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The document provides links to various test banks and solutions manuals for nursing and other subjects available for download at testbankdeal.com. It includes a section on nursing documentation, emphasizing the importance of accurate record-keeping for patient care and reimbursement. Key concepts covered include the use of electronic health records, standards for documentation, and various charting methods.

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100% found this document useful (3 votes)
30 views

Fundamentals of Nursing Active Learning for Collaborative Practice 1st Edition Yoost Test Bank - Fast Download To Start Reading Immediately

The document provides links to various test banks and solutions manuals for nursing and other subjects available for download at testbankdeal.com. It includes a section on nursing documentation, emphasizing the importance of accurate record-keeping for patient care and reimbursement. Key concepts covered include the use of electronic health records, standards for documentation, and various charting methods.

Uploaded by

suhnericah
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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Chapter 10: Documentation, Electronic Health Records, and Reporting

MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. Accurate documentation by the nurse is necessary since proper documentation:


a. is needed for proper reimbursement.
b. must be electronically generated.
c. does not involve e-mails or faxes.
d. is only legal if written by hand.
ANS: A
Accurate documentation is necessary for hospitals to be reimbursed according to
diagnostic-related groups (DRGs). DRGs are a system used to classify hospital admissions.
Health care documentation is any written or electronically generated information about a
patient that describes the patient, the patient’s health, and the care and services provided,
including the dates of care. These records may be paper or electronic documents, such as
electronic medical records, faxes, e-mails, audiotapes, videotapes, and images.

DIF: Remembering REF: p. 130 OBJ: 10.01


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

2. Which of the following is true regarding nursing documentation?


a. Standards for documentation are established by a national commission.
b. Medical records should be accessible to everyone.
c. Documentation should not include the patient’s diagnosis.
d. High-quality nursing documentation reflects the nursing process.
ANS: D
The ANA’s model for high-quality nursing documentation reflects the nursing process and
includes accessibility, accuracy, relevance, auditability, thoughtfulness, timeliness, and
retrievability. Standards for documentation are established by each health care organization’s
policies and procedures. They should be in agreement with The Joint Commission’s standards
and elements of performance, including having a medical record for each patient that is
accessed only by authorized personnel. General principles of medical record documentation
from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (2010) include the need for
completeness and legibility; the reasons for each patient encounter, including assessments and
diagnosis; and the plan of care, the patient’s progress, and any changes in diagnosis and
treatment.

DIF: Understanding REF: p. 130 OBJ: 10.02


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

3. The medical record:


a. serves as a major communication tool but is not a legal document.
b. cannot be used to assess quality of care issues.
c. is not used to determine reimbursement claims.
d. can be used as a tool for biomedical research and provide education.
ANS: D
The medical record is a clinical data archive. The medical record serves as a tool for
biomedical research and provider education, collection of statistical data for government and
other agencies, maintenance of compliance with external regulatory bodies, and establishment
of policies and regulations for standards of care. The record serves as the major
communication tool between staff members and as a single data access point for everyone
involved in the patient’s care. It is a legal document that must meet guidelines for
completeness, accuracy, timeliness, accessibility, and authenticity. The record can be used to
assess quality-of-care measures, determine the medical necessity of health care services,
support reimbursement claims, and protect health care providers, patients, and others in legal
matters.

DIF: Understanding REF: p. 130 OBJ: 10.02


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

4. Paper records are being replaced by other forms of record keeping because:
a. paper is fragile and susceptible to damage.
b. paper records are always available to multiple people at a time.
c. paper records can be stored without difficulty and are easily retrievable.
d. paper records are permanent and last indefinitely.
ANS: A
Paper records have several potential problems. Paper is fragile, susceptible to damage, and can
degrade over time. It may be difficult to locate a particular chart because it is being used by
someone else, it is in a different department, or it is misfiled. Storage and control of paper
records can be a major problem.

DIF: Evaluating REF: pp. 130-131 OBJ: 10.02 TOP: Assessment


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

5. The nurse is charting in the paper medical record. She should:


a. print his/her name since signatures are often not readable.
b. not document her credentials since everyone knows that she is a nurse.
c. skip a line, leaving a blank space, between entries so that it looks neater.
d. use black ink unless the facility allows a different color.
ANS: D
Entries into paper medical records are traditionally made with black ink to enable copying or
scanning, unless a facility requires or allows a different color. The date, time, and signature,
with credentials of the person writing the entry, are included in the entry. No blank spaces are
left between entries because they could allow someone to add a note out of sequence.

DIF: Remembering REF: p. 131 OBJ: 10.02


TOP: Implementation
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication
6. The nurse is admitting a patient who has had several previous admissions. In order to obtain a
knowledge base about the patient’s medical history, the nurse may use the:
a. electronic medical record (EMR).
b. the computerized provider order entry (CPOE).
c. electronic health record (EHR).
d. American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.
ANS: C
The EHR is a longitudinal record of health that includes the information from inpatient and
outpatient episodes of health care from one or more care settings. The EMR is a record of one
episode of care, such as an inpatient stay or an outpatient appointment. CPOE allows
clinicians to enter orders in a computer that are sent directly to the appropriate department. It
does not provide historical data. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 is the
government mandate that requires the use of a certified EHR for each person in the United
States by 2014.

DIF: Applying REF: p. 131 OBJ: 10.02 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

7. The use of electronic health records:


a. improves patient health status.
b. requires a keyboard to enter data.
c. has not been shown to reduce medication errors.
d. requires increased storage space.
ANS: A
Adoption of an EHR system produces major cost savings through gains in productivity and
error reduction, which ultimately improves patient health status. The most common benefits
of electronic records are increased delivery of guideline-based care, better monitoring,
reduced medication errors, and decreased use of care. Use of EHRs can reduce storage space,
allow simultaneous access by multiple users, facilitate easy duplication for sharing or backup,
and increase portability in environments using wireless systems and handheld devices.
Although data are often entered by keyboard, they can also be entered by means of dictated
voice recordings, light pens, or handwriting and pattern recognition systems.

DIF: Remembering REF: pp. 131-132 OBJ: 10.02


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

8. The nurse is caring for patients on unit that uses electronic health records (EHRs). In order to
protect personal health information, the nurse should:
a. allow only nurses that she knows and trusts to use her verification code.
b. not worry about mistakes since the information cannot be tracked.
c. never share her password with anyone.
d. be aware that the EHR is sophisticated and immune to failure.
ANS: C
Access to an EHR is controlled through assignment of individual passwords and verification
codes that identify people who have the right to enter the record. Passwords and verification
codes should never be shared with anyone. Health care information systems have the ability to
track who uses the system and which records are accessed. These organizational tools
contribute to the protection of personal health information. Disadvantages of use of computers
for documentation include computer and software failure and problems if there is a power
outage.

DIF: Applying REF: p. 132 OBJ: 10.02 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

9. Nursing documentation is an important part of effective communication among nurses and


with other health care providers. As such, the nurse:
a. documents facts.
b. documents how he/she feels about the care being provided.
c. documents in a “block” fashion once per shift.
d. double documents as often as possible in order to not miss anything.
ANS: A
Nursing documentation is an important part of effective communication among nurses and
with other health care providers. Documentation should be factual and nonjudgmental, with
proper spelling and grammar. Events should be reported in the order they happened, and
documentation should occur as soon as possible after assessment, interventions, condition
changes, or evaluation. Each entry includes the date, time, and signature with credentials of
the person documenting. Double documentation of data should be avoided because legal
issues can arise as a result of conflicting data.

DIF: Remembering REF: p. 132 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

10. Nursing documentation is guided by:


a. the Nursing process
b. the North American Nursing Diagnosis Association (NANDA) diagnoses.
c. Nursing Interventions Classification.
d. Nursing Outcomes Classification
ANS: A
Nursing documentation is guided by the five steps of the nursing process: assessment,
diagnosis, planning, implementation, and evaluation. Standardized nursing terminologies such
as the North American Nursing Diagnosis Association–International (NANDA-I) nursing
diagnoses, Nursing Interventions Classification (NIC), and Nursing Outcomes Classification
(NOC) may be used in the documentation process.

DIF: Remembering REF: pp. 132-133 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication
11. PIE, APIE, SOAP, and SOAPIE are:
a. chronologic.
b. examples of problem-oriented charting.
c. narrative charting.
d. forms of “charting by exception.”
ANS: B
The nurse’s notes may be in a narrative format or in a problem-oriented structure such as the
PIE, APIE, SOAP, SOAPIE, SOAPIER, DAR, or CBE format. Narrative charting is
chronologic, Charting by exception (CBE) is documentation that records only abnormal or
significant data.

DIF: Remembering REF: pp. 132-134 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

12. A type of charting that records only abnormal or significant data is:
a. PIE.
b. SOAP.
c. narrative.
d. charting by exception.
ANS: D
Charting by exception (CBE) is documentation that records only abnormal or significant data.
A PIE note is used to document problem (P), intervention (I), and evaluation (E). A SOAP
note is used to chart the subjective data (S), objective data (O), assessment (A), and plan (P).
Narrative charting is chronologic, with a baseline recorded on a shift-by-shift basis. Data are
recorded in the progress notes, often without an organizing framework. Narrative charting
may stand alone, or it may be complemented by other tools.

DIF: Remembering REF: pp. 133-134 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

13. The nurse is preparing to administer medications to the patient. Prior to doing so, she/he
compares the provider orders with the:
a. flow sheet
b. Kardex
c. MAR
d. admission summary
ANS: C
A medication administration record (MAR) is a list of ordered medications, along with
dosages and times of administration, on which the nurse initials medications given or not
given. A paper MAR usually includes a signature section in which the nurse is identified by
linking the initials used with a full signature. The EHR includes an electronic medication
administration record (eMAR). Flow sheets and checklists may be used to document routine
care and observations that are recorded on a regular basis, such as vital signs, and intake and
output measurements. Data collected on flow sheets may be converted to a graph, which
pictorially reflects patient data. Originally, the Kardex was a non-permanent filing system for
nursing records, orders, and patient information that was held centrally on the unit. Although
computerization of records may mean that the Kardex system is no longer active, the term
kardex continues to be used generically for certain patient information held at the nurses’
station. An admission summary includes the patient’s history.

DIF: Applying REF: pp. 134-135 OBJ: 10.03 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

14. The nurse is caring for a patient for the first time and needs background information such as
history, medications taken at home, etc. The best central location to obtain this information is
the:
a. admission summary.
b. discharge summary.
c. flow sheet.
d. Kardex.
ANS: A
An admission summary includes the patient’s history, a medication reconciliation, and an
initial assessment that addresses the patient’s problems, including identification of needs
pertinent to discharge planning and formulation of a plan of care based on those needs. The
discharge summary addresses the patient’s hospital course and plans for follow-up, and it
documents the patient’s status at discharge. It includes information on medication and
treatment, discharge placement, patient education, follow-up appointments, and referrals.
Flow sheets and checklists may be used to document routine care and observations that are
recorded on a regular basis, such as vital signs, medications, and intake and output
measurements. Although computerization of records may mean that the Kardex system is no
longer active, the term kardex continues to be used generically for certain patient information
held at the nurses’ station.

DIF: Applying REF: pp. 134-135 OBJ: 10.03 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

15. The nurse is charting using paper nursing notes. The nurse is aware that:
a. attorneys are not allowed access to medical records during litigation.
b. when mistakes are made in documentation, the nurse should scribble out the entry.
c. only one nurse should document on a sheet so that it can be removed in case of
error.
d. the medical record is the most reliable source of information in any legal action.
ANS: D
The medical record is seen as the most reliable source of information in any legal action
related to care. When legal counsel is sought because of a negative outcome of care, the first
action taken by an attorney is to acquire a copy of the medical record. Notes should never be
altered or obliterated. Documentation mistakes must be acknowledged. If an error is made in
paper documentation, a line is drawn through the error and the word error is placed above or
after the entry, along with the nurse’s initials and followed by the correct entry.

DIF: Applying REF: p. 135 OBJ: 10.03 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

16. The nurse is charting using electronic documentation. With electronic documentation:
a. errors can be corrected and totally removed from the record in the screen view.
b. log-on access to the electronic record identifies the person charting.
c. each entry requires the nurse to sign her/his name and credentials.
d. documenting significant changes in the electronic record ends the nurse’s
responsibility.
ANS: B
Log-on access to the electronic record identifies the person charting or making a change. If an
error is made in electronic documentation, it can be corrected on the screen view but the error
and correction process remains in the permanent electronic record. Any correction in
documentation that indicates a significant change in patient status should include notification
of the primary care provider.

DIF: Understanding REF: p. 135 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

17. How should the nurse correct an error in charting?


a. remove the sheet with the error and replace it with a new sheet with the correct
entry.
b. scribble out the error and rewrite the entry correctly.
c. draw a single line through the error, and then write “error” above or after the entry
d. leave the entry as is and tell the charge nurse.
ANS: C
Documentation mistakes must be acknowledged. If an error is made in paper documentation, a
line is drawn through the error and the word error is placed above or after the entry, along
with the nurse’s initials and followed by the correct entry. Notes should never be altered or
obliterated. Documentation mistakes must be acknowledged.

DIF: Applying REF: p. 135 OBJ: 10.03 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

18. If a verbal or phone order is necessary in an emergency, the order:


a. must be taken by an RN or LPN.
b. must be repeated verbatim to confirm accuracy.
c. documented as a written order.
d. does not need further verification by the provider.
ANS: B
If a verbal or phone order is necessary in an emergency, the order must be taken by a
registered nurse (RN) who repeats the order verbatim to confirm accuracy and then enters the
order into the paper or electronic system, documenting it as a verbal or phone order and
including the date, time, physician’s name, and RN’s signature. Most facility policies require
the physician to co-sign a verbal or telephone order within a defined time period.

DIF: Understanding REF: p. 138 OBJ: 10.06


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

19. The process of making a change-of-shift report (handoff):


a. is an uncommon occurrence of little importance.
b. occurs only at change of shift and only to oncoming nurses.
c. can lead to patient death if done incorrectly.
d. does not allow for collaboration or problem solving.
ANS: C
An ineffective handoff may lead to wrong treatments, wrong medications, or other
life-threatening events, increasing the length of stay and causing patient injury or death. The
handoff process can be an opportunity for collaborative problem solving. Improvement in the
handoff process can increase patient safety and promote positive patient outcomes. During an
average hospital stay of approximately 4 days, as many as 24 handoffs can occur for just one
patient because shifts change every 8 to 12 hours and many individuals are responsible for
care.

DIF: Understanding REF: p. 136 OBJ: 10.06


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

20. The patient has fallen when trying to climb out of bed. The nurse:
a. needs to complete an incident report as a risk management document.
b. completes an incident report since it is a permanent part of the medical record.
c. must document that an incident report was completed in the medical record.
d. should say nothing about the incident in the medical record.
ANS: A
Incident reports are objective, nonjudgmental, factual reports of the occurrence and its
consequences. The incident report is not part of a medical record but is considered a risk
management or quality-improvement document. The fact that an incident report was
completed is not recorded in the patient’s medical record; however, the details of a patient
incident are documented.

DIF: Applying REF: pp. 138-139 OBJ: 10.07 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication
MULTIPLE RESPONSE

1. Expected nursing documentation includes: (Select all that apply.)


a. nursing assessment.
b. the care plan.
c. critique of the physician’s care.
d. interventions.
e. patient responses to care.
ANS: A, B, D, E
Expected nursing documentation includes a nursing assessment, the care plan, interventions,
the patient’s outcomes or response to care, and assessment of the patient’s ability to manage
after discharge. Documentation should be factual and nonjudgmental.

DIF: Remembering REF: pp. 132-133 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

2. Nurses must be aware of the danger of using abbreviations that may be misunderstood and
compromise patient safety. The Joint Commission has compiled a list of do-not-use
abbreviations, acronyms, and symbols to avoid the possibility of errors that may be life
threatening. Of the following, which are acceptable? (Select all that apply.)
a. Daily
b. QD
c. qod
d. 0.X mg
e. X mg
ANS: A, D, E
Nurses must be aware of the danger of using abbreviations that may be misunderstood and
compromise patient safety. The Joint Commission (2013) has compiled a list of do-not-use
abbreviations, acronyms, and symbols to avoid the possibility of errors that may be life
threatening. QD, Q.D., qd, q.d. (daily), QOD, Q.O.D., qod, and q.o.d. (every other day) can be
mistaken for each other. Periods after Q can be mistaken for I, and the O mistaken for I. Write
daily or every other day. Trailing zero (X.0 mg) or a lack of leading zero (.X mg) can be
confusing. Write as X mg or 0.X mg.

DIF: Applying REF: p. 133 OBJ: 10.03 TOP: Implementation


MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

3. Standardized nursing terminologies such as the North American Nursing Diagnosis


Association–International (NANDA-I) nursing diagnoses, Nursing Interventions
Classification (NIC), and Nursing Outcomes Classification (NOC) may be used in the
documentation process. Use of standardized language: (Select all that apply.)
a. provides consistency.
b. improves communication among nurses while excluding non-nurses.
c. increases the visibility of nursing interventions.
d. enhances data collection.
e. supports adherence to care standards.
ANS: A, C, D, E
Standardized nursing terminologies such as the North American Nursing Diagnosis
Association–International (NANDA-I) nursing diagnoses, Nursing Interventions
Classification (NIC), and Nursing Outcomes Classification (NOC) may be used in the
documentation process. Use of standardized language provides consistency, improves
communication among nurses and with other health care providers, increases the visibility of
nursing interventions, improves patient care, enhances data collection to evaluate nursing care
outcomes, and supports adherence to care standards.

DIF: Remembering REF: p. 133 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

4. The nurse is charting using the DAR charting system. This form of charting requires
documentation about: (Select all that apply.)
a. the patient problems.
b. subjective data.
c. any actions initiated.
d. objective data.
e. the patient’s response to interventions.
ANS: A, C, E
A DAR note is used to chart the data (D) collected about the patient problems, the action (A)
initiated, and the patient’s response (R) to the actions. A SOAP note is used to chart the
subjective data (S), objective data (O), assessment (A), and plan (P).

DIF: Remembering REF: p. 134 OBJ: 10.03


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication

5. The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) mandates that health
information can be shared: (Select all that apply.)
a. In order to provide treatment for the patient.
b. To determine billing and payment issues.
c. To enhance health care operations related to the patient.
d. In public areas such as the cafeteria or elevator.
e. Over the telephone with any family member
ANS: A, B, C
The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), originally passed in 1996,
created standards for the protection of personal health information, whether conveyed orally
or recorded in any form or medium. The act clearly mandates that protected health
information may be used only for treatment, payment, or health care operations. HIPAA
privacy standards should be applied during phone, fax, e-mail, or Internet transmission of
protected patient information.

DIF: Understanding REF: p. 136 OBJ: 10.04


TOP: Assessment
MSC: NCLEX Client Needs Category: Safe and Effective Care Environment: Management of Care
NOT: Concepts: Communication
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
had fixed on Gothic art. It is a pity that the pioneer who struck good blows for the
rehabilitation of Gothic should have jeopardized the permanence of his work by
giving free rein to his personal prejudices.
[14] E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Le plan d’une monographie d’église et le vocabulaire
archéologique,” in Revue de l’art chrétien, 1910, p. 379. He has written on the same
subject in Bulletin Monumental, 1906, vol. 70, p. 453, and 1907, vol. 71, pp. 136,
351, 535.
[15] Jules Quicherat, “La croisée d’ogives et son origine,” in Mélanges
d’archéologie et d’histoire (1850), vol. 2, p. 497.
[16] Camille Enlart, Origines françaises de l’architecture gothique en Italie (Paris,
1893); ibid., Les origines de l’architecture gothique en Espagne et en Portugal (Paris,
1894); ibid., Notes archéologiques sur les abbayes cisterciennes de Scandinavie
(Paris, 1894); ibid., Villard de Honnecourt et les Cisterciens (Paris, 1895); ibid., L’art
gothique et de la Renaissance en Chypre (Paris, Leroux, 1899), 2 vols.; Émile
Bertaud, L’art dans l’Italie méridionale (Paris, Fontemoing, 1904).
[17] Other publications of value to the student are the Revue de l’art chrétien,
Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Moyen-Âge, l’Archéologie, Bibliothèque de l’École des
Chartes, Revue archéologique, and the Didron’s Annales archéologique. There are H.
Havard’s La France artistique et monumental, Viollet-le-Duc’s Dictionnaire de
l’architecture française, Joanne’s Dictionnaire de la France. The regional and local
monographs will be given here with each school of Gothic and each cathedral as it is
described.
[18] André Michel (Publiée sous la direction de), Histoire de l’art depuis les
premiers temps chrétiens (Paris, A. Colin, 1906), 10 vols.
[19] Émile Mâle, L’art religieux du XIIIe siècle en France (Paris, Colin, 1908),
4to; ibid., L’art religieux de la fin du moyen âge en France (Paris, Colin, 1910), 4to.
[20] “Il en est parmi nous qui préfèrent la victoire de leur parti à la victoire de la
patrie. Écrire l’histoire de France était une façon de travailler pour un parti et de
combattre un adversaire. Pour beaucoup de Français être patriote, c’est être ennemi
de l’ancienne France. Cette sorte de patriotisme au lieu de nous unier contre
l’étranger nous pousse tout droit à la guerre civile.”—Fustel de Coulanges.
[21] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 39, on Bury (Oise), and p. 43, on
Cambronne (Oise).
[22] Arthur Kingsley Porter, The Construction of Lombard and Gothic Vaults
(New Haven, Yale University Press, 1911).
[23] In each vault section of the ambulatory of St. Maclou, Pontoise, was inserted
a fifth rib, which sprang from the keystone to the middle of each apse chapel’s rear
wall, and which consolidated both chapel and procession path. The diagonals do not
curve, as do those of Morienval. St. Maclou was entirely finished in the XII century,
but it was reconstructed radically in the XV century: the present façade is 1450-70.
Again in the XVI century the church was partly rebuilt, so that the double-aisled nave
of to-day appears a beautiful example of Renaissance art. It was at Pontoise that St.
Louis, in 1244, took the vow to go crusading. (See, Lefèvre-Pontalis, Monographie
de l’église St. Maclou de Pontoise.)
[24] Arthur Kingsley Porter, Medieval Architecture (New York and London, 1909).
In vol. 2, pp. 193-251, is a full list of monuments of the transition.
[25] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 154, on Morienval; ibid., 1908, vol. 2, pp.
128, 476, on Morienval, E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, Brutails, and John Bilson; E. Lefèvre-
Pontalis, L’architecture religieuse dans l’ancien diocèse de Soissons au XIe et au XIIe
siècle (Paris, Plon, 1894-97), 2 vols., folio. Also, his discussion on the vaults of
Morienval in Bulletin Monumental, vol. 71, pp. 160, 335; 1908, vol. 72, p. 477; and
in Correspondance historique et archéologique, 1897, pp. 193, 197; Anthyme Saint-
Paul, “La transition,” in Revue de l’art chrétien, 1895, p. 13. Also, his studies of
Morienval in Mémoires de la Soc. archéol. de Pontoise ..., 1894, vol. 16; Mémoires
du Comité archéol. de Senlis, 1892, vol. 7; Correspondance historique et
archéologique, 1897, pp. 129, 161; John Bilson, on Morienval, in Bulletin
Monumental, 1908, vol. 72, p. 498; and Congrès Archéologique, 1905; L. Régnier, in
Mémoires de la Soc. archéol. de Pontoise ..., 1895, p. 124.
[26] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, “St. Étienne, at Beauvais,” pp. 15, 530;
Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire, vol. 3, pp. 254, 263; vol. 4, p. 289; vol. 7, p. 133;
Stanislas de Saint-Germain, Notice historique et descriptive de l’église St. Étienne de
Beauvais; Victor Lhuillier, St. Étienne de Beauvais; P. C. Barraud, “Les vitraux de St.
Étienne de Beauvais,” in Soc. Académique d’archéologie, department de l’Oise, vol.
2, p. 507; Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 81, “St. Germer,” L. Régnier; and p. 406,
“St. Germer,” A. Besnard; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “L’église de St. Germer,” in
l’Annuaire Normand, 1903, p. 134; and Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes, 1885 and
1889; also Bulletin Monumental, 1886; A. Besnard, L’église de St. Germer de Fly
(Oise), (Paris, E. Lechavalier, 1913); Paul des Forts, “Une excursion en Beauvaisis,”
in Bulletin de la Société d’émulation d’Abbeville, 1903; Eugène Woillez, Archéologie
des monuments religieux de l’ancien Beauvoisis.
[27] Maurice Barrès, La grande pitié des églises de France (Paris, Émile-Paul,
frères, 1914).
[28] Anthyme Saint-Paul, “Poissy et Morienval,” in Mémoires de la Société
archéol. de Pontoise et du Vexin, 1894, vol. 16; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, L’Architecture
religieuse dans l’ancien diocèse de Soissons au XIe et au XIIe siècle (Paris, Plon,
1894), 2 vols., folio; F. de Verneilh, Le premier des monuments gothic (Paris, 1864).
[29] Some naïve XVI-century lines are under the window of St. Louis’ chapel:

“Saint Louis fut un enfant de Poissy,


Et baptisé en la présente église;
Les fonts en sont gardés encore ici,
Et honorés comme rélique exquise.”
[30] “King John,” Act II.
[31] Vitry et Brière, L’église abbatiale de St. Denis et ses tombeaux (Paris,
Longuet, 1908); ibid., Documents de sculpture française (Paris, 1913); Anthyme
Saint-Paul. “Suger. L’église de St. Denis, et St. Bernard,” Mémoire lu à la Sorbonne,
inséré au Bulletin archéologique, et tiré à part, 1890; F. de Verneilh, Le premier des
monuments gothiques (Paris, 1864); Abbé Crosnier, “Vitrail de l’abbaye de St. Denis
expliqué,” in Revue archéologique, 1847, vol. 7, p. 377; Félicie d’Ayzac, Histoire de
l’abbaye de Saint Denis-en-France (Paris, 1861), 2 vols.; Ferdinand de Lasteyrie,
Histoire de la peinture sur verre (Paris, Didot, 1852), 2 vols.; Bushnell, Storied
Windows (New York, Macmillan, 1914); Émile Mâle, L’art religieux de la fin du
moyen âge en France (Paris, A. Colin, 1910); ibid., “La part de Suger dans la création
de l’iconographie,” in Revue de l’art ancien et moderne, 1914; L. Levillain, “L’église
carolingienne de St. Denis,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1907, vol. 71, p. 211; L.
Levillain et L. Maitre, “Crypt de St. Denis,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1903, p. 136;
Suger, Œuvres complètes, éd. Lecoy de la Marche (Paris, Renouard, 1867); Histoire
littéraire de la France. (Begun by the XVII-century Benedictines and continued by
the Institute of France.) Vol. 12, p. 361, on Suger, published in 1764.
[32] Marius Sepet, Le Drapeau de la France.
[33] Henri Stein, Les architectes des cathédrales gothiques (Paris, H. Laurens,
1908); ibid., “Pierre de Montereau,” in Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires de
France, 1900, vol. 61.
[34] A. de Montaiglon, “La famille des Juste en France,” in Bulletin Monumental,
1876, vol. 42, pp. 76, 768. Details of the tombs of St. Denis are to be found in
Palustre, La Renaissance en France (1888); Gonse, La Sculpture française depuis le
XIVe siècle (1895); Vitry, Michel Colombe et la sculpture française (1901); and in
writings by A. Saint-Paul and Louis Courajod.
[35] R. de Lasteyrie, “La déviation de l’axe des églises est-elle symbolique?” in
Bulletin Monumental, 1905, vol. 69, p. 422, also published separately; A. Saint-Paul,
“Les irrégularités de plan des églises,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1906, vol. 70, p. 129;
John Bilson, “Deviation of Axis in Medieval Churches,” in Journal of the Royal
Institute of British Architects, December 25, 1905; W. H. Goodyear, “Architectural
Refinements in French Cathedrals,” in Architectural Record, vols. 16, 17, 1904-05,
and Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 3d series, 1907, vol. 15, p. 17.
[36] During three days in August, 1793, and again in October of the same year, the
tombs at St. Denis were violated. Robespierre stood long studying the chivalrous
head of Henry IV, then plucked some hairs from the king’s white beard and put them
in his portfolio; Henry IV had abjured Calvinism in this very church of St. Denis in
1593. The corpse of Louis XIV presented an air of serene majesty. When the coffin of
Louis XV was opened the air was infected insupportably. On that same day in
October, 1793, Marie Antoinette mounted the scaffold. Her remains and those of
Louis XVI are to-day laid in the inner core of St. Denis’ crypt.
[37] E. O’Reilly, Les deux procès de condamnation ... de Jeanne d’Arc, vol. 2, p.
134, the eighth interrogation, March 17, 1431 (Paris, Plon, 1868), 2 vols.
[38] Charles Péguy, Œuvres de, “La tapisserie de Sainte-Geneviève et de Jeanne
d’Arc,” vol. 6 (Paris, édition de la Nouvelle Revue française, 1916-18).
[39] The following is a free rendering of Péguy’s verses:

Since God but acts for pity of us here,


So Geneviève must see her France in shreds,
And Paris, her own godchild, swept by flames,
And ravaged by the most sinister hordes.

And hearts devoured by blackest base discords,


And even in their graves the dead pursued,
On gibbets many an innocent hung high
With tongue protruding, pecked by raven birds.

France all despair. Then saw she come the Sign,


A greater marvel never God had willed
In His Serenity and Grace and Force,
After nine hundred-twenty vigil years
Geneviève saw approach her ancient city
Her of Lorraine, emblem of God’s pure pity—
Jeanne the Maid!—

Guarding her heart intact in dire adversity,


Masking beneath her visor her efficacity,
Living in deep mystery with sweet sagacity,
Dying in drear martyrdom with brave vivacity
Sweeping all an army to the feet of Prayer.

[40] Paul Verlaine, Choix de Poésies (Paris, Charpentier, 1912).


[41] “The privileged land where the Seine, the Oise, and the Marne approach their
waters gave France its laws and political unity, its literary language with its
incomparable clarity, and its Gothic art.”—Ernest Lavisse, Histoire de France.
[42] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 131, “Compiègne.”
[43] The people of the Valois country cried “Noël!” as Jeanne passed. And as she
rode between the great Dunois and the archbishop of Rheims she exclaimed, with
emotion: “Here is a good people! Happy would I be, when I come to die, to be laid
here to rest.” “Know you when you will die, Jeanne?” said the archbishop. “I know
not. I am in the hands of God,” she made answer. “I would it pleased God, my
creator, that I could go back now to serve under my father and my mother, and to
keep their sheep with my brothers, who would be right glad to see me home.”—From
the testimony of the Comte de Dunois, in 1455, Jeanne’s companion-in-arms in 1429.
[44] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 170; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, Histoire de la
cathédrale de Noyon, (1901); Vitet et Ramée, Monographie de l’église Notre Dame
de Noyon (Paris, 1845), 2 vols., 4to and folio; Brière, Précis descriptive et historique
de la cathédrale de Noyon (1899); Camille Enlart, Hôtels de Villes et beffrois du nord
de la France (Paris, H. Laurens, 1919); Marcel Aubert, Noyon et ses environs (Paris,
Longuet, 1919).
[45] Noyon was made a bishopric in the VI century, when St. Médard translated
the see from St. Quentin, before the advance of the Huns and the Vandals. St. Médard
gave the veil to Queen Radegund in the Merovingian cathedral of Noyon. Two
Carolingian cathedrals stood in succession on the site: in the first, Charlemagne was
consecrated king, 768, Noyon being his residence before Aix-la-Chapelle; in the
second church, which rose after a Norman sacking, Hugues Capet was elected king
shortly before 1000—the first monarch of the House of Capet, which was to rule over
France during seven hundred years. Since the Revolution the sees of Noyon, Senlis,
and Laon have been suppressed.
[46] The abbey church of Ourscamp is a ruin, but with the choir and ambulatory of
the end of the XIII century partly standing. Where once were the piers of the nave
have been planted two rows of poplars. Like Longpont and Royaumont, it was a
Cistercian church that paid no heed to St. Bernard’s strictures on lavish architecture.
The former infirmary of the monastery, now used as a factory, is one of the most
graceful civic halls of the age (c. 1240); Peigné-Delacour, Histoire de l’abbaye de
Notre Dame d’Ourscamp (1876), in 4to; Congrés Archéologique, 1905, p. 165, on
Ourscamp.
[47] Camille Enlart, De l’influence germanique dans les premiers monuments
gothiques de la France, 1902.
[48] Marcel Aubert, Monographie de la cathédrale de Senlis (1907). He has also
described Senlis in the collection, Petites monographies (1910); Congrès
Archéologique, 1905, p. 89, E. Lefèvre-Pontalis; passim, 1877, vol. 44,
“L’architecture dans le Valois,” Anthyme Saint-Paul; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, À travers le
Beauvaisis et le Valois (1907); Émile Lambin, “La Cathédrale de Senlis,” in Revue de
l’art chrétien, 1898, vol. 47; Abbé Eugène Müller, Senlis et ses environs (1897);
André Hallays, En flanant à travers la France. Autour de Paris (Paris, 1910); G.
Fleury, Études sur les portails imagés du XII siècle (Mamers, Fleury et Dangin,
1904); Histoire littéraire de la France (Paris, 1835), vol. 18, p. 33, “Guérin, évêque
de Senlis.”
[49] Emile Lambin, La Flore des grandes cathédrales (Paris, 1897).
[50] Émile Mâle, L’art religieux en France au XIIIe siècle (Paris, A. Colin, 1908).
[51] Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend. Translated into English by Caxton
and reprinted by William Morris, Kelmscott Press, 1872, 3 vols. Translated also in
Temple Classics. One of the best recent French editions is that of Théodor de Wyzewa
(Paris, Perrie et Cie, 1909).
[52] The Church of the Victory, consecrated by the warrior-bishop in 1225, was
ruined during the Hundred Years’ War by the Duke of Bedford’s troops, who day after
day were pricked on by Jeanne d’Arc’s army to a battle. In Flamboyant Gothic times
the abbatial was rebuilt, but again it was wrecked in the XVIII century. Only a few
late-Gothic bays now stand on the lawn before the country house of the Comte Boula
de Coulomier. Bishop Guérin also consecrated the church of Chaalis abbey, where he
was buried in 1228. Chaalis is now a picturesque ruin.
[53] E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Les clochers du XIIIe et du XVIe siècle dans le
Beauvaisis et la Valois,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 592.
[54] The corner stone of St. Frambourg was laid in 1177 by Louis VII. It is a sort
of forerunner of the Sainte-Chapelle type of edifice, without aisles or transept. Its
sober, pure lines show faultless constructive skill, and a grievous pity is its present
abandonment. Behind the cathedral is the church of St. Pierre, built in six different
epochs: the lower stories of the tower, XI century; the choir and transept, 1260; the
piers of the nave and the north tower’s top story, XV century; the rich façade, XVI
century, a work of Pierre Chambiges; and the heavy, cold south tower, of the XVII
century. In Senlis are St. Vincent’s church with a choir built after 1136, a XII-century
tower, contemporary of the cathedral, and a groin roof of the XVIII century. St.
Aignan’s belfry is of the end of the XI century, and served as model for the towers of
St. Vincent and St. Pierre, just as all three of them contributed toward the inspiration
of that sovereign thing of Senlis, the cathedral tower.
[55] Congrès Archéologique, 1907, p. 205, Charles Porée; E. Chartraire, La
cathédrale de Sens (Petites Monographies), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1920); E. Bérard, “La
cathédrale de Sens,” in L’Architecture, 1902; E. Vaudin-Bataille, La cathédrale de
Sens (Paris, 1899); Bouvier, Histoire de l’église de l’ancien archdiocèse de Sens
(Paris, 1906); A. de Montaiglon, Antiquités de Sens (Paris, 1881); A. J. de H.
Bushnell, Storied Windows (New York, Macmillan, 1914); A. F. Didot, “Jean Cousin,
peintre verrier,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1873, vol. 39, p. 75; Marius Vachon, Une
famille parisienne d’architectes maistre-maçons: les Chambiges; Crosnier, in
Congrès Archéologique, 1847, “Iconographie des portails de Sens”; Viollet-le-Duc,
Dictionnaire, vol. 9, pp. 222, 506; vol. 8, p. 74 (on the synodal hall); Histoire
littéraire de la France, vol. 15, p. 324, “Michel de Corbeil, archévêque de Sens”; p.
524, “Guillaume de Champagne, cardinal, archevêque de Rheims” (Paris, 1820); vol.
17, p. 223, “Pierre de Corbeil” (Paris, 1832); vol. 18, p. 270, “Gautier de Cornut,
archévêque de Sens” (Paris, 1835).
[56] Ralph Adams Cram, Gold, Frankincense, and Myrrh (Boston, Marshall Jones
Company, 1919).
[57] At St.-Julien-du-Sault, fourteen miles from Sens, are over a dozen good XIII-
century windows, and some four of the XVI century. St. Louis was a donor. In the
window devoted to Ste. Geneviève are interesting XVI-century costumes.
[58] Congrès Archéologique, 1911, Lucien Broche, p. 158, the cathedral; p. 225,
St. Martin’s church; p. 239, the Templar’s church; Chanoine A. Bouxin, La cathédrale
Notre Dame de Laon. Histoire et description (Laon, 1902); Jules Quicherat, “L’âge de
la cathédrale de Laon” in Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes, 1874, vol. 35, p. 249;
Lucien Broche, Laon et ses environs (Caen, 1913); ibid., “L’évêche de Laon,” in
Bulletin Monumental, 1902, vol. 66; De Florival et Midoux, Les vitraux de la
cathédrale de Laon (Paris, Didron, 1882), folio; E. Fleury, Antiquités et monuments
du département de l’Aisne, (1879), vol. 3, p. 153; Émile Lambin, Les églises de l’Ile-
de-France (Paris, 1906). His description of Laon is also in the Revue de l’art
chrétien, 1901-02, vols. 14, 15; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Les influences normandes au
XIe et au XIIe siècle dans le nord de la France,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1906, vol.
70; Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 10, p. 171, “Anselm de Laon” (Paris, 1756);
vol. 11, p. 243, “St. Norbert” (Paris, 1759); vol. 13, p. 511, “Gautier de Mortagne,
évêque de Laon” (Paris 1814); H. Havard, éd La France artistique et monumentale,
vol. 4, p. 81, Mgr. Dehaisnes, on Laon.
[59] For Coucy-le-Château (between Soissons and Laon) see M. Lefèvre-Pontalis’
study (1909) in the Petites Monographies series; or the Congrès Archéologique, 1911,
p. 239. The XIII-century donjon was the most massive conception of the Middle
Ages. Coucy’s lord ruled a hundred towns and was one of the big figures in feudal
France. His proud device read: “Roi ne suis, ne prince, ne duc, ne comte aussi—Je
suis le sire de Coucy.” The superb pile has been demolished in the World War.
Madame Yvonne Sarcey visited Coucy in April, 1917. Of the imposing mediæval
castle, hanging like a bourg to the flank of the hill, there remain two gaping porticos.
“C’est tout!... C’est tout!” she lamented. “Ce paysage adorable de l’Ile-de-France
portera sa croix.” The Germans blew up the castle before their strategic retirement, in
1917.
[60] Congrès Archéologique, 1911, E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, p. 315, the cathedral; p.
337, St. Médard; p. 343, St. Léger; p. 348, St. Jean-des-Vignes; Étienne Moreau-
Nélaton, “Soissons avant la guerre,” in Les cités ravagées (Collection, Images
historiques), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1919); ibid., Les églises de chez nous: Soissons
(Paris, H. Laurens); Abbé Poquet, Notice historique et archéologique de la cathédrale
de Soissons (Soissons, 1848); Émile Lambin, “La cathédrale de Soissons” in Revue
de l’art chrétien, 1898, vol. 47; Émile Mâle, L’art allemand et l’art français du
moyen âge (Paris, 1917); Bouet, “Excursion à Noyon, à Laon et à Soissons,” in
Bulletin Monumental, 1868, vol. 34, p. 430; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, L’architecture
religieuse dans l’ancien diocèse de Soissons au XIe et au XIIe, siècle (Paris, Plon,
1894-98), 2 vols., folio.
[61] Congrès Archéologique, 1911, p. 410, Longpont abbatial; Abbé Poquet,
Monographie de l’abbaye de Longpont (1869). Longpont, where the bishops of
Soissons were buried, was founded by Gerard de Chérisy, who had married Lady
Agnes of Longpont. St. Bernard sent twelve Cistercian monks to start the new house
in 1131. The splendid Gothic church, which departed from Cîteaux’s rule of church
simplicity, was consecrated in 1227 before the queen regent and Louis IX, by the
bishop of Soissons, Jacques de Bazoches, who had just anointed Louis as king, at
Rheims. Longpont was sacked by the Huguenots in 1567, and wrecked by the
Revolution. The picturesque ruins were acquired by the de Montesquieu family in
1850.
[62] The monastery church of St. Jean-des-Vignes was in size a cathedral, and the
maker of the great façade at Rheims, Bernard de Soissons, is said to have designed it.
The cloisters, once the most sumptuous in the kingdom, were begun by an abbot who
died in 1224, after he had built an aqueduct for the city which still is in use. St. Jean’s
big west rose had been, since 1870, an empty circle. Little more than its façade and
western towers stood before 1914. Sacked by the Revolution, its real demolition was
under the Empire, when to repair the cathedral the deserted monastery was sold for a
paltry sum, and stone by stone removed. The congregation of good men in this abbey
did parish work for many centuries. In such good repute with the citizens were they
that, when the Revolution suppressed the house, Soissons’ municipality protested,
saying that the abbey had “always claimed with zeal its share of public duties.” Taine
in his L’Ancien Régime quotes the protest: “In calamities this abbey opens its doors to
the destitute citizens and feeds them. It alone has borne the expense of the citizens’
meetings, preparatory to the election of deputies for the National Assembly. It now is
lodging a company of soldiers. Always when there are sacrifices to be made it is on
hand.” However, the revolutionary authorities paid no heed to the citizens’ desire to
retain their historic house.
[63] For the churches of Notre Dame and St. Martins, at Étampes, see Bulletin
Monumental, 1905, vol. 69, and Annales de la Société hist. et archéol. du gatinais,
1907, Lefèvre-Pontalis; also the Congrès Archéologique, 1901, p. 71. Notre Dame
was begun about 1160. Its strongly Romanesque south portal is of the same type as
Chartres’ western doors. The crypt and piers of the nave are XI century, and the
transept and choir were rebuilt about 1170 as early Gothic. The Romanesque tower is
one of the best of its epoch; its base is approximately 1050; the next two stories about
1075; the fourth story, 1125; and the spire, 1130. The church is full of irregularities
from rebuildings. St. Martin’s church is XII and XIII century; its much discussed
ambulatory of the Champagne type is about 1165. The number of supports for the
vault was doubled in the outer wall, thus making the space to be covered a series of
square compartments alternating with triangles.
[64] Auguste Rodin, Les cathédrales de France (Paris, A. Colin, 1914), 4to.
[65] Congrès Archéologique, 1911, St. Remi (Rheims), p. 57, and Notre Dame
(Châlons), p. 473, Louis Demaison; Louis Demaison, Les églises de Châlons-sur-
Marne (Caen, 1913); E. M. de Barthélemy, “Notre Dame-en-Vaux à Châlons-sur-
Marne,” in Revue de l’art chrétien, vol. 15, p. 97; A. de Dion, “Notre Dame-en-Vaux
à Châlons-sur-Marne,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1886, vol. 52, p. 547, and 1887, vol.
53, p. 439, Louis Grignon; L. Grignon, Description et l’histoire de Notre Dame de
Châlons-sur-Marne (Châlons-sur-Marne, 1884), 2 vols.; Abbé Poussin, Monographie
de l’abbaye et de l’église de St. Remi de Rheims (Rheims, 1857); Alfonse Gosset, La
basilique de St. Remi à Rheims (Paris, 1900); L. Barbat, Histoire de la ville de
Châlons-sur-Marne; R. de Lasteyrie, L’architecture religieuse en France à l’époque
romane (Paris, 1912), p. 158, St. Remi.
[66] “Il est digne de remarque, que de toutes ces règles monastiques les plus
rigides ont été les mieux observées: les Chartreux ont donné au monde l’unique
exemple d’une congrégation qui a existé sept cents ans sans avoir besoin de
réforme.”—Chateaubriand, Génie du Christianisme.
In April, 1903, two squadrons of dragoons expelled the last monks from La
Grande Chartreuse. An economic loss for the entire region has resulted.
[67] Congrès Archéologique, 1902; Morel-Payen, Troyes et Provins (Collection,
Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1910); Félix Bourquelot, Histoire de
Provins (Paris, Techener, 1840), 2 vols.; Gabriel Fleury, “Le portail de St. Ayoul de
Provins,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1902, p. 458, or in Études sur les portails
imagés du XIIe siècle (Mamers, Fleury et Dangin, 1904).
[68] The transept of St. Ayoul is good Romanesque. After a fire in 1160 the nave
was rebuilt as XIII-century Gothic; the choir is XVI century. At St. Loup-de-Naud
there is a central lantern on squinches (XII century).
[69] Congrès Archéologique, 1911, p. 428, E. Lefèvre-Pontalis; S. Prioux,
Monographie de l’ancienne abbaye royale St. Yved de Braine (1859), folio; Bulletin
Monumental, 1908, vol. 72, p. 455, A. Boinet.
[70] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, p. 121, E. Lefèvre-Pontalis; E. Lefèvre-
Pontalis, À travers le Beauvaisis et le Valois (Paris, 1907); Émile Lambin, “L’eglise
de St. Leu d’Esserent,” in Gazette des beaux-arts, 1901, tome 25, p. 305; Viollet-le-
Duc, Dictionnaire, vol. 2, p. 504; vol. 4, pp. 83, 230; vol. 7, p. 384; vol. 9, p. 280;
Abbé Eugène Müller, Senlis et ses environs (1897).
[71] Marcel Aubert, La cathédrale de Notre Dame de Paris (Paris, Longuet, 1909);
Lassus et Viollet-le-Duc, Monographie de Notre Dame de Paris (Paris), folio; V.
Mortet, Étude historique et archéologique sur la cathédrale et le palais épiscopal de
Paris (Paris, 1888); Queyron, Histoire et description de l’église de Notre Dame
(Paris, Plon, Nourret et Cie); De Guilhermy, Description de Notre Dame de Paris
(1856); ibid., Itinéraire archéologique de Paris (1855); S. François, La façade de
Notre Dame de Paris (Brussels, Imprimerie Goosens, 1907), 4to; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis,
“Les origines des gables,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1907, vol. 71, p. 92; Camille
Enlart, Le musée de sculpture comparée du Trocadéro (Collection, Les grandes
institutions de France), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1911); H. Bazin, Les monuments de Paris
(Paris, 1904); G. Riat, Paris (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens);
Amédée Boinet and Jean Bayet, Les édifices religieux de Paris (Collection, Les
richesses d’art de la ville de Paris), (Paris, H. Laurens), 3 vols.; L. Barron, La Seine
(Collection, Fleuves de France), (Paris, H. Laurens); Émile Lambin, La flore des
grandes cathédrales de France, (Paris, 1897); ibid., Les églises des environs de Paris
étudiées au point de vue de la flore ornamentale (Paris, 1896), folio; ibid., Les églises
de l’Ile-de-France (Paris, 1906); Anthyme Saint-Paul, “Notices sur les églises des
environs de Paris,” in Bulletin Monumental, vol. 34, p. 861, and vol. 35, p. 709;
Alexis Martin, Excursions dans les environs de Paris (Paris, 1900); Henri Stein, Les
architectes des cathédrales gothiques (Paris, 1908); Émile Mâle, L’art religieux du
XIIIe siècle en France (Paris, Colin, 1908), 4to.
[72] “Les ardentes prières, les sanglots désespérés du moyen âge avaient à jamais
imprégné ces piliers et tanné ces murs.”—J. K. Huysmans.
[73] “Il me sembla que tout le passé de mon pays se dressait devant moi. Tout ce
qu’elles ont vu, ces pierres!... Tout ce qu’elles ont entendu, ces voûtes!”
—Pierre l’Ermite (Abbé Loutil)
[74] “The first of the great Gothic façades in point of dignity is undoubtedly that
of Paris, a design of which no words can express the exalted beauty. Grandeur of
composition, nobility of silhouette, perfection of proportion, wealth of detail,
infinitely varied play of light and shade combine to raise this composition, so
majestic, so serene, to the place it has ever occupied in the heart of everyone endowed
with the slightest feeling for the beautiful.”—Arthur Kingsley Porter.
[75] The problem of Universals remains still a real one for the thinker—how our
intellectual concepts correspond to things existing outside our intellect.
[76] In his Summa totius theologiæ St. Thomas held that the existence of God was
to be known by reason. He took his stand on a palpable fact—the existence of
creatures. He began with the fecund idea of motion, the stars in their orbits, man
engendering man. If there is movement there must be a First Motor. If there ever had
been an instant when nothing was, nothing ever would have been. Effects must have a
cause. Either nothing is, which is an absurdity, or there must be One Being eternally
immutable.
That the movement is ordered, such as night and day, season following season,
shows a supreme power directing. That creatures are more or less perfect supposes a
perfect being. One by one Aquinas laid his foundation stones till a solid lower wall
was built, on which he reared his majestic structure. In the Roman Breviary, he is thus
recorded: “Thou hast written well of me, Thomas, what recompense do you ask of
me?” “None but yourself, Lord!” (“Non aliam, Domine, nisi te ipsum!”).
[77] The father of St. Thomas was the Count of Aquin, nephew of the Emperor
Frederick Barbarossa. His mother came of the line of the Norman rulers in Sicily; the
same stocks produced that undisciplined, undecipherable genius of the XIII century,
Frederick II.
[78] L. Liard, L’Université de Paris (Collection, Les grandes institutions de
France), (Paris, H. Laurens); L. Maître, Les écoles épiscopales et monastiques de
l’occident depuis Charlemagne jusqu’à Philippe-Auguste (Paris, 1866); Tarsot, Les
écoles et les écoliers à travers les âges (Paris, H. Laurens); H. Rashdall, The
Universities of the Middle Ages (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1895), 2 vols.; Bonnard,
Histoire de l’abbaye royale de St. Victor de Paris (1907); V. Cousin, éd., Œuvres de
Pierre Abélard (Paris, 1849-59), 2 vols.; B. Hauréau, éd., Les œuvres de Hugues de
St. Victor (Paris, 1887); B. Hauréau, Histoire de la philosophie scholastique (Paris,
1872), 3 vols.; A. Mignon, Hugues de St. Victor (Paris, 1895); Léon Gautier, éd.,
Œuvres poétiques d’Adam de St. Victor (Paris, 1858), 2 vols.; Léon Gautier, Histoire
de la poésie religieuse dans les cloîtres des Xe et XIe siècle (Paris, 1887); Noël Valois,
Guillaume d’Auvergne (Paris, 1880); E. Berger, La Bible française au moyen âge
(Paris, 1884); Lecoy de la Marche, La chaire française au moyen âge (Paris, 1886);
Histoire littéraire de la France. (Begun by the XVII-century Benedictines, continued
by the Institute of France.) Vol. 9, p. 1, “L’État des lettres en France, XIIe siècle”
(Paris, 1750); vol. 10, p. 309, “Guillaume de Champeaux” (Paris, 1759); vol. 12, p. 1,
“Hugues de St. Victor”; p. 86, “Abélard”; p. 585, “Pierre Lombard”; p. 629,
“Héloïse” (Paris, 1764); vol. 13, p. 472, “Richard de St. Victor” (Paris, 1814); vol. 15,
p. 40, “Adam de St. Victor”; p. 149. “Maurice de Sully” (Paris, 1820); vol. 16, p. 1,
“L’état des lettres en France au XIIIe siècle” p. 574, “Eudes de Sully” (Paris, 1824);
vol. 18, p. 357, “Guillaume d’Auvergne” p. 449, “Vincent de Beauvais” (Paris, 1835);
vol. 19, p. 38, “Hugues de Saint-Cher”; p. 143, “St. Louis”; p. 238, “St. Thomas
d’Aquin”; p. 266, “St. Bonaventure”; p. 291, “Robert de Sorbon”; p. 621, “Les
trouvères,” (Paris, 1838).
[79] The last vestige of St. Victor’s monastery, foyer of sanctity for the XII
century, was wiped out by order of a stupid municipality of Paris, in 1842.
[80] Petit de Julleville, éd., Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française
(Paris, Colin, 1900), 8 vols. In vols. 1 and 2 the Middle Ages are treated by Gaston
Paris, Léon Gautier, and Joseph Bédier; Gaston Paris, La littérature du XIIe siècle
(Paris, Hachette, 1895). He places the classic epoch of the literature of the Middle
Ages between 1108 (opening of Louis VI’s reign) and 1223 (end of Philippe-
Auguste’s rule); Joseph Bédier, Les légendes épiques (Paris, H. Champion, 1908-13),
4 vols.; Remy de Gourmont, Le Latin mystique.
[81] Paradiso, xxxiii: 4-6.
[82] Some of the modern archbishops of Paris have added to the prestige of their
see. Monseigneur Affre was shot on the barricades, in 1848, when he went forth
bearing a message of peace. Monseigneur Darboy was shot in prison by the
Commune of 1871. Both are commemorated in side chapels of the cathedral’s choir.
[83] G. Sanoner, “La Bible racontée par les artistes du moyen âge,” in Revue de
l’art chrétien, 1907-13; ibid., “La vie de Jésus-Christ racontée par les imagiers du
moyen âge sur les portes d’églises,” in Revue de l’art chrétien, 1905-08.
[84] Once the Paris churches were filled with late-Gothic windows, though the
troubled history of the city has left but few. Some XVI-century glass is still to be
found in St. Merri and St. Germain-l’Auxerrois, for which churches see Huysman’s
Trois églises et trois primitifs (1908). St Étienne-du-Mont has in a chapel an Engrand
Le Prince window, a symbolic wine press with portraits of Pope Paul II, Charles V,
Francis I, and Henry VIII; and reset in the passage leading to the catechism chapel is
the masterpiece of Pinaigrier, twelve panels that are veritable enameling on glass. In
St. Gervais, where on Good Friday, 1918, a projectile from the long-distance German
gun crashed through the masonry roof, killing many, are two windows, Solomon’s
judgment (1531), and St. Laurence (1551), said to be by Jean Cousin, also some
Pinaigrier glass. To Jean Cousin are attributed the five splendid windows of the
Apocalypse in the chapel at Vincennes, whose design derives from Dürer’s woodcuts,
published in 1498. They have deep shadows and are strong in color and plan. M.
Mâle says that Dürer’s German has here been translated into graceful Renaissance
Italian. Vincennes’ chapel had been begun by Charles V in 1378. Then came the
pause of a century, and the works were finished by Henry II, still on the Gothic plan,
however. Henry donated the windows and he had Diana of Poitiers pictured among
the righteous souls in the fifth seal of the Apocalypse. Francis I is represented at the
base of the second window. Excursions can be made from Paris to places within easy
distance that posses Gothic-Renaissance glass. At Écouen, nine miles from Paris, in
the church of St. Acceul, are sixteen windows due to De Montmorency patronage.
Originally in Écouen’s guard hall were the forty-four panels (made for the constable,
Anne de Montmorency) now in the long gallery of Chantilly, the château bequeathed
to the Institute of France in 1897 by the Duc d’Aumale. The story of Cupid and
Psyche is told in that camaïeu glass so suited for domestic decoration, a species of
iron-red grisaille, whose only other hue is yellow stain. Chantilly’s panels were
painted in the Raphaelesque style by the Flemish master, Coexyen, trained in Van
Orley’s school. At Montmorency, ten miles from Paris, in St. Martin’s church, the
history of France seems written in the windows, with the portraits of Francis I, Henry
II, Adrian VI, and members of the houses of Montmorency, Pot, and Coligny. Three
of the lights are by Engrand Le Prince. More portrait work appears in the many
windows at Montfort l’Amaury, twenty-nine miles from Paris (1544-78), work not
equal to the earlier XVI-century glass.
H. Havard, éd., La France artistique et monumentale, vol. 4, Écouen; vol. 5,
Chantilly, Vincennes, Pierrefonds; F. de Fossa, Le château de Vincennes (Collection,
Petites Monographies), (Paris, H. Laurens); E. Macon, Chantilly et le musée Condé
(Paris, H. Laurens).
[85] Henri Stein, La Sainte-Chapelle de Paris (Paris, 1912); F. de Guilhermy,
Description de la Sainte-Chapelle (Paris, 1899), 12me; Troche, Notice historique et
descriptive sur la Sainte-Chapelle; Morand, Histoire de la Sainte-Chapelle (Paris,
1790); Louis Courajod, La polychromie dans le statuaire du moyen âge et de la
Renaissance (Paris, 1888); Abbé A. Bouillet, Les églises paroissiales de Paris, vol. 5,
La Sainte-Chapelle (Paris, 1900); F. de Mély, “La sainte couronne d’épines,” in
Revue de l’art chrétien, 1899, vol. 42.
[86] Armand le Brun, L’église St. Julien-le-Pauvre (Paris, 1889); J. Viatte, L’église
de St. Julien-le-Pauvre de Paris (Châteaudun, Prudhomme, 1899).
[87] Jules Quicherat, “St. Germain-des-Prés,” in Bibli. de l’École des chartes,
1865, vol. I, p. 513; and Mémoires de la Soc. des Antiquaires de France, 1864, vol.
28, p. 156; Jacques Bouillart, Histoire de l’abbaye royale de St. Germain-des-Prés
(Paris, 1724); Auger, Les dépendances de St. Germain-des-Prés (Paris, 1909), 3 vols.;
E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Étude sur le chœur de l’église de St. Martin-des-Champs à
Paris,” in Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes, 1886, vol. 47; F. Deshoulières, St.
Pierre de Montmartre (Caen, H. Delesque, 1913); also in Bulletin Monumental, 1913,
vol. 77, p. 4; H. Havard, éd., La France artistique et monumentale, vol. 6, p. 66, “Le
conservatoire des arts et métiers” (St. Martin-des-Champs); A. Lenoir, Statistique
monumentale de la ville de Paris (Paris, Imprimerie Impériale, 1867), 3 vols., folio
(valuable drawings of the Parisian abbeys); Em. de Broglie, Mabillon et la société de
l’abbaye de St. Germain-des-Prés (Paris, 1881).
[88] The Hôtel Cluny, which became a national museum in 1848, was built as the
town house for the abbot of Burgundian Cluny, by those two art patrons, Jean de
Bourbon (1456-81) and Jacques d’Amboise (1481-1514). It is one of the best works
of Gothic civic architecture in France. It stands on the site of Roman baths, alleged to
be those of Julian the Apostate, above which had later risen a residence of the
Merovingian kings. In the time of the Carolings, Alcuin taught on this spot. The
Palais des Termes was purchased for Cluny by Abbot Pierre de Chastellux (1322-43).
H. Havard, éd., La France artistique et monumentale, vol. 1, p. 161, A. Darcel, on
Musée Cluny; E. du Sommerard, Le palais des thermes et l’Hôtel de Cluny; Ch.
Normand, l’Hôtel de Cluny (Paris, 1888).
[89] Paul Abadie, who over-restored the cathedrals of Angoulême and Périgieux,
won the competition for the national memorial basilica of the Sacré-Cœur, and began
his strange Romano-Byzantine monument in 1873. He united Auvergne’s
Romanesque ambulatory with the cupola church of Aquitaine. There is not sufficient
contrast between his elongated dome and the tower. Nevertheless, the immense pile
of white stone standing over the capital presents exotic and superb effects in sun and
mist, and no one can deny that a profound religious spirit breathes in this new shrine
of France, as if the prayers and sufferings of generations had already hallowed its
walls. Below the basilica stands a statue of the young Chevalier de la Barre, a victim
of the personal intrigue of a corrupt magistrate of Abbeville and the lax law courts of
Louis XV’s time, not in any way the object of clerical hate, as the inscription on his
statue would indicate. His abbess aunt was his warm defender, as was the bishop of
Amiens, and on the day of his execution he received the sacraments piously. See
Cruppi, Révue des Deux Mondes, March, 1895. As this mythical hero meets one in
many a French city, it were well to know his real story.
[90] Some of the later manifestations of Gothic art in the capital are the porch and
façade of St. Germain l’Auxerrois (1431-39), one of the first signs of renewed energy
after Jeanne d’Arc’s mission; the tower of St. Jacques (1508-22), attributed to the
late-Gothic master, Martin Chambiges, and formerly part of a Flamboyant church
destroyed by the Revolution; and the church of St. Merri (1520-1612), still Gothic in
spirit. Th e Renaissance appears in St. Étienne-du-Mont (1517-63), whose interior is
alluringly graceful, though it cannot boast of purity of style. St. Eustache (1532-
1642), begun slightly after St. Merri, has a Gothic skeleton, “dressed in Renaissance
robes sewed together like the pieces of a harlequin’s garment, bizarre and
contradictory, satisfactory to neither taste nor reason.” The old church of St. Séverin
used to be employed by M. Jules Quicherat as an object lesson for his pupils, since
four different epochs are traceable in it; the three westernmost bays of the nave are
early XIII century; and there is much Flamboyant Gothic with disappearing moldings.
Abbé A. Bouillet, Les églises paroissiales de Paris (1903); H. Escoffier, Les dernières
églises gothiques au diocèse de Paris (Thèse, École des chartes, 1900).
[91] Le Nain de Tillemont, Vie de St. Louis (Paris, 1848-51 éd., Gauble), 6 vols.;
Sertillanges, St. Louis (Collection, L’art et les saints), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1918); H.
Wallon, St. Louis et son temps (Tours, 1865), 2 vols.; A. Beugnot, Essai sur les
institutions de St. Louis (Paris, 1821); Jean, sire de Joinville, texte original
accompagné d’une traduction, Natalis de Wailly, éd., Paris, 1867. Translated into
English, Bohn’s Antiquarian Library, London; Gaston Paris, “Jean de Joinville,” in
Hist. littéraire de la France, 1848, vol. 32, p. 291; also Delaborde’s biography; Lecoy
de la Marche, La France sous St. Louis et sous Philippe le Hardi (Paris, 1894); A.
Molinier, Les sources de l’histoire de France (Paris, 1901-06); U. Chevalier,
Répertoire des sources hist. du moyen âge (Montbéliard, 1903).
[92] Philippe Lauer, “Royaumont,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1908, vol. 2, p.
215.
[93] One sister of St. Louis’ queen married Henry III of England, under whom was
built Westminster Abbey (1217-54). The second was the wife of King Henry’s
brother, Richard of Cornwall, who was titular emperor of Germany. The youngest
sister inherited Provence and wedded St. Louis’ brother, Charles d’Anjou, king of the
Two Sicilies. E. Boutarie, Marguerite de Provence, femme de St. Louis (Paris, 1869);
E. Berger, Blanche de Castille (Paris, 1900).
[94] Joinville, in Syria, went to the Krak, the great Christian fortress beyond the
Jordan, to obtain, as a relic for his church at Joinville, the shield of his crusading
ancestor whom Richard Cœur-de-Lion had admired. His “beau chastel” on the Marne
was wrecked by the Revolution. His line had ended in an heiress who married into the
ruling house of Lorraine, so that the XVI-century Duke of Guise, whose personal
charm made him the idol of the French people, was fifth, by female descent, from the
irresistible seneschal. A brother of Joinville’s, Geoffrey, married Mahaut de Lacy,
heiress of Meath, and became Lord Chief Justice of Ireland in 1273. Under Henry III
and Edward I he played a role, and went crusading in 1270. He left nine children. On
his wife’s death he entered the Dominican convent of Tuam, where he died in 1314.
[95] Often did Louis IX sigh over his youngest brother. “Charles d’Anjou! Charles
d’Anjou!” he would say, sadly. As king of the Two Sicilies, Charles won the title of
the Merciless, and his harshness was punished by the Sicilian Vespers, 1282. Dante
abominated the house of Anjou in Italy. Of Charles he wrote in the Paradiso (viii: 73-
75), “His evil rule, which ever cuts into the heart of subject people, caused Palermo to
shriek out: ‘Die! Die!’” St. Louis loved especially his brother Robert d’Artois, whose
overhardy courage caused the defeat of the crusaders at Mansourah. When word was
brought to the king of his brother’s death in that battle, tears warm and full fell from
his eyes, though he said, “God must be thanked for all he sends.” The other brother of
Louis IX was Alphonse of Poitiers, who married the heiress of Toulouse and took
guidance of the king in his administration of the Midi.
[96] In 1841 Louis-Philippe built a chapel on the site where St. Louis had died in
Tunis, 1270. In the Ville d’Art Célèbres series (H. Laurens, Paris), see H. Saladin,
Tunis et Kairouan, and R. Cagnat, Carthage, Tingad, Tébessa.
[97] Shakespeare, “Richard II.” iv: 1.
[98] Congrès Archéologique, 1905; Léon Gautier, La France sous Philippe-
Auguste (Tours, Mâme et fils, 1869); A. Luchaire, La société française au temps de
Philippe-Auguste (Paris, Hachette, 1909); W. H. Hutton, Philip-Augustus (London
and New York, Macmillan Company, 1896); Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire de
l’architecture; see articles on cathedral, rose, triforium.
[99] Two miles from Mantes, across the river, is Gassicourt (Seine-et-Oise), once a
Cluniac priory. Its earliest diagonals were built about 1125. The nave and tower are
XII century; the choir and transept are Rayonnant Gothic. Some of the windows
donated by Blanche of Castile remain. Bossuet long held the living of Gassicourt. See
Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Monographie des églises Gassicourt, Meulan,” etc., in Bul. de la
Commission des antiquités et des arts de Seine-et-Oise, 1885-88, vols. 5 to 8.
[100] J. Formigé, La cathédrale de Meaux (Pontoise, 1917); Amédée Boinet, “La
cathédrale de Meaux,” in Revue de l’art chrétien, 1912; I. Taylor, La cathédrale de
Meaux (Paris, Didot, 1858), folio; Emile Lambin, “La cathédrale de Meaux,” in
Revue de l’art chrétien, 1900; Henri Stein, La cathédrale de Meaux et l’architecte
Nicolas de Chaumes (Arcis-sur-Aube, 1890); Du Carro, Histoire de Meaux et du pays
meldois (Meaux, 1865); Monseigneur Allon, Chronique des évêques de Meaux; also
his Notice hist. et descript. de la cathédrale de Meaux (1871); O. Join-Lambert, Le
diocèse de Meaux (Thèse, École des chartes, 1894).
[101] Lionel Johnson, Poetical Works (New York and London, Macmillan
Company), p. 252.
[102] Péguy pierced to the very soul of the Maid in his Mystère de la charité de
Jeanne d’Arc. Jeanne, in Domrémy, seeing the evil round her caused by war, says: “Je
pourrais passer ma vie entière à la maudire, et les villes n’en seront pas moins
efforcées, et les hommes d’armes n’en feront pas moins chevaucher leurs chevaux
dans les blés vénérables ... blés sacrés, blés qui faites le pain ... sacrés blés qui
devîntes le corps de Jésus-Christ.”
[103] Another who fell in battle in that same summer of 1914, Ernest Psichari,
divined this pregnant region: “Diocèse de Meaux, cryptes de Jouarre, cloches des
petites communes ... l’harmonie délicate, la grâce parfaite, le bon goût de ces
paysages modérés. Ici la race est d’accord avec le paysage, sérieuse comme lui,
ardente sans frivolité, sans élégances inutiles. Certains soirs, on pense à Pascal, si
français, quand il écrivait: ‘Certitude.... Pleurs de joie.’ ”—L’Appel des Armes (Paris,
G. Oudin et Cie, 1913).
[104] Paradiso, xxxiii: 15-16.
[105] Congrès Archéologique, 1900; René Merlet, La cathédrale de Chartres
(Collection, Petites Monographies), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1909); ibid., “Les architectes
de la cathédrale de Chartres et la construction de la chapelle Saint Piat au XIVe
siècle,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1906, vol. 70, p. 218; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, Les
architectes et la construction des cathédrales de Chartres (Paris, 1905); ibid., Les
façades successives de la cathédrale de Chartres au XIe et au XIIe siècle (Caen,
1902); Abbé Bulteau, Monographie de la cathédrale de Chartres (1891), 3 vols.; E.
Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Le portail sud de la cathédrale de Chartres,” in Revue de l’art
chrétien, 1907, p. 100; F. de Mély, Études iconographiques sur les vitraux du XIIIe
siècle de la cathédrale de Chartres (Lille, 1888), 4to; J. K. Huysmans, La Cathédrale
(Paris, 1898; tr. London, Paul, Trench & Trübner); Henry Adams, Mont Saint-Michel
and Chartres (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1913); De Lasteyrie, Études sur
la sculpture française au moyen âge (Paris, 1902); Cherval, Chartres, sa cathédrale,
ses monuments (Chartres, 1905); ibid., Les écoles de Chartres au moyen âge (1895);
Lucien Merlet, tr. Lettres de St. Ives, évêque de Chartres (Chartres, Petrot-Garnier,
1885); A. J. de H. Bushnell, Storied Windows (New York, Macmillan Company,
1914); Crosnier, Iconographie chrétienne (Tours, Mâme, 1876); Gabriel Fleury,
Études sur les portails imagés du XIIe siècle (Mamers, Fleury et Dangin, 1904);
Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 7, p. 1, “État des lettres en France, XIe siècle”; p.
261, “St. Fulbert” (Paris, 1746); vol. 10, p. 102, “St. Ives” (Paris, 1756); vol. 13, p.
82, “Geofroi de Lèves” (Paris, 1814); vol. 14, p. 89, “Jean de Sarisbéry”; p. 236,
“Pierre de Celle, évêque de Chartres” (Paris, 1817).
[106] George Santayana, Interpretations of Poetry and Religion (New York,
Scribner’s, 1905).
[107] Bishop Fulbert was buried in 1029 in the church of St. Pierre-en-Vallée. St.
Pierre’s choir is Romanesque and early Gothic; its sanctuary is a gem of XIV-century
Rayonnant; its nave is in larger part of the XIII century, but later than the cathedral of
Chartres; its west tower is of the XI century. At present it possesses a treasure of
enamel work, the plaques of the apostles, by Léonard Limosin, which Francis I had
made in 1545, and which Henry II gave to Diana de Poitiers for the château of Anet.
There is much grisaille glass in St. Pierre; each window of the nave is divided
perpendicularly into three panels—a colored one in the center and grisailles on either
side. In the choir is some XII-century glass; the brilliant apse windows are XIV
century, as are a few in the nave. P. Lavedan, Léonard Limosin el les émailleurs
français (Collection, Les grands artistes), (Paris, H. Laurens); Alleaume et Duplessis,
Les douze apôtres; émaux de Léonard Limosin (Paris, 1865).
[108] “Chartres est sage avec une passion intense.... Palais de la paix et du
silence!... C’est du paix héroique qu’il s’agit ici.”—Rodin, Les Cathédrales de
France (Paris, Colin, 1914).
[109] “I am Beauceron, Chartres is my cathedral,” said Charles Péguy, who
walked in pilgrimage a hundred miles to pray in the cathedral when his little son lay
dying with diphtheria. No one has celebrated it better than that XX-century maker of
mystery plays, true artisan-artist of the moyen âge:

“Voici le lourd pilier et la montante voûte;


Et l’oubli pour hier, et l’oubli pour demain;
Et l’inutilité de tout calcul humain;
Et plus que le péché, la sagesse en déroute.

“Voici le lieu du monde où tout devient facile,


Le regret, le départ, même l’événement,
Et l’adieu temporaire et le détournement,
Le seul coin de la terre où tout devient docile....

“Voici le lieu du monde où tout rentre et se tait,


Et le silence et l’ombre et la charnelle absence.
Et le commencement d’éternelle présence,
Le seul réduit où l’âme est tout ce qu’elle était.”

—“Prières dans la cathédrale de Chartres,” Œuvres de Charles Péguy, vol. 6, p. 383,


éd., Nouvelle Reçue française, 1916-18.
[110] Émile Mâle, L’art religieux du XIIIe siècle en France (Paris, A. Colin, 1908);
ibid., L’art religieux de la fin du moyen âge en France (Paris, A. Colin, 1910).
[111] Émile Mâle, L’Art allemand et l’art français du moyen âge (Paris, A. Colin,
1917).
[112] “Lovelier color the hand of man has not produced. There are times when
human art seems to be something more than mortal; when it rises to heights infinitely
above the ordinary achievements of men. French glass of the XII century is such an
art. It is impossible to stand in the presence of these translucent mosaics without
experiencing a depth of æsthetic emotion that at once disarms the critical faculty.
Such sensuous beauty of tone, such richness of color, has been equaled by no painter
of the Renaissance, by no Byzantine worker in mosaics. Yet it is not only for their
absolute beauty, but also for their perfectly architectural character that these windows
claim unqualified admiration.”—Arthur Kingsley Porter, Medieval Architecture
(New York and London, 1907), vol. 2, p. 108.
[113] Congrès Archéologique, 1911, Rheims, p. 19, the cathedral; p. 57, St. Remi,
L. Demaison; Louis Demaison, Album de la cathédrale de Rheims (Paris, 1902), 2
vols., folio; ibid., La cathédrale de Rheims (Collection, Petites Monographies), (Paris,
H. Laurens, 1910); Abbé Cerf, Histoire et description de Notre Dame de Rheims
(Rheims, Dubois, 1861), 2 vols., 8vo; Alphonse Gosset, La cathédrale de Rheims
(Paris and Rheims, 1894), folio; ibid., Rheims monumental (Rheims, 1880), 12mo;
Anthyme Saint-Paul, “La cathédrale de Rheims, au XIIIe siècle,” in Bulletin
Monumental, 1906, vol. 70, p. 288; E. Moreau-Nélaton, La cathédrale de Rheims
(Paris, 1915); Monseigneur Landrieux, La cathédrale de Rheims (Paris, H. Laurens,
1917); Louis Bréhier, La cathédrale de Rheims (Paris, H. Laurens, 1919); Max
Sainsaulieu, Rheims avant la guerre (Paris, H. Laurens); Vitry, La cathédrale de
Rheims, architecture et sculpture (Paris, Longuet, 1913); Ch. Loriquet, Les tapisseries
de Notre Dame de Rheims; H. Bazin, Une vieille cité de France, Rheims; monuments
et histoire (Rheims, Michaud, 1900), 4to; Louise Pillion, Les sculpteurs français du
XIIIe siècle (Collection, Les maîtres de l’art), (Paris); Émile Lambin, Flore des
grandes cathédrales (Paris, 1897); Vitry et Brière, Documents de sculpture française
au moyen âge (Paris, Longuet, 1900).
[114] Auguste Rodin, Les cathédrales de France (Paris, Colin, 1914).
[115] The Benedictines’ church at Orbais (Marne), between Rheims and Châlons,
contains some exceptionally good XII-century windows. Its nave has been destroyed,
but the transept and the choir, with its radiating chapels (c. 1200), survive. The World
War swept over Orbais, but the abbatial is unharmed. Héron de Villefosse, Abbaye
d’Orbais (Paris, 1892).
[116] It has been suggested that about 1260 a façade then rising was dismounted
and moved forward, to allow for the insertion of several more bays in the nave, but
the idea remains a hypothesis.
[117] E. O’Reilly, Les deux procès de condamnation ... de Jeanne d’Arc, eighth
interrogation, March 17, 1431. “Il avait été à la peine, c’était bien raison qu’il fût à
l’honneur.” (Paris, Plon, 1868), 2 vols.
[118] During this summer of 1020 excavations made under Rheims Cathedral have
brought to light vestiges of the cathedral of the Virgin, founded by St. Nicaise in 401.
Three Roman arches in good condition support the venerable nave, in a corner of
whose floor was found buried sacred images of ivory most beautifully carved.
Evidently they had been hidden to save them from the invading Vandals.
[119]
“Et les Français disent: Quel grand courage!
Avec Turpin la croix est bien gardée!”

Roland addressed the dead archbishop on the field of Roncevaux:

“Eh! Chevalier de bonne aire, homme noble,


Nul ne sut mieux, depuis les saints apôtres
La foi garder et convertir les hommes:
Du paradis lui soit la porte ouverte!”
—La Chanson de Roland
(Edition, A. d’Avril).
[120] Along the lower walls of the side aisles of Rheims hung splendid tapestries,
“color of incense, silver-gray dashed with blue, with red.” They related Our Lady’s
life and were given in 1530 by the saintly archbishop, Robert de Lenoncourt, the
same who presented to St. Remi’s monastery church other sumptuous embroideries,
and who remade as Flamboyant Gothic St. Remi’s south façade. The tapestries of
Rheims were saved from the wrecked city and exhibited in Paris during the World
War for the benefit of the refugees. It is said that a certain number of the stained-glass
windows of the cathedral were dismounted in time to escape annihilation.
[121] Sung in the French trenches:

“... Attila II s’en veng et brûle


Le baptistère de nos rois.
Un siécle d’art à chaque bombe
Se craquèle, s’effrite et tombe
Avec un râle, et tout d’un coup!
... Mais dans la ville ruinée,
Par l’incendie illuminée,
Jeanne d’Arc est encor debout!”
—(Théodor Botrel, Refrains de
guerre (Paris, Payot,
1915)).

[122] Georges Durand, Monographie de l’église Notre Dame, cathédrale d’Amiens


(Paris, Picard et fils, 1903), 2 vols., folio; ibid., Description abrégée de la cathédrale
d’Amiens (Amiens, Yvert et Tellier, 1904); ibid., “La peinture sur verre au XIIIe siècle
et les vitraux de la cathédrale d’Amiens,” in Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires
de Picardie 1891, 4e série, tome I, p. 389; Jourdain et Duval, “Le grand portail de la
cathédrale d’Amiens,” in Bulletin Monumental, vols. 11, 12, passim; ibid.,
Cathédrale d’Amiens, les stalles et clôtures du chœur (Amiens, 1867), 8vo; T.
Perkins, The Cathedral Church of Amiens (London, Bell, 1902); Rodière et
Guyencourt, La Picardie historique et monumentale (Paris, Picard, 1906), 4to;
Camille Enlart, Monuments religieux de l’architecture romane et de transition dans la
région Picarde (Amiens, Yvert et Tellier, 1895); Taylor et Nodier, Voyages
pittoresques ... dans l’ancienne France. Picardie, (Paris, Didron, 1835-45), 3 vols.;
Émile Mâle, L’art religieux de la fin du moyen âge en France (Paris, Colin, 1910); A.
de Colonne, Histoire de la ville d’Amiens (Paris, 1900); Demogeon, La Picardie
(Collection, Les régions de la France), (Paris, L. Cerf).
[123] Emile Lambin, La flore des grandes cathédrales (Paris, 1897).
[124] L. Reau, Cologne (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens); L.
Leger, Prague (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens); Henry Hymans,
Bruges et Ipres (Paris, H. Laurens).
[125] Apocalypse xxi:17.
[126] Emile Mâle, L’art religieux de XIIIe siècle en France (Paris, Colin, 1908).
[127] Psalm xc:13.
[128] Eph. ii:20-21.
[129] John Ruskin, The Bible of Amiens, vol. 33, Complete Works (London, Cook
& Wedderburn, 1908). Illustrated; chap. iv, “Interpretations.”
[130] Abbeville, close by, also had its Puy, in whose competitions figured
Froissart, the historian, as laureate. The magnificent portal decorations (1548) of the
Flamboyant Gothic collegiate church of St. Wulfran were contributed in this way.
Émile Deliguières, L’église Saint-Vulfran à Abbeville (Abbeville, Paillart, 1898);
Congrès Archéologique, 1893.
[131] Congrès Archéologique, 1849 and 1898; Amédée Boinet, La cathédrale de
Bourges (Collection, Petites Monographies), (Paris, H. Laurens, 1911); ibid., “Les
sculpteurs de la cathédrale de Bourges,” in Revue de l’art chrétien, 1912; also
published by Champion (Paris, 1912); Gaston Congny, Bourges et Nevers; Buhot de
Kersers, “Les chapelles absidioles de la cathédrale de Bourges,” in Bulletin
Monumental, vol. 40, p. 417; ibid., Histoire et statistique monumentale du
département du Cher (Bourges, 1875-98), 8 vols., 4to; Girardot et Durant, La
cathédrale de Bourges (Moulins, 1849); G. Hardy et A. Gandillon, Bourges et les
abbayes et châteaux de Berry (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens,
1912); Cahier et Martin (P. P.), Monographie de la cathédrale de Bourges; vitraux du
XIIIe siècle; Des Méloizes, Les vitraux de Bourges postérieurs au XIIIe siècle (Lille,
1897), folio; ibid., Les vitraux de Bourges, 1901; ibid., “Note sur un très ancien vitrail
de la cathédrale de Bourges,” in Mémoires de la Soc. des Antiquaires du Centre,
1873, vol. 4, p. 193; Champeaux et Gauchery, Les travaux d’art exécutés pour Jean
de France, duc de Berry (Paris, Champion, 1894), folio; Buhot de Kersers,
“Caractères de l’architecture religieuse en Berry à l’époque romane,” in Bul. archéol.
du Comité des Travaux hist. et scientifiques, 1890, p. 25; F. Deshoulières, “Les
églises romanes du Berry,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1909, p. 463; Raynal, Histoire de
Berry; Vacher, Le Berry (Collection, Les régions de la France), (Paris, L. Cerf);
Sauvageot, Palais, châteaux, hôtels et maisons de France; Sir Theodore Andreas
Cook, Twenty-five Great Houses of France (London and New York, 1916).
[132] Rationale Divinorum officiorum, tr. by Neale and Webb of the Camden
Society (Leeds, Green, 1843).
[133] Rodin should have placed his “Thinker” here: “Le Penseur aurait été au
diapason dans cette crypt; cette ombre immense l’aurait fortifié!”
—Rodin, Les cathédrales de France.
[134] “There is a charming detail in this section. Beside the angel, on the left,
where the wicked are the prey of demons, stands a little female figure, that of a child,
who, with hands meekly folded and head gently raised, waits for the stern angel to
decide upon her fate. In this fate, however, a dreadful big devil also takes a keen
interest; he seems on the point of appropriating the tender creature; he has a face like
a goat and an enormous hooked nose. But the angel gently lays a hand upon the
shoulder of the little girl—the movement is full of dignity—as if to say, ‘No; she
belongs to the other side.’ The frieze below represents the general Resurrection, with
the good and the wicked emerging from their sepulchers. Nothing can be more quaint
and charming than the difference shown in their way of responding to the final trump.
The good get out of their tombs with a certain modest gayety, an alacrity tempered by
respect; one of them kneels to pray as soon as he has disinterred himself. You may
know the wicked, on the other hand, by their extreme shyness; they crawl out slowly
and fearfully; they hang back.”—Henry James, A Little Tour in France (Boston,
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1900), p. 105.
[135] The chief piers of Orléans Cathedral were mined by Théodore de Bèze and
blown up on the night of March 23, 1567. The portal, part of the choir, and the apse
chapel escaped. The XII-century nave had double aisles with tribunes; the
frontispiece also was XII century. The choir, begun in 1287, was finished by 1297,
and a new Gothic nave was in progress at the time of the civil wars of religion. Henry
IV undertook to rebuild Orléans Cathedral, and with his bride, Marie de Medici, laid
the first stone in 1601. But a bastard-Gothic edifice is not compensation for earlier
work. H. Havard, éd., La France artistique et monumentale, vol. 6, p. 122, “Orléans,”
G. Lefenestre; Congrès Archéologique, 1854 and 1892; G. Rigault, Orléans et le val
de Loire (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens); E. Lèfevre-Pontalis et
Eugène Garry, on Orléans Cathedral, in Bulletin Monumental, 1904, vol. 68, p. 309.
[136] Nouvelle Alliance windows are to be found at Chartres (sixth window in the
nave’s north aisle), at Le Mans (the east window of the long Lady chapel), at Tours
(in the axis chapel), in the transept of Sens Cathedral (in five lights below the north
rose), and in the apse curve of Lyons Cathedral.
[137] The happy chance of travel led the writer, in May of 1914, to the ceremony
of the unveiling of a statue of Jeanne d’Arc in the cathedral of this city, that has not
known invasion—the military arsenal of France. As the preaching bishop exhorted
modern France to remake her soul else she would perish, over that spellbound
congregation seemed to pass a premonition of portentous events looming ahead.
Within three months the World War opened, forte et aspre guerre, as they said in
Jeanne’s day, war the chastiser, war the purifier: “Il y a des guerres qui avilissent les
nations, et les avilissent pour des siècles; d’autres les exaltent, les perfectionnent de
toutes manières,” wrote Joseph de Maistre.
[138] Carved on Jacques Cœur’s house in Bourges are mottoes such as, “A vaillans
cœurs rien impossible,” or “Dire, faire, taire, de ma joie,” or “En bouche close,
n’entre mousche.” Vallet de Viriville, Jacques Cœur; Pierre Clément, Jacques Cœur
et Charles VII.
[139] Congrès Archéologique, 1905, “Beauvais,” Chanoine Barsaux; P. Dubois, La
cathédrale de Beauvais (Collection, Petites Monographies), (Paris, H. Laurens,
1911); Abbé P. C. Barraud, “Beauvais et ses monuments,” in Bulletin Monumental,
vol. 27, passim. He gives studies on the Le Prince and other windows in the cathedral
and St. Étienne, in Mémoires de la Soc. Académique de l’Oise, 1851-53, vol. 1, p.
225; vol. 2, p. 537; vol. 3, pp. 150, 277; Louise Pillion, on St. Étienne’s glass, in
Revue de l’art chrétien, 1910, p. 367; Eug. J. Woillez, Archéologie des monuments
religieux de l’ancien Beauvoisis pendant la métamorphose romane (Paris, 1839-49),
folio; Graves, Notice archéologique sur le département de l’Oise (Beauvais, 1856);
Gustave Desgardins, Histoire de la cathédrale de Beauvais (1875); Abbé L. Pihan,
Beauvais, sa cathédrale, ses monuments (1905); ibid., Esquisse descriptive des
monuments historiques dans l’Oise; see Gonse and Palustre on the portals of the
cathedral; Monseigneur Barbier de Montault, “Iconographie des Sibylles,” in Rev. de
l’art chrétiens, 1874.
[140] Carolingian work aboveground is rare; besides this Basse-Œuvre at
Beauvais, there is St. Philibert de Grandlieu (Loire-Inférieure), part of the small
church under the flank of Jumièges’ ruined abbatial, portions of St. Jouin-de-Marnes
(Deux-Sèvres), and vestiges in the walls of La Couture at Le Mans. There are
Carolingian crypts at St. Quentin, Amiens, Chartres, Orléans, Auxerre, Flavigny.
More exceptional still are Merovingian remains, such as the crypt of Jouarre, the
small tri-lobed church of St. Laurent at Grenoble, the crypt of St. Léger at St. Maixent
(Deux-Sèvres), a crypt at Lyons, in St. Martin d’Ainay, and apsidal chapels in St.
Jean’s baptistry at Poitiers. A list of the Romanesque monuments of the Ile-de-France
and bordering districts is to be found in Arthur Kingsley Porter’s Medieval
Architecture, 1909, vol. 2, pp. 13-49.
[141] Among the Flamboyant monuments of France are St. Wulfran’s frontispiece
at Abbeville, begun in 1481, overcharged with ornament but with portals of great
beauty; St. Riquier near by, also overcharged; the churches of Rue and Mézières;
façades of cathedrals at Sens, Senlis, Auxerre, Troyes, Tours, and Limoges;
Vendôme’s frontispiece, and Albi’s porch; towers at Bordeaux, Rodez, Saintes,
Chartres, Auxerre, Bourges, Rouen, and many other cities in Normandy; the
cathedrals of Toul and Metz; St. Maurice at Lille, a well-restrained Flamboyant
monument; the magnificent church of St. Nicholas-du-Port near Nancy; the choir of
Moulins; St. Antoine at Compiègne and a number of civic halls such as Compiègne’s
and St. Quentin’s. The beautiful Flamboyant Gothic church at Péronne (1509-25) has
been wiped out in the World War. Artois and Flanders were especially rich in late-
Gothic edifices. Normandy was a Mecca of Flamboyant work—from Rouen, to that
gem of the final phase, the choir of Mont Saint-Michel. Monseigneur Dehaisnes,
Histoire de l’art dans la Flandre, l’Artois et le Hainaut (Lille, 1886), 3 vols.
[142] André Michel, éd., Histoire de l’Art, vol. 3, 1ère partie, “Le style
flamboyant,” Camille Enlart (Paris, A. Colin), 1914, 10 vols.; Camille Enlart,
“Origine anglaise du style flamboyant,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1886, 1906, p. 38;
A. Saint-Paul, “L’architecture religieuse en France pendant la Guerre de Cent Ans,” in
Bulletin Monumental, 1908, p. 5; ibid., Les origines du gothique flamboyant en
France (Caen, 1907); Arthur Kingsley Porter, Medieval Architecture, vol. 2 (New
York and London, 1907), 2 vols.
[143] Congrès Archéologique, 1902; V. C. de Courcel, La cathédrale de Troyes,
(1910); L. Morel-Payen, Troyes et Provins (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris,
H. Laurens, 1910); F. Arnaud, Description historique de l’église cathédrale de
Troyes; J. B. Coffinet, “Les peintres-verriers de Troyes,” in Annales Archéologiques,
vol. 18, pp. 125, 212; A. J. de H. Bushnell, Storied Windows, chapters 32 and 33, on
Troyes (New York, Macmillan Company, 1914); Ch. Fichot, Statistique monumentale
du département de l’Aube, vol. 1, Arrondissement de Troyes (Troyes, 1884), 4to; R.
Koechlin and J.M. de Vasselot, La sculpture à Troyes et dans la Champagne
méridionale au XVIe siècle (Paris, A. Colin, 1900); Raymond Koechlin, “La sculpture
du XIVe et du XVe siècle dans la région de Troyes,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1908;
Paul Vitry, Michel Colombe et la sculpture française de son temps (Paris, 1901);
Louis Gonse, La sculpture française depuis le XIVe siècle (Paris, Quantin, 1895),
folio; D’Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire des ducs et des comtes de Champagne, 1859,
7 vols.; Bontier, Histoire de Troyes et de la Champagne méridionale (Troyes, 1880),
4 vols.; Amédée Aufauvre, Troyes et ses environs.
[144] Translation from XIII-century French by Henry Adams.
[145] Generation after generation, the Lyénin, Macadré, Verrat, and Gontier
families produced noted artists. Assier, Les arts dans l’ancienne capitale de la
Champagne.
[146] The same feat can be seen in St. Nizier at Troyes, rebuilt in 1528 and
literally filled with XVI-century glass. Its best window is in the transept (1552), and
shows the beasts of heresy trampled upon, for that day was nothing if not
controversial. In a central window of the choir, the Descent of the Holy Ghost, the
artist made the hands of a figure in one panel appear in the neighboring panel,
regardless of the stone mullions. In 1901 an anarchist bomb exploded in St. Nizier,
and in 1910 a terrible storm wrecked more of its windows. The church possesses a
Saint Sépulcre and a Christ de Pité in which the Gothic spirit lingers. Its reredos, now
in the Museum, was from the Juliot atelier. Her international fairs early accustomed
Troyes to foreign influences. Flemish realism had fortified her sculptors and vitrine
artists, and during the first third of the XVI century (when the trade of the city tripled
itself) the new Italian ideas found favor. For a generation the just and loyal measure
of Champagne’s own Gothic tradition held the leadership, but finally the Italian
Renaissance conquered. When abstract types were substituted for types precisely
observed, imagery became cold, declamatory, and pretentious. In several of the
churches of Troyes will be found the Education of the Virgin by her mother, St. Anne,
a theme for which this city had a partiality.
[147] Abbé O. F. Jossier, Monographie des vitraux de St. Urbain de Troyes
(Troyes, 1912); E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “Jean Langlois, architecte de St. Urbain de
Troyes,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1904, vol. 64, p. 93; Albert Barbeau, St. Urbain de
Troyes (Troyes, Dufour-Bonquot, 1891), 8vo; Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire de
l’architecture, vol. 4, pp. 182-192; Abbé Lahore, L’église Saint-Urbain (1891).
[148] Within walking distance of Troyes are Ste. Maure, with a Jesse tree by
Linard Gontier; Les Noès, with good sculpture and a Jesse-tree window of 1521; St.
André-lès-Troyes, with a lovely St. Catherine statue; St. Parre-les-Tertres, with a
Vision of Augustus in camaïeu like a magnificent enamel on white glass, and another
grisaille-like Vision of Augustus at St. Léger-lès-Troyes (1558); Chapelle St. Luc,
with a triptych on wood, sculpture of the Three Maries, and good glass; Torvilliers,
Pont-Ste.-Marie, and Montgueux, with other objets d’art. Eight miles away, at
Verrières, is the best portal of the region and more late-Gothic glass. There are storied
windows at St. Loup, St. Ponanges, Rosnay, Brienne, Rouilly (with a good Virgin
image), Pouvres, Chavanges, Bar-sur-Seine, Bar-sur-Aube (with a statue of St.
Barbara), Mussy-sur-Seine, Montier-en-Der, Arcis-sur-Aube, and Ceffonds, whose
windows were the gift of Étienne Chévalier (1528). Some thirty miles away lies St.
Florentin (six miles from Pontigny), where are twenty splendid Renaissance lights,
among them a Creation window (1525), with God the Father wearing the tiara, one of
1528 telling St. Nicolas’ life in quatrains describing each scene, and a 1529 window
devoted to the Apocalypse. Between Troyes and St. Florentin lies Ervy, where is a
Crucifixion window (1570), showing the Saviour nailed to a Tree of Knowledge
Cross with apples and leaves on its top, and Adam and Eve standing below. There are
also the noted windows of the Sibyls (1515), representing twelve instead of ten
prophetesses, each accompanied by the event of the New Law which she is said to
have foretold, and the window called the Triumph of Petrarch (1502).
[149] Of the same appealing type as St. Martha at Troyes are the Virgin and
Madeleine of the Holy Sepulcher group at Villeneuve l’Archevêque (Yonne), where
are also some beautiful portal images of the XIII century. M. Ch. Fichot has brought
forward testimony that would indicate the image called St. Martha in the church of
the Madeleine is really one of St. Mary Magdelene herself. However, the majority of
those who have written on the sculpture of Champagne continue to call it a St.
Martha.
[150] Congrès Archéologique, 1855, 1875, and 1911, p. 447, the cathedral of
Châlons; p. 473, Notre-Dame-en-Vaux; p. 496, St. Alpin; p. 512, Notre-Dame-de-
l’Épine; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “L’architecture dans la Champagne méridionale au XIIIe
et au XVIe siècle,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1902, p. 273; ibid., “Les caractères
distinctifs des écoles gothiques de la Champagne et de la Bourgogne,” in Congrès
Archéologique, 1907, p. 546; Louis Demaison, Les églises de Châlons-sur-Marne
(Caen, 1913); E. de Barthélemy, Diocèse ancien de Châlons-sur-Marne. Histoire et
monuments (Paris, 1861), 2 vols.; E. Hurault, La cathédrale de Châlons-sur-Marne et
sa clergé au XIIIe siècle; A. J. de H. Bushnell, Storied Windows, chapter 34, on the
windows of Châlons (New York, Macmillan Company, 1914); Abbé E. Musset, Notre
Dame-de-l’Épine près Châlons-sur-Marne. La légende, l’histoire, le monument et le
pèlerinage (Paris, Champion, 1902); Chanoine Marsaux, “La prédiction de la sibylle
et la vision d’Auguste,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1908, p. 235.
[151] Congrès Archéologique, 1890, Toul. In the series of Villes d’art célèbres,
published by H. Laurens (Paris), are studies on Tournai, Ipres, and Avila: Henri
Guerlin, Ségovie, Avila, Salamanque; Henri Hymans, Gand et Tournai and Bruges et
Ypres.
[152] L. Petit de Julleville, Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française,
dirigée par (Paris, Colin et Cie, 1841-1901), 8 vols. In vols. 1 and 2 the Middle Ages
are treated by Léon Gautier, Gaston Paris, and Joseph Bédier; Gaston Paris, La
littérature française au moyen âge (Paris, Hachette, 1890); ibid., Les origines de la
poésie lyrique, en France au moyen âge (Paris, 1892); Léon Gautier, Origines et
histoire des épopées françaises (Paris, V. Palme, 1878-94), 4 vols.; Joseph Bédier, Les
légends épiques (Paris, H. Champion, 1908-13), 4 vols.; P. Tarbé, Les chansonniers
de Champagne (1851); Delaborde, Notice historique sur le château de Joinville.
Haute-Marne (Joinville, 1891); Natalis de Wailly, éd., Jean, sire de Joinville, texte
original accompagné d’une traduction. Translated into English, Bohns’ Antiquarian
Library, VI, London; Bouchet, éd., Villehardouin (Paris, 1891). English translation by
Sir F. T. Marzial (London, Everyman’s Library, 1908).
[153] Chanoine Boissonnot, La cathédrale de Tours (Tours, 1904); Paul Vitry,
Tours et les châteaux de Touraine (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H.
Laurens, 1905); ibid., Michel Colombe et la sculpture française de son temps (Paris,
1901); Marchand et Bourassé, Verrières du chœur de l’église metropolitaine de Tours
(Paris, 1849), folio; A. J. de H. Bushnell, Storied Windows, chapter 22, on Tours
(New York and London, 1914); Charles de Grandmaison, Tours archéologique (Paris,
1879); Abbé Bossebœuf, Tours et ses monuments; Monseigneur Chevalier,
Promenades pittoresques en Touraine (Tours, 1869); Abbé J. J. Bourassé, Recherches
hist. et archéol. sur les églises romanes en Touraine (1869); L. Courajod, La
sculpture française avant la Renaissance classique (Paris, 1891); Louis Gonse, La
sculpture française depuis le XIVe siècle (Paris, 1895), folio; Giraudet, Histoire de la
ville de Tours (Tours, 1873), 2 vols.; Chalmel, Histoire de Touraine (1841), 4 vols.;
Henri Guerlin, La Touraine (Collection, Provinces françaises), (Paris, H. Laurens); L.
Barron, La Loire (Fleuves de France), (Paris, H. Laurens); C. H. Petit-Dutaillis,
Charles VII, Louis XI et les premières années de Charles VIII (Paris, Hachette, 1902).
[154] Behind the choir of Tours Cathedral, in the Place Grégoire de Tours, a
veritable nook of the Middle Ages, are XII-century vestiges of the Episcopal Palace, a
mansion of the XV century, and near by is the rue de la Psalette, in which Balzac set
the scene of his Curé de Tours. Why has not Tours named her chief square and
residential street for Balzac, her own son, instead of for Emile Zola? Balzac’s sister
has told of the profound impression made on him by the cathedral of Tours, especially
by its marvels of stained glass, so that all through the novelist’s life the mere name
“St. Gatien” had the power to rouse him to the dreams and aspirations of his youth.
[155] R. de Lasteyrie, L’église St. Martin de Tours (Paris, 1891); Monsuyer,
Histoire de l’abbaye de St. Martin; Henri Martin, Saint-Martin (Collection, L’art et
les saints), (Paris, H. Laurens); Ed. Chévalier, Histoire de l’abbaye de Marmoutier
(Tours, 1871), 2 vols. There are papers on the church of St. Julien de Tours in the
Mémoires de la Soc. archéol. de Touraine, 1909, p. 13, and on St. Martin de Tours,
1907; also in the Bulletin Monumental, 1873, p. 830, on St. Symphorien de Tours.
The abbatial of St. Julien, a contemporary of Tours Cathedral, is exceptionally pure
Gothic. Its tower is Romanesque and in part dates before 1000.
[156] Many a Council has been held in Tours. In 1055 came Gregory VII, the
reformer. In 1095 Urban II preached the First Crusade, and dedicated a Romanesque
abbatial at Marmoutier. In 1107 Pope Paschal II came, in 1119 Calixtus II, in 1134
Innocent II, and Alexander III in 1163. At the Council of 1163 the new archbishop of
Canterbury, Thomas Becket, pleaded for St. Anselm’s canonization, and the builder of
Lisieux Cathedral, the politic Arnoul, delivered an address that urged the unity and
liberty of the Church; yet later he upheld Henry II in his dispute with St. Thomas
Becket. Tours can even boast a pope, for Martin IV (d. 1285) had long been a canon
in St. Martin’s abbey.
[157] Such is the architectural wealth within reach of Tours that one can draw but a
few monuments to the traveler’s attention. At Amboise is St. Hubert’s marvelously
sculptured little chapel (c. 1491) and the church of St. Florentin (c. 1445). At Loches
is Anne of Brittany’s oratory, a Virgin statue of Michel Colombe’s school of Tours,
and the tomb of Agnes Sorel, attributed to the master who made Souvigny’s ducal
tomb, Jacques Morel. The collegiate church of St. Ours is of exceptional interest to
archæologists; its narthex (now the first bay), covered by a tower, was built by Fulk II
of Anjou; the porch, also with a tower over it, was added in the XII century. To that
date belong the two bays of the church covered by hollow pyramids, said by Mr. A.
Kingsley Porter to be an attempt to make a stone roof without wooden centering. At
Beaulieu-lès-Loches, founded by Fulk Nerra, the choir is late-Gothic (1440-1540). At
St. Catherine de Fierbois, where Jeanne d’Arc found her sword, is a charming
Flamboyant Gothic church. There are Plantagenet Gothic vaults at Chinon. Nine
miles from Chinon, at Champigny-sur-Veude, is a rich mass of Renaissance glass
attributed to Pinagrier, with Bourbon-Montpensier portraits.
Some twenty miles from Blois is the Romanesque church of Fleury Abbey at St.
Benoît-sur-Loire, with a superb XI-century narthex of three bays, surmounted by a
tower. In 1562 the Huguenots wrecked the church. Also, between Orléans and
Nevers, beside Sancerre, is the abbey church of St. Satur, a forerunner of Flamboyant
Gothic, as early as 1361. The Benedictine church of La Charité-sur-Loire derives
chiefly from the Burgundian Romanesque school, influenced by Berry and Auvergne.
Its central and west towers, its nave, and chevet belong to the second half of the XII
century, the transept is earlier; there was a reconstruction of the nave after 1559.
Louis Serbat, “La Charité-sur-Loire,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1913, p. 374;
Abbe Bossebœuf, Amboise. For Loches, see Congrès Archéol., 1869, 1910; G.
Rigault, Orléans et le val de Loire (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres); F. Bournon,
Blois, Chambord et les châteaux du Blésois (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres); A.
Marignan, “Une visite à l’abbaye de Fleury à St. Benoît-sur-Loire,” in Revue de l’art
chrétien, 1901-02, p. 291; L. Cloquet et J. Casier, “Excursion de la Gilde de St.
Thomas et de St. Luc dans la Maine, la Touraine, et l’Anjou,” in Revue de l’art
chrétien, 1889-90, vols. 42, 43; La Touraine artistique et monumental; Amboise
(Tours, Pericet, 1899); Sir Theodore Andreas Cook, Twenty-five Great Houses of
France (New York and London, 1916).
[158] Lucien Bégule et C. Guigue, Monographic de la cathédrale de Lyon (Lyon,
1880); Lucien Bégule, La cathédrale de Lyon (Collection, Petites Monographies),
(Paris, H. Laurens); ibid., Les vitraux du moyen âge et de la Renaissance dans la
région lyonnaise (Lyon, A. Rey et Cie, 1911); ibid., Les incrustations décoratives des
cathédrales de Lyon et de Vienne (Lyon, 1905); H. Havard, éd., La France artistique
et monumentale, vol. 3, p. 80, C. Guigue; Émile Màle, L’art religieux du XIIIe siècle,
pp. 52-59, on the glass of Lyons Cathedral; Congrès Archéologique, 1907, p. 527, on
St. Martin d’Ainay; Abbé Martin, Histoire des églises et chapelles de Lyon (1909);
André Steyert, Nouvelle histoire de Lyon ... (Lyon, Bernoux et Gamin, 1895), 3 vols.;
Meynis, Grands souvenirs de l’église de Lyon (Lyon, 1886); Charletz, Histoire de
Lyon (Lyon, 1902); Hefele, History of the Christian Councils, 12 vols.; H.
d’Hennezel, Lyon (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, H. Laurens); Léon
Maitre, “Les premières basiliques de Lyon et leurs cryptes,” in Revue de l’art
chrétien, 1900, p. 445; Henri Foeillon, Le Musée de Lyon (Paris, H. Laurens); L.
Barron, Le Rhone (Collection, Fleuves de France), (Paris, H. Laurens).
[159] Paul Allard, Histoire des persécutions (Paris, 1892), 5 vols.; Histoire
littéraire de la France, vol. 1, pp. 290, 324, on St. Irenæus and the churches of Lyons
and Vienne (Paris, 1733).
[160] The church of St. Nizier also possessed a manécanterie in which Alphonse
Daudet, as Le Petit Chose, spent some happy years. Another romance based on reality
whose scene is Lyons is René Bazin’s l’Isolée. An ancient crypt under St. Nizier,
shaped like a Greek cross, dedicated to St. Pothin since the IV century, has been
ruined by restorations; the actual church is Rayonnant and Flamboyant Gothic, with a
portal of the Renaissance by a son of Lyons, Philibert Delorme (d. 1570). Jean Perréal
was also born here, as was Coysevox, who made the Virgin of St. Nizier (1676).
Eminence in religious or idealistic mural painting has been attained by two sons of
Lyons, Puvis de Chavannes (1824-98), who decorated the Museum with Le Bois
Sacré, and Flandrin (1809-64), who frescoed the walls of St. Martin d’Ainay.
Meissonier (d. 1891) was born here; so was Ampère, scientist and Christian believer
(d. 1836). In the hospital of fifteen thousand free beds which opened its doors in the
VI century and has never since closed them, worked a loved physician who was
father of Frédéric Ozanam, the founder of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. St.
Vincent’s heart is treasured in a chapel of the cathedral. Another of the leaders of the
Catholic reform, St. Francis de Sales, died in Lyons in 1622.
[161] The see of Vienne was founded A.D. 160. The cathedral of St. Maurice, well
set on the Rhone, contains vestiges of the church consecrated in 1106 by Paschal II,
and which had been aided by that archbishop of Vienne, of the first line of
Burgundy’s Capetian dukes, who became Pope Calixtus II in 1119. The present
edifice is due to Bishop Jean de Bernin (1218-66), and was consecrated by Innocent
IV in 1251. Only in 1533 were its façade and the four bays behind it finished. There
is no transept. The XV century made the northern entrance, and the XVI century that
to the south. The red incrustations form friezes, in the choir, below both triforium and
clearstory.
A V-century bishop of Vienne was Claudianus Mamertus, who upheld Latin
culture against the Barbarians, like his friend and fellow poet, Bishop Apollinaris
Sidonius at Clermont. To Vienne’s bishop is attributed the noted hymn Pange lingua
gloriosi proclium certamini, and the institution of the Rogation days of penance and
procession before the Ascension, in that hour when earthquakes and volcanic
eruptions had terrorized central France. In 1312 Vienne was the scene of a general
Council of the Church at which the Templars were suppressed by a pope cowed into
obedience by the king of France, who arrived at the Council with an escort of the size
of an army. The majority of the bishops present held that to abolish the Order was not
a legal act, since the charges against them were unproven. Therefore, Clement V was
forced to fall back on the expedient plea of solicitude for the public good.
Congrès Archéologique, 1879; J. Ch. Roux, Vienne (Paris, Bloud et Cie, 1909); M.
Reymond, Grenoble, Vienne (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris, II. Laurens);
Lucien Bégule, L’ancienne cathédrale de Vienne-en-Dauphiné (Paris, II. Laurens,
1914); Paul Berret, Le Dauphiné (Collection, Provinces françaises), (Paris, II.
Laurens).
[162] About thirty miles to the north of Lyons lies Bourg-en-Bresse, in whose
suburbs is the church of Brou. The eighteen windows of the school of Lyons were
installed when the church was finished in 1536. Marguerite of Austria built it in
fulfillment of a vow of her mother-in-law, a Bourbon princess, Marguerite herself
being daughter of Mary of Burgundy, a line, like the Bourbous, that gloried in
sumptuous mausoleums. She intrusted the work to the Lyons master, Jean Perréal,
who called on his aged friend, Michel Colombe, for the imagery of the tombs.
Colombe designed Duke Philibert’s gisant and the six winged genii, executed later,
with liberties, by Conrad Meyt, and his brother (artists trained at Lyons), and some
Italians. Disagreements rose, and Perréal was superseded by Loys van Boghem, who
erected a bastard Gothic church of the same heavy Flemish type popular then at
Toledo and Burgos. The three rich overcharged tombs are in the choir. Marguerite
almost became the wife of Charles VIII, late-Gothic builder, and for a short time was
married to the only son of Isabelle and Ferdinand, whose tomb is a boast of Avila.
When the early death of the Duke of Savoy left her a widow she governed the
Netherlands for her nephew, the Emperor Charles V. Her father’s tomb at Innsbruck is
one of the noted ones of the world, and the heraldic tombs of her mother and her
grandfather (Charles le Téméraire of Burgundy) are in Bruges.
If the traveler hopes to find flat, suburban Brou as described by Matthew Arnold,
“mid the Savoy mountain valleys, far from town or haunt of man,” he will be
disappointed. Moreover, no reflections fall from ancient glass, owing to the patina or
coating added by time to its exterior surface. Poetic license is allowed, and “The
Church of Brou” adds to this heavy votive monument the charm it needs:

“... So sleep, forever sleep, O marble Pair!


Or, if ye wake, let it be then, when fair
On the carved western front a flood of light
Streams from the setting sun, and colors bright,
Prophets, transfigured saints, and martyrs brave,
In the vast western windows of the nave;
And on the pavement round the Tomb there glints
A checkerwork of glowing sapphire tints,
And amethyst, and ruby—then unclose
Your eyelids on the stone where ye repose,
... And looking down on the warm rosy tints
Which checker, at your feet, the illumined flints,
Say: ‘What is this? We are in bliss—forgiven.
Behold the pavement of the courts of Heaven.’”

V. Nodet, L’église de Brou (Collection, Petites Monographics), (Paris, H.


Laurens); C.J. Dufay, L’église de Brou et ses tombeaux (Lyon, 1879); Paul Vitry,
Michel Colombe et la sculpteur française de son temps (Paris, 1901), p. 365;
Dupasquier et Didron, Monographie de Notre Dame de Brou (Paris, 1842), in 4º et
atlas in fol.
[163] In the XV century the dukes of Bourbon filled their capital of Moulins with
art treasures, and Souvigny’s abbatial, close by, was their necropolis. The present
choir of Moulins Cathedral, originally the chapel of their palace, was begun by Agnes
of Burgundy, daughter of Jean sans Peur, and finished by her sons, Jean II de Bourbon
and Pierre II sire de Beaujeu, who in 1475 wedded the daughter of Louis XI and
governed France with his wife during the minority of Charles VIII. Jeanne of France
and her husband are portrayed on the folding doors of the splendid triptych (1488-
1503), by some unknown French primitif now in the sacristy of Moulins Cathedral,
and again in one of the three windows—warm in color and with fine, clear portrait
work—in the square east wall of the chevet, glass that belongs to the transition from
Gothic to Renaissance as the XV century merged in the XVI. Fifteenth-century
windows are comparatively rare, so the twelve possessed by Moulins’ chief church
are precious. Cardinal Charles de Bourbon, who beautified Lyons Cathedral, also
appears in the Bourbon dukes’ window with his two brothers. The nave of Moulins
Cathedral, in black-and-white Volvic stone, is a modern rendering by Lassus and
Millet of the Primary Gothic of the region.
Souvigny was a Cluniac priory, in which died the two great Cluny abbots, St.
Majolus (d. 994), who brought to France the noted William of Volpiano, the organizer
of the Romanesque renaissance of architecture, and St. Odilo (d. 1049). In 1095
Urban II stayed in Souvigny, and so did Paschal II in 1106. The XII-century church
was largely reconstructed in the late-Gothic day when the prior Dom Geoffrey
Chollet wished to house fittingly the splendid new Bourbon tombs. That of Louis II
(comrade in arms of Dugueselin) has been attributed without proof to Jean de
Cambrai, who made the Berry tomb at Bourges. M. Guigue has ably assigned to
Jacques Morel the tomb of Charles I and Agnes of Burgundy. The Bourbon line,
direct in descent from St. Louis, mounted the French throne with Henry IV.
Congrès Archéologique, 1913, p. 1, Chanoine Joseph Clémat; p. 182,
Doshoulières; J. Locquin, Nevers et Moulins (Collection, Villes d’art célèbres), (Paris,
II. Laurens); H. Aucouturier, Moulins (1914); R. de Quirielle, Guide archéologique
dans Moulins (1893); Abbé Requin, “Jacques Morel et son neveu Antoine le
Moiturier,” in Revue des Soc. des Beaux-Arts des Départements (Paris, 1890); L.
Courajod, “Jacques Morel, sculpteur bourguignon,” in Gazelle archéol, 1885, p. 236;
A. J. de H. Bushnell, Storied Windows (New York, 1914); L. du Broe de Segange,
Hist. et description de la cathédrale de Moulins (Paris, 1885), vol. 2, Inventaire des
richesses d’art de la France; L. Desrosiers, La cathédrale de Moulins, ancienne
collégiale (Moulins, 1871); H. Faure, Histoire de Moulins (Moulins, 1900), 2 vols.;
G. Depeyre, Les ducs de Bourbon (Toulouse, Privat, 1897).
[164] Congrès Archéologique, 1860, 1863, 1871, 1878, and 1910, p. 267, on the
cathedral; p. 280, on Le Mans’ two Benedictine churches; Abbé A. Ledru et G.
Fleury, La cathédrale St. Julien du Mans (Mamers, Fleury et Dangin, 1900), folio;
Gabriel Fleury, La cathédrale du Mans (Collection, Petites Monographies), (Paris, H.
Laurens); E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, Étude historique et archéol. sur la nef de la cathédrale
du Mans (1889); Abbé A. Ledru, Histoire des églises du Mans (Paris, Plon-Nourrit,
1905-07); R. Triger, Le Mans à travers les âges (Le Mans, 1898); E. Hucher, Vitraux
peints de la cathédrale du Mans (Paris, Didron, 1865), folio and supplement claques;
A. Echivard, Les vitraux de la cathédrale du Mans (Mamers, 1913): Bulletin
Monumental, studies on Le Mans, in vol. 7, p. 359; vol. 14, p. 348 (Hueher); vol. 26,
on the Geoffrey Plantagenet enamel; also vol. 31, p. 789; vol. 37, p. 704; vol. 39, p.
483 (Dion); vol. 44, p. 373; vol. 45, p. 63 (Esnault); and vol. 72, 1908, p. 155 (Pascal
V. Lefèvre-Pontalis); De Wismes, Le Maine et l’Anjou, historique, archéologique et
pittoresque (Paris, A. Bry), 2 vols., folio; Guénet, Le Maine illustré (Le Mans, 1902);
Abbé R. Charles, Guide illustré du Mans et dans la Sarthe (Le Mans, 1886); Kate
Norgate, England Under the Angevin Kings (London, 1887), 2 vols.; Mrs. J. R.
Green, Henry II (London, 1888); see also Davis (London, 1905); Robert Latouche,
Histoire du comté du Maine pendant le Xe et XIe siècle (Paris, H. Champion, 1910);
H. Prentout, Le Maine (Collection, Les régions de la France), (Paris, L. Cerf);
Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 11, p. 250, “Hildebert de Lavardin”; p. 177,
“Geoffrey, abbé de Vendôme” (Paris, 1759); on Hildebert, see A. Dieudonne (1898)
and P. Déservellers.
[165] The abbey church of the Trinité has in its transept walls parts of the edifice
dedicated in 1040. At the beginning of the XIII century that transept was vaulted in
the eight-rib Plantagenet way, the keystones being well carved. The ambulatory and
radiating chapels are early-Gothic; the choir is late XIII century; the easternmost bays
of the nave are of the XIV, and its westernmost bays of the XV century. The façade is
a gem of Flamboyant Gothic. There are also windows of the XIII and XV centuries,
and some well-known carved choir stalls. The Merveille of Vendôme, its tower of
1140, prototype for the Primary Gothic ones at Chartres and Rouen, stands free of the
church. From the earlier abbatial was saved a famous XII-century window of the St.
Denis school, a Byzantinesque Madonna.
Congrès Archéologique, 1872; Abbé Plat, Notes pour servir à l’histoire
monumental de la Trinité (Vendôme, 1907); La Martellière, Guide dans le Vendômois
(Vendôme, 1883).
[166] W. H. Goodyear, “Architectural Refinements in French Cathedrals,” in
Architectural Record, 1904-05, vols. 16, 17; ibid., “Architectural Refinements, a
reply to Mr. Bilson,” in Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 3d series,
1907, vol. 15, p. 17; Anthyme Saint-Paul, “Les irrégularités de plan dans les églises,”
in Bulletin Monumental, 1906, p. 135.
Professor Goodyear’s theory of intentional asymmetry in mediæval buildings—
such irregularities as curves of alignment, vertical curves, want of parallelism in walls
and piers, deflection of axis—has not found favor with various French and English
archæologists, but much of what he has noted may some day be accepted as self-
evident.
[167] In Le Mans are two Benedictine churches of archæological interest. De
Cultura Dei is now Notre-Dame-de-la-Couture. When the church was rebuilt after a
fire in 1180, big Plantagenet Gothic vaults, each section with eight ribs, were flung
over the wide nave, which originally had possessed side aisles. Vestiges of a
Carolingian church, built a decade before 1000, are in the crypt and the lower walls of
choir and transept, where alternance of stone and brick work appears. The chevet is
the oldest example now extant of an ambulatory and radiating chapel. In the XII
century the upper choir was rebuilt, and again it was retouched during the XIII and
XV centuries. The façade and the well-sculptured portal are late XIII century. A
charming XVI-century Virgin, by Germain Pilon, on a pier opposite the pulpit, is to
be classed with the prolongation of the Region-of-the-Loire school of sculpture
whose center was Tours. Across the Sarthe lies the other Benedictine church, the
former St. Julien-du-Pré, a Romanesque edifice of the XI and XII centuries, revaulted
in the Flamboyant Gothic day.
[168] “O noble peuple d’artisans! Si grands, que les artistes d’aujourd’hui
n’existent pas auprès de vous!”—Rodin, Les cathédrales de France.
[169] De la Tremblay, Dom Coutil, L’église abbatiale de Solesmes (Solesmes,
Imprimerie St. Pierre, 1892), folio; Paul Vitry, Michel Colombe et la sculpture
française de son temps (Paris, 1901); Dom Guépin, Description des deux églises
abbatiales de Solesmes, and also his Solesmes et Dom Guéranger (Le Mans, 1876);
Dom Guéranger, l’Année Liturgique (Paris, 1888), 12 vols., tr. Worcester, England,
The Liturgical Year, and also his Études historiques de l’abbaye de Solesmes; Cagni
et Mocquereau, Plain chant and Solesmes (tr. London, 1902).
Among those who have taken part in the discussion as to who made the sculptural
groups at Solesmes are L. Palustre, Girardet, Charles and Louis de Grandmaison,
Benj. Fillon, Célestin Port, Lambin de Lignin, E. Cartier, A. Salmon, and Abbé
Bossebœuf.
[170] The church of St. Elizabeth, in Marburg, is one of the earliest Gothic
monuments in Germany, 1235-83. The saint was linked with the new system of
building. For the king of Hungary, Villard de Honnecourt built Kassovic church. Her
aunt was the gentle Agnes of Méran, married to Philippe-Auguste. Her half sister,
Yolande, wedded that other builder of churches, Jaime el Conquistador, from whom
sprang Yolande of Aragon, King René’s mother, also a builder. St. Elizabeth’s niece,
daughter of the king of Hungary, married Charles II d’Anjou, who began the best
Gothic church in Provence, at St. Maximin.
[171] Amédée Boinet, Verdun et St. Mihiel (Collection, Petites Monographies),
(Paris, H. Laurens).
[172] Amédée Boinet, St. Quentin (Paris, H. Laurens); Ch. Gomart, “Notice sur
l’église de St. Quentin,” in Bulletin Monumental, 1856, p. 226; and 1870, p. 201;
Pierre Bénard, Monographie de l’église de St. Quentin (Paris, 1867), 8vo; also his
studies in the publication of the Société Académique ... de Soissons, 1864, p. 260; and
1874, p. 300; Lecocq, Histoire de la ville de St. Quentin (St. Quentin, 1875); J. B. A.
Lassus, éd., L’album de Villard de Honacort (Paris, 1858; and London, tr. by Willis,
1859); Jules Quicheral, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire (1886), vol. 2, on
Villard de Honnecourt’s album; Camille Enlart, Hôtels de ville et beffrois du nord de
la France (Paris, H. Laurens, 1919); ibid. on Villard de Honnecourt, in Bibli. de
l’École des chartes, 1895.
[173] Alfred Noyes, Collected Poems (London, Methuen; New York, Fred. A.
Stokes Co.).
[174] J. Berthelé, “L’architecture plantagenet,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1903, p.
234; E. Lefèvre-Pontalis, “L’architecture plantagenet,” in Congrès Archéologique,
1910; Prosper Merimée, Notes d’un voyage dans l’Ouest de la France (1836);
Choyer, “L’architecture des Plantagenets,” in Congrès Archéologique, 1871, p. 257;
Célestin Port, Dictionnaire de Maine-et-Loire, 3 vols.; Abbé Bossebœuf,
L’architecture plantagenet(Angers, Lachène, 1897).
[175] Saintes lies on the Charente, some fifty miles from Angoulême. In the
venerable XII-century church of St. Eutrope cropped out one of the early sporadic
uses of diagonals. Its crypt, which is one of the largest in France, is braced on heavy,
semicircular arches. The exterior of the apse is decorated. Nothing is left of the
original nave; the present one is transitional work. The choir and part of the transept
are of the XV century. The superb tower, with corner-turret effects that rise from base
to summit, was finished with a spire by 1480. It is said that John XXII, who
promulgated the Angelus by his bull of 1318, had learned its usage from a custom of
St. Eutrope. The church of St. Pierre, at Saintes, rebuilt in 1117, and again in 1450,
has another Flamboyant Gothic tower of good design, which is now much wasted by
decay. See Congrès Archéologique, 1894; 1912, pp. 195, 309; also Bulletin
Monumental, 1907, vol. 71; J. Laferrière et G. Musset, L’art en Saintonge et en
Aunis; Ch. Dangibeaud, L’école de sculpture romane saintongeaise (Paris, 1910).
[176] Congrès Archéologique, 1858, 1901, and 1910; Chanoine Roux,
Monographie de St. Front de Périgueux (Périgueux, 1920); J. A. Brutails, “La
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517; Anthyme Saint-Paul, on St. Front, in Bulletin Monumental, 1888, p. 163; 1891,
p. 321; 1906, p. 5; Félix de Verneilh, L’architecture byzantine en France, 1851; R.
Michel-Dansac, De l’emploi des coupoles sur la nef dans le sud-ouest Aquitain;
Corroyer, L’architecture romane, 1888; ibid., L’architecture gothique, 1899; Ch. H.
Besnard, “Étude sur les coupoles et voûtes domicales du sud-ouest de la France,” in
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