BREAKING THE BONDS 51

and feelings of mankind. Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the Common Sense —Yes and No
touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter Americans were divided in their reaction to Thomas
love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire Paine’s Common Sense.
and sword into your land? . . . Hath your house been burnt? Hath Writing from Connecticut in March 1776,
James Cogswell, in a letter to Joseph Ward,
your property been destroyed before your face? Are your wife and declared that “Common Sense has made many
children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you proselytes, and I believe will open the eyes of
lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and the common people.” In Virginia, the wealthy
Colonel Landon Carter similarly found many
wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you not a judge of people who admired it. He, however, did not.
those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with the He told one supporter in February that Paine’s
piece was “as rascally and nonsensical as possi-
murderers, then are you unworthy the name of husband, father, ble.” “It is quite scandalous,” he had written
friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you earlier in his diary, “and disgraces the
have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant. . . . American cause much.”
No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself,
before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the
event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen
tempered Pharaoh of *___ for ever; and disdain the wretch, that
with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeel-
ingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their
blood upon his soul. . . .
But where says some is the King of America? I’ll tell you Friend,
he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the
Royal ___ of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective
even in earthly honours, let a day be solemnly set apart for pro-
claiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine
law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the
world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in
America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the
King is law, so in free countries the law ought to be King; and there
ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise,
let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished,
and scattered among the people whose right it is.

The difficulties of fighting a war without seeking indepen-

dence can be seen in this resolution passed by Congress on
May 10, 1776. It was given a fuller and more radical pream-
ble five days later. This act “recommends” that the govern-
ments set up by the British be rejected. If necessary, it
states, new governments should be created. Massachusetts
radical John Adams, the moving force behind this resolu-
tion, later claimed that it was the key move toward inde-
pendence. But even as it calls for new governments, the
resolution still refers to “these colonies,” which suggests
continued British control.
 52 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

Whereas his Britannic Majesty, in conjunction with the lords and

commons of Great Britain, has, by a late act of Parliament, exclud-
ed the inhabitants of these United Colonies from the protection of
his crown; And whereas, no answer, whatever, to the humble peti-
tions of the colonies for redress of grievances and reconciliation
with Great Britain, has been or is likely to be given; but, the whole
Image Not Available force of that kingdom, aided by foreign mercenaries, is to be exert-
ed for the destruction of the good people of these colonies; And
whereas, it appears absolutely irreconcileable to reason and good
Conscience, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths
and affirmations necessary for the support of any government
under the crown of Great Britain, and it is necessary that the exer-
cise of every kind of authority under the said crown should be
John Adams probably wrote this
list of things that the Continental totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted,
Congress needed to do while he under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preserva-
was on his way to Philadelphia
in early 1776. The last point is a tion of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the
“Declaration of Independency.” defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile
invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies; therefore
Resolved, That it be recommended to the respective assemblies
and conventions of the United Colonies, where no government
sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs have been hitherto estab-
lished, to adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the
representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and
safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.

For Governor William Franklin of New Jersey, the move toward

political independence encouraged by his father Benjamin
threatened his personal freedom. Governor Franklin’s last-
ditch attempt to reassert his authority over the colony by
summoning the colony’s legislature in mid-1776 led the
provincial congress, a group that rejected British control, to
pass these resolutions on June 14. The congress branded
Franklin “an enemy to the liberties of this country.” Three
days later, the Patriot leaders posted guards outside his
house; soon afterward they took him prisoner. William Frank-
lin did not regain his liberty until late 1778.

Resolved, That in the opinion of this congress, the proclamation of

William Franklin, esq. late governor of New Jersey, bearing date
the thirtieth day of May last, in the name of the king of Great
Britain, appointing a meeting of the general assembly, to be held
on the twentieth of this instant, June, ought not to be obeyed.
 BREAKING THE BONDS 53

Image Not Available

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this congress, all payments of After fighting as a soldier in the war,
the painter Jonathan Trumbull decid-
money on account of salary or otherwise, to the said William ed that he would portray the scenes
Franklin, esq. as governor, ought from henceforth, to cease; and of the Revolution. His painting,
that the treasurer or treasurers of this province, shall account for which shows the committee that
drafted the Declaration of
the monies in their hands to this congress, or to the future legisla- Independence (which included
ture of this colony. Thomas Jefferson) submitting the
document to Congress, was composed
By order of the congress, with the advice of Jefferson himself.
SAMUEL TUCKER, President

Free and Independent

As order crumbled in the colonies, the members of the Conti-
nental Congress believed independence was necessary. By the
beginning of July 1776, delegates were ready to vote on
whether the colonies should be “free and independent States.”
On the second day of July, Congress passed the vote. The next
day, John Adams, who had seconded the motion for indepen-
dence, wrote to his wife Abigail about the vote. His letter
Unanimous Resolution of the People
reveals the mixture of fear and excitement felt by supporters
of Ashby, Massachusetts, July 1, 1776
of independence. Adams believed that the decision to reject
That should the honourable Congress,
British control would be celebrated for years to come on July 2, for the safety of the Colonies, declare
when the actual vote for independence had taken place—not them independent of Great Britain, the
inhabitants of Ashby will solemnly engage
on the fourth of July (when it is commemorated today to cele-
with their lives and fortunes to support
brate Congress’s approval of the Declaration of Independence). them in the measure.
54 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

Yesterday, the greatest question was decided, which ever was

debated in America, and a greater, perhaps, never was nor will be
decided among men. A resolution was passed without one dissent-
ing colony, “that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to
be, free and independent States, and as such they have, and of right
ought to have, full power to make war, conclude peace, establish
commerce, and to do all other acts and things which other States
may rightfully do.” You will see in a few days a Declaration setting
forth the causes which have impelled us to this mighty revolution,
and the reasons which justify it in the sight of God and man. A plan
of confederation will be taken up in a few days. . . .
[T]he delay of this declaration to this time has many great
advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation, which were
fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well-meaning,
though weak and mistaken people, have been gradually and, at
last, totally extinguished. Time has been given for the whole peo-
ple maturely to consider the great question of independence, and
to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and allure their
hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets, by debating
it in assemblies, conventions, committees of safety and inspection,
in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversations,
so that the whole people, in every colony of the thirteen, have
now adopted it as their own act. This will cement the union, and
avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions, which might have
been occasioned by such a declaration six months ago.
But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be the
most memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to
believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the
great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day
of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It
ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games,
sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this
continent to the other, from this time forward, forevermore.
You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I
am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost
us to maintain this declaration, and support and defended these
States. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing
light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the
means, and that posterity will triumph in that day’s transaction,
even although we should rue it, which I trust in God we shall not.

Although the vote of July 2, 1776, marked the actual break

between Britain and the colonies, Congress believed it needed
 BREAKING THE BONDS 55

to justify itself fully to both foreigners and the American

people. This declaration of independence was so important
that Congress appointed a committee to prepare it even
before they formally debated the issue. The first draft of the
document was written by Thomas Jefferson, who probably
took only a day or two to complete the task. Then the com-
mittee and the entire Congress prepared the final version,
which was passed on the fourth of July.
The Declaration of Independence is made up of three sec-
tions. The first section introduces independence by dis-
cussing the function of government and the right of
revolution. Jefferson links general propositions about gov-
ernment (arguments that were widely accepted at the time)
into a chain of arguments and applies them to America. This
section of the Declaration, perhaps the least significant at
the time, has since become the most important. Its assertion
that “all men are created equal” originally referred to
humans in the original state of nature before government,
but since then it has become a powerful argument of attack-
ing all sorts of inequalities.

A Declaration by the Representatives of the UNITED STATES

OF AMERICA in General Congress assembled.
When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them
with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of
nature’s god entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of
mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel
them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are cre-
ated equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur-
suit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent
of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to
abolish it, and to institute new government, laying it’s foundation
on such principles, and organizing it’s powers in such form as to
them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
prudence indeed will dictate that governments long established
should not be changed for light & transient causes, and accord-
ingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed
 56 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

Revising the Declaration

of Independence

I n his handwritten copy of the

Declaration of Independence,
Thomas Jefferson recorded the
changes made in the process of
editing. The Declaration was
considered first by the committee
appointed for the purpose (some
of the changes here may be in the
handwriting of John Adams and
Benjamin Franklin) and then by
the entire Continental Congress.
Jefferson continued to believe the
committee’s version was superior
to the final document.

Image Not Available

to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by

abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. but when a
long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute
despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such gov-
ernment, & to provide new Guards for their future security. such
 BREAKING THE BONDS 57

has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; & such is now
the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems
of government. the history of the present king of Great Britain is
a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct
object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.
to prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

Having laid a philosophical foundation, the Declaration then

indicts the king for undermining American liberties. Jeffer-
son notes a variety of grievances, some more clear and com-
pelling than others. In this, he follows the example of a
number of Patriot pronouncements that themselves were
modeled on English predecessors.

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and

necessary for the public good.
he has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate &
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his
assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly
neglected to attend to them.
he has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the
right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to
them, & formidable to tyrants only.
he has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, & distant from the depository of their public
records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance
with his measures.
he has dissolved Representative houses repeatedly, for
opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of
the people.
he has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions,
to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers,
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for
their exercise, the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all
the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
he has endeavored to prevent the population of these states;
for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of for-
eigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hith-
er; & raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.
he has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his
assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.
58 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

he has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure
of their offices, and the amount & payment of their salaries.
he has erected a multitude of new offices, & sent hither
swarms of officers to harrass our people, and eat out their
substance.
he has kept among us, in time of peace, standing armies with-
out the consent of our legislatures.
he has affected to render the military independent of, superior
to, the civil power.
he has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction for-
eign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving
his assent to their acts of pretended legislation
for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;
for protecting them by a mock trial from punishment for any
murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these
States;
for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;
for imposing taxes on us without our consent;
for depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury;
for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended
offences;
for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh-
bouring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government
and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an exam-
ple & fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into
these states.
for taking away our charters abolishing our most valuable laws,
and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments;
for suspending our own legislatures, & declaring themselves
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
he has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his
protection and waging war against us.
he has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns,
and destroyed the lives of our people.
he is at this time transporting large armies of foreign merce-
naries, to compleat the works of death, desolation & tyranny,
already begun with circumstances of cruelty & perfidy scarcely
paralleled in the most barbarous ages and totally unworthy the
head of a civilized nation.
he has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has
endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the mer-
ciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistin-
guished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
 BREAKING THE BONDS 59

he has constrained our fellow citizens taken captives on

the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the
executioners of their friends & Brethren, or to fall themselves by
their hands.
In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for
redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have
been answered only by repeated injury. a prince whose character
is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to
be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our Brittish
brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by
their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.
we have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration
and settlement here, we have appealed to their native justice &
magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the tyes of our com-
mon kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would
inevitably interrupt our connections & correspondence. they too
have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity; we
must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our
separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, ene-
mies in war, in peace friends.

The Declaration concludes with the Congressional resolution

of independence that Congress had voted on two days earli-
er. It brings together the philosophic abstractions of the first
part with the concrete grievances of the second to argue the
necessity for independence.

We therefore the representatives of the United states of

America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the
supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do,
in the name, and by authority of the good people of these colonies,
solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are and of
right ought to be free and independent states; that they are
absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all polit-
ical connection between them and the state of Great Britain is &
ought to be totally dissolved; & that as free and independent states,
they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract
alliances, establish commerce, & to do all other acts and things
which independent states may of right do. And for the support of
this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine
providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for-
tunes and our sacred honor.