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Chapter 2 Database Environment

Review Questions

2.1 Discuss the concept of data independence and explain its importance in a database environment.

See Section 2.1.5

2.2 To address the issue of data independence, the ANSI-SPARC three-level architecture was
proposed. Compare and contrast the three levels of this model.

See Section 2.1

2.3 What is a data model? Discuss the main types of data models.

An integrated collection of concepts for describing and manipulating data, relationships

between data, and constraints on the data in an organization. See Section 2.3.

Object-based data models such as the Entity-Relationship model (see Section 2.3.1). Record-
based data models such as the relational data model, network data model, and hierarchical
data model (see Section 2.3.2). Physical data models describe how data is stored in the
computer (see Section 2.3.3).

2.4 Discuss the function and importance of conceptual modeling.

See Section 2.3.4.

2.5 Describe the types of facility you would expect to be provided in a multi-user DBMS.

Data Storage, Retrieval and Update Authorization Services

A User-Accessible Catalog Support for Data Communication
Transaction Support Integrity Services
Concurrency Control Services Services to Promote Data Independence
Recovery Services Utility Services

See also Section 2.4

2.6 Of the facilities described in your answer to Question 2.5, which ones do you think would not
be needed in a standalone PC DBMS? Provide justification for your answer.

Concurrency Control Services - only single user.

Authorization Services - only single user, but may be needed if different individuals are to
use the DBMS at different times.
Utility Services - limited in scope.
Support for Data Communication - only standalone system.

7
Database Systems: Instructor’s Guide - Part III

2.7 Discuss the function and importance of the system catalog.

See Section 2.4, Service (2) – User-accessible catalog.

2.8 Discuss the differences between DDL and DML? What operations would you typically expect
to be available in each language?

DDL - A language that allows the DBA or user to describe and name the entities, attributes,
and relationships required for the application, together with any associated integrity and
security constraints.

DML - A language that provides a set of operations to support the basic data
manipulation operations on the data held in the database.

See Section 2.2.2.

2.9 Discuss the differences between procedural DMLs and nonprocedural DMLs?

Procedural DML - A language that allows the user to tell the system what data is needed
and exactly how to retrieve the data.

Nonprocedural DML - A language that allows the user to state what data is needed rather
than how it is to be retrieved.

See Section 2.2.2.

2.10 Name four object-based data models.

• Entity-Relationship (ER)
• Semantic
• Functional
• Object-oriented.

See Section 2.3.1.

2.11 Name three record-based data models. Discuss the main differences between these data
models.

• relational data model - data and relationships are represented as tables, each of which
has a number of columns with a unique name
• network data model - data is represented as collections of records, and relationships are
represented by sets. Compared with the relational model, relationships are explicitly
modeled by the sets, which become pointers in the implementation. The records are
organized as generalized graph structures with records appearing as nodes (also called
segments) and sets as edges in the graph

8
Database Systems: Instructor’s Guide - Part III

• hierarchical data model - restricted type of network model. Again, data is represented as
collections of records and relationships are represented by sets. However, the hierarchical
model allows a node to have only one parent. A hierarchical model can be represented as a
tree graph, with records appearing as nodes (also called segments) and sets as edges.

See Section 2.3.2.

2.12 What is a transaction. Give an example of a transaction.

A transaction is a series of actions, carried out by a single user or application program,

which accesses or changes the contents of the database.

See Section 2.4.

2.13 What is concurrency control and why does a DBMS need a concurrency control facility?

A mechanism to ensure that the database is updated correctly when multiple users are
updating the database concurrently.

This avoids inconsistencies from arising when two or more transactions are executing and at
least one is updating the database.

See Section 2.4.

2.14 Define the term "database integrity". How does database integrity differ from database
security?

“Database integrity” refers to the correctness and consistency of stored data: it can be
considered as another type of database protection. Although integrity is related to security, it
has wider implications: integrity is concerned with the quality of data itself. Integrity is usually
expressed in terms of constraints, which are consistency rules that the database is not permitted
to violate.

See Section 2.4.

Exercises

2.15 Analyze the DBMSs that you are currently using. Determine each system’s compliance with the
functions that we would expect to be provided by a DBMS. What type of language does each
system provide? What type of architecture does each DBMS use? Check the accessibility and
extensibility of the system catalog. Is it possible to export the system catalog to another system?

To do this you will need to obtain appropriate information about each system. There should
be manuals available or possibly someone in charge of each system who could supply the
necessary information.

9
Database Systems: Instructor’s Guide - Part III

2.16 Write a program that stores names and telephone numbers in a database. Write another program
that stores names and addresses in a database. Modify the programs to use external, conceptual,
and internal schemas. What are the advantages and disadvantages of this modification?

The programs can be written in any suitable language and should be well structured and
appropriately commented. Two distinct files result. The structures can be combined into one
containing name, address, and telNo, which can be the representation of both the internal and
conceptual schemas. The conceptual schema should be created separately with a routine to
map the conceptual to the internal schema. The two external schemas also must be created
separately with routines to map the data between the external and the conceptual schema. The
two programs should then use the appropriate external schema and routines.

2.17 Write a program that stores names and dates of birth in a database. Extend the program so
that it stores the format of the data in the database; in other words, create a system catalog.
Provide an interface that makes this system catalog accessible to external users.

Again, the program can be written in any suitable language. It should then be modified to add
the data format to the original file. This should not be difficult, if the original program is well
structured. The interface for other users operates on the data dictionary and is separate from
the original program. A menu-based interface is adequate.

10
 Another Random Document on
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of History of English
Literature Volume 2 (of 3)
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at
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will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
using this eBook.

Title: History of English Literature Volume 2 (of 3)

Author: Hippolyte Taine

Translator: Henri Van Laun

Release date: February 11, 2020 [eBook #61382]

Most recently updated: October 17, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Laura Natal Rodrigues at Free Literature (Images

generously made available by The Internet Archive.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF ENGLISH

LITERATURE VOLUME 2 (OF 3) ***
 #THE WORLD'S# GREAT CLASSICS

LIBRARY COMMITTEE

TIMOTHY DWIGHT, D.D. LLD. RICHARD HENRY

STODDARD ARTHUR RICHMOND MARSH. A.B. PAVL
VAN DYKE, D.D. ALBERT ELLERY BERGH

•ILLUSTRATED•WITH•NEARLY•TWO•
•HUNDRED•PHOTOGRAVURES•ETCHINGS•
•COLORED•PLATES•AND•FULL•
•PAGE•PORTRAITS•OF•GREAT•AUTHORS•

CLARENCE COOK—ART EDITOR

•THE•COLONIAL•PRESS•

•NEW•YORK•MDCCCXCIX•

LONDON BRIDGE.
After an etching by Edwin Edwards.
The artist has chosen for his masterly work the moment
when the sun, long before toiling London is awake, rises
amid vapors from the eastern horizon. The river reflects
the dawn,
"All bright and glittering in the
smokeless air."
In the placid stream are mirrored the shadows of the
bridge; to the west of which appear the façades of
Fishmonger's Hall, and Billingsgate market, radiant with
morning. To appreciate the full charm and fidelity to
nature of this etching one should read Wordsworth's
sonnet written on Westminster bridge, beginning "Earth
has not anything to show more fair," and ending with
the words
"The river glideth at his own sweet
will:
Dear God! the very houses seem
asleep;
And all that mighty heart is lying still."
HISTORY OF
 ENGLISH LITERATURE
HIPPOLYTE ADOLPHE TAINE
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY HENRY VAN LAUN

WITH A SPECIAL INTRODUCTION BY

J. SCOTT CLARK, A. M.

PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AT NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY

REVISED EDITION

VOLUME II
 CONTENTS
BOOK II—THE RENAISSANCE

(CONTINUED)

CHAPTER FIFTH
The Christian Renaissance

SECTION I.—Decay of The Southern Civilizations 3

SECTION II.—Luther and the Reformation in Germany 7
SECTION III.—The Reformation in England 14
SECTION IV.—The Anglicans 34
SECTION V.—The Puritans 45
SECTION VI.—John Bunyan 58

CHAPTER SIXTH
Milton

SECTION I.—Milton's Family and Education 72

SECTION II.—Milton's Unhappy Domestic Life 76
SECTION III.—Milton's Combative Energy 78
SECTION IV.—Milton's Personal Appearance 83
SECTION V.—Milton as a Prose Writer 84
SECTION VI.—Milton as a Poet 100

BOOK III.—THE CLASSIC AGE

CHAPTER FIRST
The Restoration

Part I.—The Roisterers

SECTION I.—The Excesses of Puritanism 132
SECTION II.—A Frenchman's View of the Manners of the Time 135
SECTION III.—Butler's Hudibras 137
SECTION IV.—Morals of the Court 140
SECTION V.—Method and Style of Hobbes 147
SECTION VI.—The Theatre 153
SECTION VII.—Dryden and the Drama 155
SECTION VIII.—Wycherley 157

PART II.—The Worldlings

SECTION I.—Court Life in Europe 168

SECTION II.—Dawn of the Classic Spirit 170
SECTION III.—Sir William Temple 173
SECTION IV.—Writers à la Mode 178
SECTION V.—Sir John Denham 185
SECTION VI.—Wycherley, Congreve, Vanbrugh, and Farquhar 188
SECTION VII.—Superficiality of English Comedy 195
SECTION VIII.—Natural Characters 198
SECTION IX.—Artificial Characters 202
SECTION X.—Sheridan.—Decadence of the Theatre 211

CHAPTER SECOND
Dryden

SECTION I.—Dryden's Début 222

SECTION II.—Dryden's Family and Education 223
SECTION III.—Dramatic Theories of Dryden 226
SECTION IV.—The Style of Dryden's Plays 236
SECTION V.—His Merit as a Dramatist 242
SECTION VI.—His Prose Style 252
SECTION VII.—How Literature in England is Occupied with Politics and
Religion 257
SECTION VIII.—Development of the Art of Writing 263
SECTION IX.—Dryden's Translations and Adaptations.—His Occasional Soul
—Stirring Verses 265
SECTION X.—Misfortunes Of Dryden's Old Age 271
 CHAPTER THIRD
The Revolution

SECTION I.—The Moral Revolution 273

SECTION II.—Brutality Of The People.—Private Morals.—Chesterfield and
Gay 273
SECTION III.—Principles of Civilization in France and England 281
SECTION IV.—Religion 286
SECTION V.—The Pulpit 292
SECTION VI.—Theology 300
SECTION VII.—The Constitution.—Locke's Theory of Government 305
SECTION VIII.—Parliamentary Orators 311
SECTION IX.—Doctrines of the French Revolution Contrasted with the
Conservative
Tendencies of the English People 320

CHAPTER FOURTH
Addison

SECTION I.—The Significance of the Writings of Addison and Swift 327

SECTION II.—Addison's Character and Education 327
SECTION III.—Addison's Seriousness.—His Nobility of Character 333
SECTION IV.—The Morality of Addison's Essays 336
SECTION V.—How Addison made Morality Fashionable.—Characteristics of
his Style 344
SECTION VI.—Addison's Gallantry.—His Humor.—Sir Roger de Coverley.—
The Vision of Mirza 349

CHAPTER FIFTH
Swift

SECTION I.—Concerning Swift's Life and Character 360

SECTION II.—Swift's Prosaic and Positive Mind 368
SECTION III.—Swift as a Political Pamphleteer 371
SECTION IV.—Swift as a Humorist.—As a Poet 380
SECTION V.—Swift as a Narrator and Philosopher 389
 CHAPTER SIXTH
The Novelists

SECTION I.—The Anti-Romantic Novel 402

SECTION II.—Daniel De Foe 402
SECTION III.—The Evolution of the Eighteenth Century Novel 410
SECTION IV.—Samuel Richardson 412
SECTION V.—Henry Fielding 424
SECTION VI.—Tobias Smollett 433
SECTION VII.—Laurence Sterne 437
SECTION VIII.—Oliver Goldsmith 440
SECTION IX.—Samuel Johnson 444
SECTION X.—William Hogarth 450
INDEX
 ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON BRIDGE Frontispiece
Etching from an original by Edwin Edwards
JOHN MILTON 84
Photogravure from an etching
INITIAL LETTER FROM THE GIFFORD PSALTER 152
Fac-simile Book Illumination of the Thirteenth Century
PRINTER'S MARK OF PHILIPPE LE NOIR 290
Fac-simile example of Printing and Engraving in the Fifteenth Century
PAGE FROM THE CHRONICLES OF HUNGARY 392
Fac-simile example of Printing and Engraving in the Fifteenth Century

BOOK II.—THE RENAISSANCE

(Continued)

HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE

CHAPTER FIFTH

The Christian Renaissance

Section I.—Decay of the Southern Civilizations

"I would have my reader fully understand," says Luther in the preface to his
complete works, "that I have been a monk and a bigoted Papist, so
intoxicated, or rather so swallowed up in papistical doctrines, that I was
quite ready, if I had been able, to kill or procure the death of those who
should have rejected obedience to the Pope by so much as a syllable. I was
not all cold or all ice in the Pope's defence, like Eckius and his like, who
veritably seemed to me to constitute themselves his defenders rather for
their belly's sake than because they looked at the matter seriously. More, to
this day they seem to mock at him, like Epicureans. I for my part proceeded
frankly, like a man who has horribly feared the day of judgment, and who
yet hoped to be saved with a shaking of all his bones." Again, when he saw
Rome for the first time, he prostrated himself, saying, "I salute thee, holy
Rome... bathed in the blood of so many martyrs." Imagine, if you may, the
effect which the shameless paganism of the Italian Renaissance had upon
such a mind, so loyal, so Christian. The beauty of art, the charm of a
refined and sensuous, existence, had taken no hold upon him; he judged
morals, and he judged them with his conscience only. He regarded this
southern civilization with the eyes of a man of the north, and understood its
vices only, like Ascham, who said he had seen in Venice "more libertie to
sinne in IX dayes than ever I heard tell of in our noble Citie of London in IX
yeare."[1] Like Arnold and Channing in the present day, like all the men of
Germanic[2] race and education, he was horrified at this voluptuous life,
now reckless and now licentious, but always void of moral principles, given
up to passion, enlivened by irony, caring only for the present, destitute of
belief in the infinite, with no other worship than that of visible beauty, no
other object than the search after pleasure, no other religion than the
terrors of imagination and the idolatry of the eyes.
"I would not," said Luther afterwards, "for a hundred thousand florins have
gone without seeing Rome; I should always have doubted whether I was
not doing injustice to the Pope. The crimes of Rome are incredible; no one
will credit so great a perversity who has not the witness of his eyes, ears,
personal knowledge.... There reigned all the villanies and infamies, all the
atrocious crimes, in particular blind greed, contempt of God, perjuries,
sodomy.... We Germans swill liquor enough to split us, whilst the Italians
are sober. But they are the most impious of men; they make a mock of true
religion, they scorn the rest of us Christians, because we believe everything
in Scripture.... There is a saying in Italy which they make use of when they
go to church: 'Come and let us conform to the popular error. If we were
obliged,' they say again, 'to believe in every word of God, we should be the
most wretched of men, and we should never be able to have a moment's
cheerfulness; we must put a good face on it, and not believe everything.'
This is what Leo X did, who, hearing a discussion as to the immortality or
mortality of the soul, took the latter side. 'For,' said he, 'it would be terrible
to believe in a future state. Conscience is an evil beast, who arms man
against himself.'... The Italians are either epicureans or superstitious. The
people fear St. Anthony and St. Sebastian more than Christ, because of the
plagues they send. This is why, when they want to prevent the Italians from
committing a nuisance anywhere, they paint up St. Anthony with his fiery
lance. Thus do they live in extreme superstition, ignorant of God's word,
not believing the resurrection of the flesh, nor life everlasting, and fearing
only temporal evils. Their blasphemy also is frightful,... and the cruelty of
their revenge is atrocious. When they cannot get rid of their enemies in any
other way, they lay ambush for them in the churches, so that one man cleft
his enemy's head before the altar.... There are often murders at funerals on
account of inheritances.... They celebrate the Carnival with extreme
impropriety and folly for several weeks, and they have made a custom of
various sins and extravagances at it, for they are men without conscience,
who live in open sin, and make light of the marriage tie.... We Germans,
and other simple nations, are like a bare clout; but the Italians are painted
and speckled with all sorts of false opinions, and disposed still to embrace
many worse.... Their fasts are more splendid than our most sumptuous
feasts. They dress extravagantly; where we spend a florin on our clothes,
they put down ten florins to have a silk coat.... When they (the Italians) are
chaste, it is sodomy with them. There is no society amongst them. No one
trusts another; they do not come together freely, like us Germans; they do
not allow strangers to speak publicly with their wives: compared with the
Germans, they are altogether men of the cloister." These hard words are
weak compared with the facts.[3] Treasons, assassinations, tortures, open
debauchery, the practice of poisoning, the worst and most shameless
outrages, are unblushingly and publicly tolerated in the open light of
heaven. In 1490, the Pope's vicar having forbidden clerics and laics to keep
concubines, the Pope revoked the decree, "saying that that was not
forbidden, because the life of priests and ecclesiastics was such that hardly
one was to be found who did not keep a concubine, or at least who had not
a courtesan." Cæsar Borgia at the capture of Capua "chose forty of the
most beautiful women, whom he kept for himself; and a pretty large
number of captives were sold at a low price at Rome." Under Alexander VI,
"all ecclesiastics, from the greatest to the least, have concubines in the
place of wives, and that publicly. If God hinder it not," adds the historian,
"this corruption will pass to the monks and religious orders, although, to
confess the truth, almost all the monasteries of the town have become
bawd-houses, without any one to speak against it." With respect to
Alexander VI, who loved his daughter Lucretia, the reader may find in
Burchard the description of the marvellous orgies in which he joined with
Lucretia and Cæsar, and the enumeration of the prizes which he distributed.
Let the reader also read for himself the story of the bestiality of Pietro Luigi
Farnese, the Pope's son, how the young and upright Bishop of Fano died
from his outrage, and how the Pope, speaking of this crime as "a youthful
levity," gave him in this secret bull "the fullest absolution from all the
penalties which he might have incurred by human incontinence, in
whatever shape or with whatever cause." As to civil security, Bentivoglio
caused all the Marescotti to be put to death; Hippolyto d'Este had his
brother's eyes put out in his presence; Cæsar Borgia killed his brother;
murder is consonant with their public manners, and excites no wonder. A
fisherman was asked why he had not informed the governor of the town
that he had seen a body thrown into the water; "he replied that he had
seen about a hundred bodies thrown into the water during his lifetime in
the same place, and that no one had ever troubled himself about it. In our
town," says an old historian, "much murder and pillage was done by day
and night, and hardly a day passed but some one was killed." Cæsar Borgia
one day killed Peroso, the Pope's favorite, between his arms and under his
cloak, so that the blood spurted up to the Pope's face. He caused his
sister's husband to be stabbed and then strangled in open day, on the steps
of the palace; count, if you can, his assassinations. Certainly he and his
father, by their character, morals, complete, open and systematic
wickedness, have presented to Europe the two most successful images of
the devil. To sum up in a word, it was on the model of this society, and for
this society, that Machiavelli wrote his "Prince." The complete development
of all the faculties and all the lusts of man, the complete destruction of all
the restraints and all the shame of man, are the two distinguishing marks of
this grand and perverse culture. To make man a strong being, endowed
with genius, audacity, presence of mind, astute policy, dissimulation,
patience, and to turn all this power to the acquisition of every kind of
pleasure, pleasures of the body, of luxury, arts, literature, authority; that is,
to form and to set free an admirable and formidable animal, very lustful and
well armed—such was his object; and the effect, after a hundred years, is
visible. They tore one another to pieces like beautiful lions and superb
panthers. In this society, which was turned into an arena, amid so many
hatreds, and when exhaustion was setting in, the foreigner appeared: all
bent beneath his lash; they were caged, and thus they pine away, in dull
pleasures, with low vices, bowing their backs.[4] Despotism, the Inquisition,
the Cicisbei, dense, ignorance, and open knavery, the shamelessness and
the smartness of harlequins and rascals, misery and vermin—such is the
issue of the Italian Renaissance. Like the old civilizations of Greece and
Rome,[5] like the modern civilizations of Provence and Spain, like all
southern civilizations, it bears in its bosom an irremediable vice, a bad and
false conception of man. The Germans of the sixteenth century, like the
Germans of the fourth century, have rightly judged it; with their simple
common-sense, with their fundamental honesty, they have, put their fingers
on the secret plague-spot. A society cannot be founded only on the pursuit
of pleasure and power; a society can only be founded on the respect for
liberty and justice. In order that the great human renovation which in the
sixteenth century raised the whole of Europe might be perfected and
endure, it was necessary that, meeting with another race, it should develop
another culture, and that from a more wholesome conception of existence
it might educe a better form of civilization.

Section II.—Luther and the Reformation in Germany

Thus, side by side with the Renaissance, was born the Reformation. It also
was in fact a new birth, one in harmony with the genius of the Germanic
peoples. The distinction between this genius and others is its moral
principles. Grosser and heavier, more given to gluttony and drunkenness,[6]
these nations are at the same time more under the influence of conscience,
firmer in the observance of their word, more disposed to self-denial and
sacrifice. Such their climate has made them; and such they have continued,
from Tacitus to Luther, from Knox to Gustavus Adolphus and Kant. In the
course of time, and beneath the incessant action of the ages, the
phlegmatic body, fed on coarse food and strong drink, had become rusty,
the nerves less excitable, the muscles less strung, the desires less seconded
by action, the life more dull and slow, the soul more hardened and
indifferent to the shocks of the body: mud, rain, snow, a profusion of
unpleasing and gloomy sights, the want of lively and delicate excitements
of the senses, keep man in a militant attitude. Heroes in the barbarous
ages, workers to-day, they endure weariness now as they courted wounds
then; now, as then, nobility of soul appeals to them; thrown back upon the
enjoyments of the soul, they find in these a world, the world of moral
beauty. For them the ideal is displaced; it is no longer amidst forms, made
up of force and joy, but it is transferred to sentiments, made up of truth,
uprightness, attachment to duty, observance of order. What matters it if the
storm rages and if it snows, if the wind blusters in the black pine-forests or
on the wan sea-surges where the sea-gulls scream, if a man, stiff and blue
with cold, shutting himself up in his cottage, have but a dish of sourcrout or
a piece of salt beef, under his smoky light and beside his fire of turf;
another kingdom opens to reward him, the kingdom of inward
contentment: his wife loves him and is faithful; his children round his
hearth spell out the old family Bible; he is the master in his home, the
protector, the benefactor, honored by others, honored by himself; and if so
be that he needs assistance, he knows that at the first appeal he will see
his neighbors stand faithfully and bravely by his side. The reader need only
compare the portraits of the time, those of Italy and Germany; he will
comprehend at a glance the two races and the two civilizations, the
Renaissance and the Reformation: on one side a half-naked condottiere in
Roman costume, a cardinal in his robes, amply draped, in a rich arm-chair,
carved and adorned with heads of lions, foliage, dancing fauns, he himself
full of irony, and voluptuous, with the shrewd and dangerous look of a
politician and man of the world, craftily poised and on his guard; on the
other side, some honest doctor, a theologian, a simple man, with badly
combed locks, stiff as a post, in his simple gown of coarse black serge, with
big books of dogma ponderously clasped, a conscientious worker, an
exemplary father of a family. See now the great artist of the age, a
laborious and conscientious workman, a follower of Luther's, a true
Northman—Albert Durer.[7] He also, like Raphael and Titian, has his ideal of
man, an inexhaustible ideal, whence spring by hundreds living figures and
the representations of manners, but how national and original! He cares not
for expansive and happy beauty: to him nude bodies are but bodies
undressed: narrow shoulders, prominent stomachs, thin legs, feet weighed
down by shoes, his neighbor the carpenter's, or his gossip the sausage-
seller's. The heads stand out in his etchings, remorselessly scraped and
scooped away, savage or commonplace, often wrinkled by the fatigues of
trade, generally sad, anxious, and patient, harshly and wretchedly
transformed by the necessities of realistic life. Where is the vista out of this
minute copy of ugly truth? To what land will the lofty and melancholy
imagination betake itself? The land of dreams, strange dreams swarming
with deep thoughts, sad contemplation of human destiny, a vague notion of
the great enigma, groping reflection, which in the dimness of the rough
woodcuts, amidst obscure emblems and fantastic figures, tries to seize
upon truth and justice. There was no need to search so far; Durer had
grasped them at the first effort. If there is any decency in the world, it is in
the Madonnas which are constantly springing to life under his pencil. He did
not begin, like Raphael, by making them nude; the most licentious hand
would not venture to disturb one stiff fold of their robes; with an infant in
their arms, they think but of him, and will never think of anybody else but
him; not only are they innocent, but they are virtuous. The good German
housewife, forever shut up, voluntarily and naturally, within her domestic
duties and contentment, breathes out in all the fundamental sincerity, the
seriousness, the unassailable loyalty of their attitudes and looks. He has
done more; with this peaceful virtue he has painted a militant virtue. There
at last is the genuine Christ, the man crucified, lean and fleshless through
his agony, whose blood trickles minute by minute, in rarer drops, as the
feebler and feebler pulsations give warning of the last throe of a dying life.
We do not find here, as in the Italian masters, a sight to charm the eyes, a
mere flow of drapery, a disposition of groups. The heart, the very heart is
wounded by this sight: it is the just man oppressed, who is dying because
the world hates justice. The mighty, the men of the age, are there,
indifferent, full of irony: a plumed knight, a big-bellied burgomaster, who,
with hands folded behind his back, looks on, kills an hour. But the rest
weep; above the fainting women, angels full of anguish catch in their
vessels the holy blood as it trickles down, and the stars of heaven veil their
face not to behold so tremendous an outrage. Other outrages will also be
represented; tortures manifold, and the true martyrs beside the true Christ,
resigned, silent, with the sweet expression of the earliest believers. They
are bound to an old tree, and the executioner tears them with his iron-
pointed lash. A bishop with clasped hands is praying, lying down, whilst an
auger is being screwed into his eye. Above, amid the interlacing trees and
gnarled roots, a band of men and women climb under the lash the breast of
a hill, and they are hurled from the crest at the lance's point into the abyss;
here and there roll heads, lifeless bodies; and by the side of those who are
being decapitated, the swollen corpses, impaled, await the croaking ravens.
All these sufferings must be undergone for the confession of faith and the
establishment of justice. But above there is a guardian, an avenger, an all-
powerful Judge, whose day shall come. This day has come, and the piercing
rays of the last sun already flash, like a handful of darts, across the
darkness of the age. High up in the heavens appears the angel in his
shining robe, leading the ungovernable horsemen, the flashing swords, the
inevitable arrows of the avengers, who are to trample upon and punish the
earth; mankind falls down beneath their charge, and already the jaw of the
infernal monster grinds the head of the wicked prelates. This is the popular
poem of conscience, and from the days of the apostles man has not had a
more sublime and complete conception.[8]
For conscience, like other things, has its poem; by a natural invasion the
all-powerful idea of justice overflows from the soul, covers heaven, and
enthrones there a new deity. A formidable deity, who is scarcely like the
calm intelligence which serves philosophers to explain the order of things;
nor to that tolerant deity, a kind of constitutional king, whom Voltaire
discovered at the end of a chain of argument, whom Béranger sings of as
of a comrade, and whom he salutes "sans lui demander rien." It is the just
Judge, sinless and stern, who demands of man a strict account of his visible
actions and of all his invisible feelings, who tolerates no forgetfulness, no
dejection, no failing, before whom every approach to weakness or error is
an outrage and a treason. What is our justice before this strict justice?
People lived in peace in the times of ignorance; at most, when they felt
themselves guilty, they went for absolution to a priest; all was ended by
their buying a big indulgence; there was a tariff, as there still is; Tetzel the
Dominican declares that all sins are blotted out "as soon as the money
chinks in the box." Whatever be the crime, there is a quittance: even "si Dei
matrem vi olavisset," he might go home clean and sure of heaven.
Unfortunately the venders of pardons did not know that all was changed,
and that the intellect was become manly, no longer gabbling words
mechanically like a catechism, but probing them anxiously like a truth. In
the universal Renaissance, and in the mighty growth of all human ideas, the
German idea of duty blooms like the rest. Now, when we speak of justice, it
is no longer a lifeless phrase which we repeat, but a living idea which we
produce; man sees the object which it represents, and feels the emotion
which summons it up; he no longer receives, but he creates it; it is his work
and his tyrant; he makes it, and submits to it. "These words justus and
justitia Dei," says Luther, "were a thunder to my conscience. I shuddered to
hear them; I told myself, if God is just, He will punish me."[9] For as soon
as the conscience discovers again the idea of the perfect model,[10] the
smallest failings appeared to be crimes, and man, condemned by his own
scruples, fell prostrate, and, "as it were, swallowed up" with horror. "I, who
lived the life of a spotless monk" says Luther, "yet felt within me the
troubled conscience of a sinner, without managing to assure myself as to
the satisfaction which I owed to God.... Then I said to myself: Am I then
the only one who ought to be sad in my spirit?... Oh, what horrible spectres
and figures I used to see!" Thus alarmed, conscience believes that the
terrible day is at hand. "The end of the world is near.... Our children will see
it; perchance we ourselves." Once in this mood he had terrible dreams for
six months at a time. Like the Christians of the Apocalypse, he fixes the
moment when the world will be destroyed: it will come at Easter, or at the
conversion of Saint Paul. One theologian, his friend, thought of giving all his
goods to the poor; "but would they receive it?" he said. "To-morrow night
we shall be seated in heaven." Under such anguish the body gives way. For
fourteen days Luther was in such a condition that he could neither drink,
eat, nor sleep. "Day and night," his eyes fixed on a text of Saint Paul, he
saw the Judge, and His inevitable hand. Such is the tragedy which is
enacted in all Protestant souls—the eternal tragedy of conscience; and its
issue is a new religion.
For nature alone and unassisted cannot rise from this abyss. "By itself it is
so corrupted, that it does not feel the desire for heavenly things.... There is
in it before God nothing but lust." Good intentions cannot spring from it.
"For, terrified by the vision of his sin, man could not resolve to do good,
troubled and anxious as he is; on the contrary, dejected and crushed by the
weight of his sin, he falls into despair and hatred of God, as it was with
Cain, Saul, Judas;" so that, abandoned to himself, he can find nothing
within him but the rage and the dejection of a despairing wretch or a devil.
In vain he might try to redeem himself by good works: our good deeds are
not pure; even though pure, they do not wipe out the stain of previous
sins, and moreover they do not take away the original corruption of the
heart; they are only boughs and blossoms, the inherited poison is in the
sap. Man must descend to the heart, underneath literal obedience and legal
rule; from the kingdom of law he must penetrate into that of grace; from
forced righteousness to spontaneous generosity; beneath his original
nature, which led him to selfishness and earthly things, a second nature
must be developed, leading him to sacrifice and heavenly things. Neither
my works, nor my justice, nor the works or justice of any creature or of all
creatures, could work in me this wonderful change. One alone can do it, the
pure God, the Just Victim, the Saviour, the Redeemer, Jesus, my Christ, by
imputing to me His justice, by pouring upon me His merits, by drowning my
sin under His sacrifice. The world is a "mass of perdition,"[11] predestined
to hell. Lord Jesus, draw me back, select me from this mass. I have no
claim to it; there is nothing in me that is not abominable; this very prayer is
inspired and formed within me by Thee. But I weep, and my breast heaves,
and my heart is broken. Lord, let me feel myself redeemed, pardoned, Thy
elect one. Thy faithful one; give me grace, and give me faith! "Then," says
Luther, "I felt myself born anew, and it seemed that I was entering the
open gates of heaven."
What remains to be done after this renovation of the heart? Nothing: all
religion is in that: the rest must be reduced or suppressed; it is a personal
affair, an inward dialogue between God and man, where there are only two
things at work—the very word of God as it is transmitted by Scripture, and
the emotions of the heart of man, as the word of God excites and maintains
them.[12] Let us do away with the rites that appeal to the senses,
wherewith men wished to replace this intercourse between the invisible
soul and the visible judge—mortifications, fasts, corporeal penance, Lent,
vows of chastity and poverty, rosaries, indulgences; rites serve only to
smother living piety underneath mechanical works. Away with the
mediators by which men attempted to impede the direct intercourse
between God and man—namely, saints, the Virgin, the Pope, the priests;
whosoever adores or obeys them is an idolater. Neither saints nor Virgin
can convert or save us; God alone by His Christ can convert and save.
Neither Pope nor priest can fix our faith or forgive our sins; God alone
instructs us by His word, and absolves us by His pardon. No more
pilgrimages or relics; no more traditions or auricular confessions. A new
church appears, and therewith a new worship; ministers of religion change
their tone, the worship of God its form; the authority of the clergy is
diminished, and the pomp of services is reduced: they are reduced and
diminished the more, because the primitive idea of the new theology is
more absorbing; so much so, that in certain sects they have disappeared
altogether. The priest descends from the lofty position in which the right of
forgiving sins and of regulating faith had raised him over the heads of the
laity; he returns to civil society, marries like the rest, aims to be once more
an equal, is merely a more learned and pious man than others, chosen by
themselves and their adviser. The church becomes a temple, void of
images, decorations, ceremonies, sometimes altogether bare; a simple
meeting-house, where, between whitewashed walls, from a plain pulpit, a
man in a black gown speaks without gesticulations, reads a passage from
the Bible, begins a hymn, which the congregation takes up. There is
another place of prayer, as little adorned and not less venerated, the
domestic hearth, where every night the father of the family, before his
servants and his children, prays aloud and reads the Scriptures. An austere
and free religion, purged from sensualism and obedience, inward and
personal, which, set on foot by the awakening of the conscience, could only
be established among races in which each man found within his nature the
conviction that he alone is responsible for his actions, and always bound to
the observance of his duty.

Section III.—The Reformation in England

It must be admitted that the Reformation entered England by a side door;

but it is enough that it came in, whatever the manner: for great revolutions
are not introduced by court intrigues and official cleverness, but by social
conditions and popular instincts. When five millions of men are converted, it
is because five millions of men wish to be converted. Let us therefore leave
on one side the intrigues in high places, the scruples and passions of Henry
VIII,[13] the pliability and plausibility of Cranmer, the vacillations and
basenesses of Parliament, the oscillation and tardiness of the Reformation,
begun, then arrested, then pushed forward, then suddenly, violently pushed
back, then spread over the whole nation, and hedged in by a legal
establishment, built up from discordant materials, but yet solid and durable.
Every great change has its root in the soul, and we have only to look close
into this deep soil to discover the national inclinations and the secular
irritations from which Protestantism has issued.
A hundred and fifty years before, it had been on the point of bursting forth;
Wyclif had appeared, the Lollards had sprung up, the Bible had been
translated; the Commons had proposed the confiscation of all ecclesiastical
property; then under the pressure of the Church, royalty and aristocracy
combined, the growing Reformation being crushed, disappeared
underground, only to reappear at distant intervals by the sufferings of its
martyrs. The bishops had received the right of imprisoning without trial
laymen suspected of heresy; they had burned Lord Cobham alive; the kings
chose their ministers from the episcopal bench; settled in authority and
pomp, they had made the nobility and people bend under the secular sword
which had been intrusted to them, and in their hands the stern network of
law, which from the Conquest had compressed the nation in its iron
meshes, had become still more stringent and more offensive. Venial acts
had been construed into crimes, and the judicial repression, extended to
sins as well as to crimes, had changed the police into an inquisition.
"'Offences against' chastity, 'heresy,' or 'matter sounding thereunto,
witchcraft, drunkenness, scandal, defamation, impatient words, broken
promises, untruth, absence from church, speaking evil of saints, non-
payment of offerings, complaints against the constitutions of the courts
themselves';"[14] all these transgressions, imputed or suspected, brought
folk before the ecclesiastical tribunals, at enormous expense, with long
delays, from great distances, under a captious procedure, resulting in heavy
fines, strict imprisonments, humiliating abjurations, public penances, and
the menace, often fulfilled, of torture and the stake. Judge from a single
fact: the Earl of Surrey, a relative of the king, was accused before one of
these tribunals of having neglected a fast. Imagine, if you can, the minute
and incessant oppressiveness of such a code; how far the whole of human
life, visible actions and invisible thoughts, was surrounded and held down
by it; how by enforced accusations it penetrated to every hearth and into
every conscience; with what shamelessness it was transformed into a
vehicle for extortions; what secret anger it excited in these townsfolk, these
peasants, obliged sometimes to travel sixty miles and back to leave in one
or other of the numberless talons of the law[15] a part of their savings,
sometimes their whole substance and that of their children. A man begins
to think when he is thus down-trodden; he asks himself quietly if it is really
by divine dispensation that mitred thieves thus practise tyranny and pillage;
he looks more closely into their lives; he wants to know if they themselves
practise the regularity which they impose on others; and on a sudden he
learns strange things. Cardinal Wolsey writes to the Pope, that "both the
secular and regular priests were in the habit of committing atrocious
crimes, for which, if not in orders, they would have been promptly
executed;[16] and the laity were scandalized to see such persons not only
not degraded, but escaping with complete impunity." A priest convicted of
incest with the prioress of Kilbourn was simply condemned to carry a cross
in a procession, and to pay three shillings and fourpence; at which rate, I
fancy, he would renew the practice. In the preceding reign (Henry VII) the
gentlemen and farmers of Carnarvonshire had laid a complaint accusing the
clergy of systematically seducing their wives and daughters. There were
brothels in London for the especial use of priests. As to the abuse of the
confessional, read in the original the familiarities to which it opened the
door.[17] The bishops gave livings to their children whilst they were still
young. The holy father prior of Maiden Bradley hath but six children, and
but one daughter married yet of the goods of the monastery; trusting
shortly to marry the rest. In the convents the monks used to drink after
supper till ten or twelve next morning, and came to matins drunk. They
played cards or dice. Some came to service in the afternoons, and only
then for fear of corporal punishments. The royal "visitors" found concubines
in the secret apartments of the abbots. At the nunnery of Sion, the
confessors seduced the nuns and absolved them at the same time. There
were convents, Burnet tells us, where all the recluses were found pregnant.
About "two-thirds" of the English monks lived in such sort, that "when their
enormities were first read in the Parliament House, there was nothing but
'down with them'!"[18] What a spectacle for a nation in whom reason and
conscience were awakening! Long before the great outburst, public wrath
muttered ominously, and was accumulating for a revolt; priests were yelled
at in the streets or "thrown into the kennel"; women would not "receive the
sacrament from hands which they thought polluted."[19] When the
apparitor of the ecclesiastical courts came to serve a process, he was driven
away with insults. "Go thy way, thou stynkyng knave, ye are but knaves and
brybours everych one of you." A mercer broke an apparitor's head with his
yard. "A waiter at the sign of the Cock" said "that the sight of a priest did
make him sick, and that he would go sixty miles to indict a priest." Bishop
Fitz-James wrote to Wolsey, that the juries in London were "so maliciously
set in favorem hœreticæ pravitatis, that they will cast and condemn any
clerk, though he were as innocent as Abel."[20] Wolsey himself spoke to the
Pope of the "dangerous spirit" which was spread abroad among the people,
and planned a reformation. When Henry VIII laid the axe to the tree, and
slowly, with mistrust, struck a blow, then a second lopping off the branches,
there were a thousand, nay, a hundred thousand hearts which approved of
it, and would themselves have struck the trunk.
Consider the internal state of a diocese, that of Lincoln for instance,[21] at
this period, about 1521, and judge by this example of the manner in which
the ecclesiastical machinery works throughout the whole of England,
multiplying martyrs, hatreds, and conversions. Bishop Longland summons
the relatives of the accused, brothers, women and children, and administers
the oath; as they have already been prosecuted and have abjured, they
must make oath, or they are relapsed, and the fagots await them. Then
they denounce their kinsman and themselves. One has taught the other in
English the Epistle of Saint James. This man, having forgotten several
words of the Pater and Credo in Latin, can only repeat them in English. A
woman turned her face from the cross which was carried about on Easter
morning. Several at church, especially at the moment of the elevation,
would not say their prayers, and remained seated "dumb as beasts." Three
men, including a carpenter, passed a night together reading a book of the
Scriptures. A pregnant woman went to mass not fasting. A brazier denied
the Real Presence. A brickmaker kept the Apocalypse in his possession. A
thresher said, as he pointed to his work, that he was going to make God
come out of his straw. Others spoke lightly of pilgrimage, or of the Pope, or
of relics, or of confession. And then fifty of them were condemned the
same year to abjure, to promise to denounce each other, and to do
penance all their lives, on pain of being burnt, as relapsed heretics. They
were shut up in different "monasteries"; there they were to be maintained
by alms, and to work for their support; they were to appear with a fagot on
their shoulders at market, and in the procession on Sunday. Then in a
general procession, then at the punishment of a heretic; "they were to fast
on bread and ale only every Friday during their life, and every even of
Corpus Christy on bread and water, and carry a visible mark on their
cheek." Beyond that, six were burnt alive, and the children of one, John
Scrivener, were obliged themselves to set fire to their father's wood-pile. Do
you think that a man, burnt or shut up, was altogether done with? He is
silenced, I admit, or he is hidden; but long memories and bitter
resentments endure under a forced silence. People saw[22] their
companion, relation, brother, bound by an iron chain, with clasped hands,
praying amid the smoke, whilst the flame blackened his skin and destroyed
his flesh. Such sights are not forgotten; the last words uttered on the fagot,
the last appeals to God and Christ, remain in their hearts all-powerful and
ineffaceable. They carry them about with them, and silently ponder over
them in the fields, at their labor, when they think themselves alone; and
then, darkly, passionately, their brains work. For, beyond this universal
sympathy which gathers mankind about the oppressed, there is the working
of the religious sentiment. The crisis of conscience has begun which is
natural to this race; they meditate on their salvation, they are alarmed at
their condition: terrified at the judgments of God, they ask themselves
whether, living under imposed obedience and ceremonies, they do not
become culpable, and merit damnation. Can this terror be stifled by prisons
and torture? Fear against fear, the only question is, which is the strongest!
They will soon know it: for the peculiarity of these inward anxieties is that
they grow beneath constraint and oppression; as a welling spring which we
vainly try to stamp out under stones, they bubble and leap up and swell,
until their surplus overflows, disjointing or bursting asunder the regular
masonry under which men endeavored to bury them. In the solitude of the
fields, or during the long winter nights, men dream; soon they fear, and
become gloomy. On Sunday at church, obliged to cross themselves, to
kneel before the cross, to receive the host, they shudder, and think it is a
mortal sin. They cease to talk to their friends, remain for hours with bowed
heads, sorrowful; at night their wives hear them sigh; unable to sleep they
rise from their beds. Picture such a wan face, full of anguish, nourishing
under its sternness and calmness a secret ardor: it is still to be found in
England in the poor shabby dissenter, who, Bible in hand, stands up
suddenly to preach at a street corner; in those long-faced men who, after
the service, not having had enough of prayers, sing a hymn in the street.
The sombre imagination has started like a woman in labor, and its
conception swells day by day, tearing him who contains it. Through the long
muddy winter the howling of the wind sighing among the ill-fitting rafters,
the melancholy of the sky, continually flooded with rain or covered with
clouds, add to the gloom of the lugubrious dream. Thenceforth man has
made up his mind; he will be saved at all costs. At the peril of his life, he
obtains one of the books which teach the way of salvation, Wyclif's "Wicket
Gate, The Obedience of a Christian," or sometimes Luther's "Revelation of
Antichrist," but above all some portion of the word of God, which Tyndale
had just translated. One man hid his books in a hollow tree; another
learned by heart an epistle or a gospel, so as to be able to ponder it to
himself even in the presence of his accusers. When sure of his neighbor, he
speaks with him in private; and peasant talking to peasant, laborer to
laborer—you know what the effect will be. It was the yeomen's sons, as
Latimer said, who more than all others maintained the faith of Christ in
England;[23] and it was with the yeomen's sons that Cromwell afterwards
reaped his Puritan victories. When such words are whispered through a
nation, all official voices clamor in vain: the nation has found its poem, it
stops its ears to the troublesome would-be distractors, and presently sings
it out with a full voice and from a full heart.
But the contagion had even reached the men in office, and Henry VIII at
last permitted the English Bible to be published.[24] England had her book.
Everyone, says Strype, who could buy this book either read it assiduously,
or had it read to him by others, and many well advanced in years learned to
read with the same object. On Sunday the poor folk gathered at the bottom
of the churches to hear it read. Maldon, a young man, afterwards related
that he had clubbed his savings with an apprentice to buy a New
Testament, and that for fear of his father they had hidden it in their straw
mattress. In vain the king in his proclamation had ordered people not to
rest too much upon their own sense, ideas, or opinions; not to reason
publicly about it in the public taverns and alehouses, but to have recourse
to learned and authorized men; the seed sprouted, and they chose rather
to take God's word in the matter than men's. Maldon declared to his mother
that he would not kneel to the crucifix any longer, and his father in a rage
beat him severely, and was ready to hang him. The preface itself invited
men to independent study, saying that "the Bishop of Rome has studied
long to keep the Bible from the people, and specially from princes, lest they
should find out his tricks and his falsehoods;... knowing well enough, that if
the clear sun of God's word came over the heat of the day, it would drive
away the foul mist of his devilish doctrines."[25] Even on the admission,
then, of official voices, they had there the pure and the whole truth, not
merely speculative but moral truth, without which we cannot live worthily or
be saved. Tyndale, the translator, says:

"The right waye (yea and the onely waye) to understand the Scripture
unto salvation, is that we ernestlye and above all thynge serche for the
profession of our baptisme or covenauntes made betwene God and us.
As for an example. Christe sayth, Mat. V., Happy are the mercyfull, for
they shall obtayne mercye. Lo, here God hath made a covenaunt wyth
us, to be mercyfull unto us, yf we wyll be mercyfull one to another."

What an expression! and with what ardor men pricked by the ceaseless
reproaches of a scrupulous conscience, and the presentiment of the dark
future, will devote on these pages the whole attention of eyes and heart!
I have before me one of these great old folios,[26] in black letter, in which
the pages, worn by horny fingers, have been patched together, in which an
old engraving figures forth to the poor folk the deeds and menaces of the
God of Israel, in which the preface and table of contents point out to simple
people the moral which is to be drawn from each tragic history, and the
application which is to be made of each venerable precept. Hence have
sprung much of the English language, and half of the English manners; to
this day the country is biblical;[27] it was these big books which had
transformed Shakespeare's England. To understand this great change, try
to picture these yeomen, these shopkeepers, who in the evening placed this
Bible on their table, and bareheaded, with veneration, heard or read one of
its chapters. Think that they have no other books, that theirs was a virgin