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vi CONTENTS

Using IT Innovation to Address Emerging Needs and Global

Health Workforce Gap • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 237
Prioritizing Health Disparities in Clinical Education to Improve
Care: The Role of Cross-Cultural Health Communication • • • 239
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 240
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 242
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 242

Chapter 8 Constituency Relations and Strategic Partnerships

in Health Communication • • • • • • • • • • • 243
In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 243
Constituency Relations: A Practice-Based Definition • • • • • 244
Recognizing the Legitimacy of All Constituency Groups • • • • 246
Constituency Relations: A Structured Approach • • • • • • • 247
Strategies to Develop Successful Multisectoral Partnerships • • • 251
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 260
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 261
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 262

Chapter 9 Policy Communication and Public Advocacy • • • • • 263

In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 263
Policy Communication and Public Advocacy as Integrated
Communication Areas • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 264
Communicating with Policymakers and Other Key Stakeholders • 267
The Media of Public Advocacy and Public Relations • • • • • 271
Influencing Public Policy in the New Media Age • • • • • • • 274
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 277
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 278
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 278

Part Three: Planning, Implementing, and Evaluating

a Health Communication Intervention 279

Chapter 10 Overview of the Health Communication

Planning Process • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 281
In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 281
Why Planning Is Important • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 283
Approaches to Health Communication Planning • • • • • • • 285
The Health Communication Cycle and Strategic Planning Process 287
Key Steps of Health Communication Planning • • • • • • • 289
Elements of an Effective Health Communication Program • • • 295
Establishing the Overall Program Goal: A Practical Perspective • • 299
 CONTENTS vii

Outcome Objectives: Behavioral, Social, and Organizational • • • 300

Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 303
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 305
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 306

Chapter 11 Situation and Audience Analysis • • • • • • • • 307

In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 307
How to Develop a Comprehensive Situation and Audience
Analysis • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 308
Organizing, Sharing, and Reporting on Research Findings • • • 333
Common Research Methodologies: An Overview • • • • • • 335
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 353
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 354
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 354

Chapter 12 Identifying Communication Objectives

and Strategies • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 355
In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 355
How to Develop and Validate Communication Objectives • • • 356
Outlining a Communication Strategy • • • • • • • • • • 364
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 372
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 372
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 373

Chapter 13 Designing and Implementing an Action Plan • • • • 375

In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 375
Definition of an Action (Tactical) Plan • • • • • • • • • • 376
Key Elements of an Action (Tactical) Plan • • • • • • • • • 379
Integrating Partnership and Action Plans • • • • • • • • • 398
Planning for a Successful Program Implementation • • • • • • 400
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 404
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 405
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 405

Chapter 14 Evaluating Outcomes of Health Communication

Interventions • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 407
In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 407
Evaluation as a Key Element of Health Communication Planning • 408
Overview of Key Evaluation Trends and Strategies: Why,
What, and How We Measure • • • • • • • • • • • • • 409
Integrating Evaluation Parameters That Are Inclusive of Vul-
nerable and Underserved Populations • • • • • • • • • • 425
viii CONTENTS

Evaluating New Media–Based Interventions: Emerging Trends

and Models • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 426
Monitoring: An Essential Element of Program Evaluation • • • 430
Linking Outcomes to a Specific Health Communication
Intervention • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 432
Evaluation Report • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 434
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 437
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 439
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 440

Part Four: Case Studies and Lessons from the Field 441

Chapter 15 Health Communication in the United States:

Case Studies and Lessons from the Field • • • • • • 443
In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 443
From Theory to Practice: Select Case Studies from the
United States • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 444
Emerging Trends and Lessons • • • • • • • • • • • • • 464
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 465
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 466
Key Term • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 466

Chapter 16 Global Health Communication: Case Studies

and Lessons from the Field • • • • • • • • • • 467
In This Chapter • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 467
From Theory to Practice: Select Case Studies on Global
Health Communication • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 468
Emerging Trends and Lessons • • • • • • • • • • • • • 490
Key Concepts • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 492
For Discussion and Practice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 493
Key Terms • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 493

Appendix A Examples of Worksheets and Resources on Health

Communication Planning • • • • • • • • • • • 495

Appendix B Sample Online Resources on Health Communication • 509

Glossary 523

References 539

Name Index 593

Subject Index 601

TABLES, FIGURES, EXHIBITS,
AND NUMBERED BOXES

Tables
1.1 Health Communication Definitions 8
1.2 Key Characteristics of Health Communication 11
1.3 What Health Communication Can and Cannot Do 30
3.1 A Comparative Overview of Ideas of Health and Illness 92
3.2 Examples of Disease-Specific Ideas of Illness 95
4.1 Comparing Cultural Norms and Values 106
4.2 Barriers to Effective Provider-Patient Communication:
Patient Factors 122
5.1 Internet and New Media Penetration 136
5.2 Health Communication in the Media Age: What Has
Changed and What Should Not Change 137
5.3 Public Relations Functions in Public Health and Health Care 140
5.4 Characteristics of Psychological Types Relevant to Public
Relations 141
5.5 Key Characteristics of Ethical Public Relations Programs 146
5.6 Dos and Don’ts of Media Relations 154
5.7 Mass Media Channels and Related Public Relations Tools 158
5.8 Most Common Uses of the Internet and New Media by
Health Organizations 159
5.9 Sample Factors in Public Perception and Use of New
Media–Specific Tools 161
7.1 Key Audiences of Professional Clinical Communications 221
7.2 Key Obstacles to Clinician Change 228
7.3 Communication Approaches and Tools and Their Effects:
Analysis of Thirty-Six Systematic Reviews 232
7.4 Key Communication Tools and Channels in Professional
Communications 236
8.1 Guidelines for Establishing and Preserving Long-Term
Relationships 249
8.2 Potential Drawbacks of Partnerships 253
8.3 Sample Partnership Success Factors 257
9.1 Key Elements of a Policy Brief 270
x TABLES, FIGURES, EXHIBITS, AND NUMBERED BOXES

9.2 Why Public Advocacy? 272

10.1 Key Elements of an Effective Health Communication Program 295
11.1 Qualitative Versus Quantitative Research Methods 338
11.2 Sample Criteria for a Credibility Assessment of Health-
Related Websites 343
13.1 Examples of Communication Concepts for a Communi-
cation Intervention on Childhood Immunization 386
13.2 Key Elements of a Partnership Plan 399
14.1 Drawbacks of Evaluation 419
14.2 Sample Qualitative and Quantitative Methods for the
Assessment of Health Communication Interventions 423
14.3 Sample Tools for the Evaluation of New Media–Based
Interventions 430
14.4 Examples of Areas of Monitoring with Related Data Col-
lection and Reporting Methods 433

Figures
1.1 The Health Communication Environment 22
1.2 The Health Communication Cycle 28
2.1 Health Communication Theory Is Influenced by Different
Fields and Families of Theories 35
2.2 Attributes of the Audience 37
2.3 Ideation Theory 47
2.4 Logic Model and Evaluation Design for a National Pro-
gram for Infant Mortality Prevention by the Office of
Minority Health, Department of Health and Human Services 65
3.1 Comparing Culture to an Iceberg 84
3.2 Health Outcomes as a Complex and Multidimensional
Construct 87
4.1 The Potential Impact of Interpersonal Communication
on Behavior: A Practical Example 110
6.1 Number of WPV Cases by Year in Nigeria 185
6.2 Proportion of Actual Noncompliance, High-Risk States,
May 2012 186
6.3 Preliminary Data, Sokoto VCMs 187
6.4 Main Reasons for Noncompliance 187
6.5 Moving from the Pre-During-Post Scenario to the
Preparedness-Readiness Response-Evaluation Constant
Cycle (PRRECC) 214
9.1 Sample Key Questions for Media Advocacy Planning 274
10.1 Health Communication Cycle 288
10.2 Key Steps of Health Communication Planning 290
 TABLES, FIGURES, EXHIBITS, AND NUMBERED BOXES xi

11.1 Key Steps of Situation Analysis 311

12.1 Changes in Attitudes Toward Polio Virus and Immunization 370
14.1 Social Change and Behavioral Indicators 413
14.2 Integrating New Media and Other Communication Areas
in Approaching Health Communication Planning
and Evaluation 427
14.3 Flu Vaccine Campaign 2009 in Whyville 429
15.1 WhyWellness Virtual World 446
16.1 Egypt: Community Outreach Workers in Action 470
16.2 Cambodia Antenatal Care Campaign Spot 485
16.3 Volunteers Launch the ANC Campaign in Stung Treng,
Cambodia, January 2009 486
16.4 Sample Screenshot from LibGuides 489

Exhibits
10.1 Examples of Outcome Objectives for a Program on Pedi-
atric Asthma 302
11.1 Audience Segmentation Example 321
11.2 SWOT Analysis for the Caribbean Cervical Cancer Pre-
vention and Control Project 334
12.1 Sample Communication Objectives: Understanding the
Connection with Other Program Elements 359

Numbered Boxes
2.1 Diffusion of Innovation Theory: A Practical Example 38
2.2 The Added-Value of Theoretical Models in Evaluating
Mass Media Campaigns 41
2.3 Raising Awareness of Infant Mortality Disparities in San
Francisco 55
4.1 Personal Selling and Counseling Case Study 113
4.2 The Impact of Effective Provider-Patient Communica-
tions on Patient Outcomes: A Pediatric Nurse Practi-
tioner’s Perspective 117
4.3 Impact of Physician Attitudes on Patient Behavior:
A True Story 119
5.1 Johnson & Johnson’s Campaign for Nursing’s Future
Initiative 144
5.2 Using the Internet as a Key Public Relations Channel: The
Schepens Eye Research Institute 147
5.3 Sports for Health Equity: A Multifaceted National Program 162
5.4 Street Fighters of Public Health: Using Online Tools to
Create Networking Opportunities in Public Health 165
xii TABLES, FIGURES, EXHIBITS, AND NUMBERED BOXES

6.1 Tackling Oral Polio Vaccine Refusals Through Volunteer

Community Mobilizer Network in Northern Nigeria 184
6.2 Social Mobilization to Fight Ebola in Yambio,
Southern Sudan 193
6.3 How Bingwa Changed His Ways 196
6.4 Gay Men’s Health Crisis HIV/AIDS Time Line 198
7.1 National Foundation for Infectious Diseases Flu Fight for
Kids: Case Study 232
8.1 How Constituency Relations Can Help Advance an Orga-
nization’s Mission: A Practice-Based Perspective 250
8.2 National Cancer Institute Guidelines for Considering
Commercial Partners 255
11.1 Audience Profile: Got a Minute? Give It to Your Kids! 324
12.1 Maintaining Egypt Polio Free: How Communication Made
It Happen! 368
13.1 NCI’s Cancer Research Awareness Initiative: From Mes-
sage Concepts to Final Message 389
13.2 Community Theater in Benin: Taking the Show on the Road 393
14.1 Using Process Evaluation Data to Refine an Entertainment-
Education Program in Bolivia 415
15.1 WhyWellness: Communicating About Mental Health Within
a Gaming Community 445
15.2 ‘‘BodyLove’’—Case Study Summary 448
15.3 Case Study—New Media and the VERB Campaign 451
15.4 Health Equity Exchange: Using an Integrated Multimedia
Communication Approach to Engage US Communities
on Health Equity 453
15.5 Raising Awareness of Sustainable Food Issues and Building
Community via the Integrated Use of New Media with
Other Communication Approaches 457
15.6 What Do Sidewalks Have to Do with Health? 461
16.1 Communication Interventions: Helping Egyptian Families
and Children Stay Safe from Avian Influenza 469
16.2 Preparing for a Nightmare in the Calgary Health Region—
Planning for Pandemic Influenza 473
16.3 Interpersonal Communication: Lessons Learned in India 476
16.4 Case Study—Voices and Images (Tuberculosis) 481
16.5 Applying C4D to Curb Maternal Mortality in Cambodia 484
16.6 The Role of the Health Sciences Librarian in Health
Communication: Continuity in Evidence-Based Public
Health Training for Future Public Health Practitioners 488
For my wonderful daughters and husband,
Oriana, Talia, and Roger
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 PREFACE

M any colleagues and professionals from a variety of sectors have

approached me since the first edition of Health Communication:
From Theory to Practice was published in 2007. The book has often
provided us with a framework and incentive to share information about
our experiences and discuss many topics as they relate to society, health,
and communication. Of great importance has also been the feedback of
the many faculty members and students (including my own students) who
have used the book as part of their courses in academic programs across the
United States and around the world. I am thankful to all for contributing
to my thinking and professional growth. Their input, suggestions, and our
many conversations are among the main reasons for this second edition.
Other motivating factors for this second edition include health com-
munication’s own evolution, technological advances, and the need to
capture recent experiences and theories that may have been less high-
lighted in the first edition. This second edition further emphasizes the
importance of a people-centered and participatory approach to health
communication interventions, which should take into account key social
determinants of health and the interconnection among various health
and social fields. While maintaining a strong focus on the importance of
the behavioral, social, and organizational results of health communication
interventions, this book also includes new or updated information, theoret-
ical models, resources, and case studies on health equity, urban health, new
media, emergency and risk communication, strategic partnerships in health
communication, policy communication and public advocacy, cultural com-
petence, health literacy, and the evaluation of health communication
interventions as they relate to various health topics.
Finally, I myself have evolved as I am fortunate to continue to learn
from my work and from the many people I have the pleasure to work
with. My voice has become stronger in favor of health communication
approaches that will encourage participation and community ownership of
the overall communication process, yet will let people decide how much,
when, and how to participate based on their cultural preferences. I also
became increasingly connected to the reason I do this work: to make
xvi PREFACE

a difference in people’s health and lives. My appreciation of the many

challenges of disadvantaged groups has also grown along with my work,
and has influenced my sense of urgency in encouraging people to switch
from a disease-focused mind-set to a health communication approach that
links health with related social, political, and environmental issues, while
keeping a strong commitment to behavioral and social impact.
Put the public back in public health. Think globally, act locally. Tackle
health disparities. These are not just catchy phrases. They are some of the
principles that have been inspiring my work and this book.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

A s for all projects that are in the making for a long time, this second
edition is inspired by many people and is the fruit of years of thinking
and work for which I am indebted to many colleagues. First and foremost,
my heartfelt thanks go to my editors, Andy Pasternack and Seth Schwartz
of Jossey-Bass, for their invaluable help and expert guidance with the many
questions related to this project, as well as for their great support, cheers,
and much-appreciated commitment to seeing things through. I could not
have made it without them!
Thanks to Joshua Bernstein, Erin Driver, Rachel Gonzales, John Kowal-
czyk, Doris J. Laird, and C. J. Schumaker for their comments and feedback
on the second edition revision plan and David Anderson, Ellen Bonaguro,
Kathy Miller, and Mario Nacinovich for the invaluable suggestions that
have considerably contributed to the significance of this second edition.
Their helpful feedback was provided via Jossey-Bass’s peer review pro-
cess. My appreciation also goes to all professional friends and colleagues
who provided suggestions on early drafts of the first and this second
edition, or helped secure relevant case studies and interviews that are
published here. Among them are Doug Arbesfeld, Susan Blake, Joe Casey,
Lenore Cooney, Amanda Crowe, Gustavo Cruz, Chris Elias, Everold Hosein,
Marina Komarecki, Destin Laine, Rafael Obregon, Sherry Michelstein, Elil
Renganathan, and Lisa Weiss. Thank you also to the many authors of the
case studies published in this book for their generosity, time, and willingness
to contribute to this project. I am very grateful to Radhika Ramesh, a grad-
uate of the New York University master’s program in media, culture, and
communication, as well as a former student and a colleague, who worked as
a research and editorial assistant for this second edition, for her dedication
and attention to detail. Also, my thanks go to Ohemaa Boahemaa who
helped with the graphic design of many of the figures included in this book
and managed to fit this in her busy schedule. Thanks to Prarthana Shukla
who was a research assistant for the first edition and to other former public
health students who have contributed feedback, most notably Lawrence
Fung and Ellen Sowala, as well as other students and colleagues who used
the book’s first edition and provided suggestions for changes.
xviii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Thank you to colleagues from New York University and the CUNY
School of Public Health at Hunter College, to whom I owe my academic and
teaching experience: Marilyn Auerbach, Jo Ivey Boufford, Jessie Daniels,
Nicholas Freudenberg, Sally Guttmacher, Susan Klitzman, James Macinko,
and Kenneth Olden. Thanks also to the many other colleagues from either
of these two institutions, with whom I have had many conversations on
society, health, and communication or worked closely on different projects.
Most noticeably, May May Leung, for her professionalism, graciousness,
and sense of humor; Marcia Thomas and Lorna Thorpe, for our periodic
lunch meetings and their professional friendship; and Jack Caravanos, Paula
Gardner, Judith Gilbride, Barbara Glickstein, Lydia Isaac, Heidi Jones, Diana
Mason, Khursheed Navder, Stacey Plitcha, Lynn Roberts, Diana Romero,
Yumari Ruiz, Arlene Spark, and Christina Zarcadoolas. And a special
thank-you to Sally Guttmacher, who encouraged me to write this book at
the time of its first edition. I also want to acknowledge colleagues from
Columbia University, James Colgrove, Leah Hopper, Lisa Melsch, and
Marita Murrman, for the opportunity to start teaching in fall 2013 at the
Mailman School of Public Health and their support as I get started. I look
forward to our partnership.
There are many people to whom I owe my practical experience in health
communication and related fields. These include the colleagues, partners,
and clients with whom I have had the privilege to work over the years. I spent
endless days (and nights) with many of them brainstorming and learned a
great deal from all of them. The task of naming them all is quite daunting, so
please forgive me if I do not mention someone who greatly contributed to
my work or thinking over the years. A short list of colleagues with whom I
have had the pleasure to work just in the last decade includes Upal Basu Roy,
Ohemaa Bohaemaa, Patricia Buckley, Joe Casey, Paula Claycomb, Lenore
Cooney, Samantha Cranko, Blake Crawford, Amanda Crowe, Gustavo
Cruz, Isabel Estrada-Portales, Rina Gill, Matilde Gonzalez-Flores, Elena
Hoeppner, Everold Hosein, Neha Kapil, Scott Kennedy, John London,
Alka Mansukhani, LaJoy Mosby, Asiya Odugleh-Kolev, Lene Odum Jensen,
Denisse Ormaza, Radhika Ramesh, Akiko Sakaedani Petrovic, Barbara
Shapiro, Glenn Silver, Teresa (Tess) Stuart, Kate Tulenko, Marie-Noelle
Vieu, Beth Waters, Jennifer Weiss, Lisa Weiss, and Sabriya Williams. And
a special thank-you to past colleagues Daniel Berman and Frances Beves
for their friendship of many years, and our many brainstorms.
I also want to acknowledge colleagues from Cases in Public Health
Communication and Marketing, Journal of Communication in Healthcare,
and The Nation’s Health: Lorien Abroms, Samantha Ashton, Susan Blake,
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xix

Michelle Late, Craig Lefebvre, Esme Loukota, Ed Maibach, Kimberly Mar-

tin, Mario Nacinovich, Mark Simon, and Charlotte Tucker. Thank you
all for the opportunity to help shape the content or direction of these
publications that make such a great contribution to important health
communication topics.
These acknowledgments wouldn’t be complete without recognizing
the role of the American Public Health Association (APHA) Health Com-
munication Working Group (HCWG) of the Public Health Education and
Health Promotion (PHEHP) section in my professional life. Not only has
HCWG provided me with a home within the APHA but it has also given me
the opportunity to enrich my experience and to network with many great
colleagues, including those with whom I have had the pleasure of working
closely on various HCWG activities: Gary Black, Marla Clayman, Rebecca
(Becky) Cline, Carol Girard, Marian Hunman, Julia Kish Doto, Jennifer
Manganello, Judith (Jude) McDivitt, John Ralls, Doug Rupert, J-J Sheu, Julie
Tu Payiatas, Carin Upstill, and Meg Young. Thanks also to PHEHP col-
leagues Heather Brandt, Michelle Chuck, Regina Galer-Unti, Jeff Hallam,
Stuart Usdan, and Katherine Wilson for their support on various projects in
which I have been involved either with the HCWG or the PHEHP section.
My thanks to all people mentioned here—and to the ones whom I may
have inadvertently omitted or with whom I worked prior to the last ten
years, and I could not mention for space-related reasons—for contributing
to my work and thinking. Also, thank you to all professionals in different
parts of the world who have been championing and helping advance the
field of health communication with their innovative and strategic thinking,
creativity, and commitment.
Finally, many thanks to my husband, Roger Ullman, for his endless
support and lifetime partnership, and to our daughters, Oriana and Talia,
for inspiring my work ethics and life. And to my mother, Amalia Ronchi,
who despite our differences, taught me perhaps the most important lesson
in life: care about others and try to understand them. This lesson is also
important in health communication.
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pressed on more rapidly, Colonel Gage, leading a detachment of
three hundred men, in the advance. The road was but twelve feet
wide, the country uneven and thickly wooded; a hill on the one hand
and a dry ravine on the other, the whole region covered with a thick
undergrowth. A few scouts were thrown forward, but the situation
gave no opportunity for the feeble flanking parties to act. Suddenly
there was a sharp, rapid fire of musketry heard in the front. The
scouts were killed or driven in. The advance forces were thrown
back in confusion, leaving their cannon in the hands of the enemy,
who were found to be an unexpectedly strong force of both French
and Indians. The peril of the situation was at once apparent, and,
suffering much from their concealed foe, Gage’s men wavered and
became confusedly mixed in thickest underbrush with a regiment
that Braddock pushed forward to support them. The confusion grew
almost to a panic, the men firing constantly, with but little effect, in
the direction of the concealed enemy, while their well directed
volleys, from under the cover of rocks and trees, told with terrible
effect on the English crowded together in the narrow roadway. The
rash, but brave General rushed to the front, and with impetuous
courage rallied his men to charge on the foe. But it was impossible.
They, panic-stricken, were huddled together like sheep, or fled in
disorder to the rear. The army routed, his aids and officers mostly
killed or wounded, and the forest strewn with dead or disabled
soldiers, the General, after having five horses shot under him, fell
mortally wounded. To Washington, who came to his aid, the fallen
hero said: “What shall we do now, Colonel?” “Retreat, sir, retreat!”
This was ordered, and the dying General carried from the scene of
carnage. Washington, with the Virginians that remained alive,
covered the hasty retreat of the ruined army. Nearly everything was
lost. The artillery, baggage, provisions and private papers of the
officers were left on the field. Braddock died the fourth day, and was
buried by the roadside, a mile west of Fort Necessity, where Dunbar
had been left, an officer with neither capacity nor courage. When
the fugitives, who had not been pursued far from the battleground,
reached, his camp, the panic was communicated; he destroyed the
remaining artillery, baggage and army stores, to the value of a
hundred thousand pounds sterling, and joined in a most precipitate
retreat to Fort Cumberland, and thence, in a thoroughly demoralized
condition, to Philadelphia. Thus, the main army, of which much was
expected, was in a few days practically destroyed, and nothing more
was attempted that year.
The work of subduing the French in Nova Scotia, assigned by
Braddock and the Governors to Lawrence, assisted by the English
fleet under Colonel Monckton, was done with dispatch and
unparalleled cruelty.
The province had been ceded to the English in the treaty of 1713,
and, remaining under the dominion of Great Britain, was ruled by
English officers, though the inhabitants were largely French.
The French forts near the New Brunswick line being taken after
but feeble resistance, the English were masters of the whole country
east of the St. Croix; and, pretending to fear an insurrection on the
part of the Nova Scotians, or Acadians, adopted measures with them
that have always and everywhere met with the most unqualified
condemnation. The French in the province outnumbered the English
three to one, and had their pleasant homes in that oldest settlement
of their people on the continent. They were ruthlessly torn from their
homes and the graves of their kindred, driven at the point of the
bayonet, forced on ship-board, and more than three thousand of
them, half-starved and destitute, were scattered here and there
among English colonists, from whom but little kindness and less of
fellowship could be expected. The guilty agents in the infamous
transaction, as cowardly as it was inhuman, made themselves the
scorn of mankind.
In about the only quarter where the British army had that year
any success, what followed the victory was so shocking to the
feelings of humanity, and met with such universal condemnation,
that even the guilty perpetrators of the deed would have blotted the
record if they could.
 The campaign planned for Shirley, who with his Indian allies was
to take Fort Niagara, was about as utter a failure as that of
Braddock. The fort had no great strength, and was not well
garrisoned; but it was a month before he reached Oswego, where
his provincials were to assemble. Four weeks were spent in getting
his boats ready. A storm caused farther delay, and after the storm
the wind was in the contrary direction. Then another storm caused
delay. Sickness prevailed in camp, and by the first of October Shirley
declared the lake too dangerous for navigation. The Indians
deserted his standard. The fact was that while on the march, news
of Braddock’s defeat reached him, and, as they had expected to
meet at Niagara, he feared to go there, thinking the same fate might
await him. So he marched homeward, without striking a blow.
Johnson, who was to attack the enemy at Crown Point, had better
success, though the objective point was not reached, and his was a
dear-bought victory. His movements were all anticipated, and the
portion of his army led by Williams, ambushed and cut to pieces.
Several hundred Englishmen fell. The French still held Crown Point,
and had seized and fortified Ticonderoga.
That was a year of disasters to the English, and so was the next.
The Indians, doubtless influenced by the unsuccessful campaign of
the English, and perhaps instigated by French emissaries, had killed
more than 1,000 people.
In May, 1756, after two years of actual hostilities, war was
declared. The English, chagrined with the reverses of the past year,
and in danger of losing all the territory west of the Alleghenies, after
much debate in Parliament, decided to place all the military forces
sent to America under one command. A large army was equipped,
and Lord Loudon placed in command. He proved unfit for the
position, and another year passed with great losses and little or
nothing gained. The French, led by competent, determined men,
were everywhere successful, and wasted the British forces with
repeated assaults, capturing or destroying a large part of the
armament, till the English had not a single fort or hamlet remaining
in the valley of the St. Lawrence. And every cabin where English was
spoken was swept out of the valley of the Ohio. At the end of the
year France seemed to be in secure possession of twenty times as
much territory in America as her British rival.
Her colonial possessions endangered, and the flag of the country
in disgrace, the ministers were forced to resign, and the great
commoner, William Pitt, became Prime Minister. The dilatory,
imbecile Loudon, was deposed, and Abercrombie put in his place,
with Lord Howe next in rank. The gallant Wolfe led a brigade. The
campaign for the summer was well arranged and prosecuted with
energy. In May Amhurst, at the head of ten thousand men, reached
Halifax. A few days after the fleet was in Gabarus Bay, and Wolfe
landed his division without serious loss, though under fire from the
enemy’s batteries. The French dismantled their guns and retreated.
The siege of Louisburg was pressed with great vigor. Four French
vessels, one a seventy-four-gun ship, were fired by the English
boats, and burned in the harbor. The town and fortress became a
ruin. Resistance was hopeless, and Louisburg capitulated. The
garrison, with the marines, in all six thousand men, became
prisoners of war, and were sent to England. Cape Breton and Prince
Edward’s Island were surrendered to Great Britain.
In another quarter, however, there was not long after only partial
success, followed by severe disaster. General Abercrombie, with
15,000 men, reached Lake George, and embarked for Ticonderoga.
His equipment was in all respects thorough. Proceeding to the
northern extremity of the lake, they landed safely on the western
shore. But the difficulty of going farther compelled them to leave the
heavy artillery behind, Lord Howe leading the advance in person.
Before reaching the fort, in a sharp skirmish with the pickets, that
brave officer was killed. The French were overwhelmed, but the
soldiers of Howe, smitten with grief, began to retreat. Abercrombie
was in the rear with the main army, but the soul of the expedition
was gone. Two days after a determined effort was made to take the
fort by assault. The defences proved much stronger than was
expected, and the assailing parties were again and again repulsed
with great loss. The unavailing efforts were continued for four hours,
and then they withdrew, having lost in killed and wounded nearly
two thousand men. Probably in no other battle on the continent did
the English have so many men engaged, or suffer such terrible loss.
Abandoning this enterprise as hopeless, the army was withdrawn to
Fort George, at the other extremity of the lake. Thence Colonel
Bradstreet was sent with three thousand men, mostly provincials,
against Fort Frontenac, at the present site of Kingston, at the outlet
of Ontario. He embarked his command at Oswego, and landed
within a mile of the fort. This fortress, of great importance, was at
the time but feebly garrisoned, and after two days’ siege capitulated.
Forty-six cannon, nine vessels of war, and a vast quantity of military
stores were the fruit of this victory. It compensated the English for
all their losses at Ticonderoga, except for the men who were there
sacrificed. It was a crushing defeat for the French, who became
disheartened. Their crops had failed, and with almost a famine in the
land, it became so difficult to subsist the army that the people
clamored for peace. “Peace, peace; no matter with what
boundaries,” was the message sent by the brave Montcalm to the
French ministry.
The outlook in Canada and along the lakes was not encouraging,
and Forbes, with nine thousand men from Philadelphia, undertook
the reduction of Fort Du Quesne, and the expulsion of the French
from the valley of the Ohio.
Washington was again in command of the Virginians, Armstrong
led the Pennsylvanians. An advance section, under Major Grant,
more eager than wise, was attacked by the enemy in ambush, and
lost heavily. The main column came on slowly, cutting roads and
bridging streams, but in such force that, as they drew near, those in
the fort became alarmed, burned their works, and with what they
could carry, floated down the river. Those eager for the assault, and
to avenge injuries received in former attempts, marched,
unopposed, over the ruins, and unfurled their flag over that gateway
of the West, calling it, in honor of the great British minister, whose
energetic measures gave confidence to the army and hope to the
colonists—Pittsburgh.
Marked progress was made during the summer and fall campaign,
and Parliament voted twelve million pounds sterling for carrying on
the war. The colonial magistrates exerted themselves to the utmost,
and by the spring of 1759 the whole effective force of the English
was near fifty thousand, while the entire French army was less than
eight thousand.
The conquest of Canada was not at first contemplated, but it had
become evident that the rival nations could not live in peace, with
such slight natural barriers between them, and so Canada must be
conquered and made a British province. With that object in view, the
campaigns for the year were planned.
Prideaux proceeded against Niagara, for the relief of which the
French collected all their available forces from Detroit, Erie, Le Bœuf
and Venango. Prideaux was accidentally killed on the 15th, and Sir
William Johnson, on whom the command devolved, so disposed his
forces as to intercept the approaching French, and a bloody battle
was fought in which they were completely routed; the fort soon after
capitulated.
Amhurst was victorious on Lake Champlain, and proceeded
through Lake George, to attack and take Ticonderoga, from which,
after feeble resistance, the enemy withdrew to Crown Point, and the
whole region, mapped out for his operations, was recovered, with
but little loss on his part.
The French were now sadly crippled everywhere, except in the
valley of the St. Lawrence, and it remained for General Wolfe to
achieve the final victory. As soon as the river was navigable in the
spring he proceeded with a force of eight thousand men, and a fleet
of forty-four vessels. He arrived on the 27th of June at the Isle of
Orleans, four miles below Quebec, and began his operations
vigorously. His camp was located on the upper end of the island, and
the fleet gave him immediate command of the river. On the night of
the 29th General Monckton was sent to plant a battery on Point Levi,
opposite the city, and was successful.
The lower town was soon reduced to ruins, and the upper much
injured, but the fortress seemed unharmed. The French knowing
that the city could not be stormed from the river side, had
constructed three defences, reaching five miles from the
Montmorenci to the St. Charles, and in these entrenchments the
brave Montcalm, with ten or twelve thousand soldiers, awaited the
movement of his assailants. Anxious for battle, though there were
serious difficulties in the way of approaching the foe, it was decided
to risk an engagement by fording the Montmorenci when the tide
ran out. The attempt was made without success, and with the loss
of nearly five hundred men. Disappointments, fatigue and exposure
threw the English general into a fever that held him prisoner in the
tent for some days; and when convalescent he proposed another
assault on the lines of defence, but was in that overruled, and it was
determined, if possible, to gain possession of the Plains of Abraham
in the rear of the city, without passing the fortifications. After
thorough examination a place, afterward called Wolfe’s Cove, was
found, where it was thought possible to make the ascent. On the
night appointed, everything being in readiness, the English entered
their transports, quietly dropped down to the place, and with almost
superhuman exertions ascended to the plain, and the morning
revealed them to the greatly astonished defenders of the city, drawn
up in battle array.
When Montcalm learned the fact so unexpected, he said: “They
are now on the weak side of this unfortunate city, and we must
crush them before noon.” With great haste he withdrew his army
from the trenches and threw them between the English and the city.
The battle began with an hour’s cannonade, and then the attempt to
turn the English flank, but he was driven back. The weakened ranks
of the French wavered. Wolfe led his charge in person, and was shot
thrice, and survived but a short time. Learning from an attendant
that the enemy fled, he gave directions for securing the fruits of the
battle, and declared he was happy thus to die. Montcalm also fell
early in the battle, mortally wounded, and when told by his surgeon
that the end was near, said: “It is well—then I shall not live to see
Quebec surrendered.” The surrender took place a few days after, and
the last resistance was offered by the French at Montreal, but it was
hopeless and of short continuance. The remnants of their beaten
armies collected there, to the number of ten thousand, were
surrendered to General Amhurst, and all the French possessions in
America were ceded to the English. Liberal terms were granted, the
rights of conscience respected, and the ecclesiastical institutions and
property of the Catholics respected and protected.
[End of Required Reading for May.]
THE DIVINE SCULPTOR.
By Mrs. EMILY J. BUGBEE.
I feel the chiseling touch,
And know that I shall stand,
Finished and shapely as the work,
Of the designer’s hand.
Though cruel is the pain
From His unceasing blows,
I hold me, trustfully and still,
What time “the Angel grows.”

Through slowly passing years,

With an unerring skill,
His hand, with patient, tireless care,
Is shaping to His will;
That when I stand unveiled
Before His glorious throne,
No traces in me shall be found
Of the unsightly stone.

He sees what I shall be,

Through all the rough disguise,
And knows, at every stroke he gives,
Some earthward clinging dies.
Some harsh discordant part,
Is rounded into grace;
Some likeness of the pattern true
Is fashioned in its place.

Work on, oh, Master hand,

I gladly yield to thee,
Until within thy loftiest thought
I stand complete and free;
Thy glorious design
I would not mar or break,
I shall be satisfied I know,
When perfected I wake.
 REMINISCENCES OF WENDELL
PHILLIPS.

By EDWARD EVERETT HALE.

For many generations the gift of oratory has been in the blood of
the Phillips family. The founder of the family in America, the Rev.
George Phillips, first minister of Watertown, Mass., is noted in New
England annals for his eloquence. “The irrefragable doctor” he was
called by his hearers, we learn from the pedantic Mather, so able
was he in dispute, and such readiness had he on all occasions to
stand to his guns and to maintain any statement he had once made.
But there must have been another strain of blood in Wendell Phillips,
added to that in the veins of his ancestor George, for Mather goes
on to say that the earlier Puritan was “very averse unto disputation
until delivered thereto by extreme necessity.”
The son of George Phillips, of Watertown, was the Rev. Samuel
Phillips, first minister of Rowley, so distinguished a preacher that it
was said of his father: “He would have been beyond compare, if he
had not been the father of Samuel.” This is Mather’s epitaph on the
Rev. George Phillips.
The grandson of the first Phillips was another George, a minister
like his father and grandfather, who lived at Brookhaven, Long
Island. “A good man,” was the second Rev. George, but “thought to
be too much addicted to facetiousness and wit;” more dangerous
qualities in those Puritan times than nowadays, and suggesting,
again, the Phillips of our day.
 The great-grandson of the first George Phillips, nephew to the
second, was Samuel Phillips, for sixty years minister of Andover, and
the father of John and Samuel Phillips, the founders of the Andover
and Exeter academies. Strictly orthodox was the Rev. Samuel
Phillips, as one may see from his sermons; and the religious tone
that he gave to the village of Andover has lasted to this day. His
many printed sermons are proof of the popularity of his public
speech, and the election sermon, at least, shows that he was not
afraid to deal with the living problems of the day.
His sons founded the two Phillips academies, John that at Exeter,
and the two together the academy at Andover. Samuel was as well a
liberal benefactor to the theological seminary at Andover. It would be
fair to say, that with one single exception, where there was perhaps
insanity, the family has been distinguished for public spirit, as well as
for eloquence. Two of the grandsons of the Rev. Samuel, Samuel
and William, were chosen lieutenant-governors of the
commonwealth of Massachusetts. Their second cousin, John Phillips,
was the first mayor of Boston. Their grandfathers had been brothers,
the one Samuel, the Andover minister, and the other John, a Boston
merchant. The mother of this second John was Margaret Wendell.
She was Wendell Phillips’s grandmother, and from her he had his
Christian name. His mother was of another Puritan family. Her
maiden name was Walley.
John Phillips, father of Wendell, graduated at Harvard College in
1788, and became a lawyer. He was afterward one of the trustees of
the college, and in 1809 was appointed a judge of common pleas. In
1822 Boston was made a city, and John Phillips was chosen the first
mayor. He died in the next year of a trouble of the heart. His sudden
death took place when Wendell and his brother George were both
scholars in the Boston Latin School—the oldest school in America. At
that time this school had recently been revived, and set in new
order, with great local reputation, under Mr. Benjamin Apthorp
Gould. It is said that the mayor, John Phillips, once came into the
school to examine it, and, almost of course, had offered to him the
seat of most dignity on the platform. This his little boys thought a
mistake in etiquette, considering that no one could be of rank as
high as the master. They did not hesitate then, more than in later
days, to express their disapprobation, and when their father met
them at table, told him they had been mortified to see him in that
chair. “Ah,” he said, “you were not more ashamed of me than I was
of you.”
But this anecdote must only be taken to show that Wendell
Phillips at eleven years was not afraid of his father, and was not
averse to criticising what he thought mistaken. He took even
distinguished rank at school, and another school anecdote shows
how early boys can judge correctly of each other’s ability, for it is
remembered that when he first spoke before the assembled school,
on Saturday, the first class—who sat by themselves, and thought
well of their own opinion—were not displeased. Charles Chauncey
Emerson, who was a crack scholar, one of the very highest in repute,
turned to George Stillman Hillard and said, “That boy will make an
orator.” The name of Charles Emerson will not be familiar to all your
readers, for he died young. But here he is still remembered by the
men of his time as the young man of most promise, who, in those
days, left Harvard College. They will not admit that his brother
Waldo Emerson has won any renown in the world, or rendered any
service which would not have come in the life of Charles, had it been
spared to this earth.
From this school, with a distinguished reputation among his
fellows, Wendell Phillips entered Harvard College in 1827. The
college was not then what it is now. Neither law nor divinity school
was large, and these were the only graduate schools at Cambridge.
The college proper, or the “seminary,” as President Quincy used to
call it, numbered about two hundred students, of whom the greater
part were from Massachusetts. A few southern lads, from distant
plantation life, struggled up into what, in those days of no railroads
and of no coast lines of steamers, was a foreign country. They were
generally favorites; there was no such discussion of slavery as to
make their position in the least uncomfortable, and, indeed, the
general drift of sentiment among the people around them was not in
sympathy with Abolitionists or abolitionism. Both these words, if
spoken at all in those days in New England, were generally spoken
with scorn. After a genial and affectionate administration, Dr. John
Thornton Kirkland resigned the presidency of the college in the year
1828. Wendell Phillips was then a freshman. To succeed Dr. Kirkland,
Josiah Quincy was appointed. He had won his reputation by steady
work in Congress, first as a Federalist, and afterward as a watchful
maintainer of northern rights. More lately he had approved himself
an admirable administrative officer as Mayor of the city of Boston—
the second chosen under its city charter. John Phillips, the father of
Wendell Phillips, had been his immediate successor in that duty. The
older Ware was professor of Divinity, Levi Hedge of Logic and
Metaphysics, Dr. J. S. Popkin of Greek, Dr. Sidney Willard of Hebrew,
John Farrar of Mathematics, Edward T. Channing of Rhetoric and
Oratory, and George Ticknor of the Modern Languages. A few of
these names will be remembered by general readers, though “’tis
sixty years since” and more, and I record them because I wish all
biographers would tell more than they are apt to do of the
circumstances under which the mental powers of their heroes were
trained.
Several of Phillips’s classmates survive, and one of them, Mr.
Francis Gold Appleton, a gentleman whose wide American
sympathies and sterling public spirit have endeared him to the whole
community in which he lives, has kindly given to me some personal
reminiscences of the young fellow’s life there. Thirteen of his school
companions entered college with him. Other Boston boys came from
the Round Hill school, and Exeter, so that in a class of sixty there
were at least twenty Boston boys. In a sense, therefore, Phillips was
not lonely there. But his classmates saw, or fancied they saw, that at
one time he was moody, and suffering from what they called
religious depression. They knew, even then—for boys know almost
everything of the abilities of their companions—that Phillips had
remarkable power in elocution. They chose him into the Porcellian
Club—which takes its name from the traditional roasting of a little
pig (Porcellus)—and of this club he became president. In other days
the Porcellians were thought to be specially Southern in their
proclivities, and this club used to rally almost all the Southern
students. It is therefore rather a queer incident in its history that
Wendell Phillips stands as a popular president. His college reputation
was that of an amiable and bright young man, with an especial gift
for oratory. He took his first degree in 1831—studied at the Law
School, then under Professor Greenleaf, and Judge Story—and took
the degree of Bachelor of Laws in 1833. He then went into a
lawyer’s office in Boston and entered at the bar in 1834. He opened
his modest office and waited for clients. But in those days, perhaps
in these days, even such a young man waits long. For myself I think
that the old dons of money or of business would rather give such
scraps of formal business as they have to some young stranger from
the country, who has no relatives in Boston, and whom nobody
knows there, than to confide private affairs to somebody they have
known from childhood, whose father, or uncle, or brother-in-law they
meet at the Saturday Club or the Wednesday Club. But Phillips did
not flinch from doing what anybody wanted him to do. It has been
remembered that in the illness of his brother he did the almost
mechanical work of the clerk of the Municipal Court. This means that
he was brought into personal relation with every criminal who was
brought up there for trial and sentence.
But the skies were thickening, and there was not any danger that
a young man of spirit would long lack a chance if he chose to take it.
It was in October, 1835, that “a mob of gentlemen of property and
standing” broke up a meeting of the Women’s Anti-Slavery Society of
Boston. Phillips was an eye witness of the indignities with which Mr.
Garrison was then treated. He loyally threw in his fortunes with
those of the Abolitionists; and, as it proved, his chance came at a
public meeting called at Faneuil Hall.
At this meeting the small and unpopular set of Abolitionists was in
a measure reinforced by persons who had not been identified with
them; for it was a meeting in the interests of free speech. Lovejoy
had been killed by a mob in Illinois, and the people of Boston were
called to their historic Town Hall to remonstrate. The moderator
selected was Jonathan Phillips, a relative of Wendell’s, and a man
deservedly of leading position in Boston. He was rich, enterprising
and wise. He was a leader in philanthropic organization. He was a
great friend of Dr. William Ellery Channing, who said of him once, “I
have had much more from Mr. Phillips than he ever had from me;”
this from a friend who was saying that Phillips had derived great
profit from Dr. Channing’s preaching. Benjamin F. Hallett, a
distinguished anti-Masonic leader, moved the resolutions. Hillard, a
young lawyer, sustained them, and the event of the day—on the
program—was a speech from Dr. Channing, whose reputation as a
man of letters and a leader in religious opinion was at its height, and
who was senior pastor of the most fashionable and influential church
in Boston. But the meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, which, by a
clause in the city charter, must be given for the use of any fifty
citizens who asked for it for a public purpose. Of course, at such a
meeting any citizen might be present. On this occasion the enemies
of the Abolitionists were on hand in force. When the fit moment
came for them to reply, James T. Austin, one of the political leaders
of the State, of Democratic antecedents, but now Attorney General
of the State, under the rule of the newly named Whig party, took the
floor against the resolutions proposed. It was clear enough that the
hall was well filled with marketmen and truckmen, and other
laboring men, who, in those days, all supposed that a “nigger” was
the most despicable creature in the world, excepting that an
“Abolitionist” was worse. Austin never spared invective, and he used
it on this occasion to denounce Lovejoy and those who abetted him.
I doubt if Phillips knew he was going to speak when he went to
the meeting. Indeed, it is quite sure, that Austin secured for him the
attention of the unfriendly assembly. But he had not spoken long
before he was sure of their audience.
 “I thought this floor would yawn open before the gentleman and
swallow him up. I thought the pictured forms behind me here would
step from their frames in horror at his words.” These are Phillips’s
phrases, which in one form or another those men repeat who heard
him.
The meeting was pitilessly opposed to him and his. After a
fashion a vote was obtained for all the resolutions of sympathy. But
nobody cared whether they passed or not. Nobody heard Phillips
that day who did not know that there was an orator in the town who
could do much what he would with any audience.
He spared nobody and no thing in his attack. He never did till the
last hour of his life. And it is right to say, that the people he
opposed, denounced and satirized, replied with the sneer so often
lavished on such men, “He has a devil and is mad, why do you hear
him?” “Phillips’s crazy talk” is the phrase you constantly find as you
turn over private or published letters of those times. None the less
did people go to hear him, and, as I said, he could do with an
audience, friendly or unfriendly, much what he would. He seemed to
be—I think he was—quite careless about preparation. If he was
asked to speak for the cause, he spoke. He thus had, very soon, the
best possible training for his business. If I am right, it is the only
training worth much—namely, constant practice. I have never, in
forty years, varied from the opinion I expressed the night I first
heard him, that he was the best public speaker we had in New
England, as he was the best I had heard anywhere. He had the
double gift of language and of easy familiar gesture. He was
absolutely at his ease. He talked with his audience, played with
them, joked with them, reasoned with them, scolded them, ridiculed
them, soothed them, flattered them and compelled them, just as he
chose. He knew his audience through and through. He knew what
speech to make to them. He was never guilty of that ghastly folly
which insists on addressing to the audience of to-day the speech
which pleased some other audience a week ago.
 I have no intention of writing his biography or an abridged history
of the time in which he was so active. I think he did not long remain
at the bar. I think it was as early as 1838 that he refused to take the
attorney’s oath of allegiance to the United States, without which he
could not practice in any United States Court. For the theory of the
extreme Abolitionists was that they must break up the Constitution
of the United States. But in practice very few of their adherents
followed them fully here, and many a man who cordially supported
their newspapers and their meetings, voted as he chose at the next
election, or when the time came went loyally into battle for the old
flag. Nay, of Phillips himself I remember this: I met him on the
Sunday before Fort Sumter was fired upon, and we walked half a
mile together. He had brought up town the last news from the
bulletin about the preparations of the South Carolina batteries. I had
been on the spot, on Sullivan’s Island, and pointed out some
inconsistency in the narrative, saying, what I thought then, that I
believed the whole thing would turn out to be mere Carolina bluster.
To which he replied with great cordiality, “I am sure I hope so;” and
from that moment to the end of the war I think no one enjoyed the
national successes more thoroughly than he.
Side by side with the Anti-Slavery excitement, which every one
connects with his name, was the growth of what may fairly enough
be called the “Lyceum Movement.” In the beginning this was thought
as pure a piece of philanthropy as the other. Almost every public
spirited man considered it his duty to have one or more “Lectures”
which he should deliver at the call of his neighbors when they had a
“Lyceum.” I have no doubt that Phillips’s early lecturing was a bit of
philanthropic effort of this sort. But as things went on, enterprising
committees began to raise the price of their tickets, to send for
distant lecturers and to pay them enough to make it worth their
while to come. Even college societies and the providers for
Commencement entertainments found it wise to pay a handsome
honorarium to their speakers, and I am afraid that the element of
philanthropy has long since disappeared from what is called the
“Lecture Platform.” Phillips had an ingenious way of uniting the
functions of a literary and of a political lecturer. No one was in more
demand than he for the regular work of the winter Lyceums. But it
would often happen that the timidity of a committee made them
pause before they would listen to his radicalism in a lecture. For
such agents he was quite ready. If people had scruples they must
pay for them. His program was: “For a literary lecture without
politics, $100 and my expenses.” “For a political lecture, nothing, and
I pay my fares.”
He used to tell a story of his arrival at a western city where the
committee were divided, four to four, on the question whether they
would hear his lecture on the “Lost Arts” or a political speech.
Perhaps he would determine between them.
“Let us have both,” said Phillips. To which they eagerly assented.
So he delivered the “Lost Arts” first, innocent as a new rosebud of
any political bias. Then a recess was given to the audience, and all
who wished to go might go. But of course, after that beginning, no
one went. And so Phillips had another hour, and an audience for as
many heresies as he chose to utter.
It ought to be remembered that as soon as he had any leisure
from his work as an Anti-Slavery agitator, he gave his time and
power, in the same open-handed way, to the temperance cause. In
all these late years the friends of temperance reform have had no
public man more ready to take up their work for them than he.
The country has shown that it can duly honor such an agitator,
whose own conscience was always clear, even though no man could
agree with him in what he called opinions. The truth is, they were as
often impulses as convictions. But in the matter of slavery, of
temperance, and of charity, he had settled convictions, and lived on
them without flinching. He was utterly without thought of self.
The public has never known nor said enough of Mr. Phillips’s
private charities, and I can not wonder at it. It is impossible for any
one to speak fitly of them this side of the recording angel.
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