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Test Bank for An Introduction to Management Science:
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 Table of Contents
1. Introduction.

2. An Introduction to Linear Programming.

3. Linear Programming: Sensitivity Analysis and Interpretation of Solution.

4. Linear Programming Applications in Marketing, Finance, and Operations

Management.

5. Advanced Linear Programming Applications.

6. Distribution and Network Models.

7. Integer Linear Programming.

8. Nonlinear Optimization Models.

9. Project Scheduling: PERT/CPM.

10. Inventory Models.

11. Waiting Line Models.

12. Simulation.
13. Decision Analysis.

14. Multicriteria Decisions.

15. Forecasting.

16. Markov Processes.

17. Linear Programming: Simplex Method (on Website).

18. Simplex-Based Sensitivity Analysis and Duality (on Website).

19. Solution Procedures for Transportation (on Website).

20. Minimal Spanning Tree (on Website).

21. Dynamic Programming (on Website).

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Professional 2010 accompanies the book on CD.
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and meeting the air, that our supposed objection does not apply to
the case.
Stating facts will, however, be the best way of settling this question;
and for this purpose the experience of our aeronauts is referred to.
Much as they have sometimes been inconvenienced from the rarity
of the air, at the heights to which they have ascended, yet have we
never heard them complain of being unable to breathe freely, owing
to the velocity with which they were carried along over the earth’s
surface, notwithstanding that they have been conveyed at rates of
70, 80, and, in one instance, 160 miles an hour. And why? because
that which was the cause of motion went with them.—“I had not,”
says Lunardi, in his account of the first ascent ever made in England,
“the slightest sense of motion from the machine. I knew not
whether I went swiftly or slowly—whether it ascended or descended
—whether it was agitated or tranquil, but by the appearance or
disappearance of objects on the earth.” Rapidly, therefore, as they
have moved, yet have they felt as if in a calm. Now exactly similar
in point of respiration, would be the feeling of those who might be
conveyed in the proposed tunnel. The air, being the cause of
motion, must go, at least, equally fast as it drove them, and
necessarily be wherever they were. Let the rate of motion therefore,
be what it might, the feeling of those who experienced it, must
prove that of being in a perfect calm.
Nor are the objections we at first conceive, relative to the effect
which pumping air from the tunnel, and producing what only the
word vacuum (inapplicable as it is) will enable us to convey the idea
of, at all more tenable. The degree to which air would be exhausted
from the tunnel might scarcely ever be sufficient to sink a barometer
two inches lower than one exposed to the atmosphere stood at; so
that even were we exposed to it no inconvenience would be felt. [69]
But we never shall be exposed to it, any more than those who
witness the cruel experiment of putting a mouse under the receiver
of an air-pump, and then exhausting it, are exposed to what the
little animal suffers. Between those who see and the poor creature
which feels the effect of the apparatus, is the side of the receiver.
And between the part of the tunnel in which the exhaustion, or
rather the difference of density is, and the passengers in the vehicle,
would be the end of the vehicle; so that though close to them would
be an atmosphere rarer than (we will suppose) it might prove
pleasant to be in, yet would the atmosphere they actually were in be
the same as that of the air at large. No inconvenience, therefore,
can be experienced in this particular.
Equally untenable is the idea we take up, that it will be impossible so
to adapt the ends of the vehicles to the inside of the tunnel, as to
cause them to act as pistons in preventing the passage of the air by
them, without occasioning friction to a degree which should deprive
us of all the advantages the air would otherwise give, as a mean of
communicating motion.
In the last carriage which I had for the tunnel I constructed at
Brighton, there was a space of above an inch and a half in width left
all round between the piston part of the carriage and the tunnel,
through which air rushed unimpeded. Yet did not this “windage,” or
leak, though equal in the aggregate, to an aperture of three square
feet, prevent the carriage from springing forward to the impulse of
the air-pumps, with a readiness I was surprised at. Nor did it ever
cause the least perceptible diminution in their effect; owing to the
small quantity of air that passed through it, in comparison with the
immense quantity exhausted by the pumps.
When the Brighton Committee rode in that tunnel, one of them
brought with him a mountain barometer, that he might ascertain the
degree of “vacuum” or exhaustion necessary to move the carriage.
This barometer was accordingly suspended in the part where the
“vacuum” was to be produced, and the vernier adjusted with the
greatest accuracy. But to his surprise the degree of exhaustion was
not sufficient to lower the barometer in the least degree. Being
aware of this, I had spirit gauges previously prepared, one of which
was fixed in the end of the carriage. But even this gauge, though
nearly fifteen times more sensitive than the barometer, was affected
hardly enough to be visible, the amount of “vacuum” indicated by it,
being only about ten grains per square inch, or less than the ten-
thousandth part of a vacuum.
Nor would the quantity of air that rushed by the piston-end of the
carriage be at all important, even when travelling at very great
velocities, and with heavy loads. In a tunnel of the diameter which
would be proper for such lines as those to Bristol, or South Wales,
the pressure requisite to move a load of 100 tons would not be more
than about 100 grains per square inch; which would cause air to
rush past the piston-end of the carriage at the rate of about 30 feet
per second. Therefore, even could no better adjustment of the
piston-end of the carriage and the inside of the tunnel be effected,
than took place with respect to that at Brighton, only 90 cubic feet
of air per second would rush past, even were the carriages standing
still; which is only one-tenth of what the air-pumps I used there
were capable of exhausting in the same time; while, on such a line
as the Bristol, or South Wales, it would not be one-hundredth of
what the exhausting apparatus would take out in the same period;
so that not one-hundredth of the power would be lost by it: and
even this hundredth could easily be reduced to a thousandth: the
space left between the piston-end of the carriage in the tunnel at
Brighton being purposely an inch and a half in width, in order that I
might shew, by actual proof, how utterly unimportant was that
objection which engineers of the highest name and reputation had
assured me must, inevitably, prove fatal to the motion of any
carriage in any tunnel.
And as the carriage, instead of standing still, would be moving
forward, the loss of power, which would, otherwise, result from the
pressure requisite to give the velocity as well as move the load,
would be equally unimportant as that arising from the pressure
requisite to move the load alone.
With pressures so trivial as these capable of producing practical
effects, and with it fully practicable so to adjust the “piston” part of
the carriages to the tunnel, as to render this “windage,” or leak,
perhaps less than one-hundredth of that which I purposely caused in
the tunnel at Brighton, there can be no difficulty, either in preventing
any important quantity of air from rushing past the carriages; or in
so connecting the “lengths” of which the tunnel would be composed,
as to render the joints air-tight.
And as there are no objections which the engineers can bring
forward, that cannot be replied to in an equally satisfactory manner,
I need not trouble you with any additional answer to them.
It is now four years ago since the locomotive engine competition
took place on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway. In all
probability no proprietor of the Kensington Canal happened to be
present at that contest; yet is it equally probable that all were as
fully convinced of the fact from the accounts which appeared in the
newspapers, as if you had seen it. Now though I cannot give the
conviction arising from the evidence of your senses, yet can I give
stronger evidence than the public vehicles of intelligence gave as to
that competition, by referring you to the public authorities and
records of Brighton, to know whether I did not carry an appointed
number of its inhabitants to and fro, as the locomotive engines went
during that competition; “when,” says Mr. Treasurer Booth, in his
“Account of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway,”—“the prescribed
distance, it should be understood, was, owing to the circumstances
of the railway, obliged to be accomplished, by moving backwards
and forward on a level plane of one mile and three quarters in
length.” I did not, it is true, carry those gentlemen so far as those
engines went. Nor, indeed, was there any occasion for it. Had it
been necessary, they could have continued riding to and fro in my
tunnel, as long as the locomotives ran to and fro on the railway.
But, as when they had satisfied themselves that there was no
trickery in the motion of the carriage, and that it was really moved
by the air, they had, then, seen all that it was necessary to see, to
convince them that a longer tunnel would enable me to move a
carriage equally far, as a longer railway would have admitted of the
locomotive engines going, they gave over riding, “because,” as the
Editor of the Brighton Herald says, in the extract which I have
quoted from that paper, “because they became so convinced that
the invisible and intangible medium we breathe, might be rendered a
safe and expeditious means of getting us from one place to another,
as to be tired of riding.”
Were it necessary for your interest that a gas-pipe should be laid
throughout the line you propose, your inquiry of the engineer you
might employ would be, not whether the gas would pass through
such a length of pipe, because you know that to have been long
established, and to be every day acted upon, but what would be the
expense of it; that is, it would be a money question, not a question
of practicability.
The tunnel I constructed at Brighton was nearly eight feet in
diameter, while the air-pumps I adapted to it were large enough to
make an artificial wind blow through it at the rate of ten miles an
hour. And doubling, tripling, quadrupling, &c. &c. the size, or
number of the pumps, would have doubled, tripled, &c. &c. the rate
at which this wind blew.
A common size for gas mains is eight inches. Were it propounded to
you—“Can a mouse run through a rat-hole, let that bole be as long
as it may?” your answer would not be dubious. Why, then, if it be
proved, that we can, with pneumatic apparatus of an almost
infinitely less efficient nature than that which I purpose using, make
air move through smaller pipes five, fifteen, or even fifty miles long,
[72]
should any doubt be entertained whether air-pumps will cause it
to move through one of eight feet in diameter; more particularly,
when it is well known, that the larger the pipe the less the
proportionate friction; and when your line will be little more than two
miles long.
The pressure by which the gas is driven through the pipes of the
work I know the most of, is equal to an ounce and a half per square
inch. A similar pressure on the carriage in my tunnel would have
moved above one hundred tons. The length of your line would be
only about eighty times longer than the tunnel I constructed; and as
the area of your tunnel would be nearly 150 times larger than the
eight-inch mains through which the gas is carried many times farther
than the length of your line, there need be no more question as to
whether, or not, the principle will act throughout your line, merely
because it is eighty times longer than my tunnel, than there is
whether gas would pass through eighty lengths of gas-pipe.
And as the joints which connect the different “lengths” of gas-pipes
can easily be made air-tight, so could the “lengths” and joints of the
tunnel. “Under the trivial degree of exhaustion which will be
necessary,” says the Report of the Russian Engineer Officer,
“rendering the tunnel sufficiently air-tight will be far less difficult
than is at first supposed. Indeed, I see so many different ways of
doing it,” continues the Report, “that I am satisfied it would not, in
practice, prove more difficult than, nor, indeed, so difficult as,
causing some canals I have seen, to retain the water let into them.”
Following up the illustration which this gentleman thus gives, I beg
to assure you I will guarantee that the tunnel shall not leak, or let air
improperly in, so much as I see the basin of your canal leaks water
out.
Adverse as were the original circumstances of the great father of
canal navigation in England, yet did he put to signal shame the
opposition and predictions of the engineers who proclaimed him a
madman for pretending that it was possible to carry a canal over a
navigable river. Ten thousand times more mad as the engineers of
the present day proclaim me, and a hundred thousand times more
absurd and “impossible” as they have pronounced my proposition to
be, yet, owing to having in my favour (what Brindsley had not in his)
the circumstance of my principle having been tried, I am enabled to
oppose to their ridicule and sneers the FACT that I have proved it on
a scale, which, as relates to size, was fully, and in every particular
practical; while it was less than practical in point of length, only
because no individual could do that which it requires a public
company and an act of parliament to do, that is, lay it down
between places for actual trade.
Short, however, as it was, yet was it many times longer than the
pipes through which gas was first carried, to prove the practicability
of lighting our streets with that illuminator: while its length was
great enough to be equally conclusive, as the movement of the first
steam-vessel built by the introducer of steam-navigation.
“When,” says Fulton, “I was building my first steam-boat at New
York, the project was viewed by the public either with indifference or
with contempt, as a visionary scheme. My friends, indeed, were
civil, but they were shy. They listened with patience to my
explanations; but with a settled cast of incredulity on their
countenances. I felt the full force of the lamentation of the poet:

‘Truths would you teach, to save a sinking land,

All fear, none aid you, and few understand.’

“At length the day arrived when the experiment was to be put into
operation. To me it was a most trying and interesting occasion. I
invited many friends to go on board, to witness the first successful
trip. Many of them did me the favour to attend as a matter of
personal respect; but it was manifest that they did it with reluctance,
fearing to be the partners of my mortification, and not of my
triumph.
“The moment arrived in which the word was to be given for the
vessel to move. My friends were in groups on the deck. There was
anxiety, mixed with fear, among them. They were silent, and sad,
and weary. I read in their looks nothing but disaster; and almost
repented of my efforts. The signal was given; and the boat moved
on a short distance, and then stopped—and became immoveable.”
When my opponents can prove, that because Fulton’s first steam-
vessel would, on its first trial, move only the “short distance” stated
in the above quotation, it was, therefore, impossible to move any
other vessel farther by means of steam, I may heed the clamour
they raise about my proposition not being practicable through a long
line of tunnel.
Until then, I can consider it only as a proof of their knowledge being
on a par with the wisdom of that most learned opponent of Galileo’s
theory that day and night are occasioned by the revolution of our
planet on its axis, who, in answer to the query, “How then is it that
the sun gets back to, and always rises in the east of a morning?”
replied, that he went back by night, when nobody could see him.
In concluding, I will endeavour to guard against a circumstance that
may otherwise be injurious to me, by an observation. You will
perceive that the evidences which I have quoted have been in
existence six or seven years. How then, it may be inquired, is it,
that a method which is spoken of so highly as those evidences speak
of this mode of conveyance, should have remained seven years
without having been put into actual practice, or brought any nearer
to that consummation than it was when those documents were
written?
During the many years which elapsed between the period of
Columbus’s first proposing to Ferdinand and Isabella the discovery of
America, and their actually setting him afloat to do it, he sent his
brother Bartholomew to England, to lay the proposition before our
Seventh Henry, who, he expected, would entertain it. Henry did
entertain it; and would have possessed England of the southern
more firmly than she afterwards became possessed of the northern
half of America, but for the misfortune which prevented
Bartholomew Columbus from approaching him, till Isabella had
agreed with, and dispatched Columbus himself.
“In his voyage to England,” says the historian of America,
“Bartholomew Columbus had been so unfortunate as to fall into the
hands of pirates; who, having stripped him of every thing, detained
him a prisoner for several years:” reducing him to such poverty, that
when released from captivity, he could in no other way obtain the
means of procuring a dress fit for his appearance before the king,
than by employing himself in drawing maps.
Circumstances which, morally speaking, are exactly similar to this
captivity and imprisonment of Bartholomew Columbus—excepting
that they failed in compelling me to sign away the patent rights, to
wrest which from me they were instituted—have equally hindered
and reduced me: occasioning the destruction of the tunnel which I
constructed to demonstrate, practically, the truth of the proposition;
and depriving me of all means of proving it, except by carrying small
things on an experimental scale, instead of persons on a practical
one.
As relates to myself, I have no desire to obtrude the details of the
oppression and injustice practised upon me, on any one.
But with respect to the subject I advocate, I am most anxious that
the whole world should know that I court the fullest inquiry, and am
ready to answer every question.
As one proof of this, and to shew that there is nothing which I need
to blush for, any more than Bartholomew Columbus had cause to
blush for being imprisoned by the pirates, I beg to direct your
attention to the annexed copy of the Petition I presented to
Parliament; of which only an extract is given in page 19. Soliciting
the favour of your perusing it, I have the honour to be,
My Lords, and Gentlemen,
Your very obedient,
And most humble Servant,
JOHN VALLANCE.
 APPENDIX.

AS the first evidence that “the observations which will be found in

the course of this letter relative to the effects of momentum, are not
of such recent origin in my mind, as Mr. Badnall states his idea
relative to the undulatory railway to have been in his,” I observe,
that in the specification of my patent, after declining to level for the
course of my tunnel by cutting through hills or filling up vallies, as is
done for railways, I state, that I carry it up and down them
(provided they are not precipitously abrupt) for the reason, that “the
momentum it (the carriage) may thus acquire, will be advantageous
in other ways than merely carrying itself forward.”
Secondly. The last sentence of the paragraph commencing “Tenthly,”
in the Report of the Russian Engineer Officer, implies that that
gentleman had understood what I have stated relative to this effect
of momentum, from my communications to him.
Thirdly. The plan and section of the Brighton and Shoreham
Pneumatic Railway, which I deposited in the County Court in 1827,
and in Parliament at the beginning of the session of 1828, prove that
the whole rise from Shoreham Harbour to the spot on the top of the
hill above Brighton (old) Church, where I intended said Pneumatic
Railway should terminate, was (I forget the exact amount, but)
about 180 feet: of which rise, about 150 feet took place in the last
half mile; giving a rate of about 1 in 18: up which rise I looked to
momentum, as the principal means of getting the 100,000 tons of
goods I calculated on carrying between those places.
Fourthly. In my letter to Mr. Ricardo, in answer to his pamphlet
against me, I observe, that after totally omitting to take into
consideration the important effect which momentum (as well of the
air itself as of the vehicle) would have in modifying the motion, and
preventing the stoppage of the carriage, in the way you describe at
page 21, you exclaim, “This then, is a true philosophical explanation,
of what will take place in the action of a carriage impelled by
atmospheric pressure!”
Against such philosophy as this I protest, in justice both to myself
and the public. As the basis of lectures delivered at your Mechanics’
Institution, where

—“words of learned length and thundering sound

Amaze the operatives rang’d around,”

it may have sufficed. But when held up as a criterion by which the

public mind is to take its tone for my condemnation, I am compelled
to pronounce it philosophy of which its author ought to be ashamed.
These evidences being all of dates several years anterior to the
period when Mr. Badnall states the idea of his “Undulating Railway”
first occurred to him, I shall be liable to no charge of proposing to
avail myself of momentum in consequence of his having proposed
“Undulating Railways.”

J. S. Hodson, Printer, 15, Cross Street, Hatton Garden.

 FOOTNOTES.

[4a] I have known a barge of (apparently) fifty tons burthen, come

up the whole length of your canal, with nothing but fourteen tons of
coal to land at your basin.
[4b] In his Report on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, Mr.
Walker states the price of the 40,000 tons of coal, which he
supposed might be required for the locomotive engines, at 5s. 10d.
per ton. The 25,000 tons which he supposed might be required for
the stationary engines, he states at the price of 2s. 6d. per ton.
In their review of this Report, Messrs. Stephenson and Locke state
the price of coal at 4s. 6d. per ton for 37,222 tons.
[5] The capital requisite to complete this railway was first
announced to be a million and a half. Then it was raised to two
millions. Then it was raised to three millions, in order to admit of a
“quadruple line” (that is, eight lines of rails,) being laid down. And
credit is now taken for its cheapness, because, after announcing that
three millions would be sufficient to lay down a “quadruple” railway,
two millions and a half are stated as the estimated expense of a
“double” railway. That is, after having, by advertisement upon
advertisement, announced that three millions would be enough to
lay down eight lines of rails, credit is taken for finding out that four
lines will cost two millions and a half: when the fact is, that the
estimated expense is reduced only one-sixth, while the work which
said three millions were stated to be enough to do, is reduced one
half. In other words, twopence-halfpenny is charged for half the
loaf, after it had been, in every possible way trumpeted forth, that
the whole loaf would be sold for threepence: while even this
twopence-halfpenny is liable to additions such as the following pages
advert to.
[6] I believe that the average width is not the half of 66 feet: and
that it is, in parts, much less than half, is proved by various
circumstances; one of which is the following account of an “Accident
on the railway.—An accident fatal to a poor man named Thomas
Ryans, took place on the railway on Monday last. Ryans was
employed by the Railway Company as a breaksman; and was
engaged in his business on a small train of goods drawn by the
Vulcan engine. When within a short distance of a bridge, he, for
some purpose, projected his head over the side of the waggon, and,
melancholy to relate, it came in contact with the buttress of the
bridge. The poor fellow’s brains were knocked out on his cheek; but
he lingered some time before death ended his sufferings.—
Manchester Courier.”—Morning Herald, 27th Sept. 1831.
[8] Mr. Badnall’s recent patent may make it advisable to state that
this paragraph, as well as the far greater part of the Letter, was
written prior to, and got ready for delivery at a meeting of the
Kensington Canal Company, which was fixed for the 26th of
September, 1832. Owing, however, to this meeting having been
deferred, sine die, by an advertisement in the Times of the 21st of
that month, opportunity has been given for additions; though the
paragraph to which this note refers, has neither been added to, nor
altered, since it was first written.
[10a] The decision of the Committee reported to the House of
Lords, was, that “It does not appear to the Committee that the
promoters of the bill have made out such a case as would warrant
the forcing of the proposed railway through the lands and property
of so great a proportion of dissentient landowners and proprietors.”
[10b] “The London and Birmingham Railway, in seeking an act,
spent 50,000l.: and, as they did not get the act, that sum was lost to
them.”
Mr. Hodgson’s speech, at the Liverpool and Birmingham Railway
meeting, held at Liverpool on the 21st of September last.
[11] 488l. per mile, per annum.
[13] Vide Grahames’ Letter to Wood on Chapter IX. of his Practical
Treatise on Railways: and his “Letter to the Traders and Canal
Carriers, on the Navigations connecting Liverpool and Manchester.”
[14a] This allusion is to the number of miles between Brighton and
London: which was the comparative length of what they saw.
[14b] Member for Lewes, and principal ground landlord of Brighton.
[14c] Baronet and magistrate for the county.
[14d] Vicar.
[14e] Curate.
[18] This word “cylinder” means the tunnel.
[20] That is, between three and four hundred thousand gallons.
[22a] That is, 11.3 feet in diameter.
[22b] In the best of the large stationary engines now made, a
bushel of coal will do the work of 44 horses for an hour. Therefore
to make a current of air which should be capable of conveying
10,000 tons 100 miles in an hour, would require 43 bushels of coal:
which is not twice so much as some steam vessels burn in the same
time.
[26] The proposed London and Birmingham Railway is to be sixty
feet wide in the narrowest places; notwithstanding that it is to have
only the same number of lines of rails which you must have; while,
in some parts, it will be between two and three hundred feet wide.
The average width of its whole line will be 92 feet.
[29a] An idea of the amount of these cuttings and embankments
may be given by the following statement. Every one remembers
what our school days taught us, relative to the “Great Pyramid:” the
many years it was in building: the multitudes of workmen employed:
and the vast sums expended to supply those workmen with merely
“garlic and onions.” The excavations of the Liverpool and
Manchester railway, would, if put in one lump, have formed a mass
larger than that of the “Great Pyramid:” its cubical contents being
only 2,983,263 yards; while the excavations for that railway amount
(according to its treasurer’s statement) to 3,405,000 cubic yards: or
11,386,899 cubic feet more than the whole mass of the “Great
Pyramid.”

[29b] “A locomotive engine of ten-horses power will draw 120

tons at the rate a draught-house generally travels; or 50 tons at
the rate of six miles an hour. I may here remark that the rate of
travelling may be increased to surpass that of mail coaches; and
that the locomotive engine will as readily convey 25 tons
(including its own weight) at the rate of twelve miles an hour, as
double the weight in twice the time.”—Mr. Jessop’s Second
Report to the Committee of the Proposed Railway from
Cromford to the Peak Forest Canal, at Whaley Bridge. Dated
29th November, 1824.
“An engine of four horses’ power, employed by Mr. Blenkinsop,
impelled a carriage, lightly loaded, at the rate of ten miles an
hour; and when connected with 30 coal waggons, each
weighing more than three tons, it went at about one-third of
that pace.”—Observations on a General Iron Railway, by
Thomas Gray. 1825.
“They saw two locomotive engines, for drawing along these
roads; but they were not at work. The boilers of these engines
were eight feet long, and four feet diameter: and they usually
took down fourteen waggons, carrying 53 cwt. of coals each, at
about four miles an hour. The engineer said that he once took
nine loaded waggons, one mile in five minutes and a half, which
is equal to eleven miles an hour.”—Report of a number of
gentlemen, who were deputed to inspect the rail-roads in the
north of England, relative to the Liverpool and Manchester
Railway. 1824.
“The Company are also fully persuaded, that by means of the
same power, they will be enabled to convey passengers with
perfect security, and at a speed of at least twelve miles an
hour.”—Report relative to the Liverpool and Birmingham Railway
given in Cumming’s “Illustrations of the Origin and Progress of
Rail and Tram Roads, and Steam-Carriages.” 1824.
“It is estimated, that on a level railway, a well-constructed
locomotive engine of ten horse power will, without difficulty,
convey fifty tons of goods at the rate of five miles an hour, and
lighter weights at a proportioned increase of speed. A powerful
engine will work goods over an elevation of one-eighth of an
inch in the yard. Nor is there the least doubt but carriages for
the conveyance of passengers, or light packages, may, with
perfect ease and security, be propelled at the rate of twelve
miles an hour.”—Cummings’ Illustrations of the Origin and
Progress of Railways. 1824.
“By the locomotive engine, fifty tons of goods may be conveyed
by a ten-horse-power engine, on a level-road, at the rate of six
miles an hour; and lighter weights at a proportioned increase of
speed. Carriages for the conveyance of passengers, at the rate
of twelve or fourteen miles an hour.”—Courier’s preliminary
remarks to the “Memorial of the Subscribers to the projected
Railway between Liverpool and Manchester:” dated 1st June,
1824.
“One of the railway companies at present contemplates a speed
of only eight miles an hour; but another, in its prospectus,
speaks of conveying passengers at twice the speed of the
present stage-coaches; and we look forward, pretty confidently
to the attainment, in a few years, of a velocity of 20 miles an
hour. Several millions sterling are already subscribed for
accomplishing these great projects.”—Leeds Mercury, 24th
December, 1824.
[30] “The railway a little beyond Wavertree-lane is carried
through a deep marle cutting, under several massive stone
archways, thrown across the excavation to form the requisite
communications between the roads and farms on the opposite
sides of the railway. Beyond the marle cutting is the great rock
excavation through Olive Mount, about half a mile to the north
of the village of Wavertree. Here the traveller passes through a
deep and narrow ravine, 70 feet below the surface of the
ground, little more space being opened out than sufficient for
two trains of carriages to pass each other; and the road winding
gently round towards the south-east, the prospect is bounded
by the perpendicular rock on either side, with the blue vault
above, relieved at intervals by a bridge high over head,
connecting the opposite precipices. At night, when the natural
gloom of the place is further deepened, the scene from the
bridges above will readily be imagined to be novel and striking.
The light of the moon illuminating about half the depth, and
casting a darker shade on the area below—the general silence
interrupted at intervals by a noise like distant thunder—
presently a train of carriages, led on by an engine of fire and
steam, with her lamps like two furnaces, throwing their light
onward in dazzling signal of their approach—with the strength
and speed of a war-horse the engine moves forward with its
glorious cavalcade of merchandize from all countries and
passengers of all nations. But the spectacle is transient as
striking; in a moment the pageant is gone—the meteor is
passed; the flaring of the lamps is only seen in the distance,
and the observer, looking down from the battlement above,
perceives that all again is still, and dark, and solitary.
 “Emerging from the Olive Mount cutting, you approach the great
Roby embankment, formed of the materials dug out of the
excavation we have described. This embankment stretches
across the valley for about two miles, varying in height from 15
to 45 feet, and in breadth at the base from 60 to 135 feet.
Here the traveller finds himself affected by sensations the very
reverse of what he felt a few minutes before. Mounted above
the tops of the trees, he looks around him over a wide expanse
of country, in the full enjoyment of the fresh breeze, from
whatever quarter it may blow.
“This vast embankment strikingly exhibits how much may be
accomplished when our efforts are concentrated on one grand
object. There is a feeling of satisfaction by no means common-
place, in thus overcoming obstacles and surmounting difficulties,
in making the high places low and the rough places plain, and
advancing in one straight and direct course to the end in view;
while the pleasure afforded by the contemplation of this great
work is further enhanced, when considered in contrast with
ordinary and every-day impressions.” p. 50–52.
“A few miles beyond Newton is the great Kenyon excavation,
from which about 800,000 cubic yards of clay and sand have
been dug out, part being carried to form the line of
embankment to the east and west of the cutting; and the
remainder, deposited as spoil banks, may be seen heaped up,
like Pelion upon Ossa, towering over the adjacent land.” p. 55.
“Beyond Chat Moss we traverse the Barton embankment,
crossing the low lands for about a mile between the Moss and
the Worsley Canal, over which the railway is carried by a neat
stone bridge.” p. 57.

[32] In evidence that the observations which will be found in the

course of this letter, relative to the effects of momentum, are not of
such recent origin in my mind, as Mr. Badnall states his idea relative
to this “undulating railway” to have been in his, I beg to direct
attention to the testimony given by the Appendix.
[33] I give this latter doubling to “excite the energies” of a
renowned steam-coach proprietor; who, in answer to the question,
“If your steam-coach has, as you say, gone at the rate of between
thirty and forty miles an hour over common roads, how fast would it
run on a rail-road?” replied, “At least 250 miles an hour.”
[34a] By heading their prospectus, “Capital, 3,000,000l.”
[34b] There is one manifestation of “skill and experience” [34c] in the
manner in which the Committee have been induced to lend their
sanction to statements in their Report, which merits observation.
The paragraph immediately preceding the abstract of the estimate,
states that “The locomotive engines will, in no part of the line, have
to surmount an inclination greater than 1 in 340; and for the first 50
miles out of London, none greater than 1 in 528. This degree of
approach to a level, will render the locomotive engines much more
effective, and subject them to less wear and tear than they are on
the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, part of which has an
inclination of 1 in 98.”
At page 60 of Mr. Treasurer Booth’s “Account of the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway,” is given a “Section of the line of Railway, from
Liverpool to Manchester,” which states that for 5-9ths of a mile (from
Liverpool) it is “level;” that for the next 5⅛ miles it has a fall of 1 in
1092; for the next 1½ mile, a rise of 1 in 96, &c. &c. according to
the following table:—

MILES.
5 Level.
/9
5⅛ Fall, 1 in 1092; or 1 foot in about l-5th of a mile.
1½ Rise, 1 in 96; or 1 foot in 96 feet.
1⅞ Level.
 1½ Fall, 1 in 96.
2½ Fall, 1 in 2640; or 1 foot in half a mile.
6½ Fall, 1 in 880; or 1 foot in 1-6th of a mile.
4½ Rise, 1 in 1200; or, 1 foot in about ¼ of a mile.
4½ Level.

Now as it appears from this, that, with the exception of the mile and
half which rises at the rate of 1 in 96 (up from l-6th to l-3rd of which
their momentum carries them) the part of the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway over which the locomotive engines work, has no
rise that is half so sharp as the 1 in 340, nor any which is near so
sharp as the 1 in 528, adverted to on the Bristol line, it surpasses my
comprehension to conceive what there can possibly be to “render
the locomotive engines much more effective, and subject them to
less wear and tear than they are on the Liverpool and Manchester
Railway”; while I am beyond measure surprised, that the confidence
of gentlemen could be so misled, as to expose them to a refutation
so palpable, as the statement they have thus been betrayed into
admits of.

[34c] “Confound that word! my unfortunate pen

Had well nigh prefixed to it i and n.”

[38a] “Extraordinary Performance by Steam Power.—On the

occasion of a scientific gentleman lately visiting the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway, some very extraordinary performances were
effected. On two occasions, a load amounting to 100 tons, was
drawn by one engine from Liverpool to Manchester, a distance of
above 30 miles in an hour and a half; being at the average rate of
20 miles an hour. It is said no former performance effected on the
rail-road has come near this result.”—Liverpool Advertiser.—Times,
25th June, 1832.
[38b] The tunnel which I constructed at Brighton, was strong
enough to bear the pressure thrown on it by one-third of a vacuum.
One-fourth of a vacuum would move above 4000 tons in a tunnel 8
feet in diameter, while any tunnel I might now lay down, would be
ten times stronger than that I laid down at Brighton.
[40] Dr. Hutton, at the end of a table of resistances to bodies
moving through still air, at rates varying from two to thirteen miles
an hour, says, “The resistance to the same surface is nearly as the
square of the velocity; but gradually increasing more and more
above that proportion as the velocity increases.”
[41] A hint on this point. The engine with which Watt first proved
his principle was not equal to a dog’s power. There is one now in
Cornwall said to be of 1000 horses power.
In our first steam-boats, engines of only two or three horses power
could be employed; and the proposition to use larger ones was met
by the usual exclamation, “Impossible!” We have now many steam
vessels in which engines of 200 hones power are employed; while
there is one in which they are above 300 horses power.
[45] The average produce per acre, throughout the island, is
estimated at 2½ quarters for wheat, 4 for barley, and 4½ for oats;
average, 3⅔rds.

[46] “Steam-Engines.—It has been ascertained that there are

now in Great Britain not less than 15,000 steam-engines at
work; some of almost incredible power. In Cornwall there is one
of one thousand horses power.”—New Monthly Magazine, for
July, 1831.

Independent of the large air-pumps which the iron masters

themselves use, those I put up to exhaust air from the tunnel which
I constructed at Brighton would, if worked at an extraordinary rate,
have pumped five hundred thousand gallons per minute through it.
[48a] The limits of the page render it necessary that the scale of
length should be in hundredths of an inch; but as the width would
have been imperceptible had the same scale been observed, tenths
are adverted to for it.

[48b] “Having performed what was due to his country,

Columbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which he had
received, that, instead of relinquishing his undertaking, he
pursued it with fresh ardour. He made his next overture to John
II. king of Portugal, in whose dominions he had been long
established, and whom he considered, on that account, as
having the second claim to his service. Here every circumstance
seemed to promise him a more favourable reception. He
applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no incompetent
judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronising every attempt to
discover new countries. His subjects were the most
experienced navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be
intimidated, either by the novelty or boldness of any maritime
expedition. In Portugal, the professional skill of Columbus, as
well as his personal good qualities, were thoroughly known; and
as the former rendered it probable that his scheme was not
altogether visionary, the latter exempted him from the suspicion
of any sinister intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the king
listened to him in the most gracious manner, and referred the
consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of Ceuta, and
two Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, whom he was
accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. As in Genoa,
ignorance had opposed and disappointed Columbus; in Lisbon,
he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less formidable.
The persons, according to whose decision his scheme was to be
adopted or rejected, had been the chief directors of the
Portuguese navigations, and had advised to search for a
passage to India, by steering a course directly opposite to that
which Columbus recommended as shorter and more certain.
They could not, therefore, approve of his proposal, without
submitting to the double mortification, of condemning their own
 theory, and of acknowledging his superior sagacity. After
teasing him with captious questions, and starting innumerable
objections, with a view of betraying him into such a particular
explanation of his system, as might draw from him a full
discovery of its nature, they deferred passing a final judgment
with respect to it. In the mean time, they conspired to rob him
of the honour and advantages which he expected from the
success of his scheme, advising the king to dispatch a vessel
secretly, in order to attempt the proposed discovery, by
following exactly the course which Columbus seemed to point
out. John, forgetting on this occasion, the sentiments becoming
a monarch, meanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the
pilot, chosen to execute Columbus’s plan, had neither the
genius, nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arose, no
sight of approaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he
returned to Lisbon, execrating the project as equally
extravagant and dangerous.”—Robertson’s America, Vol. I. p.
86–88.

[52] Items: up to the 31st May, 1830.

£ s. d.
Bridge account 99,065 11 9
Fencing 10,202 16 5
Chat Moss account 27,719 11 10
Cuttings and Embankments 199,763 8 0
Formation of Road 20,568 15 5
Land account 95,305 8 8
£452,625 12 1

And this, exclusive both of the 300,000l. (nearly) which has been
expended since, and of the 130,000l. which is the estimated
expense of the tunnel now in course of construction.
 [53a] “Railway Accident.—We are sorry to have to mention a
very serious accident, which occurred on Saturday, on the
railway between Kenyon and Bolton. The locomotive engine
was going up the lower inclined plane, with a heavy load of
goods, and at the turn-off at Colonel Fletcher’s colleries, ran off
the road, and was unfortunately overturned against a bank, and
fell upon the engineer and fireman, who were killed on the
spot. Two other men were riding on the tender, one of whom
was dangerously hurt, the other scalded. This engine, we
understand, was the only one which was ever worked on a
railway with wheels of six feet diameter; and, on that account,
had never been allowed to take the coaches.”—Times, 26th
July, 1831.
“On Wednesday morning, the engine drawing the first-class
train of carriages from Manchester to Liverpool, on the railway,
had the misfortune to break an axle-tree, when at full speed,
near Chat Moss; which, after ploughing the ground for some
time, went off the rails, and drew the whole train over the
embankment, [53b] when, most providentially, out of two
hundred passengers, not a life was lost, or a limb broken.
Several persons were bruised, and some seriously.”—Morning
Herald, 9th December, 1831.

[53b] There, only a foot or two above the ground.

[62] The average number of passengers drawn by the locomotive
engines between Liverpool and Manchester during the most
successful half year since that railway has been opened, is 87 each
journey.
These boats can and have carried 110 passengers at one time,
though 100 may be considered an average number.
[69] Air of only three-fourths, two-thirds, half, and in Joliffe and
Cornillot’s ascent, of less than half the usual density (the barometer
sinking to 12.15) has frequently been respired, without any serious
consequences.

[72] “Railroads, in many instances lighted with gas for a

considerable distance (in one instance for sixteen miles) are,
more or less, traversing every district of the country.”—New
Monthly Magazine, July, 1830.
“The Liverpool and Leeds Railway.—A bill is now under the
consideration of a select committee of the House of Commons,
for the purpose of connecting by rail-roads Liverpool with the
ports on the Humber, and thereby to bring the German Ocean
and the Irish Sea, the eastern and western sides of the island,
within six hours’ journey of each other. It is proposed to have
four lines of railway, two for swift carriages, going and returning
with light goods and passengers, and two for slower carriages,
with heavy goods and animals. The whole is to be lighted with
gas, so as to be traversable by night as well as day, and the
plan of the iron rails will secure the carriages from obstructing
one another.”—Times, 17th March, 1831.
“The outline of a plan has been stated to us, for lighting up the
intended line of railway from this city to London with gas. Our
correspondent says, ‘Of the practicability of the thing there can
be no doubt; and it certainly would be an improvement, and
create a great demand for coals; as the gas might be continued
from the parent line to any extent.’”—Felix Farley’s Bristol
Journal, 3rd August, 1833.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LETTER TO THE
KENSINGTON CANAL COMPANY ON THE SUBSTITUTION OF THE
PNEUMATIC RAILWAY FOR THE COMMON RAILWAY BY WHICH
THEY CONTEMPLATE EXTENDING THEIR LINE OF CONVEYANCE ***

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