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Elements of Matrix
Modeling and
Computing
with
MATLAB ®
Elements of Matrix
Modeling and
Computing
with
MATLAB ®
Robert E. White
This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable efforts
have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot assume
responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and publishers
have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize to
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List of Tables xi
Preface xiii
Introduction xv
2 Vectors in Space 47
2.1 Vectors and Dot Product . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2.2 Cross and Box Products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
2.3 Lines and Curves in R3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
2.4 Planes in R3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
2.5 Extensions to Rq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
3 Ax = d: Unique Solution 95
3.1 Matrix Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
3.2 Matrix Products . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
3.3 Special Cases of Ax = d . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
3.4 Row Operations and Gauss Elimination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
3.5 Inverse Matrices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
3.6 OX Factorization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
3.7 Determinants and Cramer’s Rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
v
vi CONTENTS
Bibliography 397
Index 399
List of Figures
vii
viii LIST OF FIGURES
xi
Preface
xiii
xiv PREFACE
developed from very simple models to more complex models. The reader can
locate sections pretaining to a particular application by using the index.
°R
MATLAB is used to do some of the more complicated computations. Al-
though the primary focus is to develop by-hand calculation skills, most sec-
tions at the end have some MATLAB calculations. The MATLAB m-files used
in the text are listed in the index and are included in the book’s Web site:
http://www4.ncsu.edu/~white. The approach to using computing tools in-
cludes: first, learn the math and by-hand calculations; second, use a computing
tool to confirm the by-hand calculations; third, use the computing tool to do
more complicated calculations and applications.
I hope this book will precipitate discussions concerning the core mathemat-
ical course work that scientists and engineers are required to study. Discrete
models and computing have become more common, and this has increased the
need for additional study of matrix computation, and numerical and linear al-
gebra. The precise topics, skills, theory and appropriate times to teach these
are certainly open for discussion. The matrix algebra topics in this book are
a small subset of most upper level linear algebra courses, which should be en-
hanced and taken by a number of students. This book attempts to make a
bridge from two- and three-variable problems to more realistic problems with
more variables, but it emphasizes skills more than theory.
I thank my colleagues who have contributed to many discussions about the
content of this text. And, many thanks go to my personal friends and Liz White
who have listened to me emote during the last year.
Bob White
MATLAB is a registered trademark of The MathWorks, Inc. For product
information, please contact:
One can view an p×q matrix as a table of objects with p rows and q columns.
The objects are usually real or complex numbers, but they could be characters
or records of information. A simple example is data for the last 12 months of
car sales where there are p = 12 rows and q = 2 columns. The first column
will have the month’s number and the second column will have the number of
cars sold in the corresponding month. By examining the data one would like
to make a prediction about futures sales. This is where the modeling enters.
If the graph of the sales versus months "looks" like a straight line, then the
data may be modeled by a linear function of time | = pw b + f. The slope p b
and intercept f must be chosen so that the computed sales are "close" to the
car sales data. This is done by appropriate manipulations of the two column
vectors and computing a solution of the resulting system of algebraic equations.
Once p b and f have been found, the predicted sales for w larger than 12 can
easily be calculated by evaluating the linear function. The modeling process is
complicated by incorrect sales data, changing prices and other models such as
a parabolic function of time.
This text examines a variety of applications, which have matrix models and
often have algebraic systems that must be solved either by-hand calculations
or using a computing tool. Applications to projectiles, circuits, mixing tanks,
trusses, heat conduction, motion of a mass, curve fitting and image enhancement
will be initially modeled in very simple ways and then revisited so as to make
the model more accurate. This is typical of the modeling process where there is
an application, a model, mathematical method, computations and assessment
of the results. Then this cycle is repeated so as to enhance the application’s
model.
The first two chapters deal with problems in two- and three-dimensional
space where the matrices have no more than three rows or columns. Here
geometric insight can be used to understand the models. In Section 2.5 the
extension to higher dimensions is indicated for vectors and matrices, solution
to larger algebraic systems, more complicated curve fitting, time dependent
problems with systems of dierential equations and image modeling. Chapters
three, four and five have the basic matrix methods that are required to solve
systems in higher dimensions. Chapters six and seven contain time dependent
models and introduce linear systems of dierential equations. The last two
xv
xvi INTRODUCTION
1 }3 }2 }
Chapter 1
1
2 CHAPTER 1. VECTORS IN THE PLANE
The set of rational numbers has a countable but infinite number of elements.
Also, the addition and product of two rational numbers are rational numbers.
{ = ±(={1 · · · {g · · · )10h
±({1 @10 + · · · + {g @10g + · · · )10h =
Real numbers contain the rational numbers, but not all real numbers are
rational. For example, consider { = 31@2 where 3 is a prime number. If { were
a rational number, then { = p@q giving 3 = p2 @q2 and 31 q2 = p2 . The
left side has an odd number of prime factors 3, and the right side has an even
number of prime factors 3. This contradicts the unique factorization property
and, hence, { cannot be a rational number.
This is a floating point number with base equal to 10 where {1 is not equal
to zero, {l are integers between 0 and 9, the exponent h is an integer between
given integers i and j and g is a positive integer called the precision of the
floating point system
Associated with each real number, {, and its floating point approximate
number, i o({), is the floating point error, i o({) {. This error decreases as
the precision, g, increases. Each computer calculation has some floating point
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among those of an earlier date had touched the phases of the theme
specially appealing to our novelist. In fiction the dates just given would
exempt him from any suspicion of obligation to Bulwer or Dickens. His
originality stamps itself on the opening chapter of La Vendée, and is
consistently maintained throughout. Before the action of the novel begins,
its royalist heroes can no longer doubt the resolution reached by the
municipality of Paris that the king should fall. The Convention, in fact, was
already founding the republic. The actual process, indeed, had advanced far
enough to array the country gentlemen of La Vendée (1850) and their
retainers in arms against the new régime. The entirely fresh descriptive
feature of the opening chapters is the account of social Paris when the
Jacobins were entrapping Louis XVI.
Here Trollope drew not on Alison, but the first-hand knowledge
conveyed to him by his mother. Mrs. Trollope, in her turn, had been taken
behind the political scenes of the period by the man whom the royalists in
her son’s story agreed could alone save the throne. This was the same
General Lafayette that Trollope’s parents had visited in his French country
house and that always remained their chief friend abroad. During the early
months of 1792, most of the haute noblesse had exchanged the French
capital for London or for the English country houses, many of them, as has
been already said, familiar to Trollope. They left, however, behind them
enough of wit, beauty, and fashionable brilliance to prevent the capital from
losing its character of the Western world’s polite metropolis. The city, in a
phrase of a contemporary writer, H. S. Edwards, that took Trollope’s fancy,
from having been the Lutetia of the ancients had become the lætitia of the
moderns. Intellectual interest in the progress of the Revolution, up to the
beginning of the king’s imprisonment, had the effect of obliterating class
distinctions. It produced a certain solidarity between the professional
classes which supplied the revolutionary leaders, and the more enlightened
of the aristocracy that, long since admitting the necessity of drastic social
ameliorations, had, as Trollope summarises it, approved the early demands
of the tiers état, had applauded the tennis-court oath, had entered with
enthusiasm into the fête of the Champ de Mars. These had credulously
persuaded themselves that sin, avarice, and selfishness were about to be
banished from the world by philosophy.
Bitter experience had already taught them their mistake. Philosophy
placed no check upon human nature’s worst passions. The high-flown
panegyrics on virtue in the abstract were practically consistent with the
letting loose of the tiger and the ape in individuals. The feast of reason that
followed the beheading of the king proved the introduction to the long-
drawn-out orgy of fiends lasting till Robespierre’s death in 1794. What
refuge could there be for the now undeceived dupes of their own fond
expectations but in flight? Those who from the first had remained courtiers
or royalists, and those whom a spurious philanthropy had caused to dally
with wholesale homicide, hastened to put the English Channel between
themselves and a capital and country from which had vanished all hope of
personal safety or service to their fellow-men. Some gallant spirits had long
lingered on near the place of the king’s confinement, refusing even now to
despair of some happy chance that might favour his escape from his
enemies, and enable his friends to conduct him permanently out of danger.
Such were the historical circumstances and actual conditions of the time
without a knowledge of which Trollope’s third novel cannot be rightly
understood. Its title came from the new republican name for the vintage
districts of Anjou and Poitou, La Vendée (vendange). Those of its gentry
who had rallied round the king were known in Paris as the Poitevins. The
hope of which this little group supplied the leaders was scarcely so forlorn
as it has been described since, during the seven years period covered by
Trollope’s novel, the Vendean resistance to the Convention was carried on
not only with unfailing courage but occasionally with substantial military
success. In Paris, where the story opens, the Poitevins had attracted to their
number some among the more moderate members of the Assembly, and
particularly certain of those who had been officers of the royal bodyguard.
They formed themselves into a club whose meetings were held in the Rue
Vivienne. The last of these gatherings took place on August 12, 1792, and
lasted just long enough to acquaint all present with the final and complete
defeat of the moderates, who so far had clung to the conviction that in some
unexplained manner the monarchy would be preserved from final
overthrow. Against all gentler counsels, against, in Trollope’s words, the
firmness of Roland, the eloquence of Vergniaud, the patriotism of Guadet,
the brute force of Paris had prevailed.
Louis XVI, his worst enemies could not deny, had inherited none of his
predecessor’s vices, and had shown himself the friend of popular rights. He
had indeed actually himself convoked the Assembly that had no sooner
come together than it resolved on his destruction. The Poitevins, however,
had correctly estimated their resources in their respective neighbourhoods.
With a good heart they now welcome and prepare for open war. When told
that the sovereign’s defenders are outvoted in the Assembly and that
resistance to the people is vain, they one and all protest against dignifying
by that name the mob of blood-thirsty ruffians who for the time have the
capital at their mercy. The real voice of the French people is for the
monarch’s restoration to his rights. Under the Vendean gentry as leaders the
masses will rise like one man against the demagogues who so foully
misrepresent them. The real enemies of France and of the king are in each
case the same men. To save the country from the usurpations of the
Assembly falsely called national is also to deliver the lawful ruler from the
dungeon to which, in the midst of this heroic oratory, comes the news of
Louis having been consigned.
That for the present the mission of the patriots in Paris cannot proceed
further is now admitted by all. Before, however, the patriots disperse, each
to his own provincial neighbourhood, we have made acquaintance with the
clearly and picturesquely characterised individuals of whom they consist.
Its most prominent member, Lescure, is a type, historically true, of the
educated and enlightened Frenchman, keenly alive to the abuses and evils
of the aristocratic system that were at the root of popular degradation and
distress. His mind had been nurtured, and his political education derived,
from studying classical republicanism, as it existed in Athens and Rome. He
was deeply read in Rousseau, Voltaire, and in the whole literature of the
encyclopædists. An amiably philanthropic disposition had combined with
tendencies of his intellectual culture to take for his watchwords Liberty,
Fraternity, though not, it would seem, Equality. On perceiving the new
movement to mean universal surrender to an ignorant and brutal mob, he
drew back, to find himself gradually pressed into the presidency of the little
Poitevin society. This personification of high-minded and cultivated
philanthropy numbered amongst its followers the youthful heir to an ancient
and wealthy territorial marquisate, Henri de Larochejaquelin.[8] His
principles had been formed on those of his elder, Lescure, but his
temperament, eager, impetuous, delighting in the rush and whirl of social
gaiety, forms a contrast to his staid and judicious senior. In one respect he
stands out as a product of the period. The new generation was often
noticeable for the precocious manhood developed in the hothouse
atmosphere of a convulsive epoch. Since reaching his seventeenth year, the
young noble now mentioned, in consequence of his father’s ill-health, had
taken upon himself the paternal estates’ management, and his sister
Agatha’s guardianship.
Adolphe Denot is another who has a place in this little company. Born to
a position of territorial ownership in Poitou, Denot represents in Trollope’s
story the superficial votaries of political change, ready to take up with the
newest mode in public affairs, without the trouble of inquiring into its
significance or worth. Without Lescure’s historical knowledge and
reflective habits, he belonged to the same section of French society as that
in which Lescure had been reared. The earliest French protests against the
tyranny of ages came from the French nobility themselves. Never in the
theatre at Versailles had louder applause been excited than by the lines of
Voltaire’s play, produced during the interval separating the first from the
last quarter of the eighteenth century: “I am the son of Brutus, and bear
graven on the heart the love of liberty and a horror of kings.” In the cheers
that greeted these words, Trollope’s Denot might have followed the vogue
by joining. J. J. Rousseau no doubt made himself personally responsible for
the doctrine of the people’s sovereignty and its consequences. Before,
however, its proclamation by him, Voltaire’s wit had secured the notion
acceptance with rank, fashion, aristocracy, and even the Court circle.
Recently, however, the enthusiasts for freedom in the royal playhouse had
discovered everything which savoured of revolution to be insufferably
vulgar. He had therefore gone over to Larochejaquelin’s lead, and enrolled
himself under Lescure in the little Poitevin clique. Petted and caressed, as
Trollope puts it, by the best and fairest in France, the revolution was still in
its infancy when men discovered it to be a beast of prey, big with war,
anarchy, and misrule.
The royalist organisation now described having been disbanded in the
capital, the scene changes to those regions of southern France known as La
Vendée. The country gentlemen of Anjou and Poitou were generally
landlords of the smaller kind. They lived in comfort, but without any
ambition for mere splendour. No pride in the antiquity of their race
prevented their treating their tenants and household retainers less as
dependents than equals. The instances of this now given exemplify
Trollope’s favourite thesis that in a patrician dispensation characterised by
thoughtfulness on the part of its controllers for those who live under it,
there is more of the true democratic spirit than marks the most levelling
variety of popular self-rule. The gentlemen of La Vendée have no sooner
reappeared in their country homes than the counter-revolution, without any
fostering agitation on their part, almost of its own accord sets in.
The Vendeans had heard from their rural seclusion of the king’s
imprisonment, and of the insults offered by his republican jailors to the
time-honoured ordinances of Church and State. There is no need for
Lescure, Larochejaquelin, and the others to stimulate the local peasantry by
fresh appeals against the emissaries of the detested republic. These only
show themselves for the purpose of enrolling fresh conscripts, and forcibly
apprehending a reluctant recruit. The spontaneous popular resistance ends
in a pitched battle, with victory for the royalists. Operations are now on a
larger scale. The struggle is no longer between small local garrisons on the
one hand, and hastily levied, imperfectly disciplined royalist bodies on the
other. Henceforth two armies, each tolerably marshalled and fairly
equipped, meet each other in the field. Sieges are laid, attacks are delivered,
sometimes repelled and sometimes succumbed to; all the combatants are
engaged, towns are captured, private parks transform themselves into
entrenched camps. Durbellière particularly, the country seat of the
Larochejaquelins, becomes the theatre of a war conducted with sanguinary
resolution on both sides, and with constantly varying fortunes. Among each
host brave deeds in plenty are done. With the royalists the most picturesque,
heroic, and victorious figure is that of Henri de Larochejaquelin, whose red
sash and shoulder-band prove the same talisman of triumph as the snow-
white plume of Henry of Navarre when he defeated the Duke of Mayenne at
Ivry.
With the republicans too were to be found men equally capable or
courageous, if less personally attractive. In the French romance that
followed the Irish novels Trollope made no pretence of making his
imagination the handmaid of history. Bulwer-Lytton, in The Last of the
Barons, circumstantially constructed a bold and picturesque hypothesis as a
plausibly conjectural explanation of the quarrel between Edward IV and
Warwick. That was not at all in Trollope’s way. Equally little is his
inclination, after the fashion of Sir Walter Scott, to play fast and loose with
recorded facts, and to represent authenticated events in the light, and from
the point of view, which happened to suit him. For the most part Trollope
follows through every detail the accurate chronicle of the time. In one case,
however, that he may account for the disappearance from his narrative of
the character he calls Adolphe Denot, he departs from the historic record.
According to Trollope, the Chouans, or Bretons who continued the Vendean
War, followed a mysterious, if not an actually insane leader. The alleged
mystery is mere invention. No personage of the period is more historical
than Jean Cottereau, who from the first led the Bretons, and whose signal,
the cry of the screech-owl (chat-huant), gave their name to the little Breton
band. Nor can it be said that the historian’s version of events is, even for
artistic purposes, improved on by the novelist’s discovery, in the Vendean
leader, of Adolphe Denot, who, in an hour of what his friends charitably
called mental aberration, had left the good cause of Church and King, had
thrown in his lot with the revolutionaries. Since then he had remained out of
sight.
At the point now under consideration, the novelist might indeed have
done better, for himself as well as for his readers, had he exercised his fancy
at least on the lines marked out by the historian. At the same time he
deserves the praise of having caught the spirit of his period, as well as of
having imbued his pages with a fair amount of genuine local colour. One
word may be said about the pen-and-ink artist’s methods and the effect of
his picture as a whole. The pervading tone, subdued if not, as in his first
story, The Macdermots, sombre, at well-chosen points is relieved by the
introduction of those lighter tints that Trollope’s quick eye for the humorous
never failed in the right place to bring out. In the loyalist households, of the
Vendean squires, the servants are treated less as inferiors than equals.
Seeing in their employers their friends, and during war-time their comrades,
they vie with each other in proving their devotion to the good cause. There
thus sets in among them a generous rivalry as to who shall be nearest their
lords in the hour of peril. Such a competition provides many happy
openings for sketches of votaries of the sceptre and the crozier outdoing
each other in the still-room and the servants’ hall.
There still remain Trollope’s estimates of the republican managers who,
differing about much, agreed in calling the Vendeans mean curs, fit only for
utter extermination. Six years earlier than the writing of La Vendée,
Macaulay’s article on Barère had appeared in the spring number of The
Edinburgh Review. The estimates of that particular revolutionary leader
given by the historian and by the novelist generally agree with each other,
but in every detail show the mutual independence of their writers.
Macaulay’s account is an oratorical indictment, delivered in a more than
usually impressive manner, and declaring that an amalgam of sensuality,
poltroonery, baseness, effrontery, mendacity, and barbarity, such as in a
novel would be condemned for caricature, was realised in Barère. Beside
the essayist’s portrait of Bertrand Barère, place that in the novel which is
our immediate concern, the one man, in a little party armed to the teeth,
without sword, constantly playing with a little double-barrelled pistol,
which he continually cocked and uncocked, and of which the fellow lay on
the table before him. A tall, well-built, handsome man about thirty years of
age, with straight black hair brushed upright from his forehead, his
countenance gave the idea of eagerness and impetuosity rather than of
cruelty or brutality. He was, however, essentially egotistical and insincere.
A republican not from conviction but from prudential motives, he only
deserted the throne when he saw that it was tottering.
For a time Barère supported the moderate party in the republic, and
voted with the Girondists. He gradually joined the Jacobins, as he saw they
were triumphing over their rivals. He was afterwards one of those who
handed over the leaders of the Reign of Terror to the guillotine, and assisted
in denouncing Robespierre and St. Just. He was one of the very few who
managed to outlive the Revolution, and did so for nearly half a century.
Nature had not formed him to be a monster gloating in blood. The republic
had altered his disposition, and taught him, among those with whom he
associated, to delight in the work which they required at his hands. Thus he
became one of those who loudly called for more blood, while blood on
every side was running in torrents. He too it was who demanded the murder
of the queen, when Robespierre would have saved her. Before the
Revolution he had been a wealthy aristocrat; he still wears the costume of
his earlier period in the blue dress-coat, buttoned closely, notwithstanding
the heat of the weather, round his body; the carefully tied cravat, disfigured
by no wrinkle; the tightly fitting breeches that show the well-shaped leg. As
a contrast to this sometime nobleman gibbeted by Macaulay, Trollope
presents one to another notoriety of the period, known as the “King of the
Faubourgs.” This was a large, rough, burly man, about forty years of age, of
Flemish descent, by trade a brewer, by name Santerre, without fine feelings
to be distressed at the horrid work set him to do, but filled with a coarse
ambition, which made him a ready tool for the schemers who used his
physical powers, courage, and wealth to their own ends.
The gallery given us by Trollope contains one more portrait, of fresher
interest in itself, and not less life-like in its swift, sure strokes. Westerman
in Carlyle’s description appears as an Alsatian. With Trollope he is a pure
Prussian, a mercenary soldier who, banished from his native land, took
service as a private in the army of the French republic, was soon promoted
to be an officer, and after this promotion, foreseeing the future triumph of
the extreme republicans, declared himself their adherent, and, joining
Dumourier’s army, became that general’s aide-de-camp at the time of his
attempt to sell the French legions to their Prussian and Austrian adversaries.
Then Westerman left his master, and had since been the most prompt and
ruthless military executioner of the Convention’s sternest behests.
Westerman, as drawn by Trollope, is both soldier and politician. Two other
military personages directing the campaign against the Vendeans, Bourbotte
and Chouardin, take no interest in the affairs of State, and are merely rough,
bold, brave fighters. Conspicuous among the Vendean leaders was
Cathelineau. His spirited and fearless life’s work, crowned by a soldier’s
brave death, excited the sympathetic admiration of the republic’s two
military servants. That tribute to an enemy’s great qualities was enough to
draw down upon them the anger of their superiors, especially of Barère. It
was not, however, a time to visit such offences with a severe penalty. Both
Bourbotte and Chouardin escaped without any formal reprimand.
To the sketch of Robespierre and the analysis of his character, Trollope,
as might be expected, gives particular care. Here he supplements rather than
follows those who before him had made this subject their own. “Seagreen
incorruptible” was, says Carlyle, physically a coward, kept from flinching
or turning tail only by his moral strength of purpose. Not so, is Trollope’s
verdict. Courage indeed went conspicuously in hand with constancy of
resolution, temperance in power, and love of country. If at the last he gave
way, it was from the inward torment caused him too late by the discovery
that his whole career had been a blunder, and that none of the objects which
he had first set before himself were fulfilled. Poor mutilated worm,
exclaims the novelist of La Vendée, what was there of pusillanimity in the
remorse of conscience prostrating his whole physical frame, when he
compared the aims which animated him at his beginnings with the results
he saw all about him at his close? From Carlyle, Trollope knew of
Mirabeau’s prophecy on hearing Robespierre’s maiden speech: “This man
will do somewhat; he believes every word he says.” So staunch and
sympathetic a Tory as Alison echoes as well as amplifies that view. And
with him Trollope, who like many other writers about this period had learnt
the usefulness of Alison, agrees.
To the English novelist, not less than to the English historian,
Robespierre’s career stands out not as the offspring of any individual
character, but as representing the delusions of the age. Chief among those
errors ranked a belief in the natural innocence of man. With this fallacy had
united itself another—the lawfulness of doing evil that good might come.
Once exterminate by wholesale bloodshed all who embodied the debasing
influences of a corrupt aristocracy, the masses would rise to the full height
of their native greatness. Thus a triumphant democracy, enthroned upon
mountains of patrician corpses, would wield its beneficent sceptre over a
purified and reanimated society. Here as elsewhere agreeing with, perhaps
indebted to, Alison, Trollope also speaks of Robespierre as omnipotent in
Convention and in the Committee, but as having, too, his master, the will of
the populace of Paris. In union with and in dependence on that, he could
alone act, command, and be obeyed. Alison puts the same idea rather
differently when he says: “Equally with Napoleon during his career of
foreign conquest, Robespierre always marched with the opinions of five
millions of men.”
Apart from the failure of moral fortitude and nerve which weakened and
clouded his end, what particular feature in Robespierre’s temperament and
life gave colour to the charge of cowardice that Carlyle at least considers so
irrefutable? The answer is suggested by Trollope in what forms the most
original passage in this portion of his story. One fond and tender dream
Robespierre could never banish. Once let France, happy, free, illustrious,
and intellectual, own how much she owed to the most disinterested patriot
among her sons, Robespierre would retire to his small paternal estate in
Artois; evincing the grandeur of his soul by the rejection of all worldly
rewards, receiving nothing from his country but adoration. While in
Trollope’s pages he is represented as preoccupied with visions like these,
his garret is entered by a young woman, decently but very plainly dressed.
This was Eleanor Duplay, who, when Robespierre allowed himself to dream
of a future home, was destined to be the wife of his bosom and the mother
of his children. Eleanor Duplay possessed no mark of superiority to others
of her age (about five-and-twenty) and station. The eldest of four sisters,
she specially helped her mother in caring for the house, of which
Robespierre had become an inmate. With no political aptitude or taste of her
own, she had caught, as she believed, political inspiration from his words,
finding in his pseudo-philosophical dogmas, at once repulsive and
ridiculous to modern ears, great truths begotten of reason and capable of
regenerating her fellow-creatures.
Eleanor Duplay has a special object in approaching Robespierre at this
moment, which brings her into the central current of the story. She had, in
fact, undertaken to plead with her father’s lodger the Vendean cause. Both
the girl herself, and the public opinion whose echoes she caught, were
shocked by the wholesale massacre of women and children now going on in
the doomed district after which Trollope called his story. What work, she
had asked herself, when rallying her courage to the task, so fitting for the
wife-elect of a ruler of the people as to implore the stern magistrate to
temper justice with mercy? Her lover’s reception of the first hint at her
prayer is not promising. The Vendeans, he says, must be not only conquered
but crushed. The religion of Christ, he goes on, declares that the sins of the
fathers shall be visited on the children to the third and fourth generation.
Hence the babes must share the fate of their parents. As for the mothers, it
is, says Robespierre, a false sentiment which teaches us to spare the
iniquities of women because of their sex. This interview leads up to one of
the most dramatic situations of the novel, and is so managed as during its
progress to bring out in effective relief the feature of Robespierre’s
character, which other expositors of it have noticed, but which none
illustrated so fully as Trollope. Eleanor Duplay’s petition had not been
completed when her lover’s suspicion—his predominating trait—expresses
itself in an outburst of dark and terrible anger. In vain she assures him that
no one has set her on to talk to him of this. In ordinary men suspicion
sometimes clouds love; in Robespierre, as he is here described, it strangled
the possibility of love at its birth.
CHAPTER VI
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