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TEST BANK FOR QUANTITATIVE METHODS FOR
BUSINESS 11TH EDITION: ANDERSON
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Introduction

MULTIPLE CHOICE
1. The field of management science
a. concentrates on the use of quantitative methods to assist in decision making.
b. approaches decision making rationally, with techniques based on the scientific method.
c. is another name for decision science and for operations research.
d. each of the above is true.
ANSWER: d
TOPIC: Introduction

2. Identification and definition of a problem

a. cannot be done until alternatives are proposed.
b. is the first step of decision making.
c. is the final step of problem solving.
d. requires consideration of multiple criteria.
ANSWER: b
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

3. Decision alternatives
a. should be identified before decision criteria are established.
b. are limited to quantitative solutions
c. are evaluated as a part of the problem definition stage.
d. are best generated by brain-storming.
ANSWER: a
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

4. Decision criteria
a. are the choices faced by the decision maker.
b. are the problems faced by the decision maker.
c. are the ways to evaluate the choices faced by the decision maker.
d. must be unique for a problem.
ANSWER: c
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

1
2 Chapter 1 Introduction

5. In a multicriteria decision problem

a. it is impossible to select a single decision alternative.
b. the decision maker must evaluate each alternative with respect to each criterion.
c. successive decisions must be made over time.
d. each of the above is true.
ANSWER: b
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

6. The quantitative analysis approach requires

a. the manager’s prior experience with a similar problem.
b. a relatively uncomplicated problem.
c. mathematical expressions for the relationships.
d. each of the above is true.
ANSWER: c
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis and decision making

7. A physical model that does not have the same physical appearance as the object being modeled is
a. an analog model.
b. an iconic model.
c. a mathematical model.
d. a qualitative model.
ANSWER: a
TOPIC: Model development

8. Inputs to a quantitative model

a. are a trivial part of the problem solving process.
b. are uncertain for a stochastic model.
c. are uncontrollable for the decision variables.
d. must all be deterministic if the problem is to have a solution.
ANSWER: b
TOPIC: Model development

9. When the value of the output cannot be determined even if the value of the controllable input is known, the
model is
a. analog.
b. digital.
c. stochastic.
d. deterministic.
ANSWER: c
TOPIC: Model development

10. The volume that results in total revenue being equal to total cost is the
a. break-even point.
b. marginal volume.
c. marginal cost.
d. profit mix.
ANSWER: a
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

11. Management science and operations research both involve

a. qualitative managerial skills.
b. quantitative approaches to decision making.
c. operational management skills.
d. scientific research as opposed to applications.
ANSWER: b
TOPIC: Introduction
Chapter 1 Introduction 3

12. George Dantzig is important in the history of management science because he developed
a. the scientific management revolution.
b. World War II operations research teams.
c. the simplex method for linear programming.
d. powerful digital computers.
ANSWER: c
TOPIC: Introduction

13. The first step in problem solving is

a. determination of the correct analytical solution procedure.
b. definition of decision variables.
c. the identification of a difference between the actual and desired state of affairs.
d. implementation.
ANSWER: c
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

14. Problem definition

a. includes specific objectives and operating constraints.
b. must occur prior to the quantitative analysis process.
c. must involve the analyst and the user of the results.
d. each of the above is true.
ANSWER: d
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis

15. A model that uses a system of symbols to represent a problem is called

a. mathematical.
b. iconic.
c. analog.
d. constrained.
ANSWER: a
TOPIC: Model development

TRUE/FALSE

1. The process of decision making is more limited than that of problem solving.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

2. The terms ‘stochastic’ and ‘deterministic’ have the same meaning in quantitative analysis.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Model development

3. The volume that results in marginal revenue equaling marginal cost is called the break-even point.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

4. Problem solving encompasses both the identification of a problem and the action to resolve it.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

5. The decision making process includes implementation and evaluation of the decision.
4 Chapter 1 Introduction

ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

6. The most successful quantitative analysis will separate the analyst from the managerial team until after the
problem is fully structured.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis

7. The value of any model is that it enables the user to make inferences about the real situation.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Model development

8. Uncontrollable inputs are the decision variables for a model.

ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Model development

9. The feasible solution is the best solution possible for a mathematical model.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Model solution

10. A company seeks to maximize profit subject to limited availability of man-hours. Man-hours is a
controllable input.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Model development

11. Frederick Taylor is credited with forming the first MS/OR interdisciplinary teams in the 1940’s.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Introduction

12. To find the choice that provides the highest profit and the fewest employees, apply a single-criterion
decision process.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

13. The most critical component in determining the success or failure of any quantitative approach to decision
making is problem definition.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis

14. The first step in the decision making process is to identify the problem.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Introduction

15. All uncontrollable inputs or data must be specified before we can analyze the model and recommend a
decision or solution for the problem.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis

16. In quantitative analysis, the optimal solution is the mathematically-best solution.

ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis

17. If you are deciding to buy either machine A, B, or C with the objective of minimizing the sum of labor,
material and utility costs, you are dealing with a single-criterion decision.
ANSWER: True
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making
Chapter 1 Introduction 5

18. Model development should be left to quantitative analysts; the model user's involvement should begin at
the implementation stage.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

19. A feasible solution is one that satisfies at least one of the constraints in the problem.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Model solution

20. A toy train layout designed to represent an actual railyard is an example of an analog model.
ANSWER: False
TOPIC: Model development

SHORT ANSWER

1. Should the problem solving process be applied to all problems?

TOPIC: Problem solving and decision making

2. Explain the difference between quantitative and qualitative analysis from the manager's point of view.
TOPIC: Quantitative analysis and decision making

3. Explain the relationship among model development, model accuracy, and the ability to obtain a solution
from a model.
TOPIC: Model solution

4. What are three of the management science techniques that practitioners use most frequently? How can the
effectiveness of these applications be increased?
TOPIC: Methods used most frequently

5. What steps of the problem solving process are involved in decision making?
TOPIC: Introduction

6. Give three benefits of model development and an example of each.

TOPIC: Model development

7. Explain the relationship between information systems specialists and quantitative analysts in the solution of
large mathematical problems.
TOPIC: Data preparation

PROBLEMS

1. A snack food manufacturer buys corn for tortilla chips from two cooperatives, one in Iowa and one in
Illinois. The price per unit of the Iowa corn is $6.00 and the price per unit of the Illinois corn is $5.50.
a. Define variables that would tell how many units to purchase from each source.
b. Develop an objective function that would minimize the total cost.
6 Chapter 1 Introduction

c. The manufacturer needs at least 12000 units of corn. The Iowa cooperative can supply up to 8000
units, and the Illinois cooperative can supply at least 6000 units. Develop constraints for these
conditions.
TOPIC: Model development

2. The relationship d = 5000 - 25p describes what happens to demand (d) as price (p) varies. Here, price can
vary between $10 and $50.
a. How many units can be sold at the $10 price? How many can be sold at the $50 price?
b. Model the expression for total revenue.
c. Consider prices of $20, $30, and $40. Which price alternative will maximize total revenue? What
are the values for demand and revenue at this price?
TOPIC: Model development

3. There is a fixed cost of $50,000 to start a production process. Once the process has begun, the variable cost
per unit is $25. The revenue per unit is projected to be $45.
a. Write an expression for total cost.
b. Write an expression for total revenue.
c. Write an expression for total profit.
d. Find the break-even point.
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

4. An author has received an advance against royalties of $10,000. The royalty rate is $1.00 for every book
sold in the United States, and $1.35 for every book sold outside the United States. Define variables for this
problem and write an expression that could be used to calculate the number of books to be sold to cover the
advance.
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

5. A university schedules summer school courses based on anticipated enrollment. The cost for faculty
compensation, laboratories, student services, and allocated overhead for a computer class is $8500. If
students pay $420 to enroll in the course, how large would enrollment have to be for the university to break
even?
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

6. As part of their application for a loan to buy Lakeside Farm, a property they hope to develop as a bed-and-
breakfast operation, the prospective owners have projected:
Monthly fixed cost (loan payment, taxes, insurance, maintenance) $6000
Variable cost per occupied room per night $ 20
Revenue per occupied room per night $ 75
a. Write the expression for total cost per month. Assume 30 days per month.
b. Write the expression for total revenue per month.
c. If there are 12 guest rooms available, can they break even? What percentage of rooms would need
to be occupied, on average, to break even?
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

7. Organizers of an Internet training session will charge participants $150 to attend. It costs $3000 to reserve
the room, hire the instructor, bring in the equipment, and advertise. Assume it costs $25 per student for the
organizers to provide the course materials.
a. How many students would have to attend for the company to break even?
b. If the trainers think, realistically, that 20 people will attend, then what price should be charged per
person for the organization to break even?
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

8. In this portion of an Excel spreadsheet, the user has given values for selling price, the costs, and a sample
volume. Give the cell formula for
a. cell E12, break-even volume.
b. cell E16, total revenue.
Chapter 1 Introduction 7

c. cell E17, total cost.

d. cell E19, profit/loss.

A B C D E
1
2
3
4 Break-even calculation
5
6 Selling price per unit 10
7
8 Costs
9 Fixed cost 8400
10 Variable cost per unit 4.5
11
12 Break-even volume
13
14 Sample calculation
15 Volume 2000
16 Total revenue
17 Total cost
18
19 Profit loss

TOPIC: Spreadsheets for management science

9. A furniture store has set aside 800 square feet to display its sofas and chairs. Each sofa utilizes 50 sq. ft.
and each chair utilizes 30 sq. ft. At least five sofas and at least five chairs are to be displayed.
a. Write a mathematical model representing the store's constraints.
b. Suppose the profit on sofas is $200 and on chairs is $100. On a given day, the probability that a
displayed sofa will be sold is .03 and that a displayed chair will be sold is .05. Mathematically
model each of the following objectives:
1. Maximize the total pieces of furniture displayed.
2. Maximize the total expected number of daily sales.
3. Maximize the total expected daily profit.
TOPIC: Model development

10. A manufacturer makes two products, doors and windows. Each must be processed through two work areas.
Work area #1 has 60 hours of available production time. Work area #2 has 48 hours of available
production time. Manufacturing of a door requires 4 hours in work area #1 and 2 hours in work area #2.
Manufacturing of a window requires 2 hours in work area #1 and 4 hours in work area #2. Profit is $8 per
door and $6 per window.
a. Define decision variables that will tell how many units to build (doors and windows).
b. Develop an objective function that will maximize profits.
c. Develop production constraints for work area #1 and #2.
TOPIC: Model development

11. A small firm builds television antennas. The investment in plan and equipment is $200,000. The variable
cost per television antenna is $500. The price of the television antenna is $1000. How many television
antennas would be needed for the firm to break even?
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

12. As computer service center has the capacity to do 400 jobs per day. The expected level of jobs demanded
per day is 250 per day. The fixed cost of renting the computer process is $200 per day. Space rents for
8 Chapter 1 Introduction

$100 per day. The cost of material is $15 per unit of work and $.35 cents of labor per unit. What is the
break-even level of work?
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

13. To establish a driver education school, organizers must decide how many cars, instructors, and students to
have. Costs are estimated as follows. Annual fixed costs to operate the school are $30,000. The annual
cost per car is $3000. The cost per instructor is $11,000 and one instructor is needed for each car. Tuition
for each student is $350. Let x be the number of cars and y be the number of students.
a. Write an expression for total cost.
b. Write an expression for total revenue.
c. Write an expression for total profit.
d. The school offers the course eight times each year. Each time the course is offered, there are two
sessions. If they decide to operate five cars, and if four students can be assigned to each car, will
they break even?
TOPIC: Break-even analysis

14. Zipco Printing operates a shop that has five printing machines. The machines differ in their capacities to
perform various printing operations due to differences in the machines' designs and operator skill levels. At
the start of the workday there are five printing jobs to schedule. The manager must decide what the job-
machine assignments should be.

a. How could a quantitative approach to decision making be used to solve this problem?
b. What would be the uncontrollable inputs for which data must be collected?
c. Define the decision variables, objective function, and constraints to appear in the mathematical
model.
d. Is the model deterministic or stochastic?
e. Suggest some simplifying assumptions for this problem.
TOPIC: Model development

15. Consider a department store that must make weekly shipments of a certain product from two different
warehouses to four different stores.

a. How could a quantitative approach to decision making be used to solve this problem?
b. What would be the uncontrollable inputs for which data must be gathered?
c. What would be the decision variables of the mathematical model? the objective function? the
constraints?
d. Is the model deterministic or stochastic?
e. Suggest assumptions that could be made to simplify the model.
TOPIC: Model development

SOLUTIONS TO PROBLEMS

1. a. Let x1 = the number of units from Iowa

Let x2 = the number of units from Illinois
b. Min 6x1 + 5.5x2
c. x1 + x2 > 12000
x1 > 8000
x1 > 6000

2. a. For p = 10, d = 4750

Chapter 1 Introduction 9

For p = 50, d = 3750

b. TR = p(5000-25p)
c. For p = 20, TR = $90,000
For p = 30, TR = $127,500
For p = 40, TR = $160,000
Best price is p = 40. Demand = 4000

3. a. C(x) = 50000 + 25x

b. R(x) = 45x
c. P(x) = 45x - (50000 + 25x)
d. x = 2500

4. Let x1 = the number of books sold in the U.S.

Let x2 = the number of books sold outside the U.S.

10000 = 1x1 + 1.35x2

5. Enrollment would need to be 21 students.

6. a. C(x) = 6000 + 20(30)x (monthly)

b. R(x) = 75(30)x (monthly)
c. Break-even occupancy = 3.64 or 4 occupied rooms per night, so they have enough rooms to break
even. This would be a 33% occupancy rate.

7. a. C(x) = 3000 + 25x

R(x) = 150x
Break-even students = 24
b. Cost = 3000 + 25(20)
Revenue = 20p
Break-even price = 175

8. a. =E9/(E6-E10)
b. =E15*E6
c. =E9+E10*E15
d. =E16-E17

9. a. 50s + 30c < 800

s> 5
c> 5
b. (1) Max s + c
(2) Max .03s + .05c
(3) Max 6s + 5c

10. a. Let D = the number of doors to build

Let N = the number of windows to build
b. Profit = 8D + 6W
c. 4D + 2W  60
2D + 4W  48

11. 400 television antennae

12. 200 service units

13. a. C(x) = 30000 + 14000x

b. R(y) = 350y
c. P(x,y) = 350y - (30000 + 14000x)
10 Chapter 1 Introduction

d. Each car/instructor can serve up to (4 students/session)(2 sessions/course)(8 courses/year) = 64

students annually. Five cars can serve 320 students. If the classes are filled, then profit for five
cars is
350(320) - (30000 + 14000(5)) = 12000
so the school can reach the break-even point.

14. a. A quantitative approach to decision making can provide a systematic way for deciding the job-
machine pairings so that total job processing time is minimized.
b. How long it takes to process each job on each machine, and any job-machine pairings that are
unacceptable.
c. Decision variables: one for each job-machine pairing, taking on a value of 1 if the pairing is
used and 0 otherwise.
Objective function: minimize total job processing time.
Constraints: each job is assigned to exactly one machine, and each machine be assigned no
more than one job.
d. Stochastic: job processing times vary due to varying machine set-up times, variable operator
performance, and more.
e. Assume that processing times are deterministic (known/fixed).

15. a. A quantitative approach to decision making can provide a systematic way to determine a minimum
shipping cost from the warehouses to the stores.
b. Fixed costs and variable shipping costs; the demand each week at each store; the supplies each
week at each warehouse.
c. Decision variables--how much to ship from each warehouse to each store; objective function--
minimize total shipping costs; constraints--meet the demand at the stores without exceeding the
supplies at the warehouses.
d. Stochastic--weekly demands fluctuate as do weekly supplies; transportation costs could vary
depending upon the amount shipped, other goods sent with a shipment, etc.
e. Make the model deterministic by assuming fixed shipping costs per item, demand is constant at
each store each week, and weekly supplies in the warehouses are constant.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
the seed of the pious and the impious, of Daeva-worshipers and of
those who do not worship the Daevas, of sinners and non-sinners."
Such persons are "rather to be killed than poisonous snakes."
Hereupon Zarathustra proceeds to ascertain what are the penalties
for those who cohabit with women at seasons when the law requires
them to be separate. At the beginning of the nineteenth Fargard, we
have an account of the temptation of the prophet by the evil one, to
which allusion has been made in another place. Zarathustra seeks
for information as to the means of getting rid of impurities, and is
taught by Ahura-Mazda to praise the objects he has created. In the
latter part of the chapter we have a remarkable account of the
judgment of departed souls. In conclusion, we have a psalm of
praise recited by the prophet in honor of God, the earth, the stars,
the Gâthâs, and numerous other portions of the good creation.
There is little in the twentieth Fargard beyond the information that
Thrita was the first physician, and a formula of conjuration,
apparently intended to be used in order to drive away diseases. In
the twenty-first, we find praises of the cloud, the sun, and other
heavenly bodies. The last Fargard of the Vendidad differs widely
from the rest in its manner of representing Ahura-Mazda. It is, no
doubt, as Spiegel observes, of late origin. Ahura-Mazda complains of
the opposition he has encountered from Agra-Mainyus, who has
afflicted him with illness (whether in his own person, or in that of
mankind, is not clear). He calls upon Manthra-Çpenta, the Word, to
heal him, but that spirit declines, and a messenger is accordingly
sent to Airyama to summon him to the task.[82] Airyama commences
his preparations on an extensive scale, but at this point the Vendidad
breaks off, and we are left in doubt as to the result of his efforts.

Subdivision 6.—The Khorda-Avesta, with the Homa Yasht.

The term Khorda-Avesta, or little Avesta, is applied, according to

Spiegel, to that part of the Zend-Avesta which includes the Yashts,
and certain prayers, some of them of extreme sanctity, and
constantly employed in Parsee worship. He informs us that, while the
remainder of the sacred texts serve more especially for priestly study
and for public reading, the Khorda-Avesta is mainly used in private
devotion (Av., vol. iii. p. 1). Some of its prayers belong to a
comparatively recent period, being composed no longer in the Zend
language, but in a younger dialect; and we meet in them with the
Persian forms of the old names—Ormazd standing for Ahura-Mazda,
Ahriman for Agra-Mainyus, and Zerdoscht for Zarathustra. The
names of the genii have undergone corresponding alterations. We
find ourselves in these prayers, and indeed throughout the Yashts,
many centuries removed from the age of Zarathustra and his
immediate followers. Some of the more celebrated prayers, however
(not belonging to the class of Yashts), must be of considerable
antiquity, if we may judge from the fact of their being mentioned in
the Yaçna. Thus, in the 19th chapter of the Yaçna, we find an
elaborate exaltation of the powers of the Ahuna-Vairya, which stands
second in the Khorda-Avesta. Zarathustra is represented as asking
Ahura-Mazda, "What was the speech which thou spokest to me, as
existing before the sky, before the water, before the earth, before
the ox, before the trees, before the fire, son of Ahura-Mazda, before
the pure men, before the Daevas with perverted minds, and before
men, before the whole corporeal world, before all things created by
Mazda which have a pure origin?" This speech, existing prior to all
created objects, is declared to have been a part of the Ahuna-Vairya.
The immense benefits of repeating this prayer, which is stated to
ensure salvation, are then recounted to the prophet. The 20th
chapter is occupied with the merits of another of these short
formularies, the Ashem-vohû. These prayers are in continual use,
not only in the liturgy, but among the laity. They are sometimes
required to recite great numbers of Ahuna-Vairyas at one time, and
at the commencement of sowing, or of any good work, it is proper
to repeat it. The Ashem-vohû is to be said on various occasions,
particularly on waking and before going to sleep (Av., vol. ii. pp.
lxxxii., lxxxiii). The higher sanctity, as well as greater antiquity, of
these prayers is evinced by the fact that we find them constantly
introduced in the course of others, to which they form a necessary
supplement. There are often several Ashem-vohûs in a single brief
prayer. The Ashem-vohû, in fact, fulfills a function much like that of
the Lord's prayer in the liturgies of some Christian Churches.
Let us now see what these most sacred forms of adoration
contain. The Ashem-Vohû is to this effect:—

"Purity is the best possession.

Hail, hail to him:
Namely, to the pure man best in purity."[83]

It is strange that, in a formulary occupying so conspicuous a place

in Parsee devotion, there should be no acknowledgment of God. But
this want is supplied in the Ahuna-Vairya, or Yathâ-ahû-vairyo, which
follows it.
Yathâ-ahû-vairyo:—
"As it is the Lord's will, so (is he) the ruler from purity.
(We shall receive) gifts from Vohu-mano for the works
(we do) in the world for Mazda.
And (he gives) the kingdom to Ahura who protects the
poor" (Av., vol. iii.—Khorda-Avesta, 2).
Certainly this is not very intelligible, but the last clause is
remarkable, as implying that the way to advance God's kingdom on
earth is to confer benefits on the poor.
Passing over a number of other prayers, we enter upon the
Yashts, which are distinguished from all other parts of the Avesta by
the fact that each of them is written in celebration of some particular
god or genius. Ahura-Mazda, indeed, still retains his supremacy, and
every Yasht begins with a formula, of which the first words are "In
the name of the God Ormazd," while the first Yasht is devoted
exclusively to his praise. Subject to this recognition, however, the
inferior potentates are each in turn the object of panegyrics in that
exaggerated style in which Oriental literature delights. We need not
stop to recount the particular honors rendered to each. One Yasht,
however, is sufficiently curious to merit our attention, the more so as
we possess a translation of it by Burnouf.[84] It is termed the Homa
Yasht, and is intended to extol the brilliant qualities of the god
whose name it bears. At that period of the day which is termed
Hâvani—so it begins—Homa came to find Zarathustra, who was
cleaning his fire, and singing the Gâthâs. "Zarathustra asked him:
'What man art thou who in all the existing world appearest to my
sight as the most perfect, with thy beautiful and immortal person?'
Then Homa, the holy one, who banishes death, answered me: 'I am,
O Zarathustra, Homa, the holy one, who banishes death. Invoke, O
Çpitama,[85] extract me to eat me, praise me to celebrate me, in
order that others, who desire their good, may praise me in their
turn.' Then Zarathustra said: 'Adoration to Homa! Who is the mortal,
Homa, who first in the present world extracted thee for sacrifice?
What holiness did he acquire? What advantage accrued to him
thereby?'" Homa replies that Vivanghat was the first to extract him
for sacrifice, and that he acquired the advantage of becoming father
to the glorious Yima, in whose reign "there was neither cold nor
(excessive) heat, nor old age nor death, nor envy produced by the
Deva. Fathers and sons alike had the figure of men of fifteen years
of age, as long as Yima reigned." Similar questions are then put by
Zarathustra regarding the second, third, and fourth mortals who
worshiped Homa, and similar replies are given. All had distinguished
sons; but the last, Puruchaspa, was rewarded beyond all others by
the birth of Zarathustra himself. Homa thereupon magnifies
Zarathustra in the usual style of the later parts of the Zend-Avesta,
and Zarathustra, who is not to be outdone in the language of
compliment, thus addresses him in return: "Adoration to Homa!
Homa, the good, has been well made; he has been made just; made
good; he bestows health; he has a beautiful person; he does good;
he is victorious; of the color of gold; his branches are inclined to be
eaten; he is excellent; and he is the most celestial way for the soul.
O thou who art of the color of gold, I ask thee for prudence, energy,
victory, beauty, the force that penetrates the whole body, greatness
which is spread over the whole figure;" and so forth, through several
other by no means modest petitions. In a more formal manner
Zarathustra then demands of Homa the following favors: 1st, the
excellent abode of the saints; 2dly, the duration of his body; 3dly, a
long life; 4thly, and 5thly, to be able to annihilate hatred and strike
down the cruel man; 6thly, that they (the faithful?) may see robbers,
assassins, and wolves before being seen by them. After this, Homa
is praised generally. He gives many good gifts, among them posterity
to sterile mothers, and husbands to spinsters of advanced years. He
is finally requested, if there should be in the village or the province a
man who is hurtful to others, to take from him the power of walking,
to darken his intelligence, and to break his heart (For another Yasht,
see ch. i).
The Yashts are succeeded by various pieces, of which one relates
to Parsee eschatology, and the others, celebrating numerous
supernatural objects of worship, do not call for any special remark.
After these we come to the so-called Patets, which belong to the
most recent portions of the book, and indicate a highly developed
consciousness of sin, and of the need of divine forgiveness. They
correspond in tone and character to the General Confession which
has been placed by the Church of England in the forefront of her
Liturgy, except that they contain long enumerations of the several
classes of offenses for which pardon is to be entreated. One of
them, after such a catalogue, thus addresses the Deity:—
"Whatever was the wish of the Creator Ormazd, and I
ought to have thought and did not think, whatever I ought
to have said and did not say, whatever I ought to have
done and did not do.—I repent of these sins, with
thoughts, words, and works, both the corporeal and the
spiritual, the earthly and the heavenly sin, with the three
words (that is, with thoughts, words, and works). Forgive,
O Lord; I repent of the sin.
"Whatever was the wish of Ahriman, and I ought to
have thought and yet did think, whatever I ought not to
 have said and yet did say, whatever I ought not to have
done and yet did,—I repent of these sins with thoughts,
words, and works, both the corporeal and the spiritual,
the earthly and the heavenly sins, with the three words.
Forgive, O Lord; I repent of the sin" (Av., vol. iii. p. 211.—
Khorda-Avesta, xlv. 8, 9).
Another of these Patets contains the following comprehensive
formula:—
"In whatever way I may have sinned, against
whomsoever I may have sinned, howsoever I may have
sinned, I repent of it with thoughts, words, and works;
forgive!" (Av., vol. iii. p. 216.—Khorda-Avesta, xlv. 1.)
The same Patet contains a confession of faith, which, as it alludes
to the several dogmas that were held to be of first-rate importance
in the creed of the true disciple of Zarathustra, may be worth
quoting before we quit the subject:—
"I believe in the existence, the purity, and the
indubitable truth of the good Mazdayaçna faith, and in the
Creator Ormazd and the Amschaspands, in the exaction of
an account, and in the resurrection of the new body. I
remain in this faith, and confess that it is not to be
doubted, as Ormazd imparted it to Zertuscht, Zertuscht to
Fraschaostra and Jâmâçp, as Âderbât, the son of
Mahresfand, ordered and purified it, as the just
Paoiryotkaeshas and the Deçtûrs in family succession have
brought it to us, and I thence am acquainted with it" (Av.,
vol. iii. p. 218.—Khorda-Avesta, xlv. 28).
In more than one respect this confession is interesting. First, it
asserts the excellence and the unquestionable infallibility of the
traditional faith in terms which a Catholic could hardly improve upon.
Secondly, it brings before us in succinct form the leading points
included in that faith—the Creator, at the head of all the created
world; the seven Amschaspands or Amesha-Çpentas, heavenly
powers of whom Ormazd himself was chief; the judgment to be
expected after death, and the strict account then to be required;
lastly, the general resurrection with its new body. Proceeding next to
the manner in which this faith had been handed down from
generation to generation, we have first the cardinal doctrine that
God himself was the direct teacher of his prophet; after that, a
statement that the prophet communicated it to others, from whom it
descended to still later followers, one of whom is declared to have
"ordered and purified it." Thus the consciousness of subsequent
additions to the original law is betrayed. Thus amended, the priests,
or Deçtûrs, are said to have transmitted it to the time of the speaker,
the authority of the ecclesiastical order in the interpretation of the
sacred records being thus carefully maintained.
How many generations had elapsed before the transmission of the
law could thus become the subject of deliberate incorporation
among recognized dogmas, it is impossible to say. Undoubtedly,
however, we stand a long way off—not only in actual time, but in
modes of thought and forms of worship—from the ancient Iranian
prophet. The change from the faith of Peter to that of St. Augustine
is not greater than that from the faith of Zarathustra's rude disciples
to that of the subtle, self-conscious priests who composed these
later formularies, or the laity who accepted them. Still, after all has
been said, after it has been freely admitted that subsequent
speculation, or imagination, or the influence of neighboring creeds,
introduced a host of minor spirits or quasi-gods, of whom
Zarathustra knew nothing, it must also be emphatically asserted that
the God of Zarathustra never loses, among the multitude of his
associates, either his supremacy or his unique and transcendent
attributes. While in the Gâthâs Ahura-Mazda alone is worshiped;
while in the later chapters of the Yaçna many other personages
receive a more or less limited homage along with him; while in the
Yashts these personages are singled out one after another for what
appears unbounded adoration,—the original God invariably maintains
his rank as the Creator; the one Supreme Lord of mankind, as of all
his creatures; the instructor of Zarathustra; the Being compared to
whom all others stand related as the thing made towards its Maker.
Theism does not in the Avesta pass into polytheism. Strictly
speaking, its spirit is monotheistic throughout, though we might
often be betrayed into thinking the contrary by the extravagance of
its language. Nor can I discover in its pages the doctrine which some
have held to be contained in it, namely, that above Ahura-Mazda,
somewhere in the dark background of the universe, was a God still
greater than him, the ultimate Power to which even he must yield,
Zrvâna-Akarana, or Infinite Time. The very name of this highly
abstract being appears but rarely in the Avesta, and never, so far as
I am able to discover, in the character thus assigned to him. Ahura-
Mazda remains throughout the God of Gods; his is the highest and
most sacred name known to his worshipers, and none can compare
with him, the Infinite Creator, in greatness, in glory, or in power.
It is not to be expected that, in the early stage of social progress
at which a great part at least of the Avesta was written, its moral
doctrines should be altogether faultless. Nevertheless, it may well
sustain a comparison in this respect with the codes which have been
received as authoritative by other nations. Subject to the drawback,
common to all theologically-influenced systems of ethics, of laying as
much stress upon correct belief and the diligent performance of the
customary rites as upon the really fundamental duties of men, the
Zend-Avesta upholds a high standard of morality, and honestly seeks
to inculcate upon believers the immense importance of leading an
upright and virtuous life. Such a life alone is pleasing to God; such a
life alone can insure a safe passage over the hazardous bridge by
which the soul must pass to Paradise. Not only are the more obvious
virtues—respect for life, careful observance of promises, industrious
conduct—sedulously enjoined on the faithful Parsee, but some
others, less obvious and too frequently overlooked, are urged upon
them. The seducer is bound to provide both for the infant he has
called into existence, and for its mother, at least for a certain period.
Domestic animals are not forgotten, and humanity towards these
dependent creatures is commanded in a series of precepts, the spirit
of which would do honor to any age. And, in general, the
blamelessness required in thoughts, words, and works imposed on
the devout Mazdayaçna a comprehensive attention to the many
ways in which he might lapse from virtue, and held before him an
exalted conception of moral purity.
Yet, when all this has been said, it must still be admitted that the
Zend-Avesta hides its light, such as it is, under a bushel. Such is the
number of supra-mundane spirits to be lauded, such a mass of
ceremonies to be attended to, so great the proportion of space
devoted to guarding against legal impurities as compared with that
consigned to preventing moral evil, that the impression left upon the
minds of unbelieving readers is on the whole far from favorable.
Morality has, in fact, got buried under theology. The trivialities,
inanities, and repetitions that abound in the sacred text draw off the
mind from the occasional excellences of thought and expression
which it contains. Thus he who toils through the verbose Fargards of
the Vendidad, the obscure chapters of the older and younger Yaçna,
or the panegyrical rhapsodies of the Yashts, will find but little to
reward his search. With the Gâthâs indeed it is otherwise. These are
full of interest, and not quite devoid of a simple grandeur. But as a
whole, the Avesta is a mine which, among vast heaps of rubbish,
discloses but here and there a grain of gold.

Section VI.—The Koran.[86]

Alone among the Scriptures of the several great religions, the

Koran is the work of a single author. It is, therefore, characterized by
greater uniformity of style, subject, and doctrine than the sacred
collections of other nations. Considerable as the difference is
between its earlier and its later Suras, a consistent line of thought is
visible throughout, and pious Moslems are free from the difficulty
that has always beset Christian theologians of "harmonizing"
contradictory passages both supposed to emanate from God. There
are, indeed, earlier revelations inconsistent with later ones; but in
this case, the former are held to have been abrogated by the latter.
Mediocre in the order of its thought, diffuse in style, abundant in
repetitions, there are few books more calculated to task the patience
of a conscientious reader. But we must recollect, in judging it, that
its author did not write it, and very possibly never contemplated its
existence as a complete work. He published it from time to time as
occasion required, much as a modern statesman would announce his
views by means of speeches, pamphlets, or election addresses.
When a revelation arrived, Mahomet in the first instance dictated
it to his secretary Zayd, who wrote it on palm-leaves or skins, or
tablets of any kind that might be at hand. Of the remaining
Moslems, some took copies, but many more committed the
revelations to memory; the Arab memory being remarkably
retentive. Under the reign of Abu Bekr, the prophet's successor,
Omar, finding that some one who knew a piece of the Koran had
been killed, suggested that the whole should be collected. The
suggestion was adopted, and Abu Bekr intrusted the work of
collection to the secretary Zayd. The Koran was then put together,
not only from the leaves that had been left by Mahomet, and thrown
without any regard to order into a chest, but also from the
fragments, either written or preserved in the memory, that were
contributed by individual believers. The copy thus made was not
published, but was committed for safe custody to Hafsa, daughter of
Omar, and one of the widows of the prophet. She kept it during the
ten years of her father Omar's caliphate. But as there were no
official and authorized copies of this genuine Koran, it came to pass
that the various missionaries who were sent as teachers to the
newly-conquered countries repeated it differently, and that various
readings crept into the transcripts in use. Hence serious threatenings
of division and scandal among the Moslems. The caliph Othman,
foreseeing the danger, appointed a commission, with the secretary
Zayd at its head, to copy the copy of Hafsa and return it to her, their
duty being to determine on differences of reading, and to be careful
to restore the Meccan idiom where it had been departed from in any
of the versions. Several copies were made by the commissioners, of
which one was kept at Medina, and the others sent to the great
military stations. This was the official text, prepared about a. h. 25-
30; and after its establishment, all private copies or fragments of the
Koran were ordered by Othman to be destroyed.[87] The original
Koran, which Mahomet did but reproduce, is supposed by those who
accept it as divine to be preserved in heaven, in the very presence of
its original author, on an enormous table.
In the Koran, as arranged by Zayd, there is apparently no fixed
principle in the order of the Suras or chapters. In the main, the
longest Suras come first, but even this rule is not adhered to
consistently. Of chronological arrangement there is not a trace, and
it has been left to the ingenuity of European scholars to endeavor to
discover approximately the date of the several revelations. Of some,
the occasions of their publication are known, but in the case of the
great majority, nothing beyond a conjectural arrangement can be
attained.
The principal themes with which the Koran is occupied are the
unity of God; his attributes; the several prophets preceding
Mahomet, whom he has sent to convert unbelievers; the joys of
Paradise and the terrors of hell; and the legislative edicts
promulgated for the government of the Arabs under the new
religion. Of these several subjects, the first two occupy a
predominant place in the earliest revelations. Legends of prophets,
of whom Mahomet recognized a considerable number, form one of
the standing dishes set before the faithful during all but the very
beginning of his career. He was also fond of speaking of the contrast
between the position of believers and skeptics in a future state; but
he seems at first to have expected a temporal judgment on his
Meccan opponents, and afterwards to have been contented with
awaiting the divine vengeance in another world. Legislation, of
course, belongs only to that portion of the Koran which was revealed
after the Hegira.
 A few specimens will be quite sufficient to give a notion both of
the earlier and later style of this sacred volume. Here is a Sura
revealed at Mecca during the first struggles of the prophet's mind,
when it was completely possessed with the awfulness of the new
truth:—
"O thou enfolded in thy mantle, stand up all night,
except a small portion of it, for prayer. Half; or curtail the
half a little,—or add to it: and with measured tone intone
the Koran, for we shall devolve on thee weighty words.
Verily, at the coming of night are devout (Italics, here and
elsewhere, in Rodwell) impressions strongest, and words
are most collected; but in the daytime thou hast continual
employ—and commemorate the name of thy Lord, and
devote thyself to him with entire devotion.... Of a truth,
thy Lord knoweth that thou prayest almost two-thirds, or
half, or a third of the night, as do a part of thy followers"
(K., p. 7.—Sura, 73).
This is the opening Sura of the Koran:—
"Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds! the
compassionate! the merciful! King on the day of
reckoning! Thee only do we worship, and to thee do we
cry for help. Guide thou us on the straight path, the path
of those to whom thou hast been gracious; with whom
thou art not angry, and who go not astray" (K., p. 11.—
Sura, 1).
In the Sura now to be quoted we find an allusion to one of the
prophets whom Mahomet regarded as precursors—the prophet
Saleh, who had sent them to a people called Themoud to bid them
worship God. The legend associated with his name is, that he
appealed to a she-camel as a proof of his divine mission,
commanding the people to let her go at large and do her no hurt.
Some of the Themoudites believed; but they were ridiculed by the
skeptical chiefs of the nation, whose wickedness went so far as
actually to hamstring the apostolic camel. Hereupon an earthquake
overtook them by night, and they were all found dead in the
morning (K., p. 376.—Sura, 7. 71-77). Such things were Mahomet's
stock-in-trade; and the following Sura exemplifies the mixture of his
early poetic thoughts with the prosaic narratives which did duty so
constantly during the maturity of his apostleship:—
"By the Sun and his noonday brightness! by the Moon
when she followeth him! by the Day when it revealeth his
glory! by the Night when it enshroudeth him! by the
Heaven and him who built it! by the Earth and him who
spread it forth! by a Soul and him who balanced it, and
breathed into it its wickedness and its piety! blessed now
is he who hath kept it pure, and undone is he who hath
corrupted it!
"Themoud in his impiety rejected the message of the
Lord, when the greatest wretch among them rushed up:—
Said the apostle of God to them,—The camel of God! let
her drink. But they treated him as an imposter and
hamstrung her. So their Lord destroyed them for their
crime, and visited all alike: nor feared he the issue" (K., p.
24.—Sura, 91).
The same Sura which contains the history of Saleh, prophet of
Themoud, refers also to various other divine messengers who had
fulfilled the same office of announcing the judgments of God.
Mahomet's general view of the prophetic function seems to be
expressed in these words:—
"Every nation hath its set time. And when their time is
come they shall not retard it an hour; and they shall not
advance it. O children of Adam! there shall come to you
Apostles from among yourselves, rehearsing my signs to
you; and whoso shall fear God and do good works, no
fear shall be upon them, neither shall they be put to grief.
But they who charge our signs with falsehood, and turn
 away from them in their pride, shall be inmates of the fire;
for ever shall they abide therein" (K., p. 371.—Sura, 7. 32-
34).
The prophets whom he mentions in this Sura are Noah, who was
sent to warn his people of the Deluge; Houd, sent to Ad, an
unbelieving nation whom God cut off, with the exception of those
who had accepted Houd; Saleh, sent to Themoud as above related;
Lot, sent to Sodom to warn it against sin; Shoaib, sent to Madian, a
people of which the unbelieving members were destroyed by
earthquakes; Moses, sent with signs to Pharaoh and his nobles, as
also to the Israelites, of whom some worshiped the calf, and were
overtaken by the wrath of their Lord (K., p. 375-386.—Sura, 7. 57-
154). In another Sura he makes mention of other prophets besides
these: namely, of John the Baptist, Jesus of Nazareth, Abraham,
Ishmael, and Enoch (K., p. 127 ff.—Sura, 19).
His view of Jesus Christ is peculiar and interesting. He invariably
treats him with the highest respect as a servant of God and his own
precursor, but he is careful to protest that the opinion of his divinity
was not held by Jesus, and was a baseless invention of his followers.
The notion that God could have a son seems to him a gross
profanation, and he often recurs to it in terms of the strongest
reprobation. Thus he endeavors to claim Christ as a genuine
Moslem, and to include Christianity within the pale of the new faith.
A Christian who adopted it might continue, indeed must continue, to
believe everything in the Old and New Testaments, except such
passages as expressly assert the incarnation and divinity of Jesus.
Yet Mahomet's own version of this prophet's conception involves a
supernatural element, and only differs from that of Luke in not
asserting the paternity of God.
"And make mention in the Book," he says, "of Mary
when she went apart from her family, eastward, and took
a veil to shroud herself from them, and we sent our spirit
to her, and he took before her the form of a perfect man.
She said: 'I fly for refuge from thee to the God of Mercy!
 If thou fearest him begone from me.' He said: 'I am only a
messenger of thy Lord, that I may bestow on thee a holy
son.' She said: 'How shall I have a son, when man hath
never touched me, and I am not unchaste.' He said: 'So
shall it be. Thy Lord hath said: easy is this with me, and
we will make him a sign to mankind and a mercy from us.
For it is a thing decreed.' And she conceived him, and
retired with him to a far-off place" (K., p. 128.—Sura, 19.
16-22).
Her virginity is expressly asserted in another place, where she is
described as "Mary, the daughter of Imran, who kept her
maidenhood, and into whose womb we breathed of our spirit."[88]
When the child was born the woman was accused of unchastity,
but the infant prophet at once opened his mouth and declared his
prophetic character. From this narrative it appears that, in
Mahomet's opinion, Jesus was neither begotten by a human father,
nor was the son of God. He finds a via media in the doctrine that he
was created, like Adam, by an express exertion of the power of the
Almighty. "He created him of dust: He then said to him, 'Be,' and he
was" (K., p. 502.—Sura, 3. 52). And again, in the Sura above
quoted: "It beseemeth not God to beget a son, Glory be to him!
when he decreeth a thing, he only saith to it, Be, and it is" (K., p.
130.—Sura, 19. 36).
He is very indignant against those who hold the doctrine of the
incarnation, which he apparently considers as equivalent to that of
physical generation by the Deity, and which, under any aspect, is
certainly shocking to a genuine monotheist.
"They say: 'The God of Mercy hath gotten offspring.' Now have ye
done a monstrous thing! Almost might the very heavens be rent
thereat, and the earth cleave asunder, and the mountains fall down
in fragments, that they ascribe a son to the God of Mercy, when it
beseemeth not the God of Mercy to beget a son!" (K., p. 135.—Sura,
19. 91-93.) "And they say, 'God hath a son:' No! Praise be to him!
But his whatever is in the heavens and the earth! All obeyeth him,
sole Maker of the heavens and of the earth! and when he decreeth a
thing he only saith to it, Be, and it is" (K., p. 445.—Sura, 2. 110-
111).
Mahomet's conception of his own character is most clearly
expressed in the seventh Sura, where, after enumerating some of
the prophets who had gone before him (as already related), he
proceeds to describe a supposed dialogue between Moses and God,
in which the Deity speaks thus:—
"My chastisement shall fall on whom I will, and my
mercy embraceth all things, and I write it down for those
who shall fear me, and pay the alms, and believe in our
signs, who shall follow the Apostle, the unlettered Prophet
—whom they shall find described with them in the Law
and Evangel. What is right will he enjoin them, and forbid
them what is wrong, and will allow them healthful viands
and prohibit the impure, and will ease them of their
burden, and of the yokes which were upon them; and
those who shall believe in him, and strengthen him, and
help him, and follow the light which hath been sent down
with him,—these are they with whom it shall be well."
The revelation to Moses now ceases, and God continues to
address Mahomet with the usual preliminary "say:"—
"Say to them: O men! Verily I am God's apostle to you
all: whose is the kingdom of the Heavens and of the
Earth! There is no God but he! He maketh alive and
killeth! Therefore believe in God and his apostle—the
unlettered Prophet—who believeth in God and his word.
And follow him that ye may be guided aright" (K., p. 386.
—Sura, 7. 155-158).
Mahomet liked to describe himself as unlettered, and thus to
obtain for the scriptural knowledge and literary skill displayed in the
Koran the credit of its being due to inspiration.
In another place he again describes his prophetic character in the
following strain:—
"Muhammed is not the father of any man among you,
but he is the Apostle of God and the seal of the prophets:
and God knoweth all things.... O Prophet! we have sent
thee to be a witness, and a herald of glad tidings, and a
warner; and one who, through his own permission,
summoneth to God, and a light-giving torch" (K., p. 567.—
Sura, 33, 40, 44, 45).
A conspicuous feature of the Koran to which allusion has not yet
been made is its frequent reference to the pleasures of Paradise to
be enjoyed by the faithful, and the pains of hell to be suffered by the
infidels. The day of judgment is continually held out as an
encouragement to the former, and a terror to the latter. The fifty-
sixth Sura contains a description of heaven which is enough to make
the mouth of good Moslems water. "The people of the right hand"
are to be happy; those of the left hand, wretched. The former are to
have "gardens of delight," with "inwrought couches," whereon
reclining, "aye-blooming youths" are to bring them "flowing wine" of
the best celestial vintage. They are to enjoy their favorite fruits, and
to eat whatever birds they long for. "Houris with large dark eyes,"
and "ever virgins," never growing old, are to supply them with the
pleasures of love, so strangely overlooked in the Christian pictures of
heavenly life. On the other side, we have "the people of the left
hand," who are to be tormented with "pestilential winds" and
"scalding water," and are to live "in the shadow of a black smoke,"
with the fruit of a bitter tree to eat and boiling water to drink (K., p.
60.—Sura, 56). The prophet delights in warning his enemies of their
coming fate. "Verily," says God in another place, "we have got ready
the flame for the infidel" (K., p. 598.—Sura, 48. 13). "O Prophet!" we
read elsewhere, "make war on the infidels and hypocrites, and deal
rigorously with them. Hell shall be their abode! and wretched the
passage to it!" (K., p. 606.—Sura, 66. 9). "God promiseth the
hypocritical men and women, and the unbelievers, the fire of hell—
therein shall they abide—this their sufficing portion!" (K., p. 621.—
Sura, 9. 69). Some, who had declined to march with the Prophet
from Medina on account of the heat, are sternly reminded that "a
fiercer heat will be the fire of hell" (K., p. 623.—Sura, 9. 82).
In contradistinction to the deplorable state of the hypocrites and
unbelievers—blind in this world and destined to suffer eternally in
the next—we have a pleasing picture of the condition of the faithful
Moslems:—
"Muhammed is the apostle of God; and his comrades
are vehement against the infidels, but full of tenderness
among themselves. Thou mayst see them bowing down,
prostrating themselves, imploring favors from God, and his
acceptance. Their tokens are on their faces, the marks of
their prostrations. This is their picture in the Law and their
picture in the Evangel; they are as the seed which putteth
forth its stalk; then strengtheneth it, and it groweth stout,
and riseth upon its stem, rejoicing the husbandman—that
the infidels may be wrathful at them. To such of them as
believe and do the things that are right, hath God
promised forgiveness and a noble recompense" (K., p.
601.—Sura, 48. 29).

Section VII.—The Old Testament.

Before entering upon the comparative examination of the Hebrew

Canon, it is necessary to say a few words of the extraordinary race
who were its authors. There is probably no other book of which it
may be said, with the same depth and fulness of meaning, that it is
the work of a nation and the reflection of a nation's life. The history
of the Bible and the history of the Jews are more intimately bound
up together than is that of any other nation with that of any other
book. During the period of their political existence as a separate
people they wrote the Canon. During the long period of political
annihilation which has succeeded, they have not ceased to write
commentaries on the Canon. This one great production has filled the
imaginations, has influenced the intellect, has fed the religious ardor
of each succeeding generation of Jews. To name the canonical
Scriptures, and the endless series of writings suggested by them or
based upon them, would be almost to sum up the results of the
literary activity of the Hebrew race.
Our first historical acquaintance with the Hebrews brings them
before us as obtaining by conquest, and then inhabiting, that narrow
strip of territory bordering the Mediterranean Sea which is known as
Palestine. Their own legends, indeed, carry us back to a still earlier
period, when they lived as slaves in Egypt; but on these, from the
character of the narrative, very little reliance can be placed. The
story, gradually becoming less and less mythical, tells us, what is
probably true, that they overcame the native inhabitants of Palestine
in war, and seized upon their land; that they then passed through an
anarchial period, during which the centre of authority seems to have
been lost, and the national unity was in no small danger of being
destroyed, had not vigorous and able leaders interposed to save it;
that, under the pressure of these circumstances, they adopted a
monarchial constitution, by which the dangers of this time of
anarchy were at least to a large extent averted, and the discordant
elements brought into subjection to a common centre. Thus united,
the Jewish monarchy rapidly attained a considerable height of
splendor and of power. Surrounding nations fell under its sway, and
it took rank as one of the great powers which divided Western Asia.
But this glory was not to last long. The monarchy, broken up into
two hostile parts by the folly of Rehoboam, lost alike its unity and its
strength; and after a long series of kings, whom it is needless to
enumerate, both its branches fell victims, at separate times, the one
to Shalmaneser, king of the Assyrians, the other to Nebuchadnezzar,
king of the Chaldees. The latter event, while it put an end to the
very existence of the Jewish nation as an independent political
power—for it was but a fitful independence which was recovered
under the Asmoneans—marks an epoch which severs the history of
the Jews into two periods, distinguished from one another by the
completely different character borne by the people in each. It is
customary, for theological purposes, to represent the religious
development of the Jews as pervaded by a fundamental unity. They
are supposed to have known and worshiped the true God from the
beginning, to have been sharply marked off from the rest of the
world by their strict monotheism, and to have been unfaithful to
their inherited creed only when they refused to recognize Christ and
his apostles as its authorized interpreters. Their own records tell a
very different story. According to these, the religion of the Jews, like
that of other nations, progressed, changed, improved, underwent
purification and alteration, and was, in its earlier forms, not much
unlike that of the surrounding heathens. Their leaders, indeed, and
all those whom their Scriptures uphold as examples of excellence,
worshiped a national God, Jehovah, whom they may have
considered the only god who enjoyed actual existence and
possessed actual power. But whether or not this were the case, he
was, for all practical purposes, simply the tutelary deity of the
Hebrews. In his name the conquerors of Palestine pillaged,
murdered, and inflicted cruelties on the vanquished; to him they
looked for aid in their belligerent undertakings; to him they offered
the first fruits of victory. It was under his direct leadership that they
professed to subdue the heathens, and to attain national security.
The ark was his dwelling, and it could only bring destruction to the
Philistines, who were not under the protection of its inmate. And
when the Jews asked to be placed under the rule of a monarch, they
were told by the mouthpiece of Jehovah that it was his divine
government which they were rejecting. The morality of the chiefs
who conducted the invasion and subjugation of Palestine was not
one whit superior to that of their enemies, nor was the god on
whose power they relied of an essentially higher nature than many
other national or local divinities who were worshiped by other
nations. They were the rude leaders of a rude people worshiping a
rude deity. His character was such as we might expect the tutelary
divinity of a tribe of wandering and unsettled Bedouins to be. Having
to establish their right to a permanent home and an organized
government by force of arms, it was only natural that they should
represent their God as favoring the exploits of those arms, and even
urging them on to the most ruthless exercise of the rights of
conquerors. It was natural that even their most revolting acts should
be placed under the especial patronage of this approving god. It was
natural, too, that when the conquest had been at least in great part
effected, while yet the anarchial and semi-savage condition of the
victors continued (as it did more or less until after the accession of
David), and internal strife took the place of external warfare, the
national god should become to some extent a party-god; should
favor one section against another, and even excite the ferocious
passion of those to whose side he inclined. The god of Moses, of
Joshua, and the Judges was thus a passionate, relentless, and cruel
partisan. No doubt the facts were not precisely such as they are
represented to us by the writers in the Old Testament, since in the
internecine conflicts which occasionally broke forth we may assume
that each side claimed for itself the approbation of Jehovah. But still
the story of the Hebrew annals is clear enough to show us the semi-
savage character of the people in these early days, and their utter
failure to form that lofty conception of the deity with which they
have been so largely credited by believers in the supernatural
inspiration of their historical records.
The primitive conception entertained at this period, which
corresponded with that generally found among uncivilized nations,
was improved and elevated to some extent during the age of
comparatively settled government which succeeded. As the Israelites
advanced in the practice of the arts, in the possession of wealth, in
the cultivation of the literary or musical attainments that refine
domestic life, in the peaceful organization of a society that had
become more industrial and less warlike, their idea of Jehovah
underwent the modifications which these changes imply. The god of
Samuel is widely different from the god of Isaiah or Jeremiah.
Whether the popular notion had risen to the height attained by these
prophets may indeed be doubted; but this too must have altered in
order to make such prophets possible. Yet, in spite of the
comparative improvement, there are abundant indications during the
kingly period that the old Hebrew deity still retained the ferocious
characteristics by which he had formerly been distinguished. Elijah's
patron is gracious enough to his own adherents, but the attributes of
mercy or gentleness towards human beings generally are
undiscoverable in his character. And the deeds of blood which pious
monarchs from time to time were guilty of in his honor, and which
received his approbation, show that if the process of his civilization
had begun, it was still very far from being completed.
But the special glory of the Jewish race is supposed to consist
even more in the fact that this God, such as he was, stood alone,
than in the excellence of the manner in which they conceived of his
nature. The constancy of their monotheism, amid the polytheism of
surrounding nations, has appeared to subsequent generations so
marvelous as to require a revelation to account for it. The facts,
however, as related to us by the Jews themselves, do not warrant
the supposition that monotheism actually was the creed of the
people until after the Captivity. It appears, indeed, that that form of
belief was held by those who are depicted to us as the most eminent
and the most virtuous among them, and it would seem that there
was generally a considerable party who adhered to the worship of
Jehovah, and at times succeeded in forcing it upon the nation at
large. But that Jehovism was the authorized and established national
religion, and that every other form and variety of faith was an
authorized innovation, is a far wider conclusion than the facts will
warrant us in drawing. This, no doubt, and nothing less than this, is
the contention of the historical writers of the Old Testament; but
even their own statements, made as they are under the influence of
the strongest Jehovistic bias, point with tolerable clearness to a
different conclusion. They inform us that while the most ancient
leaders of the Israelites who conducted them to the promised land,
the distinguished Judges who from time to time arose, and all the
most virtuous kings, belonged to the religion of Jehovah, the people,
notwithstanding these great examples, were continually guilty of
relapses into idolatry of the most flagrant kind. This tendency
manifested itself so early, and reappeared with such persistence
during the whole history of the Israelites of both branches up to the
destruction of their respective monarchies, that we cannot,
consistently with the admitted facts, suppose that Jehovism had at
any time taken very deep root in the mind of the people. They seem,
on the contrary, to have been readily swayed to and fro by the
example of the reigning monarch. Whether indeed they sincerely
adopted monotheism under a monotheistic sovereign, may perhaps
be doubted; but the emphatic denunciations of the Biblical writers
leave us no room to question the perfect sincerity of their idolatry.
All therefore that we can be justified in inferring from what they tell
us is, that a succession of priests and prophets maintained the faith
of Jehovah from age to age, and that from time to time a sovereign
arose who favored their views, and did all in his power, sometimes
by fair means and not unfrequently by foul, to advance the interests
of the Jehovistic party. Indian history acquaints us with very similar
fluctuations in the religion of a province, according as the priests of
one or the other contending sect succeeded in obtaining influence
over the mind of the reigning Rajah. But although we maintain that
monotheism was not, previous to the captivity, the popular religion
of the Jews, we need not go the length of asserting that there was
no difference in their minds between Jehovah and the other deities
whom they adopted from surrounding nations. Jehovah was
unquestionably the national god, who was held to extend a peculiar
protection over the Hebrew race. Nor does it follow that those who
betook themselves to some idolatrous cultus necessarily abandoned
that of Jehovah. Both might well have been carried on together, and
there is abundant evidence that the Jews of this period had much of
that elasticity which characterizes polytheism, and makes it ever
ready to add new members to its pantheon without discarding old
favorites. So far as there was a national worship carried on by a
national priesthood, Jehovah must have been its object. But we are
not therefore compelled to imagine that the nation had adopted
Jehovism in so solemn and binding a manner as to render its
abandonment a gross violation of their fundamental institutions. No
doubt, according to the Scriptural writers, it was a deliberate breach
of the original constitution to forsake, even for a moment, the
exclusive service of the national god for that of any other deity
whatsoever. But the supernatural origin assigned by them to this
original constitution throws a doubt on their assertions, while the
facts they report serve to increase it. For while we learn that
Jehovah was deserted by one generation after another in favor of
more popular rivals, much to the indignation of his priests and
prophets, we do not perceive any traces of a consciousness on the
part of the idolaters that they were guilty of infidelity to fundamental
and unchangeable laws. They rather appear to have acted in mere
levity, and the repeated objurgations of the Jehovistic party would
tend to the conclusion that the people were not aware of any
binding obligation to adhere to the worship of this deity to the
exclusion of that of every other. The efforts of the Jehovists may
indeed show that they believed such an obligation to exist: but not
that their opponents were equally aware of it. Moreover, we are not
without some more positive testimony which strongly favors this
view of their mutual relations. Under the reign of the pious, and no
doubt credulous, Josiah, a certain priest professed to have
discovered a "book of the law" mysteriously hidden in the temple.
Without discussing in this place what book this may have been, it is
plain that it inculcated Jehovism under the penalty of curses similar
to those found in Deuteronomy, and it is plain too that its contents
caused the monarch a painful surprise, which expressed itself by his
rending his clothes and sending a commission to "inquire of the
Lord" "concerning the words of this book that is found." Now is it
possible to suppose that the words of such a book as this could have
inflicted on Josiah so great a shock, or have required the
appointment of a special commission to inquire concerning them, if it
had been a matter of familiar and general knowledge among the
Jews that their forefathers had solemnly adopted Jehovism as the
only lawful national creed, invoking upon themselves those very
curses which the most devout of monarchs was now unable to hear
without astonishment and alarm? And how are we to explain the
production of this book by the priests as a new discovery? If it had
been merely the re-discovery of a lost volume would the language of
the narrative have been at all appropriate? Must not Josiah in that
case have rejoiced at the restoration to Judah of so precious a
treasure, however much he might have regretted the failure of the
nation to observe its precepts? The difficulty of supposing such facts
to have been forgotten is equally great. It would be scarcely possible
to imagine that not only the people, but the priests, could at any
period have lost all memory of the fact that they were bound, under
the most terrible penalties, to adhere to the faith of Jehovah. At
least the spiritual advisers of so religious a monarch must have been
well aware that their own creed formed an essential part of the
Jewish constitution; and we cannot doubt that they would carefully
have impressed this fact on their willing pupil, not as a startling
disclosure made only after he had been seventeen years on the
throne and had attained the age of twenty-five, but as one of his
earliest and most familiar lessons. In fact, this sudden discovery, in
some secret recess of the temple, of a hitherto unknown volume,
concerning whose claims to authority or antiquity the writers
preserve a mysterious silence, rather suggests the notion of a
Jehovistic coup d'état, prepared by the zeal of Hilkiah the priest and
Shaphan the scribe. A long time had passed since the accession of
the king. His favorable dispositions were well known. Since the
eighth year of his reign at least he had been under the influence of
the priests, and in the twelfth he had entered (no doubt under their
directions) upon that career of persecuting violence which was usual
with pious monarchs in Judea.[89] His mind was undoubtedly
predisposed to receive with implicit confidence any statements they
might make. Hence, if Hilkiah and his associates had conceived the
idea of compiling, from materials at their command, a book which,
while recapitulating some events in the ancient history of Israel,
should represent those events in a light favorable to their designs,
they could hardly have chosen a better moment for the execution of
such a scheme. That they actually did this, it would be going beyond
the evidence in our possession to assert. It may be that the book
was an old one; and in any case, it is unnecessary to suppose that it
was an original composition of Hilkiah's, palmed off upon the king as
ancient. All that appears to me clearly to follow from the terms of
the narrative is, that the law which this book contained (evidently
the law of Jehovah) had not hitherto been regarded as the
established law of the country, and that the production of this
volume, in which its claims to that dignity were emphatically
asserted, and its violation represented as entailing the most grevious
curses, was one of the plans taken by the priestly party to procure
for it the recognition of that supremacy which they declared it had
actually enjoyed in the days of their forefathers. But although the
history of Israel has been written by adherents of this party, and we
are unfortunately precluded from checking their statements by any
document recounting the same events from the point of view of their
opponents, their records, biased as they are, clearly show us a
nation whose favorite and ordinary creed was not monotheism;
which was ever ready to adopt with fervor the idolatrous practices of
its neighbors; and which was not converted to pure and exclusive
monotheism till after the terrible lesson of the Captivity in Babylon.
This great event was turned to excellent account by the priests
and prophets of Jehovah. Instead of regarding it as a natural
consequence of the political relations of Judea with more powerful
empires, they represented it as the fulfillment of the penalties
threatened by Jehovah for infidelity towards himself. And as this
view offered a plausible explanation of their unparalleled
misfortunes, it was naturally accepted by many as the true solution
of sufferings so difficult to reconcile with the protection supposed to
be accorded by their national god. Under these circumstances a
double process went on during their compulsory residence in
heathendom. Great numbers, who were either not Jehovists, or
whose Jehovism was but lukewarm, gradually adapted themselves to
their situation among idolaters, and became at length
indistinguishably fused, as the ten scribes had been, with the alien
races. But a few remained faithful to their God. These few it was
who formed the whole of the nation which, when return was
possible, returned to their native soil. Those who were not inspired
by a deep sense of the sanctity of their national religion; those to
whom the restoration of their national rites was not the one object
of overwhelming importance; those whose hopes of national
restoration were of a temporal rather than a spiritual nature, had no
sufficient motive to return to their native soil. Jerusalem could have
no attractions for them which Babylon did not possess. Thus, by a
natural process, the most ardent, the most spiritual, the most
unbending monotheists were weeded out from the mass of the
community, and it was they who accompanied Zerubbabel or Ezra on
his sacred mission. Misfortune, which had not shaken their faith, had
deepened and purified it. Not only were they Jehovists, but they
were Jehovists of the sternest type. There was among them none of
that admixture of levity, and none of that facile adaptability to
foreign rites, which characterized the oldest Jews. From this time
forward their monotheism has never been broken by a single
relapse.
Thus the Captivity forms the turning-point in the character of the
Jews; for, in fact, the nation which was conquered by
Nebuchadnezzar was not the nation which, in the days of Kyros and
Artaxerxes returned to re-colonize and rebuild Jerusalem. The
conquered people belonged to a monarchy which, if it was now
feeble and sunken, was directly descended from one which had been
glorious and mighty, and which had aimed at preserving for Judea
the status and dignity of an independent power. Under its influence
the Jews had been mobile, idolatrous, deaf to the voice of Jehovistic
prophets, neglectful of Jehovistic rites; desirous of conquest, and,
when that was impossible, unwilling on political grounds to submit to
foreign domination; rude if not semi-barbarous in morals, and
distracted by the contention of rival religious parties. But this polity,
of which the ruling motives were mainly political, was succeeded
after the return of the exiles by a polity of which the ruling motives
were exclusively religious. All were now adherents of Jehovah; all
were zealous performers of the rites conceived to be his due.
This change must be borne in mind if we would understand Jewish
history; for the same language is not applicable to the Jews before
and after the Captivity, nor can we regard in the same light a
struggling and feeble race upholding its unanimous faith in the midst
of trials, and an independent nation in which a party, from time to
time victorious, endeavors to impose that faith by force. We may
without inconsistency censure the violence of the Jehovistic
sectaries, and admire the courage of the Jehovistic people. But
although there is much in this change that is good, it must be
admitted that it has its bad side. While becoming more
conscientious, more scrupulously true to its own principles, and
more penetrated with a sense of religion, Judaism became at the
same time more rigid, more formal, more ritualistic, and more
unsocial. Ewald has remarked that the constitution established after
the return from captivity is one that lays undue stress upon the
exterior forms of religion, and may in time even become hostile to
what is truly holy. As it claims to be in possession of something holy
which temporal governments do not possess, it cannot submit to
their dominion; hence, he observes, Israel could never become an
independent nation again under this constitution.[90] Nor was this
all. Even apart from its tendency to magnify external forms, which
was perhaps not of its essence, the religion of Jehovah had inherent
vices. The Jews, believing their god to be the only true one, and
insisting above all on the supreme importance of preserving the
purity of his cultus, were necessarily led to assume a haughty and
exclusive attitude towards all other nations, which could not fail to
provoke their hostility. This unloveable spirit was shown immediately
after their return by their contumelious rejection of the Sâmaritan
proposals to aid in building the temple—proposals which seem to
have been made in good faith; by the Sabbatarian legislation of
Nehemiah; and even more by the exclusively harsh measures taken
by Ezra for the purification of the race. It was simply inevitable that
all heathen nations who came in contact with them should hate a
people who acted on such principles. Nor were the fears of the
heathen altogether without foundation. When the Jews recovered a
temporary independence under the Maccabees, their intolerance,
now able to vent itself in acts of conquest, became a source of