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Solution Manual for Problem Solving
with C++ 10th Edition Savitch
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INSTRUCTOR’S RESOURCE GUIDE

SOLUTIONS TO PROGRAMMING PROJECTS
TO ACCOMPANY

PROBLEM
SOLVING
WITH
C++
Tenth Edition
Walter Savitch
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO

http://www.pearsonhighered.com/savitch/
and please visit our general computer science and engineering web site at:
http://www.pearsonhighered.com/cs/
Copyright © 2018 by Pearson Education, Inc.

All right reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or any
other media embodiments now known or hereafter to become known, without the prior written
permission of the publisher. Manufactured in the United States of America.

Many of the designations used by manufacturers and sellers to distinguish their products are
claimed as trademarks. Where these designations appear in this book, and the publisher was aware
of a trademark claim, the designations have been printed in initial caps or all caps.

The programs and the applications presented in this book have been included for their
instructional value. They have been tested with care but are not guaranteed for any particular
purpose. The publisher does not offer any warranties or representations, nor does it accept any
liabilities with respect to the programs or applications.

Pearson Education Inc.

501 Boylston St., Suite 900
Boston, MA 02116
Contents
Preface

Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers and C++ Programming

Chapter 2 C++ Basics

Chapter 3 More Flow of Control

Chapter 4 Procedural Abstraction and Functions that Return a Value

Chapter 5 Functions for all Subtasks

Chapter 6 I/O Streams as an Introduction to Objects and Classes

Chapter 7 Arrays

Chapter 8 Strings and Vectors

Chapter 9 Pointers and Dynamic Arrays

Chapter 10 Defining Classes

Chapter 11 Friends, Overloaded Operators, and Arrays in Classes

Chapter 12 Separate Compilation and Namespaces

Chapter 13 Pointers and Linked Lists

Chapter 14 Recursion

Chapter 15 Inheritance

Chapter 16 Exception Handling

Chapter 17 Templates

Chapter 18 Standard Template Library and C++11

Preface
This is a document that is meant to be a supplement the text for the instructor. There is a
discussion of the ideas in each chapter, teaching suggestions, and some supplementary ideas.
There are solutions to many of the programming problems. Some problems have several different
solutions that correspond to different paths through the book. The test bank contains 25 to 50 test
questions with answers for each chapter. The questions are of both short answer (multiple choice,
true false, fill in the blank) type as well as read-the-code questions and short programming
problems. I urge that explanations to the short answer questions be required of the student.
With regard to the content of this manual, it should be noted that C++ leaves many options on how
to do any problem, and any book will necessarily choose a subset to present. Our author has made
such a set of choices. I have also made what I hope is a complementary set of choices for this
Instructor's resource Manual. I am striving to produce a complementary document to the text, a
document for the instructor, but I necessarily will do some things differently. Please do not hold
the student responsible for what I have put here. The reader of this document must note that it is
necessary to read the text, as that is what the student has to work with. In spite of our efforts at
consistency of content and style, there will be some variance between some of the presentation here
and the presentation in the text.
The code has been compiled and tested with g++ (gcc 4.8.4) and Visual Studio C++ .NET 2017.
Much of the code will work on Visual Studio C++ 6.0 updated to service pack 6 but a newer
compiler is recommended that is compliant with C++11. The text uses only mainstream features of
C++, consequently, most compilers will compile the code and produce output that does not differ
significantly from the results presented here. We have attempted to supply warnings where any of
these compilers gives trouble.
 Instructor's Resource Manual
for
Savitch, Problem Solving with C++

Chapter 1

Introduction to Computers and C++ Programming

This document is intended to be a resource guide for instructors using Savitch, Problem Solving with
C++. This guide follows the text chapter by chapter. Each chapter of this guide contains the
following sections:
1. Solutions to, and remarks on, selected Programming Projects
2. Outline of topics in the chapter
3. General remarks on the chapter

Solutions and remarks on selected Programming Projects

These programming exercises are intended to help familiarize the student with the programming
environment. Solutions are very system dependent. Consequently, only two solutions are provided
for the programming projects in this chapter.

Programming Project 3. Change calculator

***********************************************************************
// Ch1 Programming Project 3.cpp
//
// This program calculates the monetary value of a number of
// quarters, dimes, and nickels.
//
***********************************************************************

#include <iostream>

using namespace std;

// ====================
// main function
// ====================

int main()
{
int quarters, dimes, nickels, total;

// Input coins
cout << "Enter number of quarters." << endl;
cin >> quarters;

6
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Education, Inc.
Savitch Instructor’s Resource Guide
Problem Solving w/ C++, 10e Chapter 1

cout << "Enter number of dimes." << endl;

cin >> dimes;
cout << "Enter number of nickels." << endl;
cin >> nickels;

// Calculate and output total

total = (quarters * 25) + (dimes * 10) + (nickels * 5);
cout << "The monetary value of your coins is " << total << " cents." <<
endl;
return 0;
}

Programming Project 4. Distance in freefall

// Ch1 Programming Project 4.cpp

// This program allows the user to enter a time in seconds
// and then outputs how far an object would drop if it is
// in freefall for that length of time

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

int main()
{
int ACCELERATION = 32;

// Declare integer variables for the time and distance. A later

// chapter will describe variables that can hold non-integer numbers.
int time, distance;

// Prompt the user to input the time

cout << "Enter the time in seconds, that the object falls: ";
cin >> time;

// Compute the distance

distance = ACCELERATION/2 * time * time;

cout << "\nThe object will fall " << distance << " feet in "
<< time << " seconds.\n";

return 0;
}

Outline of Topics in the Chapter 1

1.1 Computer Systems

1.2 Programming and Problem-Solving
1.3 Introduction to C++

7
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Education, Inc.
Savitch Instructor’s Resource Guide
Problem Solving w/ C++, 10e Chapter 1

1.4 Testing and Debugging

Suggested course outlines:

There seem to be three major approaches to teaching C++ as the first course in programming. In the
one approach, classes and objects are done very early, frequently with a library of some sort that
must be used with the text. In another, all of the ANSI C subset of C++ is covered prior to even
mentioning classes or objects. This text takes a third road that is more middle of the road. Here,
enough of the control constructs and functions are covered prior to doing classes and objects.
However, reorderings of the chapters are possible that allow any of these approaches.
Here is a "classes early" course that follows the text closely. This outline assumes no background in
computing. Topics beyond Chapter 11 may be studied as time permits.
Day days allotted
1 1 Startup business
2-3 2 Chapter 1: Introduction to Computers
4-8 5 Chapter 2: C++ Basics. If the students have programming experience, the time
spent can be significantly reduced.
9-11 3 Chapter 3: Flow of control
12-14 3 Chapter 4: Procedural Abstraction
Test 1
16-18 3 Chapter 5: Functions for all subtasks
19-22 4 Chapter 6: I/O Streams
23-27 5 Chapter 7: Arrays
Test 2
29-32 4 Chapter 8: Strings and Vectors
Chapter 9: Pointers and Dynamic Arrays
33-37 5 Chapter 10: Classes
38-41 3 Chapter 11: Friends and Overloaded Operators
Test 3
5 Chapter 12 Separate compilation and namespaces
3 Chapter 13 Pointers and Linked Lists
3 Chapter 14: Recursion
3 Chapter 15: Inheritance
3 Chapter 16: Exception Handling
3 Chapter 17: Templates
2 Chapter 18: Standard Template Library and C++11

Reorderings:
The author suggests a reordering in the preface that allow almost all of ANSI C (with the tighter
C++ type-checking) to be covered before classes. Several variants on this reordering that allow
classes a bit earlier are presented in the text. The author describes interdependency of the chapters
in the preface of the text. Other reorderings are certainly possible.

8
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Education, Inc.
Savitch Instructor’s Resource Guide
Problem Solving w/ C++, 10e Chapter 1

Chapter 1:
The student should do all the programming assignments in this chapter. These teach the locally
available program development system and familiarize the student with some of the more
common compiler errors. Error messages are quite specific to the compiler being used. It is very
important that the student learn these ideas as early as possible.

Outline of topics in the chapter:

1.1 Computer Systems
1.2 Programming and Problem-Solving
1.3 Introduction to C++
1.4 Testing and Debugging

General remarks on the chapter

This chapter serves as an introduction to computers and the language of computers for those
students who have no computer experience. The terminology is very important. Many students
only want to learn how the programming language works, and seem to be unhappy when they
find that they are required to learn the terminology associated with the language. The students
who learn the terminology have less trouble by far with this course.
Students should be given an indication of the amount of work that must be done before coding
begins. There are instances where several man-years of work have gone into software before a
single line of code was written.
Emphasize the importance of the problem-solving phase of program design. This will save the
student work in the long run. It is further important to emphasize that the problem definition and
algorithm design phases may need correcting once the actual coding and testing is in process. This
is true even if the algorithm was carefully desktop tested. Emphasize that the program design
process is an 'iterative' process. You make a start, test, correct and repeat until you have a solution.
It is a fact that the sooner the coding is started (on most problems), the longer the problem will take
to finish. My students insist on learning this the hard way. The algorithm design can be given a
boost by dividing the problem definition into INPUT, PROCESS, OUTPUT phases. The algorithm
will be primarily concerned with PROCESS, but frequently just getting information into the
computer, or out of the computer in a desirable format is a significant part of the task, if not the
whole problem.
In the text, Section 1.4, subsection "Kinds of Program Errors", there is a discussion of compiler error
messages. The error message from g++ when the wrong operator << or >> is used for input or
output, is something like errormessage.cpp:8: no match for `_IO_ostream_withassign & >> int. The
point is that compiler error messages are not clear, and anything your can do to help students to
associate error messages with errors that cause them will help the student to gain some intuition in
debugging based on compiler messages.

9
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Education, Inc.
Savitch Instructor’s Resource Guide
Problem Solving w/ C++, 10e Chapter 1

Encourage students to put only one statement per line. When errors are made, as they inevitably
are, the compiler is better able to tell us which is the offending statement. The cost is little for the
convenience gained in ability to find errors. The student should take compiler warnings to heart. If
the compiler warns about something, and the student is not absolutely certain what the message is
warning about, the student should treat the warning like the error that it probably is. The bottom
line is that all warnings (in the first course, at least) should be treated as errors. Compilers vary
with respect to what is reported as an error and what is reported with a warning. The GNU project
C++ compiler, g++ is more permissive by default. Encourage your students to compile using

g++ -W -Wall --pedantic file.cpp

This provides error messages that are close to the lint C-code checker.
GNU g++ 4.7 and Visual Studio 2013 very nearly meet the C++11 Standard. With g++ you may
need to add the –std=c++11 flag to compile with C++11.
The student should be encouraged to ask the compiler questions about the C++ language, to create
examples and to actually test the questions on the computer. The compiler is the final authority on
the version of the language that the compiler accepts, regardless of the ISO Standard. An example is
Practice Program 6, where the student is asked to type in a simple program, then test the effect of
deliberately introducing common errors.

10
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Education, Inc.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
a veteran of the French war, grandfather of one of the most eminent
of American historians. On reaching the grounds, a consultation was
held, and it was decided, in accordance with the general purpose, if
not in strict conformity to the letter of the order, to push on farther
and fortify the eminence known as Breed’s Hill, which was connected
by a ridge with Bunker Hill, and might be regarded as part of the
same locality. The position of Breed’s Hill was
Americans
admirably fitted for annoying the town and the ships in occupy
the harbour, and it was believed that, should the Bunker Hill
Americans succeed in planting batteries there, the
British would be obliged to retire from Boston. There can be little
doubt, however, that in thus departing from the strict letter of his
orders Prescott made a mistake, which might have proved fatal, had
not the enemy blundered still more seriously. The advanced position
on Breed’s Hill was not only exposed to attacks in the rear from an
enemy who commanded the water, but the line of retreat was ill
secured, and, by seizing upon Charlestown Neck, it would have been
easy for the British, with little or no loss, to have compelled Prescott
to surrender. From such a disaster the Americans were saved by the
stupid contempt which the enemy felt for them.

Reaching Breed’s Hill about midnight, Colonel Prescott’s men

began throwing up intrenchments. At daybreak they were discovered
by the sailors in the harbour, and a lively cannonade was kept up
through the forenoon by the enemy’s ships; but it produced little
effect, and the strength of the American works increased visibly hour
by hour. It was a beautiful summer day, bathed in brightest sunshine,
and through the clear dry air every movement of the spadesmen on
the hilltop and the sailors on their decks could be distinctly seen from
a great distance. The roar of the cannon had called out
Arrival of
everybody, far and near, to see what was going on, Putnam,
and the windows and housetops in Boston were Stark, and
crowded with anxious spectators. During the night Warren,
General Putnam had come upon the scene, and turned June 17,
1775
his attention to fortifying the crest of Bunker Hill, in
order to secure the line of retreat across Charlestown Neck. In the
course of the forenoon Colonel Stark arrived with reinforcements,
which were posted behind the rail fence on the extreme left, to ward
off any attempt of the British to turn their flank by a direct attack. At
the same time, Dr. Warren, now chief executive officer of
Massachusetts, and just appointed major-general, hastened to the
battlefield; replying to the prudent and affectionate remonstrance of
his friend Elbridge Gerry, “Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.”
Arriving at the redoubt, he refused the command expressly tendered
him, saying that he should be only too glad to serve as volunteer aid,
and learn his first lesson under so well tried a soldier as Prescott. This
modest heroism was typical of that memorable day, to the events of
which one may well apply the Frenchman’s dictum, “C’est magnifique,
mais ce n’est pas la guerre!” A glorious day it was in history, but
characterized, on both the British and the American sides, by heroism
rather than by military skill or prudence.
 VIEW OF BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL, FROM BEACON
HILL[6]
During the forenoon Gage was earnestly discussing with the three
new generals the best means of ousting the Americans from their
position on Breed’s Hill. There was one sure and obvious method,—to
go around by sea and take possession of Charlestown Neck, thereby
cutting off the Americans from the mainland and starving them out.
But it was thought that time was too precious to admit of so slow a
method. Should the Americans succeed, in the course of the
afternoon, in planting a battery of siege guns on Breed’s Hill, the
British position in Boston would be endangered. A direct assault was
preferred, as likely to be more speedily effective. It Gage
was unanimously agreed that these “peasants” could decides to
not withstand the charge of 3,000 veteran soldiers, try an
and it was gravely doubted if they would stay and fight assault
at all. Gage accordingly watched the proceedings,
buoyant with hope. In a few hours the disgrace of Lexington would
be wiped out, and this wicked rebellion would be ended. At noonday
the troops began crossing the river in boats, and at three o’clock they
prepared to storm the intrenchments. They advanced in two parties,
General Howe toward the rail-fence, and General Pigot toward the
redoubt, and the same fate awaited both. The Americans reserved
fire until the enemy had come within fifty yards, when all at once
they poured forth such a deadly volley that the whole front rank of
the British was mowed as if by the sudden sweep of a scythe. For a
few minutes the gallant veterans held their ground and
First assault
returned the fire; but presently an indescribable repulsed
shudder ran through the line, and they gave way and
retreated down the hillside in disorder, while the Americans raised an
exultant shout, and were with difficulty restrained by their officers
from leaping over the breastworks and pursuing.
A pause now ensued, during which the village of Charlestown was
set on fire by shells from the fleet, and soon its four hundred wooden
houses were in a roaring blaze, while charred timbers strewed the
lawns and flower-beds, and the sky was blackened with huge clouds
of smoke. If the purpose of this wholesale destruction
Second
of property was, as some have thought, to screen the assault
second British advance, the object was not attained, repulsed
for a light breeze drove the smoke the wrong way. As
the bright red coats, such excellent targets for trained marksmen,
were seen the second time coming up the slope, the Americans, now
cool and confident, withheld their fire until the distance was less than
thirty yards. Then, with a quick succession of murderous discharges,
such havoc was wrought in the British lines as soon to prove
unendurable. After a short but obstinate struggle the lines were
broken, and the gallant troops retreated hastily, leaving the hillside
covered with their dead and wounded. All this time the Americans, in
their sheltered position, had suffered but little.
So long a time now elapsed that many persons began to doubt if
the British would renew the assault. Had the organization of the
American army been better, such reinforcements of men and
ammunition might by this time have arrived from Cambridge that any
further attack upon the hill would be sure to prove fruitless. But all
was confusion at headquarters. General Ward was ill furnished with
staff officers, and wrong information was brought, while orders were
misunderstood. And besides, in his ignorance of the extent of Gage’s
plans, General Ward was nervously afraid of weakening
Prescott’s
his centre at Cambridge. Three regiments were sent powder
over too late to be of any use, and meanwhile gives out
Prescott, to his dismay, found that his stock of powder
was nearly exhausted. While he was making ready for a hand-to-
hand fight, the British officers were holding a council of war, and
many declared that to renew the attack would be simply useless
butchery. On the other hand, General Howe observed, “to be forced
to give up Boston would be very disagreeable to us all.” The case was
not so desperate as this, for the alternative of an attack upon
Charlestown Neck still remained open, and every consideration of
sound generalship now prescribed that it should be tried. But Howe
could not bear to acknowledge the defeat of his
Third
attempts to storm, and accordingly, at five o’clock, with assault
genuine British persistency, a third attack was ordered. succeeds;
For a moment the advancing columns were again the British
take the hill
shaken by the American fire, but the last powder-horns
were soon emptied, and by dint of bayonet charges the Americans
were slowly driven from their works and forced to retreat over
Charlestown Neck, while the whole disputed ground, including the
summit of Bunker Hill, passed into the hands of the British.
In this battle, in which not more than one hour was spent in
actual fighting, the British loss in killed and wounded was 1,054, or
more than one third of the whole force engaged, including an
unusually large proportion of officers. The American
British and
loss, mainly incurred at the rail-fence and during the American
final hand-to-hand struggle at the redoubt, was 449, losses
probably about one fourth of the whole force engaged.
On the British side, one company of grenadiers came out of the
battle with only five of its number left unhurt. Every officer on
General Howe’s staff was cut down, and only one survived his
wounds. The gallant Pitcairn, who had fired the first shot of the war,
fell while entering the redoubt, and a few moments later the
Americans met with an irreparable loss in the death of General
Warren, who was shot in the forehead as he lingered with rash
obstinacy on the scene, loath to join in the inevitable retreat. Another
volunteer aid, not less illustrious than Warren, fought on Bunker Hill
that day, and came away scatheless. Since the brutal beating which
he had received at the coffee-house nearly six years before, the
powerful mind of James Otis had suffered well-nigh total wreck. He
was living, harmlessly insane, at the house of his sister, Mercy
Warren, at Watertown, when he witnessed the excitement and
listened to the rumour of battle on the morning of the 17th of June.
With touching eagerness to strike a blow for the cause in which he
had already suffered so dreadful a martyrdom, Otis stole away from
home, borrowed a musket at some roadside farmhouse, and
hastened to the battlefield, where he fought manfully, and after all
was over made his way home, weary and faint, a little before
midnight.
 Though small in its dimensions, if compared with great European
battles, or with the giant contests of our own civil war, the struggle at
Bunker Hill is memorable and instructive, even from a purely military
point of view. Considering the numbers engaged and
Excessive
the short duration of the fight, the destruction of life slaughter;
was enormous. Of all the hardest-fought fields of significance
modern times, there have been very few indeed in of the battle
which the number of killed and wounded has exceeded
one fourth of the whole force engaged. In its bloodiness and in the
physical conditions of the struggle, the battle of Bunker Hill resembles
in miniature the tremendous battles of Fredericksburg and Cold
Harbor. To ascend a rising ground and storm well-manned
intrenchments has in all ages been a difficult task; at the present day,
with the range and precision of our modern weapons, it has come to
be almost impossible. It has become a maxim of modern warfare that
only the most extraordinary necessity can justify a commander in
resorting to so desperate a measure. He must manœuvre against
such positions, cut them off by the rear, or deprive them of their
value by some flanking march; but he must not, save as a forlorn
hope, waste precious human lives in an effort to storm them that is
almost sure to prove fruitless. For our means of destroying life have
become so powerful and so accurate that, when skilfully wielded from
commanding positions, no human gallantry can hope to withstand
them. As civilization advances, warfare becomes less and less a
question of mere personal bravery, and more and more a question of
the application of resistless physical forces at the proper points; that
is to say, it becomes more and more a purely scientific problem of
dynamics. Now at Bunker Hill though the Americans had not our
modern weapons of precision, yet a similar effect was wrought by the
remarkable accuracy of their aim, due to the fact that they were all
trained marksmen, who waited coolly till they could fire at short
range, and then wasted no shots in random firing. Most of the British
soldiers who fell in the two disastrous charges of that day were
doubtless picked off as partridges are picked off by old sportsmen,
and thus is explained the unprecedented slaughter of officers.
Probably nothing quite like this had yet been seen in the history of
war, though the principle had been similar in those wonderful trials of
the long-bow in such mediæval battles as Crécy and Dupplin Moor.
Against such odds even British pluck and endurance could not prevail.
Had the Americans been properly supplied with powder, Howe could
no more have taken Bunker Hill by storm than Burnside could take
the heights of Fredericksburg.
The moral effect of the battle of Bunker Hill, both in
Its moral
America and Europe, was remarkable. It was for the effect
British an important victory, inasmuch as they not only
gained the ground for which the battle was fought, but by so doing
they succeeded in keeping their hold upon Boston for nine months
longer. Nevertheless, the moral advantage was felt to be quite on the
side of the Americans. It was they who were elated by the day’s
work, while it was the British who were dispirited. The belief that
Americans could not fight was that day dispelled forever. British
officers who remembered Fontenoy and Minden declared that the
firing at Bunker Hill was the hottest they had ever known, and, with
an exaggeration which was pardonable as a reaction from their
former ill-judged contempt, it was asserted that the regulars of
France were less formidable foes than the militia of New England. It
was keenly felt that if a conquest of a single strategic position had
encountered such stubborn resistance, the task of subjugating the
United Colonies was likely to prove a hard one. “I wish we could sell
them another hill at the same price,” said General Greene. Vergennes,
the French minister of foreign affairs, exclaimed that with two more
such victories England would have no army left in America.
Washington said there could now be no doubt that the liberties of the
people were secure. While Franklin, taking extreme ground, declared
that England had lost her colonies forever.
 CHAPTER IV
INDEPENDENCE

On the 2d of July, 1775, after a journey of eleven Washington

days, General Washington arrived in Cambridge from arrives in
Philadelphia, and on the following day, under the Cambridge
shade of the great elm-tree which still stands hard by
the Common, he took command of the Continental army, which as
yet was composed entirely of New Englanders. Of the 16,000 men
engaged in the siege of Boston, Massachusetts furnished 11,500,
Connecticut 2,300, New Hampshire 1,200, Rhode Island 1,000. These
contingents were arrayed under their local commanders, and under
the local flags of their respective commonwealths, though Artemas
Ward of Massachusetts had by courtesy exercised the chief command
until the arrival of Washington. During the month of July, Congress
gave a more continental complexion to the army by sending a
reinforcement of 3,000 men from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and
Virginia, including the famous Daniel Morgan, with his sturdy band of
sharpshooters each man of whom, it was said, while marching at
double-quick, could cleave with his rifle-ball a squirrel at a distance of
three hundred yards. The summer of 1775 thus brought together in
Cambridge many officers whose names were soon to become
household words throughout the length and breadth of the land, and
a moment may be fitly spent in introducing them before we proceed
with the narrative of events.
Daniel Morgan, who had just arrived from Virginia Daniel
with his riflemen, was a native of New Jersey, of Welsh Morgan
descent. Moving to Virginia at an early age, he had
won a great reputation for bravery and readiness of resource in the
wild campaigns of the Seven Years’ War. He was a man of gigantic
stature and strength, and incredible powers of endurance. In his
youth, it is said, he had received five hundred lashes by order of a
tyrannical British officer, and had come away alive and defiant. On
another occasion, in a fierce woodland fight with the Indians, in
which nearly all his comrades were slain, Morgan was shot through
the neck by a musket-ball. Almost fainting from the wound, which he
believed to be fatal, Morgan was resolved, nevertheless, not to leave
his scalp in the hands of a dirty Indian; and falling forward, with his
arms tightly clasped about the neck of his stalwart horse, though
mists were gathering before his eyes, he spurred away through the
forest paths, until his foremost Indian pursuer, unable to come up
with him, hurled his tomahawk after him with a yell of baffled rage,
and gave up the chase. With this unconquerable tenacity, Morgan
was a man of gentle and unselfish nature; a genuine diamond,
though a rough one; uneducated, but clear and strong in intelligence
and faithful in every fibre. At Cambridge began his long
Benedict
comradeship with a very different character, Benedict Arnold
Arnold, a young man of romantic and generous
impulses, and for personal bravery unsurpassed, but vain and self-
seeking, and lacking in moral robustness; in some respects a more
polished man than Morgan, but of a nature at once coarser and
weaker. We shall see these two men associated in some of the most
brilliant achievements of the war; and we shall see them persecuted
and insulted by political enemies, until the weaker nature sinks and is
ruined, while the stronger endures to the end.
NATHANAEL GREENE
 SILHOUETTE OF JOHN STARK

Along with Morgan and Arnold there might have been seen on
Cambridge Common a man who was destined to play no less
conspicuous a part in the great campaign which was to end in the
first decisive overthrow of the British. For native shrewdness, rough
simplicity, and dauntless courage, John Stark was much like Morgan.
What the one name was in the great woods of the Virginia frontier,
that was the other among the rugged hills of northern New England,
—a symbol of patriotism and a guarantee of victory. Great as was
Stark’s personal following in New Hampshire, he had not, however,
the chief command of the troops of that colony. The
John
commander of the New Hampshire contingent was Sullivan
John Sullivan, a wealthy lawyer of Durham, who had
sat in the first Continental Congress. Sullivan was a gentleman of
culture and fair ability as a statesman. As a general, he was brave,
intelligent, and faithful, but in no wise brilliant. Closely associated
with Sullivan for the next three years we shall find Nathanael Greene,
now in command of the Rhode Island contingent. For
Nathanael
intellectual calibre all the other officers here mentioned Greene
are dwarfed in comparison with Greene, who comes
out at the end of the war with a military reputation scarcely, if at all,
inferior to that of Washington. Nor was Greene less notable for the
sweetness and purity of his character than for the scope of his
intelligence.[7] He had that rare genius which readily assimilates all
kinds of knowledge through an inborn correctness of method.
Whatever he touched, it was with a master hand, and
Henry Knox
his weight of sense soon won general recognition.
Such a man was not unnaturally an eager book-buyer, and in this way
he had some time ago been brought into pleasant relations with the
genial and intelligent Henry Knox, who from his bookshop in Boston
had come to join the army as a colonel of artillery, and soon became
one of Washington’s most trusty followers.
 Of this group of officers, none have as yet reached
Older
very high rank in the Continental army. Sullivan and officers
Greene stand at the end of the list of brigadier-
generals; the rest are colonels. The senior major-general, Artemas
Ward, and the senior brigadiers, Pomeroy Heath, Thomas, Wooster,
and Spencer, will presently pass into the background, to make way
for these younger or more vigorous men. Major-
Israel
General Israel Putnam, the picturesque wolf-slayer, a Putnam
brave and sterling patriot, but of slender military
capacity, will remain in the foreground for another year, and will then
become relegated mainly to garrison duty.
With the exception of Morgan, all the officers here noticed are
New England men, as is natural, since the seat of war is in
Massachusetts, and an army really continental in complexion is still to
be formed. The Southern colonies have as yet contributed only
Morgan and the commander-in-chief. New York is represented in the
Continental army by two of the noblest of American heroes,—Major-
General Philip Schuyler and Brigadier-General Richard Montgomery;
but these able men are now watching over Ticonderoga and the
Indian frontier of New York. But among the group
Horatio
which in 1775 met for consultation on Cambridge Gates and
Common, or in the noble Tory mansion now hallowed Charles Lee
alike by memories of Washington and of Longfellow,
there were yet two other generals, closely associated with each other
for a time in ephemeral reputation won by false pretences, and
afterwards in lasting ignominy. It is with pleasure that one recalls the
fact that these men were not Americans, though both possessed
estates in Virginia; it is with regret that one is forced to own them as
Englishmen. Of Horatio Gates and his career of imbecility and
intrigue, we shall by and by see more than enough. At this time he
was present in Cambridge as adjutant-general of the army. But his
friend, Charles Lee, was for the moment a far more conspicuous
personage; and this eccentric creature, whose career was for a long
time one of the difficult problems in American history, needs
something more than a passing word of introduction.
WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS
 Although Major-General Charles Lee happened to have acquired
an estate in Virginia, he had nothing in common with the illustrious
family of Virginian Lees beyond the accidental identity of name. He
was born in England, and had risen in the British army to the rank of
lieutenant-colonel. He had served in America in the Seven Years’ War,
and afterward, as a soldier of fortune, he had wandered about
Europe, obtaining at one time a place on the staff of the king of
Poland. A restless adventurer, he had come over again
Lee’s
to America as soon as he saw that a war was brewing personal
here. There is nothing to show that he cared a rush for peculiarities
the Americans, or for the cause in which they were fighting, but he
sought the opportunity of making a name for himself. He was
received with enthusiasm by the Americans. His loud, pompous
manner and enormous self-confidence at first imposed upon
everybody. He was tall, lank, and hollow-cheeked, with a
discontented expression of face. In dress he was extremely slovenly.
He was fond of dogs, and always had three or four at his heels, but
toward men and women his demeanour was morose and insulting.
He had a sharp, cynical wit, and was always making severe remarks
in a harsh, rough voice. But the trustful American imagination
endowed this unpleasant person with the qualities of a great soldier.
His reputation was part of the unconscious tribute which the
provincial mind of our countrymen was long wont to pay to the men
and things of Europe; and for some time his worst actions found a
lenient interpretation as the mere eccentricities of a wayward genius.
He had hoped to be made commander-in-chief of the army, and had
already begun to nourish a bitter grudge against Washington, by
whom he regarded himself as supplanted. In the following year we
shall see him endeavouring to thwart the plans of Washington at the
most critical moment of the war, but for the present he showed no
signs of insincerity, except perhaps in an undue readiness to parley
with the British commanders. As soon as it became clear that a war
was beginning, the hope of winning glory by effecting an
accommodation with the enemy offered a dangerous temptation to
men of weak virtue in eminent positions. In October, Benjamin
1775, the American camp was thrown into great Church
consternation by the discovery that Dr. Benjamin
Church, one of the most conspicuous of the Boston leaders, had
engaged in a secret correspondence with the enemy. Dr. Church was
thrown into jail, but as the evidence
of treasonable intent was not
absolutely complete, he was set free
in the following spring, and allowed
to visit the West Indies for his
health. The ship in which he sailed was never heard from again. This
kind of temptation, to which Church succumbed at the first outbreak
of the war, beset Lee with fatal effect after the Declaration of
Independence, and wrought the ruin of Arnold after the conclusion of
the French alliance.
To such a man as Charles Lee, destitute of faith in the loftier
human virtues or in the strength of political ideas, it might easily
have seemed that more was to be hoped from negotiation than from
an attempt to resist Great Britain with such an army as that of which
he now came to command the left wing. It was fortunate that the
British generals were ignorant of the real state of things. Among the
moral effects of the battle of Bunker Hill there was one which proved
for the moment to be of inestimable value. It impressed upon
General Howe, who now succeeded to the chief command, the
feeling that the Americans were more formidable than had been
supposed, and that much care and forethought would be required for
a successful attack upon them. In a man of his easy-going
disposition, such a feeling was enough to prevent decisive action. It
served to keep the British force idle in Boston for months, and was
thus of great service to the American cause. For in spite of the zeal
and valour it had shown, this army of New England minute-men was
by no means in a fit condition for carrying on such an arduous
enterprise as the siege of Boston. When Washington took command
of the army on Cambridge Common, he found that the first and most
trying task before him was out of this excellent but very raw material
to create an army upon which he could depend. The
Difficult
battle of Bunker Hill had just been lost, under work for
circumstances which were calculated to cheer the Washington
Americans and make them hopeful of the future; but it
would not do to risk another battle, with an untrained staff and a
scant supply of powder. All the work of organizing an army was still
to be done, and the circumstances were not such as to make it an
easy work. It was not merely that the men, who were much better
trained in the discipline of the town meeting than in that of the camp,
needed to be taught the all-important lesson of military
subordination: it was at first a serious question how they were to be
kept together at all. That the enthusiasm kindled on the day of
Lexington should have sufficed to bring together 16,000 men, and to
keep them for three months at their posts, was already remarkable;
but no army, however patriotic and self-sacrificing, can be supported
on enthusiasm alone. The army of which Washington took command
was a motley crowd, clad in every variety of rustic attire, armed with
trusty muskets and rifles, as their recent exploit had shown, but
destitute of almost everything else that belongs to a soldier’s outfit.
From the Common down to the river, their rude tents were dotted
about here and there, some made of sail-cloth stretched over poles,
some piled up of stones and turf, some oddly wrought of twisted
green boughs; while the more fortunate ones found comparatively
luxurious quarters in Massachusetts Hall, or in the little Episcopal
church, or in the houses of patriotic citizens. These volunteers had
enlisted for various periods, for the most part short, under various
contracts with various town or provincial governments. It was not
altogether clear how they were going to be paid, nor was it easy to
see how they were going to be fed. That this army should have been
already subsisted for three months, without any commissariat, was in
itself an extraordinary fact. Day by day the heavy carts had rumbled
into Cambridge, bringing from the highlands of Berkshire and
Worcester, and from the Merrimac and Connecticut valleys, whatever
could in any wise be spared of food, or clothing, or medicines, for the
patriot army; and the pleasant fields of Cambridge were a busy scene
of kindness and sympathy.
 A Westerly View of the Colledges in Cambridge New
England
Such means as these, however, could not long be efficient. If war
was to be successfully conducted, there must be a commissariat,
there must be ammunition, and there must be money. And here
Washington found himself confronted with the difficulty which never
ceased to vex his noble soul and disturb his best laid schemes until
the day when he swooped down upon Cornwallis at Yorktown. He
had to keep making the army, with which he was often
Absence of
expected to fight battles ere it was half made; and in government
this arduous work he could get but little systematic al
help from any quarter. At present the difficulty was organization
that there was nowhere any organized government
competent to support an army. On Washington’s arrival, the force
surrounding Boston owed allegiance, as we have seen, to four
distinct commonwealths, of which two, indeed,—Connecticut and
Rhode Island,—preserving their ancient charters, with governors
elected by themselves, were still in their normal condition. In New
Hampshire, on the other hand, the royal governor, John Wentworth,
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