilson, Slater, & Mohr, 2012). A study by Shin
and Shin (2008) with Korean children indicated that obese children had greater levels of
body dissatisfaction and poorer self-esteem than the overweight and normal weight
participants, although higher rates of depression were not observed in the obese group. Body
dissatisfaction was shown to mediate the relationships between obesity with self-esteem and
depression. Significantly lower levels of self-esteem and higher levels of depression were
observed in obese children with body dissatisfaction, but both obese children and normal
39
weight children had lower levels of depression and higher self-esteem when body
The relationships between body dissatisfaction, depression, and self-esteem have also
been observed in various studies with non-clinical samples (e.g., Fabian & Thompson, 1989;
Mable, Balance, & Galgan, 1986; McCauley, Mintz, & Glenn, 1988). In a study by Noles,
Cash, and Winstead (1985), depressed individuals had greater body dissatisfaction, poorer
individuals. Interestingly, while the depressed participants negatively distorted their physical
attractiveness (believing it was less attractive than was the objective reality), the non-
Cash, & Winstead, 1985). A later study by Baker, Williamson, and Sylve (1995) also showed
that negative mood resulted in overestimation of body size and greater body dissatisfaction.
These studies’ findings support Beck’s cognitive hypothesis which holds that people who are
depressed will be dissatisfied with their body and will negatively distort their body image
(1976).
While little research has been done on self-esteem, body dissatisfaction, and body
distortion in one study (Buhlmann et al., 2008; Thompson & Thompson, 1986), it is an
interesting relationship to examine more fully. In 1960, Weinberg found that body distortion
was related to lower self-esteem in females. A study by Garner and Garfinkel (1982) also
found a negative correlation between self-esteem and body size overestimation in a sample of
anorexic patients. Furthermore, in a unique study by Tiggemann (1996), when actual weight
was controlled for, self-esteem, depression, and restrictive dieting were associated with
40
feeling “fat.” This indicates that individuals can perceive themselves to be overweight, even
without actually being overweight, if they do not hold themselves in high esteem. Yet, work
by Fabian and Thompson (1989) did not find a relationship between self-esteem with body
Females have been shown to have higher levels of body distortion and lower self-
esteem in comparison to males (Thompson & Thompson, 1986). In addition to the significant
negative correlation between overall body distortion and self-esteem in females, Thompson
and Thompson found a negative relationship between self-esteem and females’ distortion of
their thighs as well as a positive correlation for self-esteem and males’ distortion of their
waist size (1986). The males’ desire to see their waist size as larger coincides with other
research on the bidirectional nature of male body dissatisfaction, with men desiring either a
larger (more muscular) build or thinner frame (Kostanski & Gullone, 1998; Nagel & Jones,
1992).
The relationship between ethnicity and body dissatisfaction has been documented in
various studies (e.g., Barry & Grilo, 2002; Halpern, Udry, Campbell, & Suchindran, 1999;
dissatisfaction appears to be that a culture’s ideal body size and shape can impact one’s
feasibility to reach an accepted weight and, thus, be satisfied with one’s appearance (Striegel-
Moore, Schreiber, Pike, Wilfley, & Rodin, 1995). Usmiani and Daniluk (1997) stated that the
degree of discrepancy between one’s actual body size and what is considered to be the ideal
body shape is culturally defined and one must meet the cultural standards for beauty to feel
The ideal body size among African American women is larger and more shapely
(and, therefore, more realistically attainable) compared to the body type favored among
Caucasian women and in other American ethnic minority groups (Halpern et al., 1999;
African American women’s beliefs about an attractive body shape are consistent with the
larger body size preferred by African American men. However, Caucasian women accept the
thin ideal promoted in Western society and even overestimate Caucasian male’s preference
for a thin body (Roberts et al., 2012). Studies suggest that the ability for African American
women to correctly identify the body shape desired by African American men (being larger
than that for Caucasian women) leads to greater body satisfaction for these women
(Greenberg & LaPorte, 1996; Patel & Gray, 2001; Powell & Kahn, 1995). A study by
Roberts et al. (2012) found Caucasian males to favor thinner females, to put more pressure of
their partners to lose weight, and to be more resentful of their partners being overweight than
African American males. Additionally, this study discovered that African American women
are more likely to experience body dissatisfaction, have thinner body ideals,
and weigh less when they date Caucasian versus African American men (Roberts et al.,
2012).
African American are believed to receive less social pressure to be thin (Striegel-
Moore et al., 1995) than Caucasian women which Allan et al. (1993) suggested to reflect
African Americans’ resistance to conform to the beauty standards of the privileged, White
culture. In addition, African Americans are thought to place more importance on internal
beauty factors (i.e., creativity, unique personality, clothing style, and self-confidence), while
42
Caucasian women can focus on a rigid set of physical attributes (i.e., thinness, height, blonde
hair, blue eyes, small nose, etc.) (Collins, 1990; Parker, Nichter, Vuckovic, Sims, &
Ritenbaugh, 1995). This can provide more opportunities for African American than
Caucasian females to find aspects of the self about which to feel positive and for less
criticalness for not being thin (Grabe, 2008). Engle (2010) found higher rates of body
satisfaction and less attempts to hide physical features among African Americans than
Caucasians, even though African American women spent more time improving their
Various studies also suggest that African Americans are less likely to be critical of
themselves for overeating (Casper & Offer, 1990) and are less likely to feel a need to lose
weight or diet due to their most realistic cultural weight standard (Akan & Grilo, 1995;
Allan, Mayo, & Michel, 1993; Casper & Offer, 1990). Singh and Young (1995) also
discussed the importance of waist-hip ratio in female attractiveness. They argued that,
because larger African American women can maintain a similar waist-hip ratio (curvaceous
shape in spite of having both larger hips/buttocks and waists) to Caucasian women (with
smaller hips and waists), African American men may continue to find African American
women desirable mates even when these women are overweight (Singh & Young, 1995).
Ethnographic studies have also indicated a historical preference for a larger female
body size in many non-Western societies (Brown & Konner, 1987; Ford & Beach, 1951).
Frisch and her colleagues suggested that favoring a larger body type could reflect the
evolutionary significance for female bodies needing enough body fat to menstruate and
conceive (Frisch, 1990; Frisch & McArthur, 1974). Further, it has been theorized that body
43
size has become associated more with social class than level of physical beauty in non-
Western, undeveloped countries, where larger bodies are connected with wealth (Singh &
Luis, 1995). Conversely, thinness may be representative of poverty in these countries (Singh
& Luis, 1995). Brink’s (1989) work also illustrated this when it was found that Nigerian girls
were sent to rooms to eat large amounts of food (known as fattening rooms) to become larger
as a sign of affluence. Additionally, in Brazil, the Tupinamba people have a term for being
too thin but not for being too heavy, indicating that being overweight may possibly be both
more accepted (due its association with social status) and more rare (Brown & Konner,
1987). However, it appears that acceptance of more plumpness may be limited to specific
body parts as Brown and Konner (1987) showed 90 percent of the undeveloped countries in
their study to favor higher fat deposits only on the hip and leg regions.
In the more socioeconomically depressed regions of the South Pacific, they also
idealize larger body shapes as a symbol of power, wealth (Brewis & McGarvey, 2000), and
abundance in resources such as food (Swami and Toveé, 2005; 2006; Swami, Knight, Toveé,
Davies, & Furnham, 2007). Yet, research by Brewer and others suggested that body
dissatisfaction may be increasing among Pacific females as the thin ideal becomes
increasingly more accepted (Brewis & McGarvey, 2000; Brewis, McGarvey, Jones, &
Swinburn, 1998). The idealization of the thin ideal also appears to be reaching Maori women
in New Zealand (Metcalf, Scragg, Willoughby, Finau, & Tipene-Leach, 2000). Even though
these women are significantly more overweight and obese than European women, the Maori
have described thinness as important for self-confidence, peer approval, and overall
The research has suggested many possibilities for why thinner bodies are more
preferred among European and Caucasian Americans. Haarbo, Marslew, Goltfredsen, and
size which may lead to the association between larger body size and unsuitability for child-
bearing (Singh, 1994). The belief among European women that small waist sizes are
positively associated with physical attractiveness has also been believed to motivate rib-
removal surgeries (Morris, 1985) and fashions such as corsets and thick belts to shrink waist
size (Posnick, 1991). Furthermore, in Western countries, thinness has also become associated
with a healthy body free from heart disease, diabetes, and other illnesses (Thornhill, 1993).
Buss and Schmitt (1993) further examined the connection between thinness and female
reproductive health and found that Caucasian males sought thin partners for long-term
relationships (with the potential for child-bearing) but not necessarily for short-term
relationships.
evolutionary perspective in more detail, Wade (2000) stated that, for Caucasian females, the
thin body is thought to make one more competitive in mate selection. Consequently, body
dissatisfaction is thought to result when individuals perceive their bodies to differ from the
ideal and to be less physically attractive, making them less sexually competitive (Buss,
1989). Additionally, this perspective holds that, as competition for mates increases, body
dissatisfaction will also increase (Wade, 2000). According to Anderson, Crawford, Nadeau,
and Lindberg (1992), affluent countries which favor the thin ideal also support monogamy, a
45
woman’s choice to choose a mate, legal divorce, and later marital age for females. Anderson
and colleagues (1992) argued that these factors lead to a larger number of available males
compared to females, resulting in greater female competition for mates (Geary, 2010), and
lower body satisfaction (Anderson et al., 1992). This relationship between competition for
mates and body dissatisfaction was supported in studies by Munoz (2012) and Ferguson et al.
(2011). Munoz found that peer competition accounted for significantly more variance in
predicting body dissatisfaction than any effects of media on promoting the thin ideal (2012).
Ferguson et al. (2011) additionally found that body dissatisfaction increased in females when
an attractive male was present. This was especially true for young adult women of child-
bearing age who were contending for sexual partners (Ferguson et al., 2011). It has also been
shown that Caucasian girls’ views towards their bodies were more connected to their
friendships with males than with females, indicating that these females place a great deal of
Moore et al., 1986). However, a sense of belonging and intimacy in female friendships with
same-sex peers was related to body dissatisfaction (i.e., a desire to be thinner) in a study by
Gerner and Wilson (2005), suggesting that females may view physical attractiveness as
important for relationships with both sexes. This potentially creates a problematic situation
for females from majority cultures (with a focus on attaining the thin ideal) if they feel they
have to be beautiful to maintain friendships with same-sex peers but this physical
attractiveness also makes them more appealing to males, as this may create jealousy in other
Some studies suggest there are no differences in body dissatisfaction between African
46
American and Caucasian women (Caldwell, Brownell, & Wilfley, 1997; Cachelin, Rebeck,
Chung, & Pelayo, 2002; Cash, Melynk, & Hrabosky, 2004; James, 2001; Shaw, Ramirez,
Trost, Randall, & Stice, 2004). A university-based study by Watsky (2012) also found no
moderating effect of ethnicity on the relationship between attachment style and body
differences for body dissatisfaction for these two groups are shrinking possibly due to
minorities’ exposure to the thin ideal in media and worsening of body image among African
minorities in media. Cash, Morrow, Hrabosky, and Perry (2004) examined reports on body
satisfaction for African American and Caucasian women between 1983 and 2001. They
found that, while Caucasians experienced decreases in body satisfaction in the early 1990s,
body satisfaction improved by 1995 for both ethnic groups and the groups had very similar
levels of body satisfaction between 1995 and 2001 (Cash et al., 2004). Other studies have
also commented on the improvement in body satisfaction among Caucasian females in the
1990s (Cash & Henry, 1995; Heatherton, Mahamedi, Striepe, Field, & Keel, 1997).
Still, most studies continue to indicate there are differences in body dissatisfaction
between African American and Caucasian American women (e.g., Abood & Chandler, 1997;
Casper & Offer, 1990; Chandler, Abood, Dae, & Cleveland, 1994; Douglas, 1992; Mobley,
Slaney, & Rice, 2005; Perez & Joiner, 2003). A majority of the findings suggest that African
American women have greater body satisfaction than Caucasian women (Ackard, Croll, &
Kearney-Cook, 2002; Duncan, Anton, Newton, & Perri, 2003; Rucker & Cash, 1992; Story,
French, & Resnick, 1995; Williamson, Kahn, & Byers, 1991) and this finding has been
reliable across all ages of females, including children (Adams et al., 2000), undergraduate
47
students (Bissell, 2004; O’Neill, 2003), and older adults (Duncan et al., 2003; Shulman &
Home, 2003). Also, in a longitudinal study of adolescents which spanned five years, both
African American boys and girls consistently reported better body satisfaction than
Caucasian boys and girls (Paxton, Eisenberg, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2006). O’Neill (2003)
and Wildes, Emery, and Simons (2001) found the body dissatisfaction discrepancy for these
two ethnicities to be most prominent among undergraduate women than any other age group,
while Roberts (2006) found the largest differences at age 25 with this difference vanishing by
age 40.
American women scored higher on measures of drive for thinness (Wassenaar et al., 2000).
Casper & Offer (1990) also found greater body dissatisfaction among Caucasian women,
where Caucasians reported feeling overweight while African American women were more
concerned with being underweight. Perez & Joiner (2003) found similar results but the
authors cited use of self-report rather than BMI for measuring body size as a study limitation.
However, a majority of studies on body dissatisfaction use self-perception of body size and
self-report of height and weight in determining body image (e.g., Holmqvist, 2010;
have greater body dissatisfaction than African American females; although, all women,
regardless of ethnicity, perceived their bodies to be larger than was the reality. Further, a
negative correlation between femininity and body distortion was present for both African
American and Caucasian women (Douglas, 1992). Alternatively, a study by Fitzgibbon et al.
48
(1998) found African American women were more accurate in body size estimations even at
higher BMI, while Caucasian women reported feeling heavier regardless of actual weight.
satisfaction (related to overall body and specific body parts) than Caucasians. African
American participants also placed less value on the importance of appearance than did
Caucasian participants (Wagner, 2009). DeBraganza and Hausenblas (2010) showed African
American women’s body satisfaction to be less affected by viewing thin media images than
Caucasian women’s. African American women are also less likely to base their self-worth on
body weight, making them more satisfied with themselves than Caucasian women, even at
Researchers have also studied the effects of peer influence on the development or
protection against body dissatisfaction among African Americans and Caucasians (Brown,
Bakken, Ameringer, & Mahon, 2008; Kandel, 1978; Woelders, Larsen, Scholte, Cillessen, &
Engels, 2010). Woelders et al. (2010) found adolescent girls to have similar scores on body
dissatisfaction as well as eating difficulties as their friends of the same ethnicity. These
findings were replicated in a study by Rayner, Schniering, Rapee, Taylor, and Hutchinson
(2013) where girls scored very similarly on measures of body dissatisfaction in relation to
their friends. Kandel described that individual first select friends based on similarities (such
as ethnicity and physical fitness level) and then, through the process of socialization, friends
become more similar to each other and influence the each other’s beliefs about attractiveness
(Brown et al., 2008). In a related study on depression among African American teens, it was
observed that these teenagers experienced increases in depression when living with
Caucasians than among African Americans, suggesting the negative emotional impact of
49
mainstream culture and immersion into a Caucasian peer group on ethnic minorities (Wight,
Aneshensel, Botticello, & Sepulveda, 2005). This could also explain why African Americans
time where they are socializing more with Caucasian Americans at college (Wildes et al.,
2001). It would be interesting to observe if African Americans would experience the same
increase in body dissatisfaction in that developmental period if they did not attend college or
attended a historically African American college (Roberts, 2006) where less social pressure
to be thin would exist. Further, a study by Carroll (2005) of White and Black Bahamian
adolescents indicated no difference in body dissatisfaction between the two ethnic groups,
suggesting that body dissatisfaction variations by race may differ across countries. However,
it could not be inferred from this study if White girls in the Bahamas had greater body
Jamaican women, there also was no significant difference in body dissatisfaction or ideal
body image, although the drive to be thin was more present for the Jamaican women
(Williams, 2007).
A few studies have found social pressure to be thin to be positively associated with
body dissatisfaction for African Americans (Phan & Tylka, 2006; Lester & Petrie, 2008).
However, in studies where African Americans were found to have high levels of body
dissatisfaction, it was not typically social pressure to be thin that contributed to this distress
but rather a realistic concern about being obese (Petersons et al., 2000; Smith, Thompson,
Raczynski, & Hilner, 1999). Work by Imarogbe (2004) also found experiencing racial
disappear after controlling for socioeconomic status (Caldwell et al., 1997; Gardner,
Friedman, & Jackson, 1999), implying class to be of greater influence than race on the
development of body image. This is consistent with Sobal and Stunkard’s (1989) research
Caucasians after controlling for income, marital status, and BMI. This further supported
other research where degree of assimilation for middle to upper class African American
dissatisfaction), eating disturbances were found to be comparable for African American and
Caucasian women of middle and upper classes (French et al., 1997; Rand & Kuldau, 1992;
Wilfley et al., 1996). However, a few studies showed African American women to have
(Johnson, Heineman, Heiss, Hames, & Tyroler, 1986). Studies of the moderating effect of
income on the relationship between ethnicity and body dissatisfaction appear to be limited by
Furthermore, a study by Twamley and Davis (1999) showed nonconformity and low
American women than social pressure to be thin and internalizing the thin ideal. In
interesting research by Lovejoy (2001), it was suggested that more positive body image for
African American women may not reflect less pressure to conform to the thin ideal but rather
51
overweight with higher rates of obesity than Caucasians (Kumanyika, 1987) and Ullman and
Filipas (2005) proposed that this group’s maintenance of body satisfaction in spite of obesity
oppressive treatment (such as sexual assault and racism). A study by Rand and Kuldau
(1990) corroborated African American females’ denial of weight difficulties in spite of being
significantly overweight. Due to the high rates of obesity among African Americans, some
have stated that a small amount of body dissatisfaction would facilitate weight-loss efforts
through exercise and healthy eating (Heinberg, Thompson, & Matzon, 2001). However, a
study by Russell and Cox (2003) indicated that social physique anxiety (a concept related to
body dissatisfaction) was associated with either poor or excessive motivation to exercise.
There are mixed results regarding body dissatisfaction differences between Asians
and Caucasian Americans (Akiba, 1998). Some of the literature supports greater levels of
body dissatisfaction for Caucasian Americans than for Chinese (Akan & Grilo, 1995; Akiba,
1998; Chen & Swalm, 1998; Franzoi & Chang, 2002; Tykla, 2004). Other studies indicate no
differences in body dissatisfaction between the two ethnic groups (Arriaza & Mann, 2001;
Cash, Melnyk, & Hrabosky, 2004; Siegel, 2002). However, studies of individuals from more
affluent areas in East Asia have found higher levels of body dissatisfaction among Asian than
Caucasian American females (Haudek, Rorty, & Henker, 1999; Jung & Forbes, 2007; Jung &
Lee, 2006; Kowner, 2002; Mukai, Kambara, & Sasaki, 1998; Shih & Kubo, 2005; Wildes et
al., 2001). Davis and Katzman (1998) compared body satisfaction in Asian Americans and
Asians living in Hong Kong (an affluent area in China) and found those living in Hong Kong
52
to have higher body dissatisfaction than Asian Americans. Lee and Lee (2000) also found
Hong Kong females to be more prone to body dissatisfaction than females in Hunan and
Shenzhen (less affluent areas of China). Interestingly, results of studies of Hong Kong and
White, Australian women revealed no significant differences in feelings about their body and
weight (Lake, Staiger, & Glowinski, 2000; Sheffield & Sofronoff, 2005).Two studies of
Korean and American females found more dissatisfaction with the body among Koreans
(Jung & Forbes, 2007; Jung & Lee, 2006). Japanese females were also found to be more
displeased with their bodies than Americans in studies by Kowner (2002) and Mukai et al.
(1998). Further, Japanese females have been found to have more body dissatisfaction than
Taiwanese females (Shih & Kubo, 2005) even though both areas are more Westernized.
Caucasians have also been shown to be more dissatisfied with their bodies than Taiwanese
(Yang et al., 2005). Furthermore, a study which included numerous groups of Asian descent
Evans and McConnell (2003) described dissatisfaction with race-specific body parts
among Asian women as being indicative of a desire to blend in with the beauty standards of
mainstream America. An example of this desire for Asian women to appear more Western is
the popularity in Korea for females to have reconstructive surgery to create double eye-lids
and skinner noses (Kawamura, 2002). Dissatisfaction with breast size (Forbes & Frederick,
2008) eyes (Koff, Benavage, & Wong, 2001; Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999), face (Mintz &
Kashubeck, 1999), and skin color (Sahay & Piran, 1997) among Asian females in Canada
and America has also been documented. Intriguingly, Mintz and Kashubeck (1999) did not
53
find Asian American women to have higher levels of overall body dissatisfaction compared
to Caucasian Americans even when Asian Americans were found to be dissatisfied with their
eyes and face. Kowner (2002) drew upon this finding by suggesting that the higher rates of
body dissatisfaction in Japanese and Korean women is reflective of East Asian women’s
desire to look more Western and is not necessarily tied to internalization of thin ideal.
preoccupation with being thin, Sanders and Heiss (1998) found that Asians shared Caucasian
women’s desire to lose weight and Asian Americans, in fact, had a greater fear of being fat.
Chen and Swalm (1998) similarly concluded from their findings that Chinese women had
greater body satisfaction if they were thinner. Additionally, in a sample of middle school
children, Xanthopoulos et al. (2011) found obese, Asian American females to have the
highest levels of body dissatisfaction compared to children of females and males of other
ethnicities and weight classes. Studies examining level of acculturation in Asian Americans
have not found this to be significantly related to body dissatisfaction (Akan & Grilo, 1995;
Regarding body image comparisons between Asian Americans and other American
ethnic groups, Altabe (1998) found Caucasian and Hispanic Americans to have more body
dissatisfaction in comparison to Asian and African Americans. Mayville, Katz, Gipson, and
Cabral’s (1999) findings supported this in their study of adolescent boys and girls where
African Americans of both genders were less likely than Caucasians, Asians, and Hispanics
to endorse body dissatisfaction. This was consistent with a study by Vander wal and Thomas
(2004) who found higher rates of body dissatisfaction for Hispanic than African American
children. Wildes et al. (2001) observed similar results in their meta-analysis; however,
54
Hispanic women were underrepresented compared to African Americans in these studies and
contributors to body dissatisfaction (i.e., perfectionism and self-esteem) were not included.
Various explanations have been offered as to why some studies indicate large
differences in body dissatisfaction across African American and Caucasian women but more
comparable levels between Caucasians and other minority groups. For instance, Lovejoy
(2001) suggested that the gender identity and role for African American women has become
more independent and self-reliant than for Caucasian women as racism and economic
uncertainty in the African American community may have made it more perilous for these
women to rely more passively on a male for support. Harris (1996) further proposed a more
androgynous gender identity for African American women to reflect their focus on their
maternal function rather than their need to maintain a thin body to attract partners. It has also
been noted that Hispanic women’s greater proclivity for perfectionism and focus on physical
attaining the thin ideal for self-esteem maintenance (Greenberg & LaPorte, 1996; Jackson &
McGill, 1996).
American girls actually had the highest levels of body dissatisfaction, with Caucasian, Asian,
Hispanic, and Native Americans scoring similarly. The African American women were also
the least likely of the four groups to overestimate their weight (Altabe, 1998). Wilkosz and
colleagues examined body dissatisfaction in both genders and observed Asian boys to have
the highest body image disturbance followed by Hispanic girls, Asian girls, Hispanic boys,
and Caucasian girls and boys (Wilkosz, Chen, Kennedy, & Rankin, 2001). Another clinical
study with adolescent inpatients suffering from eating disorders found higher rates of body
55
dissatisfaction among Caucasian girls compared with Hispanic and African American girls
Most studies directly comparing body dissatisfaction with Hispanics and Caucasians
have found higher rates among Caucasian women (e.g., Barry & Grilo, 2002; Franko &
Herrera, 1997; Suldo & Sandberg, 2000; Warren, Gleaves, Cepeda-Benito, Fernandez, &
Rodriguez, 2005). Research by Warren et al. (2005) found ethnicity to mediate the
relationship between body dissatisfaction and internalization of the thin ideal. More
specifically, they found greater levels of body dissatisfaction among Caucasian versus
Hispanic women. Warren and colleagues reflected that it would have benefited this study to
include a measure of ethnic identity to better understand the degree to which Hispanic
participants identified with the Mexican or American culture and how this could have
impacted degree of body dissatisfaction (2005). Demarest and Allen additionally found
Caucasian women to have more variance between their actual and ideal bodies than Hispanic
women (2000). An earlier study finding’s suggested Caucasian female college students had
more body dissatisfaction than Guatemalan American females (Franko & Herrera, 1997).
Gleaves et al. (2000) as well as Carlson and McAndrew (2004) similarly found higher body
Furthermore, a study by Ferguson et al. (2011) found Mexican women women’s body
Researchers have suggested that Hispanic women are more protected from poor body
image because of the idealization of a fuller shaped woman (Chamorro & Flores-Ortiz,
wealth, good health, and high status in the Hispanic culture. Further, the focus on
interdependence and familial relationships (familismo) in Hispanic communities may put less
women low in acculturation had larger ideal body sizes than highly acculturated Hispanics
(Lopez, Blix, & Blix, 1995). Acculturation research in Hispanic women has also found
similar levels of eating disorders (Joiner & Kashubeck, 1996) and body distortion (Guinn,
Semper, & Jorgensen, 1997) among Caucasian women and Hispanic women who have
Caucasians and Hispanics (Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008; Lipschuetz, 2009). Gleaves et al.
(2000) found Spanish males to be as dissatisfied with their bodies as American males.
However, the two groups differed in how their dissatisfaction was expressed in that
American men wished to be more muscular while Spanish men had a desire to be thinner
(Gleaves et al., 2000). A few studies have also suggested more body dissatisfaction in
Hispanics than Caucasians (McComb & Clopton, 2002; Robinson et al., 1996). McComb and
Clopton found Hispanic female university students to have greater body dissatisfaction and
drive for thinness than Caucasian counterparts (2002). In a study of middle school Caucasian
and Hispanic girls, Robinson and others (1996) found Hispanic girls with the lowest body
weights to have the greatest levels of body dissatisfaction. Avila and Avila (1995)
women is the traditional female gender role in Hispanic culture which may contribute to
women are limited by the grouping of all Hispanic cultures into one class without observing
variances among the different Hispanic countries. However, a few researchers have
examined body dissatisfaction between specific Hispanic populations (e.g., Raich et al.,
2001; Gomez-Peresmitre & Garcia, 2000; McArthur, Holbert, & Peña, 2005; Toro et al.,
2006). Raich et al. (2001) and Toro et al. (2006) compared Spanish and Mexican women and
found higher rates of body dissatisfaction in the former, more affluent, group. However, a
study by Gomez-Peresmitre and Garcia (2000) had opposite findings. McArthur et al. (2005)
conducted a cross-cultural study of six Latin American cities in Argentina, Guatemala, Cuba,
Peru, Panama, and Chile and found adolescents girls from all countries to have body
dissatisfaction. Additionally, females from Argentina (the most affluent country of the six)
had the largest percentage of females state an interest in being more thin (McArthur et al.,
2005). Meehan and Katzman (2001) described how Argentineans identify more with Western
culture than other Latin American groups and may, therefore, have beauty standards that
coincide with the thin ideal. This was supported by a study which found no significant
Various studies have examined the differences in body image between Americans and
Europeans (e.g., Bohne et al., 2002; Holmqvist, 2010; Lipinski & Pope, 2002). Bohne et al.
(2002) found similar body image dissatisfaction among American and German university
students. In comparing Americans, Europeans, and Australians, Holmqvist (2010) found the
Americans were no more dissatisfied with their bodies than Samoan and Western European
men (Lipinski & Pope, 2002). A qualitative study comparing American and French
adolescent boys’ and girls’ feelings about their appearance interestingly found that the two
groups of girls, while both being dissatisfied with their faces, had different ideal faces
(Ferron, 1997). For example, although American girls desired fuller lips and higher
cheekbone structure, French girls complained of not having enough of a “baby-face” defined
by full eyelashes and pale, clear skin. Regarding the boys, French boys were actually more
peoples have also been documented (Akiba, 1998). Akiba (1998) reported Americans were
more dissatisfied with their bodies than Iranians and went on to suggest that the lack of a
and displeasure with their bodies. Studies of Israeli and American females found the Israeli
women to have lower rates of body dissatisfaction (Barak, Sirota, Tessler, Achiron, & Lampl,
1994; Heesacker, Samson, & Shir, 2000; Safir, Flaisher-Kellner, & Rosenmann, 2005).
Researchers have explained this difference by focusing on the more familial nature of Israeli
families who place less value on thinness (Heesacker et al., 2000). However, more recently,
Yang et al. (2005) described an increase in body dissatisfaction in Eastern cultures as media
and Western advertising has increased its presence in these countries. A study by Barak et al.
(1994) with male college students also found Israelis more likely to be dissatisfied with upper
body strength than American males. This feeling regarding their torso strength may be
reflective of the three year army commitment required of Israeli males before attending
59
college which is centered on physical strength and endurance (Barak et al., 1994). Two other
cross-cultural studies related to male dissatisfaction with body strength examined satisfaction
with muscularity in American, Ukranian, and Ghanian males (Frederick et al., 2007a;
Frederick, Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007b). In both studies, Americans were found to be
more dissatisfied with their muscularity than the other ethnic groups (Frederick et al., 2007a;
Frederick et al., 2007b). However, Grogan (1999) has stated that Ghanian males tend to have
more well-defined musculature than American males and greater muscular satisfaction for
Ghanian males may simply indicate that they have already achieved their desired
muscularity.
Concerning countries outside of the United States, Australia has been shown to have
high rates of body dissatisfaction among its citizens (Tiggemann & Rüütel, 2001), although
not as high as in America (Tiggemann & Rothblum, 1988). Australian females have also
been shown to have poorer body image than Estonians and Italians (Tiggemann & Rüütel,
2001; Tiggemann, Verri, & Scaravaggi, 2005). Moreover, Australians’ body image was more
negatively impacted than Italians’ following their reading of fashion magazines. Australian
females, again, had more body dissatisfaction in a study where they were compared with
Pakistani females, although both groups reported a desire to be thinner (Mahmud &
Crittenden, 2007). The authors described that they were not surprised by these findings as the
Islamic faith, which is prominent in Pakistan, forbids critical comments about others in such
areas as their appearance (Mahmud & Crittenden, 2007). Alternatively, a qualitative study of
Australian and Fijian females did not find significant differences in body dissatisfaction
(Williams, Ricciardelli, McCabe, Waqa, & Bavadra, 2006). There also were no significant
60
although age and gender effects were present (Wang, Byrne, Kenardy, & Hills, 2005).
Asia, and Africa revealed that females in the Westernized countries (i.e.., Sweden, Germany,
Spain, France, and Italy) had greater body dissatisfaction and smaller body ideals than less
affluent countries (i.e., Tunisia, Ghana, Gabon, and India) (Jaeger et al., 2002). Although,
there was a positive correlation between BMI and body dissatisfaction among women from
all participating countries (Jaeger et al., 2002). Contradictory to research indicating the
positive relationship between affluence and body dissatisfaction, one study found Indian
A few studies have examined how the relationship between body dissatisfaction and
self-esteem varies based on ethnicity (Eitel, 2003; Garcia-Rea, 2007; van den Berg, Mond,
Hispanic, and African American women did not find differences in the relationship between
body dissatisfaction and self-esteem across the three ethnic groups (Garcia-Rea, 2007).
However, low self-esteem, internalization of the thin ideal, and family’s focus on weight and
physical appearance were associated with great body dissatisfaction among all ethnic groups
satisfaction and self-esteem among African American and Caucasian women, where African
American women had higher self-esteem and body satisfaction than Caucasian women.
61
Furthermore, self-esteem was determined to stay consistent over the lifespan for both African
American and Caucasian women (Eitel, 2003). In a school-based study of diverse 11-18 year
old boys and girls, self-esteem and body dissatisfaction were found to be more strongly
related for Caucasian girls of normal weight from high socioeconomic backgrounds than for
girls who were African American, Asian, underweight, or from low socioeconomic
backgrounds (van den Berg et al., 2010). There also was a significant relationship between
body dissatisfaction and self-esteem among the adolescent boys and, interestingly, the
strength of this relationship did not vary to a significant degree by demographic membership
perfectionism based on ethnic differences have not been fully examined (Castro & Rice,
2003). Ethnicity can be defined as a sense of belonging to a cultural group and observing the
cultural practices and norms of that group (American Psychological Association, 2003).
According to Katz (1985) and Phinney (1996), ethnic groups are commonly defined by
culture of origin, race, and physical characteristics (e.g., skin color, hair color/texture, and
facial features). Very little is known about how perfectionism differs for Hispanic
individuals; although, Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Asai, and Lucca (1988) proposed that
perceived parental criticism and expectations may be particularly high in this cultural group
A few studies have suggested perfectionism does not vary significantly for Asian
American and Caucasian students (Arale, 2010; Chow, 2003). In another study of Asian and
Caucasian American college students, Chang (1998) used Frost’s (1990b) multidimensional
62
Results showed Asian American students to have greater levels of doubting about actions,
concern over making mistakes, and parental expectations and criticism in comparison to
Caucasian students. However, personal standards and organization did not vary based on
ethnicity (Chang, 1998). This supported Peng and Wright’s (1994) analysis of the National
Education Longitudinal study of 25,000 students where Asian Americans were found to have
very high perceived parental expectations compared to students of other ethnicities. Sue and
Okazaki (1990) hypothesized that high perceived parental expectations for Asian Americans
develops out of the intense pressure in Asian families to achieve and the parental criticism
and feelings of guilt that ensue when these achievement demands are not met. Asian
Americans high in maladaptive perfectionism were also seen to observe Asian cultural
practices more strictly, have less self-confidence to perform academically, and be greater
procrastinators (Yao, 2010). Davis and Katzman (1999) also observed that Chinese American
students revealed that the Asian American students experienced more perfectionistic
tendencies (e.g., concern over mistakes, doubt about actions, and parental criticism and
expectations) than the other groups (Castro & Rice, 2003). Furthermore, the Asian American
and African American students were more likely than the Caucasian students to report high
comparably on concern over mistakes, doubts about actions, and parental criticism, while all
three groups had similar degrees of personal standards and organization (Castro & Rice,
2003).
63
individuals, Nilsson, Paul, Lupini, and Tatem (1999) utilized Frost’s (1990b) and Hewitt and
Flett’s (1991) multidimensional perfectionism models in their study which found African
American participants to score higher than Caucasians in parental expectations and other-
oriented perfectionism. Alternately, African Americans had less concern over mistakes and
perceived parental criticism than Caucasians (Nilsson et al., 1999). Garner and Olmstead
(1984) and Garner, Olmstead, and Polivy (1983) also found differences in African American
Another study of adolescents found that African American males and females were higher in
SOP and OOP than were Caucasian adolescents (van Hanswijck de Jonge & Waller, 2003).
Although, no difference was found between the ethnic groups on their perception of pressure
from others to perform well (van Hanswijck de Jonge & Waller, 2003). Additionally, no
difference in maladaptive perfectionism for African American and Caucasian females was
observed in a study by Chang, Watkins, and Banks (2004). Still, Caucasian women were
African American ethnic identity and SPP were shown to be related in a study by
Heads (2009). It has been suggested that African Americans scored higher on this type of
perfectionism (concerned with perceiving others to be very critical of their efforts) due to the
pressure of racial discrimination leading African American parents to advise their children to
strive harder than their Caucasian peers to compensate for White privilege (Chao,
Mallinckrodt, & Wei, 2012). Hines and Boyd-Franklin (1996) also described that African
64
American parents may put pressure on their children to succeed out of fear that their children
will fail from the disadvantage of racial discrimination. They argued that this is particularly
difficulties and had to work very hard to attain financial security. However, Hines and Boyd-
Franklin (1996) also discuss that, since African American families can greatly value the
importance of a strong character rather than financial status alone as an indicator of personal
success, this may lead to African American parents approving of their children’s hard work
Studies of South African White and Black individuals have shown similar trends in
Americans and Caucasians (Edwards, d’Agrela, Geach, & Welman, 2003; Wassenaar, le
Grange, Winship, & Lachenicht, 2000). Wassenaar et al. (2000) found that Black women had
higher levels of perfectionism, including a higher drive for thinness, in comparison to White
women. Further, Edwards et al. (2003) observed higher perfectionism scores among Black
women compared with White women. These researchers stated that, due to the South African
Apartheid which limited Blacks’ opportunities, Black women may develop very high self-
standards and place excessive pressure on themselves to achieve (Edwards et al., 2003). The
trend for Black women to fear the process of maturing into adulthood has also been
suggested to reflect their belief that there are more pressures on them to succeed than there
Research has yet to be conducted examining the effect of ethnicity on PSP. However,
one study with related concepts found that perfectionism (marked by self-criticism and
65
expectation for others to be perfect) moderated the relationship between body dissatisfaction
and bulimia in African American women (Bardone-Cone et al., 2009). This study was
the same relationship between perfectionism and body image for African Americans is
present at a university with a higher percentage of African American students (Root, 2001).
Still, this indicates that preoccupation with one’s physical appearance and the appearance of
others can be present even among ethnic groups that accept larger ideal body types
It has been argued that, to better understand the development of body dissatisfaction,
ethnic identity must be included as a predictor variable (Striegel-Moore & Smolak, 1996). As
described by James (2001), if the body is thought to vary from the culturally body ideal, body
dissatisfaction will be the result. Other authors agree that people appraise their bodies based
on the body type valued by the culture (Franzoi & Klaiber, 2007) and compare themselves to
others of similar age and ethnicity (Festinger, 1954; Salovey & Rodin, 1984). The
sociocultural perspective of body dissatisfaction suggests that women who identify with the
White majority culture’s standards for physical attractiveness will be more dissatisfied with
their bodies (Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2010). Alternatively, women who have strong ethnic
identity in a minority culture that accepts a more realistic body shape may be more protected
from negative views of the their bodies (Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2010).
While this is still a burgeoning area of research, studies on ethnic identity and body
dissatisfaction for African Americans have been documented (e.g., Petersons et al., 2000;
Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2010; Watsky, 2012; Wilcox, 2007). Identification with the African
66
American culture has been associated with less body dissatisfaction (Osvold & Sodowsky,
1993; Parker et al., 1995; Petersons et al., 2000). Watsky (2012) found ethnic identity to
moderate the relationship between anxious attachment and body dissatisfaction where ethnic
identity was protective against body dissatisfaction for African Americans. Similar results
were found by Rogers Wood and Petrie (2010) when ethnic identity in African American
female college students was shown to be negatively associated with pressure to be thin,
internalization of the thin ideal, and body dissatisfaction. The researchers concluded that the
African American women in their sample who were strong in ethnic identity received
positive messages from their families, churches, peers, and cultural media programs
regarding accepting their natural body types (Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2010). Wilcox (2007)
found both ethnic and feminine identities to be negatively related to body dissatisfaction.
Americans between both Afrocentrism and ethnic identity with body dissatisfaction related to
lips, skin color, and hair. African American women high in ethnic identity have also been
shown to be less vulnerable to body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness after watching thin
ideal rap videos than women with less ethnic identity internalization (Zhang, Dixon, &
Conrad, 2009). In addition, in a study by Turnage (2004) of high school African American
Harris (1995) looked at African American ethnic identity more specifically. Three
incorporating more Black perspectives over White perspectives) were associated with less
body dissatisfaction and more focus on healthy living (Harris, 1995). Oney, Cole, and Sellers
(2011) examined centrality (ethnic identification), private regard (positive attitude towards
67
ethnic group), and public regard (others’ positive attitude towards ethnic group) as they
related to body dissatisfaction in a sample of African American male and female college
students. It was found that the relationship between body dissatisfaction and self-esteem was
associated with higher levels body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness, while ethnic identity
in African American females was not related to these outcome variables (Petersons et al.,
2000). A later study found no relationship between ethnic identity and body dissatisfaction
for either African American or Caucasians (Baugh, Mullis, Mullis, Hicks, & Peterson, 2010).
Bessellieu (1997) also found no relationship between positive ethnic identity and body
satisfaction among African American women, although negative feelings about African
In a study of Caucasian, African American, Asian, and Hispanic women ranging from
adolescents to elderly females, ethnic and female identities were significant predictors of
body dissatisfaction for all ethnic groups except Caucasians (Gilmore, 2001). Yokoyama
(2003) examined ethnic identity in Asian Americans and found a positive relationship
between ethnic identity formation and body satisfaction. Women who had less developed
ethnic identities had more dissatisfaction with their face, limbs, hips/abdomen, and height
(Yokoyama, 2003). These findings were consistent with a later study by Phan and Tykla
(2006). A study by Song (2010) of Korean adolescent girls similarly found a positive
relationship between ethnic identity and body satisfaction. Newman, Sontag, and Salvato
68
(2006) also found a positive relationship between ethnic identity and positive body image in
A study of Mexican American college females, however, did not show ethnic identity
to protect against body dissatisfaction (Bettendorf & Fischer, 2009). However, ethnic identity
did function as a moderator of acculturation and disordered eating where poor ethnic identity
with high acculturation to American culture led to undereating (Bettendorf & Fischer, 2009).
Alternatively, a study of female Mexican American children revealed that strong Mexican
identity was associated with more body dissatisfaction (Ayala, Mickens, Galindo, & Elder,
2007). Ayala and colleagues suggested that the dissonance of identifying more with the
Mexican culture while living in America may create a negative self-image (2007).
A few studies of ethnic identity in New Zealand had mixed results (Ngamanu, 2006;
Talwar et al., 2012). Ngamanu (2006) did not find a significant effect of ethnic identity in
Maori and Pakeha New Zealand females. However, Talwar et al. (2012) observed that
stronger ethnic identity among Maori college females was related to less worry about body
weight. Moreover, BMI was more strongly related to body dissatisfaction for European New
Zealanders than for the Maori, who were more protected from body image concerns even at
higher weights (Talwar et al., 2012). Research examining the effect of ethnic identity on
body distortion is not yet available. This would be greatly beneficial to better understand how
non-majority cultural values may protect against not only negative views of the body but also
Beach, Davis, and Solyom, 1985) and body image dissatisfaction (Etu & Gray, 2010;
Ferguson, Munoz, Contreras, & Velasquez, 2011; Gardner & Tockerman, 1993; Kasper,
2001). While body dissatisfaction and body distortion are common among individuals
diagnosed with disorders concerning difficulty regulating eating (i.e., bulimia, anorexia, and
obesity) (Cash & Deagle, 1997; Kopyt, 2000), these problems are also present for
asymptomatic individuals (Altabe & Thompson, 1992; Vocks, Legenbauer, Rüddel, & Troje,
2007). In fact, dissatisfaction with one’s body has been labeled a “normative discontent”
Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985). Due to the high prevalence rate of body image
to the development of body dissatisfaction and body distortion that will allow clinicians to
target successful interventions towards these issues. Research also shows that body
dissatisfaction is related to more severe forms of psychopathology (i.e., eating disorders (De
Barardis et al., 2007) and personality disorders (Sansone & Levitt, 2005)) which decrease
overall life satisfaction (Hamachek, 1978). Further, there is a gap in understanding the
including a lack of research with figure drawings to assess distorted body image (Gillen,
2011), in spite of the fact that this technique does not require much time to administer
One study conducted in the United States showed that 50 percent of all women
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reported overall body dissatisfaction (Cash & Henry, 1995). Negative body evaluation has
seen a dramatic rise over the past few decades (Garner, 1997). This is an important trend as
body dissatisfaction has been shown to correspond with overall life dissatisfaction (Stokes &
Frederick-Recascino, 2003). At a time where a very thin ideal body shape is being portrayed
in the media (Wiseman, Gray, Mosimann, & Ahrens, 1992), the average female weight
appears to have become increasingly heavier (Garner & Garfinkel, 1980; Spitzer, Henderson,
& Zivian, 1999). The societal pressure to be thin is, therefore, creating frustration for women
who are moving further away, rather than closer to, the ideal body and who believe they must
lose weight in order to be accepted as a normal-looking woman (Mintz & Betz, 1986).
Further, Caucasian women have been shown to overestimate the male desire for a slim body
type (Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Rade, & Jaberg, 2001). Survey research by Wooley and Wooley
(1984) of 33,000 women found that 45 percent of participants believed they were too fat, and
For the purposes of the current study, inaccuracy in the perception of one’s body was
referred to as body distortion rather than body dysmorphia or body dysmorphic disorder as
this study’s participants were not assumed to be a clinical population and were not assigned
of functioning (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). This illness affects 1-2 percent of
the general population (Rief, Buhlmann, Wilhelm, Borkenhagen, & Brahler, 2006) and
typically presents when individuals are 16-18 years old (Phillips, 2005). Excessive mirror
checking and beautifying is common among these individuals and these compulsive patterns
71
of repetitive behavior are very time-consuming and mentally exhausting (Sarwer & Crerand,
2008). With BDD, any body part can be an area of fixation; however, the nose, skin, and hair
are the most common problem areas (Phillips, McElroy, Keck, Pope, & Hudson, 1993). Body
distortion in the present study, however, examined women’s perceptual inaccuracies of their
This study focused only on women as past studies have indicated that men and
women differ in their types of body dissatisfaction and body distortion (Furnham & Greaves,
1994; Moreno & Thelen, 1993; Nagel & Jones, 1992; Peters & Phelps, 2001). For instance,
men often distort their degree of muscle while women tend to misperceive their amount of fat
deposit (Nagel & Jones, 1992). Regarding body dissatisfaction, research indicates that there
is a unidirectional dissatisfaction for women as they desire to weigh less (Peters & Phelps,
2001). However, for men, body image dissatisfaction is bidirectional as they desire to be both
This study mostly included college-age participants as past research has shown that
body image disturbance is most prevalent and severe in late adolescence, particularly in
freshman college students (Striegel-Moore & Franko, 2002). However, women under age 65
were not excluded as longitudinal and cross-sectional studies have revealed that body
dissatisfaction appears to remain fairly constant throughout the lifespan (Lewis & Cachelin,
2001; Siegel, 2010; Stevens & Tiggemann, 1998; Tom, Chen, Liao, & Shao, 2005). Still,
stress related to body image concerns appears to decrease with age after adolescence
(Striegel-Moore & Franko, 2002; Tiggemann, 2004). Specifically, older women tend to
report a larger ideal body size, less preoccupation with appearance, and less dieting efforts
examined in this study. Alexithymia is defined as difficulty with identifying and expressing
emotions (Taylor, Bagby, & Parker, 1991). This is a burgeoning field of research and early
studies have found positive relationships between alexithymia and body dissatisfaction
(Carano et al., 2006; 2011; De Barardis et al., 2005; Franzoni et al., 2013; Newman, 2004;
body dissatisfaction (Brannan & Petrie, 2008; Casale, Biondi, & Pacini, 2011; Chan &
Owens, 2006; Tissot & Crowther, 2008). However, most of the research observing the
correlation between these two variables has been conducted in eating disorder studies with
clinical populations (Bardone, Weishuhn, & Boyd, 2009; Vocks et al., 2007; Welch, Miller,
Ghaderi, & Vaillancourt, 2009). Additionally, there have been few studies observing the
direct effects of perfectionism on body distortion, which was examined in this study.
competence, or physical appearance (Hewitt & Flett, 1991), was examined in this study as it
related to body dissatisfaction/satisfaction and body distortion. Given that this is a relatively
new concept, little research has been conducted on PSP and body distortion, although early
studies have shown a positive correlation between body dissatisfaction and aspects of PSP
dissatisfaction (Brytek-Matera, 2010; Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Rade, & Jaberg, 2001; Johnson
& Wardle, 2005; Tiggemann, 2005) and was included in the present study as well. The
73
relationship between self-esteem and body distortion has been rarely examined, however
(Buhlmann, Teachman, Gerbershagen, Kikul, & Rief, 2008). This research aimed to expand
also investigated in this study. It has been observed that the discrepancy in body
2006). It is uncertain if Caucasian women are becoming more satisfied with their bodies or
African American women are becoming more susceptible to body dissatisfaction (Roberts,
2006), but it was thought that it would be helpful to add to the literature in this area to help
Concerning ethnic identity, or the degree to which individuals accept and affirm their
ethnic heritage (Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2010), this variable has been examined to a small
degree as it relates to body dissatisfaction (e.g., Petersons, Rojhani, Steinhaus, & Larkin,
2000; Talwar, Carter, & Gleaves, 2012). These preliminary studies have begun to show that
ethnic identity is a protective factor against body dissatisfaction for ethnic minorities
(Ngamanu, 2006) but that strong ethnic identity in Caucasian females is related to higher
levels of body dissatisfaction (Harris, 1995). The current study attempted to add a significant
contribution to research on ethnic identity as it relates to body image by being one of the first
advocate for cultural changes that would promote healthier body satisfaction and self-esteem.
image would be better understood. This research expanded upon the literature on the
perfectionism, PSP, self-esteem, ethnicity, and ethnic identity) and body distortion. The
relationships of body distortion to PSP and ethnic identity were yet to be examined. Given
the continual rise in body image disturbance in recent decades, even among ethnic minorities
and in non-Western countries (Garner, 1997; Rodin et al., 1985), it was important to add to
the knowledge about risk factors for body-related issues in order to better understand how to
Hypotheses
We expected that this study would support the findings of previous research on
predictors of body dissatisfaction and that these predictors would play a significant role in the
satisfaction as suggested in early studies by Newman (2004) and Carano et al. (2006).
satisfaction as suggested in previous studies (Brannan & Petrie, 2008; Casale et al.,
2011; Chan & Owens, 2006; Tissot & Crowther, 2008). Consistent with past research
(Purdon et al., 1999), it was expected that each of the three perfectionism factor
dissatisfaction and negatively associated with body satisfaction consistent with prior
75
than ethnic minority participants as found in the literature (Barry & Grilo, 2002;
6. Stronger ethnic identity would be negatively associated with body dissatisfaction and
positively associated with body satisfaction in agreement with past studies (Osvold &
Sodowsky, 1993; Parker et al., 1995; Petersons et al., 2000; Rogers Wood & Petrie,
2010).
distortion (Etu & Gray, 2010; Ferguson et al., 2011; Gardner & Tockerman, 1993;
Kasper, 2001).
based on research linking body dissatisfaction and body distortion (e.g., Etu & Gray,
relationship had yet to be examined. We expected that, given the literature on the
relationship between body dissatisfaction and body distortion (Kasper, 2001), body
distortion would not be present in the absence of the less severe body image
Method
Participants
Participants included 151 females of all ethnicities between the ages of 18 and 65
(Mage = 29.98 years, SD =11.87). This is a common age range for participants in body
dissatisfaction studies (e.g., Stevens & Tiggemann, 1998; Tiggemann & Rüütel, 2001; Tom
et al., 2005). Various studies have shown body dissatisfaction to be consistent throughout the
lifespan with no differences between young, middle, and older adult cohorts (e.g., Lewis &
Cachelin, 2001; Siegel, 2010; Tiggemann, 1992; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001; Webster &
women over 65. Of the 151 participants, 3.3% (n = 5) identified as Asian American, 9.3% (n
Biracial, and 1.3% (n = 2) as another racial category. Participants were recruited from the
University of Detroit Mercy, Detroit metro communities, and Canada through the use of
The study aimed to recruit 150 participants to detect a medium effect size (with
statistical power level of .80 and probability level of .05) through the use of regression
analyses. To minimize error from possible outliers, a question was included in the last survey
asking participants to answer with “1” for that item. No participants were excluded from the
study as a result of answering incorrectly to this question. Two participants were excluded
from the study due to incomplete responses and one male participant was excluded. Thirty-
two participants (17%) were excluded from the remaining sample due to scoring at or above
20 on the Eating Attitudes Test. It was believed that high scorers on an eating disorders
measure would skew the body image data given the significant relationship found between
77
eating disorder pathology and body dissatisfaction (De Barardis et al., 2005). Interestingly,
the percentage of participants that reached the eating disorders threshold on the EAT was
much higher than in the general population (0.5-3.7% for anorexia, 1.1-4.2% for bulimia, and
2-5% for binge-eating disorder) (The National Institute of Mental Health, 2013). The mean
EAT score for the remaining participants was in the low range (M = 7.91, SD = 5.18).
Measures
Alexithymia. The Toronto Alexithymia Scale (TAS) (Taylor, Ryan, & Bagby, 1985)
was used to measure alexithymia. The 20-item measure has three factors: 1) difficulties
identifying feelings and distinguishing them from bodily sensations (DIF), 2) difficulties
describing feelings (DDF), and 3) externally-oriented thinking (EOT). These factors align
with the theoretical alexithymia construct. The scale uses a 5-point Likert scale ranging from
1 (“strongly disagree”) to 5 (“strongly agree”). Five items are negatively keyed and higher
scores are indicative of greater levels of alexithymia (Taylor, Ryan, & Bagby, 1985). Scores
equal to or greater than 61 are indicative of alexithymia (Bagby, Parker, & Taylor, 1994).
The TAS has demonstrated solid internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = .81) and test-retest
reliability (.77). Adequate convergent and concurrent validity has also been established
(Bagby et al., 1994). Good reliability and validity have been found in both clinical (Troop,
1990a; 1993) was used to measure perfectionism. This scale gives an overall perfectionism
score as well as six subscale scores and three factor scores. The six subscales related to
perfectionism are: Concern Over Mistakes (CM), Doubts About Actions (DA), Personal
Standards (PS), Parental Expectations (PE), Parental Criticism (PC), and Organization (OR).
The total perfectionism score is obtained by adding the scores of all the subscales, except the
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OR subscale with was not found to correlate sufficiently with the other subscales or the
overall score (Purdon et al., 1999). The scale is 35 items with a 5-point Likert scale ranging
from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” Possible scores on the FMPS range from 35 to
175, with higher scores indicating a greater amount of perfectionism (Fischer & Corcoran,
2007). Scores lower than 105 are considered within normal limits (2007).
Purdon et al. (1999) found that three factors described the scale well: Fear of
subscales). For these three factors, there was high internal consistency, with Cronbach’s
Alpha scores being .91, .85, and .91, respectively. The alpha for the total scale was also .90
in another sample (Fischer & Corcoran, 2007). Further, Cronbach’s alpha for PS
perfectionism was .77 in a study by Boone (2011). Frost et al. (1990a) found the following
internal consistency reliabilities for the FMPS subscales: .93 (OR), .88 (CM), .84 (PC), .83
(PE), and .77 (DA). The scale has also shown good construct and concurrent validity when
compared with other scales (Fischer & Corcoran, 2007; Frost et al., 1993). For this study, the
three factor subscales were used as measures of perfectionism to observe if there were
Mistakes and Perceived Parental Pressure) and the more adaptive subscale
scales as the FMPS is the most exhaustive by including values, thoughts, and behaviors
development of perfectionism in the first place (i.e., parental expectations and criticism). The
79
FMPS contains both maladaptive (concern over mistake and doubt about actions) and
Hewitt and Flett model of perfectionism (Hewitt et al., 2003) and additionally contains
antecedents to perfectionism. Further, the FMPS has been showed to have a good fit for use
with the young adult population, particularly among university students (Stallman, 2011).
(Hewitt & Flett, 1993b) was used to measure the degree to which one feels a needs to present
one’s self as perfect to others. The PSPS is a 27-item measure which includes three
(or self-promotion), the 10-item Avoid Appearing Imperfect subscale (or non-display of
imperfection), and the 7-item Avoid Disclosure of Imperfection subscale (or non-disclosure
of imperfection). The measure uses a Likert scale ranging from 1 (“disagree strongly”) to 7
(“agree strongly”) and higher scores are indicative of more perfectionistic self-presentation
(Hewitt & Flett, 1993b). The PSPS has shown good internal consistency (Cash et al., 2004)
of .94 for females and .92 for male as well as solid test-retest reliability with adequate
convergent and discriminant validities (Hewitt et al., 2003). Additionally, there is support for
factorial stability and construct and predictive validities for the PSPS in clinical and non-
Self-Esteem. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) (Rosenberg, 1979) was used
capture one’s thoughts and feelings about the self. The scale utilizes a 4-point Likert scale
ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.” Scores range from 0 to 30 with higher
scores indicating greater levels of self-esteem (Rosenberg, 1979). The RSES has shown good
80
greater than .85) and convergent validity with reported self-esteem from clinical interviews
and ratings from peers (Cronbach’s alpha of .51) (Demo, 1985; Rosenberg, 1979). Silber and
Tippett (1965) also found the RSES to be correlated with a measure of self-ideal discrepancy
Ethnic Identity. The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) (Phinney, 1992;
Roberts et al., 1999) was used to measure ethnic identity. The 12-item measure examines
ethnic identity based on level of Exploration (or learning more about their ethnic group and
ethnic group). A 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (“strongly disagree”) to 4 (“strongly
agree”) is used where higher scores are associated with more developed ethnic identity
(Phinney, 1992). The overall score is attained by taking the mean of the 12 item scores.
Therefore, possible scores range from 1 to 4. In a diverse male and female adolescent sample,
Roberts et al. (1999) found internal consistency Cronbach’s alphas for the MEIM to range
from .81 to .86 for Commitment and .55 to .76 for Exploration. Phinney (1992) found similar
reliability values (.86 for Commitment and .77 for Exploration). Adequate concurrent
validity with measures of psychological health has also been documented for the MEIM
(Roberts et al., 1999). Additionally, in a diverse study of American Indian and Asian,
African, Hispanic, and Caucasian American students, reliability coefficients were .81 for
On the MEIM, participants were also asked to indicate which ethnic group they most
identified with. The following ethnicity categories were used: 1) Asian or Asian American,
Latino, including Mexican American, Central American, and others; 4) White, Caucasian,
American; 7) Middle Eastern American; 8) Biracial, Mixed, Parents are from two different
groups; 9) Other.
SES, and education level). Religion was included as an exploratory variable as some studies
have observed religious faith to be a protective factor against psychological distress (e.g.,
2008), and self-objectification (Davis-Quirarte, 2007). Further, age and SES were explored
as possible covariates given that some studies have suggested body dissatisfaction to vary
based on age (Roberts et al., 2006) and socioeconomic status (Davis & Katzman, 1998).
(MBSRQ) (Brown, Cash, & Mikulka, 1990) was used to measure body dissatisfaction in this
study. The 69-item MBSRQ uses a 5-point Likert type scale ranging from 1 to 5. The initial
sampling included 2,052 males and females ranging from ages 15 to 87. Ten factors were
found: Appearance Evaluation (AE), Appearance Orientation (AO), Fitness Evaluation (FE),
Fitness Orientation (FO), Health Evaluation (HE), Health Orientation (HO), Illness
Orientation (IO), Overweight Preoccupation (OP), Self-Classified Weight (SW), and the
Body Areas Satisfaction (BAS) (Brown et al., 1990). For females and males, the factor
solutions accounted for 51 percent and 53.9 percent, respectively, of the total variance. Also,
for females, all items had factor loadings greater than .40 after varimax rotation was
performed. A majority of the Pearson intercorrelations were less than 10 percent for both
males and females (Brown et al., 1990). The MBSRQ has also shown good internal
82
consistency (with alphas ranging from .75 to .90) and adequate to excellent test-retest
reliability with alphas ranging from .49 to .91 (Banasiak, Wertheim, Koerner, & Voudouris,
2001). All MBSRQ subscales have demonstrated acceptable convergent, discriminant, and
For the purposes of this study, the Appearance Evaluation (AE) and Body Areas
Satisfaction (BAS) subscales were focused on for measures of body dissatisfaction as they
related more specifically to this study’s predictions. The AE subscale involves 7 items (with
scores ranging from 1 (“definitely disagree”) to 5 (“definitely agree”)) which relate to one’s
satisfaction with physical appearance (Cash et al., 2004). Higher scores are indicative of
more positive feelings about one’s appearance. The BAS subscale includes 8 items (with
satisfaction with specific body parts (i.e. face, hair, torso, etc.). Higher scores are indicative
of satisfaction with more discrete areas of the body. Subscale scores are computed by
Participants were then asked to report their height and weight which was converted
into their actual BMI through the use of the following formula: [(weight in pounds)/(height in
inches)2] X 703 (Garrow & Webster, 1985). Self-report of height and weight has been
utilized in most health-related studies to determine BMI due to its convenience and adequate
reliability (Wilkosz et al., 2011). Participants were also asked to report their ideal height and
weight. The difference between actual BMI and ideal BMI was calculated to provide an
Body Distortion. The Photographic Figure Rating Scale (PFRS) (Swami, Salem,
Furnham, & Toveé, 2008) was utilized to measure body distortion in this study. The PFRS is
83
a selection of ten picture images of the front side of real-life women of varying sizes. The
women are dressed in tight grey (ethnic neutral color) spandex and their faces are blotted out
to provide more of a focus on the body than on facial attractiveness. Each photographed
woman represents a certain BMI weight class, with subsequent pictures increasing in weight.
Two photographs are associated with each BMI weight class (Swami et al., 2008). The five
BMI weight classifications include: underweight (BMI < 20), normal weight (20 < BMI <
25), borderline (25 < BMI < 27), overweight (27 < BMI < 30), and obese (BMI > 30)
(Caldwell et al., 1997). The corresponding BMIs for each of the ten photographs of the PFRS
are as follows: 12.51, 14.72, 16.65, 18.45, 20.33, 23.09, 26.94, 29.26, 35.92, and 41.23
(Swami et al., 2008). The PFRS has shown good construct validity as body dissatisfaction
with the PFRS was negatively correlated with body satisfaction (r = -.35). Further, the
photographs were modeled after naturally existing human body shapes which added
ecological validity to the scale (Toveé, Maisey, Emery, & Cornelissen, 1999). Test-retest
reliability of the discrepancy between current and ideal body size from the PFRS also was
observed to be strong (r = .85). Further, the PFRS had stronger correlations with participant
BMI (r = .80 at initial test and r = .83 at three week follow-up) than another measure of body
On the PFRS, the participants were asked to “indicate the number of the image that
you feel most accurately depicts your current body size.” The discrepancy between
participants’ actual BMI and perceived BMI served as a measure of body distortion. An
objective measure of the discrepancy between actual and perceived BMI was obtained by
dividing the perceived size by the actual size and multiplying by 100 which provided the
body distortion index (BDI) (Thompson, 1987). The BDI produces a percentage of over or
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underestimation in body size. A BDI value of 100 indicates complete accuracy in body size
estimation while scores greater (overestimation) or less (underestimation) than 100 indicate
Eating Disorders Screening. Given the relationship found between eating disorders
and body dissatisfaction (De Barardis et al., 2005), the Eating Attitudes Test (EAT) (Garner
& Garfinkel, 1979) was used to screen out individuals with disordered eating behaviors to
limit the chance of significant outlying scores on body dissatisfaction and body distortion.
The EAT is a 26 item measure with three subscales: Dieting, Bulimia and Food
Preoccupation, and Oral control. The measure uses a 6 point Likert scale ranging from
“always” to “never.” Higher overall scores on the EAT are associated with a greater presence
of disordered eating behaviors. Total scores at or above 20 indicate possible problems with
dieting, food preoccupation or other eating disordered behaviors (Garner & Garfinkel, 1979).
The EAT has good overall reliability (Cronbach’s coefficient alpha of .83) (Koslowskey et
al., 1992). In one study, the Dieting scale was found to be the most reliable (.90) and to
account for 26 percent of the variance. The Oral Control scale accounted for 8.5 percent of
the variance with a reliability of .74 and the Bulimia and Food Preoccupation scale accounted
for 5.5 percent of the variance with a reliability of .56 (Koslowskey et al., 1992).
Intercorrelations for these factors also ranged from .90 to .20 (Koslowskey et al., 1992).
Procedures
Participants were required to give their informed consent before beginning the study. In the
informed consent form, volunteers were reminded of their rights as participants, including the
right to decline to answer any question(s) and to discontinue participation at any time without
85
penalty. Each informed consent form also included the statement that it was important for
each participant to complete the surveys privately because the questions were of a private,
personal nature and honest answers were needed. Participants were instructed to read the
directions at the top of each measure fully before completing them. Consenting participants
then provided demographic information (sex, age, religion, SES, and education level) and
completed eight self-report surveys (TAS, FMPS, PSPS, RSES, MEIM, MBSRQ, PFRS, and
To address the contingency that some participants could have been affected emotionally in
unanticipated ways after completing the measures, participants were debriefed and provided
contact information for mental health facilities in the area. Contact information for this
researcher was provided should participants have had any questions or concerns pertaining to
the study. Extra credit incentive was provided to University of Detroit Mercy students for
their participation in the study. To protect participant anonymity, surveys were identified by
numbers only and data will be kept on a password-protected personal computer until
destroyed.
Statistical Analysis
variables included: alexithymia (measured by total score on the TAS: higher scores indicative
of greater alexithymia), perfectionism (measured by total scores on the three factor subscales
presentation (measured by total score on the PSPS: higher scores indicative of greater PSP),
self-esteem (measured by total score on the RSES: higher scores indicative of greater self-
esteem), ethnicity, and ethnic identity (measured by mean of the item scores on the MEIM:
higher scores indicative of stronger ethnic identity). The mediating variables included body
satisfaction (measured by AE and BAS subscale scores of the MBSRQ: higher scores
indicative of greater body satisfaction) and body dissatisfaction (measured by absolute value
of the actual and ideal BMI discrepancy: greater discrepancies indicative of greater body
dissatisfaction). The dependent variable included body distortion (measured by the BDI:
greater deviations from 100 indicative of greater body distortion). Exploratory variables were
age, religion, parent SES, participant SES, parent education, and participant education.
Intercorrelations for the independent, body image, and exploratory variables were
obtained through the use of a Pearson correlation matrix. Hypothesis 1 was tested using a
was tested using a Pearson correlation to examine the relationship between perfectionistic
Hypothesis 6 was tested using a Pearson correlation to examine the relationship between
ethnic identity and body dissatisfaction/satisfaction. Hypothesis 7 was tested using a Pearson
distortion.
A Pearson correlation matrix was also used to test the relationships in Hypothesis 8
multiple regressions were further used to test the relationships between Appearance
Evaluation, Body Areas Satisfaction, and Body Dissatisfaction with the significant
The mediational effect proposed in Hypothesis 9 was tested by conducting the steps
in the mediational model described by Baron and Kenny (1986). Specifically, a series of four
regressions were used in the following sequence: 1) Standard linear regression was used to
examine the effects of the independent variable on the mediational variables. 2) Standard
linear regression was used to test the effect of the independent variable on the dependent
variable. 3) Standard linear regression was used to test the effect of the mediator variables on
the outcome variable. 4) Standard multiple regression was performed to observe the effect of
the independent and mediational variables on the dependent variable. The effect of the
independent variable on the dependent variable in step three was compared to that of step
two, where a smaller effect for step three was considered to be indicative of a mediational
effect. Ethnic identity was the only independent variable found to be significantly correlated
with both body satisfaction variables (mediators) and body distortion (dependent variable).
Ethnic identity, however, was not found to be significantly correlated with the possible
mediator of body dissatisfaction which was then excluded from the mediation process.
Therefore, a series of regressions was performed to test possible mediation (by Appearance
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Evaluation and Body Areas Satisfaction) between ethnic identity and body distortion. First,
two simple regression analyses with ethnic identity predicting Appearance Evaluation and
Body Areas Satisfaction were conducted. Second, a simple regression analysis with ethnic
identity predicting body distortion was conducted. Third, two simple regression analyses
with Appearance Evaluation and Body Areas Satisfaction predicting body distortion were
conducted. Fourth, a multiple regression analysis with ethnic identity and the two mediator
variables (Appearance Evaluation and Body Areas Satisfaction) on body distortion was
conducted to determine if the body satisfaction variables mediated the relationship between
the most suitable groupings for the exploratory variables which were found to be
significantly correlated with one or more body image variables: age, religion, parent SES,
and parent education level. Age was initially condensed into five categories: 18-25, 26-35,
36-45, 46-55, and 56-65. However, insufficient distribution in the 46-55 category led to a
grouping of this category with the 56-65 category, creating four age categories. The
relationships between age and the body image variables were then explored through the use
exploratory analysis. Therefore, religion was divided into two categories: Roman Catholic
and Other Christian Denomination). The relationships between religion and independent and
body image variables were then explored through the use of an independent samples t-test.
The three categories for parent SES (i.e., lower class, middle class, and upper class) were
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deemed appropriate and their relationships with body image variables were examined
through the use of a one-way ANOVA. Parent education levels were initially categorized into
the following seven groups: less than 7 (years), grades 7-9, grades 10-11, high school
diploma, college 1-3 years, undergraduate degree, and graduate degree. Due to an insufficient
number of participants in the first three categories, they were grouped into the fourth
category, creating four categories. The relationships between parent education level and the
body image variables were then explored through the use of a one-way ANOVA.
Data Cleaning. Data in the excel file generated from Survey Gizmo were screened in
order to prepare for entry into PASW. Primarily, reporting values were coded into numerical
form. Also, height and weight entries were checked that they were entered accurately in
inches and pounds, respectively. Surveys were flagged and removed at this time for missing
data or male responders. The data was then uploaded into PASW for statistical analyses.
Using PASW, data was transformed from raw into scale scores (including reverse
scoring), creating new variables which could be analyzed. Total scores were calculated for
the TAS, FMPS subscales, PSPS, RSES, and EAT. Means were calculated for the MEIM.
Additionally, means were obtained for the AE and BAS subscales of the MBSRQ. BMI was
(Garrow & Webster, 1985). A measure of body dissatisfaction was obtained by calculating
the discrepancy between ideal and actual BMI. An objective measure of the discrepancy
between actual and perceived BMI was obtained by dividing the perceived size by the actual
size and multiplying by 100 which provided the body distortion index (BDI) (Thompson,
1987). The BDI produced a percentage of over or underestimation in body size. Lastly, data
was screened for EAT scores in the clinical range (De Barardis et al., 2005).
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Results
Descriptive statistics
age, religion, parent SES, parent education, participant SES, and participant education. Most
participants fell into the youngest age category, were middle class, highly educated, and had
parents of similar educational and SES backgrounds. Nearly half of the participants identified
identified as “other,” which included responses such as “spiritual” and “free-thinker.” Table
3 presents descriptive statistics (means and standard deviations) for all variables. The total
scores for appearance evaluation and body areas satisfaction varied slightly from those in the
original sample by Brown et al. (1990) (23.32 versus 23.52 and 27.19 versus 25.84).
Additionally, the mean score on TAS was lower in this sample (M = 41.40, SD = 10.99) than
another sample (M = 47.85, SD = 9.30) (Bagby et al., 1990). There also was a notable
difference in the scores on the RSES in this sample (M = 21.66, SD = 5.27, range = 9-30) and
a comparable sample (M = 28.6, SD = 8.2, range 9-40) (Bardone et al., 2000). Lastly, scores
on the MEIM appeared to be similar in this sample (M = 2.72, SD = .58) compared to another
underestimated their body size (n = 84, 56%) than overestimated their body size (n = 67,
44%). Further, 13.9% had BMIs in the “underweight” category (n = 21), followed by 47.1%
in the “normal weight” category (n = 71), 23.2% in the “overweight” category (n = 35), and
15.9% in the “obese” category (n = 24). The percentage of overweight participants in this
sample was less than that for another sample (37.9%) examining body image variables
(Butryn, Juarascio, & Lowe, 2011). However, in this same comparative sample, the
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percentage of obese participants (13.6%) was lower than that of the current sample (Butryn et
al., 2011).
Preliminary Analyses
(Table 4). Consistent with past research (Fischer & Corcoran, 2007; Frost et al., 1993), the
three perfectionism factors were shown to be positively correlated with each other as well as
with perfectionistic self-presentation (Table 4). However, while fear of mistakes, perceived
parental pressure, and perfectionistic self-presentation were negatively correlated with self-
esteem, goal/achievement orientation was positively correlated with self-esteem (Table 4).
Pearson correlations among the body image variables revealed intercorrelations in the
expected directions (e.g., Etu & Gray, 2012; Kasper, 2001), where body satisfaction variables
(i.e., appearance evaluation and body areas satisfaction) were positively correlated with each
other and negatively correlated with body dissatisfaction and body distortion (Table 5). Body
dissatisfaction was also negatively correlated with body distortion (Table 5).
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Table 1
Characteristic n %
___________________________________________________________________________
18-25 66 44
26-35 56 37
36-45 13 9
46-55 3 2
56-65 13 9
Religious Affiliation
Roman Catholic 45 30
Protestant Christian 16 11
Evangelical Christian 4 3
Buddhist 1 <1
Hindu 1 <1
Muslim 5 3
Jewish 9 6
Other 46 31
___________________________________________________________________________
Note. Totals of percentages are not 100 because of rounding.
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Table 2
Characteristic n %
___________________________________________________________________________
Parent SES
Lower class 28 19
Middle class 104 69
Upper class 19 13
Less than 7 0 0
Grades 7-9 2 1
Grades 10-11 4 3
High school diploma 31 21
College 1-3 years 18 12
Undergraduate degree (B.A., B.S., etc.) 43 29
Graduate degree (M.D., Ph.D., M.A., etc.) 53 35
Participant SES
Lower class 26 17
Middle class 104 69
Upper class 21 14
Less than 7 0 0
Grades 7-9 0 0
Grades 10-11 0 0
High school diploma 7 5
College 1-3 years 44 29
Undergraduate degree (B.A., B.S., etc.) 46 31
Graduate degree (M.D., Ph.D., M.A., etc.) 54 36
___________________________________________________________________________
Note. Totals of percentages are not 100 because of rounding
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Table 3
Characteristic M SD
___________________________________________________________________________
Table 4
Measure 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
___________________________________________________________________________
1. TAS __
Table 5
Measure 1 2 3 4
___________________________________________________________________________
1. Appearance Evaluation __
Tests of Hypotheses
The following five hypotheses were tested through the use of Pearson correlations
with a two-tailed test of significance as represented in Table 6: The first hypothesis stated
alexithymia (TAS) and a higher score on a measure of body dissatisfaction (BD) and
negative relationships between a higher score on the TAS and higher scores on two measures
of body satisfaction (AE and BAS). Modest, but statistically significant, negative correlations
(r <. 30) were found between TAS and both AE and BAS indicating that alexithymia is
related to body satisfaction. However, a significant relationship was not found between TAS
and BD (r = .08, p >.05) indicating that body dissatisfaction is not related to alexithymia.
The second hypothesis stated that there would be a positive relationship between
goal/achievement orientation (G/A), and perceived parental pressure (PP)) and BD and a
negative relationship between the perfectionism variables and body satisfaction variables.
Modest, negative correlations were found between FM with AE and BAS indicating that fear
of making mistakes is related to body satisfaction. However, a relationship was not found
between FM and BD (r = .02, p >.05). No significant correlations were found between G/A
and any of the body satisfaction/dissatisfaction variables (Table 6). Concerning PP, results
were similar to those of FM, with negative correlations with AE and BAS. A positive
correlation was also found between PP and BD as expected. The correlation was quite
modest yet statistically significant given the study’s robust sample size. Perceived parental
pressure was the only predictor variable found to be related to body dissatisfaction.
The third hypothesis stated that there would be a positive relationship between higher
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relationship between higher scores on the PSPS and body satisfaction. Very modest, negative
correlations were found between PSPS and both AE and BAS indicating that perfectionistic
self-presentation and body satisfaction are related. The fourth hypothesis stated that there
and BD and a positive relationship between higher scores on the RSES and body satisfaction.
Moderate, positive correlations were found between RSES with both AE and BAS indicating
that self-esteem and body satisfaction are related. This was the strongest relationship found
between a predictor variable and body image variable. The sixth hypothesis stated that there
(MEIM) and BD and a positive relationship between higher scores on the MEIM and body
satisfaction. Modest, but statistically significant, positive correlations were found between
MEIM and both AE and BAS indicating that ethnic identity is related to body satisfaction.
The fifth hypothesis stated that White participants would score higher on a measure
of body dissatisfaction and lower on two measures of body satisfaction than non-White
between ethnicity and BD as well as the relationships between ethnicity and both AE and
BAS. Results indicated no significant mean differences between ethnicities for BD (t(149) =
1.12, p >.05), AE (t(149) = -0.57, p >.05) or BAS (t(149) = -0.01, p >.05) (Table 7)
As previously stated, a Pearson correlation was used to test hypothesis 7 which stated
that a higher score on a measure of body dissatisfaction and lower scores on two measures of
body satisfaction would be positively correlated with body distortion. Modest, negative
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correlations were found between BDI and both AE, r = -.28, p <.01, and BAS, r = -.27, p
<.01, indicating that body satisfaction is related to body distortion. Further, a modest,
positive correlation was found between BD and BDI, r = .24, p <.01, indicating that body
positively correlated with higher scores on the BDI and that the significant predictors of body
satisfaction would be negatively correlated with higher scores on the BDI. A Pearson
correlation was conducted to examine the relationship between the predictors of body
negative correlation was found between MEIM and BDI (Table 6) indicating that ethnic
identity is related to body distortion. All other relationships between predictors of body
Table 6
Measure
_________________________________________________
Independent Variable AE BAS BD BDI
___________________________________________________________________________
Table 7
standard multiple regression was performed between appearance evaluation as the dependent
variable and the significant predictors of body satisfaction (i.e., alexithymia, fear of mistakes,
perceived parental pressures, PSP, self-esteem, and ethnic identity) as the independent
assumptions.
homeoscedasticity of residuals were met. No cases had missing data. The use of Mahalanobis
distance found one outlier but Cooke’s distance revealed that the case did not have undue
influence on the data. Review of the tolerance statistics indicated that all of the IVs were
Table 8 displays the unstandardized regression coefficients (B), standard errors (SE
B), standardized regression coefficients (β), t values, and significance values. Regression
results indicate that the overall model significantly predicts appearance evaluation, R2=.271,
R2adj= .240, F(6,144)=8.90, p<.001. This model accounts for 27.1% of variance in appearance
evaluation. However, self-esteem is the only variable of six to significantly contribute to the
model, β=.40, t(144)=4.48, p<.001. The semi-partial correlation further reveals that self-
These results support hypothesis 1 regarding the relationship between self-esteem and
body satisfaction. While alexithymia, fear of mistakes, perceived parental pressure, PSP, and
ethnic identity were found to be significantly correlated with appearance evaluation using
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Pearson correlations, these relationships were no longer significant in this regression model.
This shows that self-esteem appears to be much more closely linked with body satisfaction
than the other predictor variables. However, in this regression model, the contributions of
perceived parental pressure (β=-.16, t(144)=-1.92, p=.057) and ethnic identity (β=.14,
significance.
A standard multiple regression was then performed between body areas satisfaction
as the dependent variable and the significant predictors of body satisfaction (i.e., alexithymia,
fear of mistakes, perceived parental pressures, PSP, self-esteem, and ethnic identity) as the
independent variables. Analysis was performed using PASW REGRESSION for evaluation
of assumptions.
homeoscedasticity of residuals were met. No cases had missing data. The use of Mahalanobis
distance did not show any outlier cases. Review of the tolerance statistics indicated that all of
Table 9 displays the unstandardized regression coefficients (B), standard errors (SE
B), standardized regression coefficients (β), t values, and significance values. Regression
results indicate that the overall model significantly predicts body areas satisfaction, R2=.257,
R2adj= .226, F(6,144)=8.30, p<.001. This model accounts for 25.7% of variance in body areas
uniquely accounts for 7.24% of variability in body areas satisfaction, β=.34, t(144)=3.74,
p<.001. This supports the relationship in hypothesis 1 between self-esteem and body
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satisfaction. Further, ethnic identity accounts for 3.61% of variability in body areas
between ethnic identity and body satisfaction. Perceived parental pressure accounts for only
2.10% of variability in body areas satisfaction, β=-.17, t(144)=-2.02, p<.05, adding some
satisfaction. While alexithymia, fear of mistakes, and PSP were found to be significantly
correlated with body areas satisfaction using Pearson correlations, these relationships were
no longer significant in this regression model. This, again, adds support to self-esteem as the
the dependent variable and the independent variables (i.e., alexithymia, fear of mistakes,
perceived parental pressures, PSP, self-esteem, and ethnic identity). Analysis was performed
cases had missing data. The use of Mahalanobis distance found one outlier but Cooke’s
distance revealed that the case did not have undue influence on the data. Review of the
tolerance statistics indicated that all of the IVs were tolerated in the model.
Table 10 displays the unstandardized regression coefficients (B), standard errors (SE
B), standardized regression coefficients (β), t values, and significance values. Regression
results indicate that the overall model significantly predicts body dissatisfaction, R2=.089,
R2adj= .051, F(6,144)=2.34, p<.05. This model accounts for 8.9% of variance in body
uniquely accounts for 2.89% of the variability in body dissatisfaction, β=-.28, t(144)=-2.14,
p<.05, and perceived parental pressure accounts for 4.04% of the variability, β=-.24,
t(144)=2.52, p<.05. The positive association here between perceived parental pressure and
body dissatisfaction supports hypothesis 2. However, the inverse relationship between fear of
mistakes and body dissatisfaction is in the opposite direction as was predicted in hypothesis
2.
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Table 8
Variable B SE B β t p
___________________________________________________________________________
Table 9
Variable B SE B β t p
___________________________________________________________________________
Table 10
Variable B SE B β t p
___________________________________________________________________________
would mediate the relationship between the predictors of body dissatisfaction/satisfaction and
distortion. Given that ethnic identity was the only body dissatisfaction/satisfaction predictor
to be related to body distortion, mediation was only examined with this variable. Further, this
mediation included appearance evaluation and body areas satisfaction but excluded body
dissatisfaction as this was not found to be related with ethnic identity. Therefore, mediational
model hypothesized that AE and BAS would mediate the effects of the relationship between
scores on the MEIM and BDI. The mediational effects of AE and BAS were tested by
conducting the steps in the mediational model described by Baron and Kenny (1986). The
significance value for MEIM was compared for the linear regression analysis between MEIM
and BDI and for the multiple regression analysis which included both MEIM and the body
As shown in Table 11, the significance value and standardized regression coefficient
are stronger for MEIM in the linear regression analysis than in the multiple regression
analyses with AE and BAS. After AE and BAS are included in the regression models, the
ability for scores on the MEIM to predict scores on the BDI diminishes. These results
indicate that appearance evaluation and body areas satisfaction mediate the relationship
In model 1, ethnic identity accounts for 2.8% of the variability in body distortion,
R2=.028, R2adj=.022, F(1,149)=4.30, p<.05. In model 2, the overall model accounts for 9.3%
identity no longer significantly accounts for variance in body distortion in this model, β=-.12,
t(148)=-1.44, p>.05, while appearance evaluation accounts for 6.5% of variance in body
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distortion, β=-.26, t(148)=-3.25, p<.01. In model 3, the overall model accounts for 8.2% of
the variability in body distortion, R2=.082, R2adj=.070, F(2,148)=6.65, p<.01. Again, addition
of body satisfaction into the model diminished ethnic identity’s influence on variance in body
distortion, β=-.11, t(148)=-1.33, p>.05. Body areas satisfaction accounts for 5.4% of the
Additional Analyses
parent SES, participant SES, parent education, participant education, ethnicity and religion.
Pearson correlations were conducted between the continuous exploratory variables and the
independent and body image variables. Age was found to be positively correlated with self-
esteem (Table 13). Regarding parent SES, positive correlations were found with appearance
evaluation and body areas satisfaction (Table 12), while negative correlations were found
with body dissatisfaction (Table 12), alexithymia, and perfectionistic self-presentation (Table
13). Parent education was found to be negatively correlated with alexithymia (Table 13) and
positively correlated with appearance evaluation and body dissatisfaction (Table 12).
Participant education also was negatively correlated with alexithymia as well as positively
correlated with self-esteem (Table 13). Given that no significant correlations were found for
participant education or participant SES with the body image variables, these variables were
Table 11
Regression Analysis Summary for Mediational Effect of Body Satisfaction Measures between
MEIM and Body Distortion
___________________________________________________________________________
Variable B SE B β t p
___________________________________________________________________________
1
MEIM -6.80 3.28 -.17 -2.08 .040
2
MEIM with AE -4.67 3.24 -.12 -1.44 .152
3
MEIM with BAS -4.39 3.30 -.11 -1.33 .185
___________________________________________________________________________
Note. MEIM = Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure; AE = Appearance Evaluation; BAS =
Body Areas Satisfaction.
Table 12
Measure
_________________________________________________
Exploratory Variable AE BAS BD BDI
___________________________________________________________________________
Table 13
Characteristic
_________________________________________________________
Independent Variable Age Parent SES Participant SES Parent Ed Participant Ed
___________________________________________________________________________
investigate body image differences in age category. ANOVA results showed that
homogeneity of variances was not met for body dissatisfaction (p<.05) and this variable was
further explored with the Brown-Forsythe test, a robust F test. Significant main effects were
found for body areas satisfaction (F(3,147)=3.66, p<.05) and body dissatisfaction
(F(3,147)=2.60, p<.05). The Tukey HSD post hoc test was conducted to determine which age
categories were significantly different. Results revealed that body areas satisfaction for the
age categories of 18-25 (M = 28.77, SD = 5.38) and 26-35 (M = 26, SD = 5.65) differed from
each other but this was not true of the older age categories. These results suggest that
satisfaction with areas of the body is higher for women between 18-25 than 26-35. This trend
was also true for body dissatisfaction where more dissatisfaction was present for 26-35 year
olds (M = 18.44, SD = 13.78) than for 18-25 year olds (M = 12.78, SD = 9.97).
in level of parent education. ANOVA results showed that homogeneity of variances was not
met for body dissatisfaction (p<.05) and this variable was further explored with the Brown-
Forsythe test, a robust F test. A significant main effect was found for body dissatisfaction
(F(3,147)=3.38, p<.05) and the Tukey HSD post hoc test revealed that women whose parents
received 1-3 years of college education had more body dissatisfaction (M = 20.82 , SD =
15.34) than women whose parents received graduate degrees (M = 12.09, SD = 9.51).
in parent SES. ANOVA results showed that homogeneity of variances was not met for
appearance evaluation or body dissatisfaction (p<.05) and these variables were further
analyzed with the Brown-Forsythe test, a robust F test. Results showed main effects for body
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and body dissatisfaction (F(2,148)=5.60, p<.01). The Tukey HSD post hoc test was
conducted to determine which levels of parent SES were significantly different. Results
revealed that body areas satisfaction significantly differed between lower parent SES (M =
24, SD = 6.09) and middle parent SES (M = 27.87, SD = 4.97) as well as between lower
parent SES and upper parent SES (M = 28.21, SD = 6.21). Similar trends were found for
appearance evaluation and body dissatisfaction as well. These results suggest that overall
body satisfaction and satisfaction with areas of the body is highest for participants in this
sample whose parents were of upper SES and lowest for participants with parents of lower
SES.
more depth as it related to the other independent variables. Independent samples t-tests were
conducted for this analysis to examine differences in the independent variables based on if
the participants were of the majority culture (White) or an ethnic minority culture. Results
showed that perceived parental pressure, self-esteem, and ethnic identity all varied based on
ethnicity. Specifically, White participants reported experiencing less parental pressure than
non-White participants (Ms = 22.23 vs. 26.58, t(149) = 3.51, p = .001). Unexpectedly, self-
esteem was significantly higher for White participants than ethnic minorities (Ms = 22.23 vs.
19.95, t(149) = -.2.35, p <.05) which is inconsistent with previous research (Eitel, 2003).
However, ethnic identity varied in the anticipated direction, with ethnic minorities scoring
higher on ethnic identity than Caucasians (Ms = 2.96 vs. 2.64, t(149) = 3.00, p <.01.).
trends were compared between Roman Catholics and participants belonging to other
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body areas satisfaction, and parent SES did not meet Levene’s test for equality of variances
and, therefore, equal variances were not assumed in exploring significant group differences.
Table 14 shows that alexithymia and PSP were significantly lower among Catholics than
non-Catholic Christians while self-esteem was significantly higher for Catholic women.
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Table 14
Group Differences for Roman Catholic Participants and Participants of Other Christian
Denominations______________________________________________________________
Other Christian
Roman Catholic Denominations
______________ ______________
Cohen’s
Measure M SD M SD t(87) p d
___________________________________________________________________________
AE 24.62 5.19 22.05 7.20 1.93 .057 0.41
Discussion
Overview
perfectionism, self-esteem, ethnicity and body image disturbance among females between the
ages of 18 and 65. There were noticeable gaps in the literature on the potential importance
that the role of alexithymia could play in the development of body image problems as well as
little research on contributors to body distortion, the more severe form of body
dissatisfaction. The rates of body dissatisfaction are startling, especially given the increase in
body image disturbance even among women in less developed nations (Rodin et al., 1985).
Body image issues are also related to more severe psychological difficulties (i.e., eating
pathology, personality disorders, and depression (Hamachek, 1978)) and it is crucial that
Overall, results of this study showed that greater body satisfaction was found to be
related to higher self-esteem and ethnic identity as well as lower levels of alexithymia,
successfully mediated the relationship between ethnic identity and body distortion. Age,
parent education, and parent SES were also found to be related to body satisfaction while
As predicted, women who had difficulty identifying and expressing their emotions
were also concerned with making mistakes and needing to appear perfect in front of others.
This was consistent with the work of Hayaki et al. (2002) which indicated that perfectionistic
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emotional expression. As suggested by De Barardis et al. (2009), the need to appear perfect
disappointment, if they believed others would view these emotions as negative. Of course,
directionality could not be assumed given the correlational nature of the relationship between
alexithymia and perfectionism in this study and, therefore, it could also be true that
alexithymia may be present first for individuals which leads to a proclivity towards
One would expect that individuals high in self-esteem would first need to “know” who they
are in order to take pride in who they are. By definition, those high in alexithymia have little
self-awareness and ability to reflect on themselves (Taylor et al., 1991). Further, this
relationship supported Anna Freud’s theory of “turning against the self” (1936) in which
inability to identify and express negative feelings towards others leads to a redirection of
those emotions back against the self. This results in a poor view of the self and higher levels
of emotional distress, such as depressive symptomology (de Groot et al., 1995; Parker et al.,
1996), which correlates highly with poor self-esteem. (e.g., Fabian & Thompson, 1989;
Mable, Balance, & Galgan, 1986; McCauley, Mintz, & Glenn, 1988; Shin & Shin, 2008).
esteem was shown to have a negative relationship with perfectionistic self-presentation, fear
of mistakes, and perceived parental pressure. This coincides with work by Rice and Mirzadeh
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(2000) which linked negative perfectionism and poor self-esteem. However, individuals
higher in goal/achievement orientation had higher self-esteem. This pattern was consistent
with work by Hamachek (1978) and Blatt et al. (1995) who observed that neurotic forms of
(such as the need to achieve and desire to attain realistic goals) were related to healthy self-
esteem. These results also supported Flett’s multidimensional model of perfectionism which
explained that high personal standards were directly related to self-esteem while concern
over mistakes and parental criticism/expectations were associated with anxiety (Flett et al.,
1991; Flett & Hewitt, 2002). These findings on both the adaptive and maladaptive (in the
more extreme) forms of perfectionism suggest that psychologists may benefit from more
consistent use of both types of perfectionism (such as “normal” and “maladaptive”) rather
than lumping all perfectionistic tendencies into one category of perfectionism. This could
help stress that some degree of perfectionism, such as goal direction and high achievement,
finding was consistent with past studies which linked difficulties with emotional expression
to negative feelings about the body (Carano et al., 2006; De Barardis et al., 2009; Franzoni et
al., 2013; Hayaki et al., 2002; Ridout et al., 2010). This result connected with Freudian
anger or shame which the person could not express verbally (Freud, 1936). According to this
theory, when emotions are experienced by the ego as too overwhelming, feelings of reproach
towards others become experienced within the self. Therefore, dissatisfaction with one’s
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body could be representative of one’s negative feelings towards others. Similarly, critical
views of the body can serve as punishment for what are perceived to be unacceptable sexual
Another important finding was the relationship between perfectionism and body
satisfaction. Specifically, fear of mistakes and perceived parental pressure were found to be
inversely related to body satisfaction as predicted based on past findings (Casale, 2011;
Ruggiero, 2003). This adds support to the theory that perfectionism may extend to the arena
of body image, where those who experience pressure to be perfect may also strive to have a
perfect body (Cafri et al., 2005; McKee, 2006). This finding also lends support to
psychodynamic theory regarding development where pressure from and criticism by parents
and others can lead to an internalization of critical views of the self which extends to one’s
view of the body (Flett et al., 2002). This study found that perceived parental pressure was
also associated with body dissatisfaction. Interestingly, parental pressure was the only
variable found to be related to body dissatisfaction. This was not expected and one possible
explanation for the lack of relationships with body dissatisfaction could be that the
discrepancy between actual and ideal BMI may not be as valid or reliable a measure as the
measure body satisfaction. For instance, the participants’ self-report of actual height and
weight may not have been accurate. Further, on the Photographic Figure Rating Scale (which
was used to measure ideal BMI), some of the images appear to represent body figures of
slightly different heights and, if participants based their ideal BMI more on height than
weight or shape, this may have contributed to unhelpful variations in actual versus ideal BMI
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discrepancies.
related to body satisfaction but there was a trend in the opposite direction with body image
than was for the other perfectionism variables. This would support the earlier
could help motivate one to fulfill their aims and which could actually build self-confidence.
However, this result was somewhat unexpected as this more positive perfectionism factor
had been less studied than the overall measures of perfectionism and there have been mixed
results on how positive perfectionism is related to other aspects of the self (Flett et al., 1991;
Frost et al., 1990a). For instance, high personal standards was found to be related to less body
dissatisfaction when there were less concern over mistakes and doubt about actions (Flett et
al., 1991). However, another study found high personal standards to be associated with more
body dissatisfaction when in combination with fear of mistakes (Frost et al., 1990a).
was consistent with past studies (Penkal & Kurdek, 2007; Rudiger, Cash, Roehrig, &
Thompson, 2007; Sherry, Vriend, Hewitt, Flett, & Wardrop, 2009) which suggested that the
need to appear perfect to others can lead to a preoccupation with perceived bodily
This was the strongest relationship found between a predictor variable and body image
variable which was not surprising given the large literature on the relationship between self-
esteem and body image ((Button, Loan, Davies, & Sonuga-Barke, 1997; Brytek, 2010;
dissatisfaction between Caucasian American women and ethnic minority women (e.g.,
Abood & Chandler, 1997; Casper & Offer, 1990; Chandler, Abood, Dae, & Cleveland, 1994;
Douglas, 1992; Mobley, Slaney, & Rice, 2005; Perez & Joiner, 2003). The largest minority
group in the current study was for African Americans and the majority of findings suggested
that African American women had greater body satisfaction than Caucasian women (Ackard,
Croll, & Kearney-Cook, 2002; Duncan, Anton, Newton, & Perri, 2003; Rucker & Cash,
1992; Story, French, & Resnick, 1995; Williamson, Kahn, & Byers, 1991).
However, the results of the current study are more in line with the growing research
that has pointed to less differences in body dissatisfaction between African American and
Caucasian women (Caldwell, Brownell, & Wilfley, 1997; Cachelin, Rebeck, Chung, &
Pelayo, 2002; Cash, Melynk, & Hrabosky, 2004; James, 2001; Shaw, Ramirez, Trost,
Randall, & Stice, 2004). These findings appear to support Robert’s (1993) meta-analysis
which indicated that the ethnic differences for body dissatisfaction for these two groups were
shrinking possibly due to minorities’ exposure to the thin ideal in media and worsening of
body image among African Americans or even improvement in Caucasians’ body esteem due
to more accessibility to minorities in media. In contrast to ethnicity, ethnic identity was found
to be related to body satisfaction. This was consistent with past research on the positive
effects of identification with African American culture on body image (Osvold & Sodowsky,
and ethnic identity) best predicted appearance evaluation, followed by body areas
satisfaction, and body dissatisfaction. The multiple regression analyses showed that the
model accounted for 27.1 percent of the variance in appearance evaluation. Interestingly,
only self-esteem significantly contributed to the model, while alexithymia, fear of mistakes,
perceived parental pressure, perfectionistic self-presentation, and ethnic identity did not. Still,
explained 10.17 percent of the variability in appearance evaluation suggesting that judgment
of one’s overall appearance is determined, in part, by how one feels about their general worth
as a person.
This is consistent with studies connecting higher self-esteem with less social physique
anxiety (Henry et al., 2006; Koyuncu et al., 2010; Martin et al., 1997). Further, it supports the
concept of body esteem as described by Striegel-Moore (1990) where regard for one’s body
is an extension of global self-esteem. The present study’s findings on self-esteem and overall
body satisfaction, in conjunction with past research, point to the importance of self-
for the most variability, followed by ethnic identity and then perceived parental pressure. It is
interesting that self-esteem accounted for less of the variance with body areas satisfaction
than for appearance evaluation (7.24 versus 10.17 percent), indicating that self-esteem may
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influence feelings about one’s overall physical appearance more than feelings about specific
body parts. This relationship between self-esteem and satisfaction with specific body areas
supports the early study by Secord and Jourard (1953) on the positive relationship between
body cathexis (the worth one gives her body) and self-cathexis (self-worth).
It is also important that the current study found self-esteem to have more predictive
power than the perfectionism variables for both appearance evaluation and body areas
satisfaction. Similar to findings by Steele (1988), this suggests that, even though a
perfectionist may be overly concerned with physical appearance, one’s view of her body can
still be positive in the presence of a positive overall self-image. The dominance of self-
esteem in this study to predict body satisfaction points to the potential effectiveness of
psychological treatments for image disturbance that are geared more towards helping people
gain insight into unconscious sources of harsh views of themselves (such as ego therapy
(Freud, 1936)) without the need for as much focus on more cognitive behavioral
An important finding for this study was that both measures of body satisfaction were
negatively associated with body distortion and body dissatisfaction was positively associated
with body distortion. This supports past studies linking body dissatisfaction and body
distortion (Etu & Gray, 2010; Ferguson, Munoz, Contreras, & Velasquez, 2011; Gardner &
Tockerman, 1993; Kasper, 2001). Only one of the significant predictors of body
dissatisfaction was associated with body distortion: ethnic identity. This study showed a
negative relationship between ethnic identity and body distortion. This is an important
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finding as, to this writer’s knowledge, there have been no prior studies examining these two
variables. Rogers Wood and Petrie discussed the importance of a focus on internal versus
external beauty as a source of self-acceptance and that, at least among African Americans,
activities that strengthened ethnic identity (such as family and peer gatherings, church
functions, and positive cultural programs) had positive effects on body image as well (Rogers
Wood & Petrie, 2010). It is hoped that this finding will encourage further research to
examine how positive cultural values may protect against negative misperceptions of
physical appearance. Additional analyses revealed that appearance evaluation and body areas
satisfaction fully mediated the relationship between ethnic identity and body distortion
according to the mediational steps by Baron and Kenny (1986). Therefore, the relationship
between ethnic identity and body distortion disappeared when body satisfaction was taken
into account and stronger ethnic identity was related to less body distortion because of the
presence of body satisfaction. This suggests that stronger ethnic identity leads to greater body
Exploratory Findings
Age and Body Image. Consistent with the literature (Meier, Orth, Denissen, &
Kühnel, 2011), self-esteem was higher for women who were older. It has been documented
that younger women, especially in adolescence and early adulthood, experience more self-
consciousness as this is a crucial period for procuring a mate (Roberts et al., 2006). Further,
young women tend to have more emotional lability, stress-related to academic pressures, and
the burden of changing bodies due to pubertal development (Roberts et al., 2006). However,
ANOVA results showed that body areas satisfaction was higher for women between the ages
of 18 and 25 than between 26 and 35. This is inconsistent with past studies on the effects of
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aging on body image which either supported no differences in body dissatisfaction across age
groups (e.g., Lewis & Cachelin, 2001; Siegel, 2010; Tiggemann, 1992; Tiggemann & Lynch,
2001; Webster & Tiggemann, 2003) or higher body satisfaction in older age groups than
adolescents (Striegel-Moore & Franko, 2002; Tiggemann, 2004). This unique finding may
suggest that the trends in body dissatisfaction with age may be different for overall body
dissatisfaction than for dissatisfaction with specific body parts. For example, while women’s
overall body satisfaction may improve over time (possibly due to increases in self-esteem as
described above), older women may still be plagued more so than younger women by
changes specific to certain body parts (i.e., looser skin, wrinkles, age spots, etc.).
SES and Body Image. Regarding socioeconomic status variables, higher parent SES,
parent education, and participant education were associated with more body satisfaction and
lower SES and education were associated with more body dissatisfaction, alexithymia, and
perfectionistic self-presentation. Specifically, satisfaction with areas of the body was highest
for participants in this sample whose parents were of upper SES and lowest for participants
with parents of lower SES. Higher participant education was also related to greater self-
esteem. These results were not expected given that past studies suggested greater levels of
emotional distress and body dissatisfaction among women with higher education and of
higher SES (van den Berg et al., 2010; Wang et al., 2005).
It is possible that the relationships with education level were skewed given that this
sample was highly educated. According to the United States Census Bureau education data
from 2012 including adults of ages 25 and over, only 3.07 percent and 8.05 percent of adults
were granted doctoral and master’s degrees, respectively. However, in the current study, 36
The level of graduate education in this sample was more than three times that of the national
average (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012) which potentially limits the study’s ability to generalize
to the general population. Past studies have suggested that women from families of high SES
(correlated highly with education level) experience more pressure on themselves which leads
to body image complaints (Akan & Grilo, 1995). However, given the higher than average
number of very educated women in this sample, combined with the relationship between
education level and body satisfaction, it is possible that greater education protected the
women in this study from body image issues by allowing them to place their worth on other
(2000) noted that most studies on body image are conducted with upper middle-class samples
and that SES differences in body dissatisfaction may disappear with the inclusion of lower
SES classifications such as was found in a study by Stevens and Tiggemann (1998).
Kumanyika (1987) also made the connection between poorer social class and obesity.
Therefore, another possibility is that the more highly educated women in this sample were
more aware of the positive effects of a healthy weight and diet, leading to less difficulty
maintaining a thin physique and, therefore, less concern over body weight. Women in higher
SES regions also tend to have access to more healthy food options, compared to the “food
deserts” in poorer areas, which allow them to maintain a healthy lifestyle and weight.
The sampling bias towards a highly educated sample could reflect the fact that this
researcher recruited acquaintances from her community, peer group, colleagues, church, and
university who shared similar SES and educational backgrounds. It is also possible that the
online recruiting method, in itself, attracted a sample that was more affluent. For instance,
according to a study by Payne and Barnfather (2012), Black individuals of lower SES groups
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were less likely to spend as much time on the internet in comparison to White, highly
educated individuals.
Ethnicity. Results on ethnicity showed significantly higher ethnic identity for ethnic
minorities compared to Caucasian women which coincided with past research (Abrams et al.,
1992). However, self-esteem was found to be higher for White women which was not in
agreement with a study by Eitel (2003). Interestingly, perceived parental pressure was higher
for non-White women which supports research by Castro and Rice (2003) but conflicts with
another study (Nilsson et al., 1999). The relationship between perfectionism and ethnicity has
not yet been fully explored and this study adds some support to the complex nature of this
area of study. These findings may support Heads’ theory that African American families
place extra pressure on their children to succeed given the obstacles this race has experienced
self-esteem were found based on religious affiliation. Catholic women were less likely to
have difficulty with emotional expression and needing to appear perfect than non-Catholic
Christians. Further, Catholic women were found to have greater self-esteem than non-
Catholics. While it is difficult to attribute meaning to the difference in alexithymia, PSP, and
self-esteem based on these different branches of Christianity, it may still support general
findings on the importance of religious faith for reducing overall anxiety (Pardini, Planteb,
Shermanc, & Stump, 2000) and improving emotional well-being (Laurencelle et al., 2002).
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Clinical Implications
theoretical basis that body image problems can represent more complex, intrapsychic
individuals who present for treatment with body image concerns can be gently guided by the
(alexithymia) to reduce the tendency for individuals to turn those feelings against themselves
(Freud, 1936). This study shows that, without help with understanding their feelings,
individuals could begin attacking themselves with negative emotion such as by criticizing
their bodies.
The results on perfectionism and self-esteem with body dissatisfaction further support
the proposition that there is significant psychological meaning to symptoms of body image
disturbance. Most notably from this study was the relationship between parental criticism and
body dissatisfaction. As suggested by previous theorists (e.g., Burns, 1980; Hollender, 1965;
Horney, 1950; Parker, 1997; Sorotzkin, 1998), deficits in healthy parental expectations or
parental support in early life can lead to perfectionistic patterns in adulthood to continue to
achieve with the hope of attaining parental love and acceptance and to combat feelings of
guilt and shame over perceived failures. It is important for clinicians to recognize in
therapeutic practice that the drive for perfectionism can extend to the need for perfection in
study based on ethnicity and ethnic identity lend itself to explanations based on social
learning theory. The sociocultural view of body image disturbance holds that one’s view of
the physical body develops out of societal pressure towards achieving a certain ideal
physique (Perez-Lopez & Petretic, 2004). While past research suggested that African
American women were more protected against the internalization of a thin ideal and,
therefore, against body image problems (such as due to a larger ideal body type (Halpern et
al., 1999), less concern with overeating (Casper & Offer, 1990), less social pressure to be
thin (Striegel-Moore et al., 1995), and evolutionary adaptiveness of larger waist-hip ratios in
child-bearing (Singh & Young, 1995)), the current study did not find African Americans or
other ethnic minorities to have a more positive body image than Caucasians.
differences for body dissatisfaction for these Caucasians and ethnic minorities are shrinking
possibly due to a combination of minorities’ exposure to the thin ideal in the media and
body esteem due to more accessibility to minorities of healthy weight in media. However,
Singh (1993) has described that the thin ideal body type has only been getting thinner in
Western culture and it seems more likely that African Americans and other minorities may be
adopting the majority culture ideal for a thin body type, leading to poorer body satisfaction
(Anschutz, 2009). Wildes et al. (2001) described that African Americans experience
increases in body image disturbance in the adolescent and young adult periods due to
opportunities for socialization with more Caucasians in high school and at university. With
the mean age in the current study being in the young adulthood range and with the sample
129
including many college students, it adds support that the body image of ethnic minorities
may have been negatively influenced by the majority culture’s view of thinness. Cafri et al.
(2005) and McKee (2006) also reported the increases in body dissatisfaction in ethnic
minorities of this age group due to pressure from peers to lose weight. Additionally, Roberts
et al. (2012) noted that African American women are more likely to internalize a thinner
ideal, strive for lower body weights, and have higher rates of body dissatisfaction while
dating Caucasian men which may have also contributed to the more similar body
dissatisfaction levels in African American and Caucasian women in the current sample who
The lack of variation in body satisfaction based on ethnicity may also reflect a greater
influence of socioeconomic status than race on body image (Caldwell et al., 1997; Gardner,
Friedman, & Jackson, 1999; Sobal & Stunkard, 1989). The lack of significant differences in
SES or education level between White and non-White participants in this study may,
therefore, have led to similar rates of body dissatisfaction. The influence of SES on body
facilitate clients’ abilities to fulfill basic needs first as a path to gaining psychological health
as well. This points to the possible role of incorporating social workers in work with
psychologists to help address basic socioeconomic needs clients may have (such as healthy
It was particularly interesting that the current study found higher rates of perceived
parental pressure and lower rates of self-esteem among minority women. These findings may
reflect effects of racial discrimination which has been described to influence parents of
African American children to put pressure on them to have higher expectations for
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themselves to compensate for White privilege (Chao, Mallinckrodt, & Wei, 2012). Hines and
Boyd-Franklin (1996) argued that this is particularly true of middle-class (of which the
current sample was predominantly comprised of) African American families whose parents
experienced financial difficulties and had to work very hard to attain financial security. With
this material in mind, clinicians may benefit in their work with minority women to consider
that these women who strive for perfection may also have the fantasy that this perfection is
In addition, this study’s results on ethnic identity point to the importance that
clinicians should place on cultural identity formation for their clients as this was shown to
protect against body dissatisfaction. This expanded on previous studies which described
identification with African American culture as negatively correlated with drive for thinness,
thin ideal internalization (Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2010), and body image disturbance
(Osvold & Sodowsky, 1993; Parker et al., 1995; Petersons et al., 2000). Specifically, clinical
interventions which encourage interactions with individuals who support positive ethnic
identity messages (such as with families, churches, peer groups, and cultural media
programs) could be very beneficial in combating poor body esteem (Rogers Wood & Petrie,
2010).
Given the results of the current study, three changes are recommended to strengthen
the model. First, it could benefit from the use of a hierarchical regression given the
satisfaction/dissatisfaction as the results of this study were in line with past research which
indicated that, with acculturation, body image in African Americans in particular has become
more similar to that of Caucasians (Roberts, 1993). Third, changes to the perfectionism
construct are recommended. Given the evidence for two separate types of perfectionism
(normal and maladaptive) (Frost et al., 1993), it would be helpful for the model to include a
maladaptive perfectionism measure (such as the Fear of Mistakes and Perceived Parental
Pressure subscales of the FMPS or the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale) and a measure
Limitations
The use of multiple ANOVAs could have, potentially, led to an increased Type I error
rate in which significant differences were found when they did not truly exist. This study also
utilized a convenience sample by recruiting through a university and through the use of
online surveys and, therefore, the demographics for the participants may differ from those of
the general population, limiting the ability for the study’s findings to generalize to the
general public. For instance, the average age of the participants was approximately 30 years
old, there were an insufficient number of 46-55 year olds in the distribution, and women over
the age of 65 were not included in the study. Further, 60 percent of participants were
Christian and the data was not examined based on differences across non-Christian religions
or faith systems to which a large number of the participants identified with (40 percent).
However, given the wide variety of responses for “other religion,” these participants could
participants’ education levels did not reflect those of the general population (they were much
more educated than the general public) which may have contributed to the study’s
unexpected trend in higher body satisfaction among those with higher education. As stated
before, this rather idiosyncratic sample could have reflected the use of an online survey
which may have made the research study less available to individuals from lower SES with
less internet access. This more affluent and educated sample could have also influenced
perfectionism scores (especially regarding goal/achievement) due to the likelihood that these
women (who pursued graduate degrees) were highly driven and high achieving.
Additionally, nearly 75 percent of participants were White and the smaller group for
ethnic minorities may have limited the study’s statistical power to identify more significant
group differences based on ethnicity. The study was also limited by the inclusion of all ethnic
minorities into one category. While this was done to increase power for this ethnicity group,
it may have ignored variances in body image among ethnicity minorities and possibly
contributed to less differences between Caucasians and African Americans than would have
possibly been found with a more robust groups of African American participants. Further, it
was unclear if the three participants who identified as European American were raised in
Europe versus the United States making it difficult to ascertain their level of acculturation to
American society and potentially limiting differences in body image between the Caucasian
This study also did not include males given the literature to suggest that there are
differences in body image for men and women (Furnham & Greaves, 1994; Moreno &
Thelen, 1993; Nagel & Jones, 1992; Peters & Phelps, 2001). For instance, women tend to
have a more unidirectional dissatisfaction with their bodies in wanting to weigh less (Peters
133
& Phelps, 2001) while body dissatisfaction in men can be bidirectional as they desire to be
both more muscular and thinner (Kostanski & Gullone, 1998). Therefore, the study’s
findings may not be reflective of patterns in body dissatisfaction that exist for men.
ways which may have lent itself to finding more positive associations with body satisfaction
than may truly exist in the general population. For example, the average for satisfaction with
one’s body parts was higher in this study than in the original sample using the body areas
satisfaction subscale of the MBSRQ (27.19 versus 25.84) (Brown et al., 1990). Furthermore,
the average score on alexithymia for the current sample was much lower (41.40) than in
another widely cited study (Bagby et al., 1990). Also, more than half of the women in the
present study underestimated their body size and there were less overweight participants in
this sample than comparative samples which suggested that these women could have been
less likely to be concerned about their weight. Examination of the scores on the Eating
Attitudes Test for participants who were not screened out also revealed that most of the
participants had lower scores on this screener which could be another indication of less body
concerns in this sample. However, it was very interesting to see that 17 percent of the sample
scored in the clinical range on the EAT and needed to be excluded from the study. The
percentage of participants that reached the eating disorders threshold on the EAT was much
higher than in the general population (0.5-3.7% for anorexia, 1.1-4.2% for bulimia, and 2-5%
for binge-eating disorder) (The National Institute of Mental Health, 2013). This surprising
finding adds support to the important need for more research on and the development of
It would be beneficial for the study to be replicated with a more evenly distributed
sample to include more individuals of lower SES, ethnic minorities, older age groups, and
various religious affiliations. This would help strengthen the ability of this study’s findings to
extend to more individuals than middle class, Caucasian, Christian, young adults. It would be
particularly interesting if this study were replicated with male participants to observe possible
bidirectional pattern (desire for both more musculature and thinner waist) of male body
image disturbance (Kostanski & Gullone, 1998). For instance, given males’ tendency to
overestimated their body size by 13% (Slade, 1994) and tendency to be preoccupied with
different areas of the body than women (i.e., biceps and chest) (Moreno & Thelen, 1993;
Nagel & Jones, 1992), this may lead to different relationships for male body satisfaction with
factors such as perfectionism and ethnicity. Perhaps the desire to be larger in some areas and
perhaps the striving towards more musculature could make one appear thinner than is reality,
leading to less pressure for weight loss. Differences in body image for males based on
ethnicity have also been found such as in a study by Ricciardelli et al. (2007) which found
non-White males to strive for more dramatic body transformation than White males.
Although, a similarity for both men and women appears to be that body dissatisfaction can
pertain to negative feelings about one’s whole body shape or to particular body parts (Slade,
1994).
Another specific area of future study could be to examine the nature of differences in
alexithymia in males in comparison to females as they relate to body image and the other
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“normative male alexithymia” in which he stated traditional gender roles inhibit males from
women with the expression of aggression or lustful feelings (Levant, 1995). It appears that it
is yet to be explored in the research if alexithymia in males could also be related to negative
self-worth, perfectionism, and body dissatisfaction according to the “turning against the self”
studies to examine the effects of emotional inhibition across many individuals with varying
psychotherapy case studies are utilized to discuss an individual’s difficulty with identifying
or expressing emotion, capacity for abstract thinking, and difficulty distinguishing between
emotions and physical sensations, it is believed that this area of research could greatly benefit
from including subclinical populations as well to explore this topic more fully. Given the
2010), one area of alexithymia which could be especially relevant to investigate more could
patients and physicians as a medical illness (Ginsburg & Link, 1989). Similar to the current
study’s finding on the relationship between alexithymia and body dissatisfaction, these
patients in the primary care setting could be communicating their fear that something is
“wrong” with them which may represent the deeply psychological impact they are
as family size and relationship status) as they relate to body image. Individuals who grow up
with more siblings may experience more competitiveness within their families possibly
leading to a drive for perfectionism or negative comparisons of their bodies with female
siblings close in age. Further, larger families may put more pressure on parents (particularly
single mother households) which could lead to more emotional difficulties (such as
alexithymia) for parents and children (Usmiani & Daniluk, 1997). Relationship status could
also be considered as it relates to body image. Past research has shown a positive relationship
between self-esteem and being in a satisfying, committed relationship (Wade, 2000) and this
Finally, the mediational relationship in this study of body satisfaction with ethnic
identity and body distortion presents an exciting new area of research which should be
investigated further. For instance, the relationship between ethnic identity and body
satisfaction/body distortion could be examined in males. The positive effect of ethnic identity
on poor body image is important. With the negative influence of the thin ideal portrayed in
social media (Boone, 2011), the possibility for positive social influence on body satisfaction
Conclusion
Body image concerns continue to impact a significant number of women. The high
percentage of women who needed to be screened out of this study due to eating disorders
scores in the clinical range points to the pervasiveness of the body dissatisfaction problem as
perfectionism, self-esteem, and ethnicity. Overall, the results indicated that self-esteem was
the most significant predictor of body satisfaction. Additionally, lower levels of alexithymia,
perfectionism, and perfectionistic self-presentation and higher levels of ethnic identity were
associated with greater body satisfaction. Body satisfaction also was found to mediate the
relationship between ethnic identity and body distortion. Further, body satisfaction was found
to vary based on age, parent education, and parent SES. These findings present important
information on psychosocial factors which promote or combat critical views of one’s self and
her body.
138
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184
ABSTRACT
By
May 2014
Body image disturbance is a pervasive problem in this country that is associated with eating
disorder pathology, depression, anxiety, and other psychological problems. Very few studies
have attempted to examine body distortion (the more severe form of body dissatisfaction) as
ethnicity, and ethnic identity. This study explored the relationships between body
perfectionism and ethnicity variables through the use of the following measures: Toronto
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), Appearance Evaluation and Body Areas
(MBSRQ), Photographic Figure Rating Scale (PFRS), and Eating Attitudes Test (EAT).
Participants included 151 females of all ethnicities between the ages of 18 and 65 (Mage =
185
29.98 years). Results indicated that self-esteem was the most significant predictor of body
satisfaction. Additionally, greater body satisfaction was associated with lower levels of
identity. Body satisfaction also was found to mediate the relationship between ethnic identity
and body distortion. Further, body satisfaction was found to vary based on age, parent
education, and parent SES. These findings present important information on psychosocial
Autobiographical Statement
EDUCATION
RESEARCH PRESENTATIONS
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