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HANDBOOK ON DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY
Handbook on Democracy and Security
Edited by
Nicholas A. Seltzer
Associate Professor, University of Nevada Reno, USA
Steven Lloyd Wilson
Assistant Professor, Brandeis University, Massachusetts, USA
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording,
or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.
Published by
Edward Elgar Publishing Limited
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EEP BoX
Contents
List of contributorsvii
Introduction to the Handbook on Democracy and Security xi
Nicholas A. Seltzer and Steven Lloyd Wilson
v
vi Handbook on democracy and security
Index360
Contributors
Volker Boehme-Neßler is University Professor of Public Law at the Carl von Ossietzky
University in Oldenburg. His research and teaching focus on the role of law in the digitalized
world. Most recently, he has published two books on the question of how digitalization is
changing democracy. He studied law (Dr. iur. utr. 1993) and political science (Dr. rer. pol.
1997) in Berlin and Heidelberg. In 2008 he habilitated at the University of Kassel (Dr. jur.
habil.). From 1993 to 1999 he was a lawyer.
Inken von Borzyskowski is Associate Professor of Global Policy and International Relations
at University College London. Her research focuses on international democracy assistance, the
causes and consequences of election violence, and international organizations’ membership
politics (withdrawals and suspensions). Her work has been published in International Studies
Quarterly, British Journal of Political Science, Journal of Peace Research, and Review of
International Organizations, and by Cornell University Press.
Omar O. Dumdum is a PhD candidate in Mass Communication, double minoring in Political
Science and Global Studies, at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. His research broadly
investigates the relationship between the news media and understudied elites in political
communication, such as international organizations, police and the military, political clans,
and other privileged groups that influence/are influenced by the press, with a focus on the
Philippines.
Julia Eggleston is a PhD student at SUNY Binghamton, and received her MA in Political
Theory from Virginia Tech, where she focused on the geopolitics of knowledge as well
as the intellectual history of new materialism. Her previous work also includes critiques
of neocolonial rhetoric in Internet freedom reporting as well as explorations of decolonial
onto-epistemologies.
Keely Eshenbaugh is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University
of Nevada, Reno. With a regional focus in Western Europe, she has research interests in polit-
ical economy, industry divisions, and narrative dissemination. Her dissertation work analyzes
firms’ puzzling stances on predicted economic utility and transparency about policy decisions
to their membership.
Jeffrey A. Griffin is a Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University
of Nevada, Reno. His interdisciplinary research program integrates international relations,
comparative politics (with a concentration on sub-Saharan Africa), and public policy
decision-making. Specifically, he examines and explores political leadership decision-making
calculations and the impact of risk and perception in shaping public policy responses to
long-term threats regimes face. His work has been applied to chronic societal problems, par-
ticularly health epidemics and democratic stability.
vii
viii Handbook on democracy and security
health, climate and health, and state security responses to global health crises. His website can
be found here: http://robertostergard.us.
Dr. Constanza Sanhueza Petrarca is an Associate Professor at the Australian National
University. Previously, she was a Research Fellow at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center
and served as Postdoctoral Researcher at the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg.
She obtained her PhD at the University of Mannheim. Her research focuses on democracy,
political representation, immigration, and survey research.
Dr. Nicholas A. Seltzer received his PhD from Stony Brook University, and is currently
an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Nevada, Reno. His research
focuses on social responses to climate change and non-traditional security.
Karen Simpson is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of
Nevada, Reno. They have a background in international relations and economic development.
Currently, they are studying climate adaptation and water policy, with an emphasis on climate
adaptation in developing countries and the science–policy interface. Research interests include
change in complex systems, multi-level governance, and inclusive development.
Steven Lloyd Wilson is an Assistant Professor of Politics at Brandeis University, project
manager for the Varieties of Democracy Institute, and co-Principal Investigator of the Digital
Society Project. His research focuses on comparative democratization, cyber-security, and the
effect of the Internet and social media on authoritarian regimes, particularly in the post-Soviet
world.
Introduction to the Handbook on Democracy and Security
Nicholas A. Seltzer and Steven Lloyd Wilson
It has been more than three decades since the Soviet Union collapsed and Francis Fukuyama
summarily declared “the end of history”; the last and greatest ideological conflict appeared
settled, and there no longer existed a credible legitimate alternative to liberal democracy. In
the years that followed, the proportion of the world’s population living in democracies spiked
over 50 percent. A new “wave” of democratic optimism rolled through Africa and then the
Middle East. Yet in 2022, the majority of the world’s population once again dwells under
conditions of autocracy or severely impaired democracy. The optimism of the Arab Spring
proved short-lived, and the Middle East’s autocrats have not only persisted, but appear to have
consolidated their power further.
And what of China? In the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, the democratic world thought
it saw the inevitable consequence of China’s post-Mao liberal economic reforms: the first
stirrings of democracy in the East even as the Soviet empire fell across Eurasia. The Clinton
administration welcomed China to Most Favored Nation status, paving the way for China’s
admittance to the World Trade Organization, predicting that this would translate over time into
expanded human rights and political liberty. Yet thirty years later China not only remains auto-
cratic, but in some ways has become even more so: the regime of Xi Jinping appears to be doing
away with the established convention of term limits for its paramount leader that provided at
the very least for occasional peaceful transitions of power from one technocratic official to the
next. Whereas the advent of the digital age initially fueled hopes that Internet-enabled Chinese
voices would overcome the Chinese Communist Party’s stranglehold on truth, the Chinese
state has merely found new means to control information, surveil its population, and ultimately
reinforce its authority. Alas, the march of democracy has stalled.
More worryingly, democracy may be in retreat. In large cross-country measures of democ-
racy such as Polity, Freedom House, and the V-Dem project, we are seeing a decline in
support for democratic values. Even in the most consolidated democracies, fears of democratic
backsliding are all too real. The fears seem well founded in many dimensions: the resurgence
of right-wing populism, the backlash against Western-led globalization, the emergence of
identity politics and ethnic conflict, the decline of independent mass media, elite rent-seeking
at the expense of democratic institutions, and the kaleidoscope of complications created by
the rise of the Internet and social media. And yet the terrifying erosion of public confidence
in democracy is historically strange in that it is unaccompanied by ideological challengers or
external existential threats. Democracy, in short, seems on the verge of devouring itself from
within.
This volume is an exciting new interpretation that reframes the challenge to preserve
democratic institutions, not in the face of competing ideologies, but from erosion within.
This volume endeavors to explore the security of democracy in all the dimensions required
to secure democracy’s institutions and norms. In the coming chapters, an exceptional set of
authors focuses on this analysis, reflecting on the spectrum of threats to the security of democ-
racy that exist in the 21st century. Chapters will explore new concepts of militant democracy
xi
xii Handbook on democracy and security
outsized role of a “northern axis”—constituted principally of the United States and Europe—
in establishing its terminology and models for implementation. Not surprisingly, the agenda
tends to reflect their own demands and orientations, which are embodied in specific practices
of good governance, supporting elections, combating corruption, and enhancing civil society.
She presents an analysis of how the north’s agenda for democratization meets southern
experiences. Finally, she identifies convergences and divergences from emerging alternative
approaches to democratization rooted in south–south cooperation.
Chapter 8, Megan MacDuffee Metzger’s “Authoritarian media abroad: the case of Russia
and RT News”, explores how state-funded news abroad functions as part of a state’s broader
information strategy, using the Russian news channel RT as a case study. Information is the
foundation on which democracies are built. Citizens’ ability to decide who should govern
them, which laws to support and oppose, and when to resist changes and when to embrace
them, is only as good as the available information. That is why the free press and freedom of
information are so central to democratic governance. For this reason, deceptive information
practices on the part of adversarial states pose a threat to the security of democracy and to
democratic institutions. This chapter situates Russian state-funded media abroad historically,
before exploring how it has been adapted to the digital age, considering what we know about
what RT does, how it attempts to influence the information environment, and whether it is
effective or not.
In the third thematic part, contributors address complexity and change in the electorate. In
a forward-thinking piece entitled “The parliamentarian democracy and its digital enemies: how
democracy is facing three challenges from digitalisation” (Chapter 9), Volker Boehme-Neßler
takes on what he calls the “fundamental effects of digitisation on democracy.” He contends
that the pervasiveness of digitization threatens core aspects of democratic culture. In particu-
lar, the advent of big data and related technologies makes it increasingly difficult to guarantee
privacy and private spaces that are necessary for individuals to identify, develop, and find
expression for their ideas. He also points to a “discussion culture”, often crude, aggressive,
and shallow, that supplants the richer, deeper public deliberation that democracy thrives on.
Further, as algorithms increasingly control what people see and ultimately come to believe,
representative bodies are susceptible to a reflexive impact as elected officials find themselves
constrained by increasingly radical, uncompromising, and righteous publics.
In “Hyper-polarization and the security of democracy” (Chapter 10), Jennifer McCoy
considers the complex relationship between political polarization and democracy. She delves
into the evolution of new concepts and measures that are the terms of this debate, including
affective, identity-based, and pernicious types of polarization. So equipped, she discusses
current theorization on the consequences of hyper-polarization for the security of democracy,
highlighting what is best supported by empirical research.
Chapter 11, Constanza Sanhueza Petrarca and Sandra Horvath’s “Attitudes towards immi-
grants and refugees in Europe”, investigates the effects of immigration on European democ-
racies. After taking stock of the impact of international migration on European societies, it
examines how such demographic processes relate to political and economic developments.
Furthermore, the analysis sheds light on changes in public opinion over time, describes differ-
ences and similarities across countries, and examines the effects of the 2015 immigration and
refugee crisis. It also shows that there is a relationship between democracy, politics, and the
economy, and preferences regarding immigrants, the regulations of immigration, and refugee
policies.
Introduction xv
Chapter 12, Ned Littlefield, Omar O. Dumdum, and Oliver Lang’s “Why do populists
flip-flop on soldiers? The drug war’s civil–military commitment problem”, explores pop-
ulism’s civil–military commitment problem, or the populist leader’s inability to make a credi-
ble commitment to enact their policy preferences (as stated on the campaign trail) vis-à-vis the
armed forces. This phenomenon rests on the assumption that militaries are prominent members
of emergent democracies’ governing coalitions who can defect to coup coalitions and prefer
a more stable status quo and more domestic roles and resources. As the authors show in four
cases, left-wing populists in Bolivia and Mexico campaign against “drug war” militarization,
only to sustain or deepen it once in office. Conversely, right-wing populists in Brazil and the
Philippines could only sustain or even curtail militarization of the “drug war” once in office
because expanding the “drug war” involves risks for the armed forces. Understanding these
puzzles has practical importance for democratic governance and theoretical value for concep-
tualizing populism and civil–military relations.
In the fourth part, this volume assesses challenges arising from and within the evolving
mediascape and information age. Chapter 13, Michael McDevitt’s “Broken-windows jour-
nalism: a rationale for democratic repair and media reform”, interrogates the role of the news
media as a political institution in a democracy. Critically examining the practice of journal-
ism, he contends that the news media fails to acknowledge its power to shape policy agendas
and frame conversations. Rather, news media strives to affirm its competence by achieving
“homogeneity” within itself, and defaults to a position of “objectivity” as if to establish it as
being above politics, as a mere spectator. But this is not without consequences: eschewing
the intellectual work—and implied position taking—of actively shaping conversations, but
merely reporting the news that political actors create via sound bites, tweets, and press releases
and unintentionally funneling generative ideas into static, partisan binaries. Accordingly, he
argues that the media should embrace their intellectual autonomy and take responsibility for
the news as its own jurisdiction.
Chapter 14, Dimitri Kelly’s “The rise of cable news”, explores how the explosion of cable
news over the last generation has influenced democratic stability in the United States. Extreme
polarization is inimical to democratic governance, undermining social cohesion and inhibit-
ing compromise. This chapter highlights the role of cable news in the story of U.S. political
polarization, emphasizing the twin mechanisms of news avoidance and selective exposure.
While the Internet broadly, and social media specifically, is the sexy topic de jour, the rise of
cable news shifted the contours of the U.S. political system in ways the scholarly community
is still working to fully understand, with implications extending beyond the U.S. Throughout,
the chapter outlines potential areas for future research as well as some of the methodological
challenges to be overcome.
Chapter 15, Julia Eggleston and Steven Lloyd Wilson’s “Internet policy in South Korea:
liberal imperialism and paradox”, analyzes how Internet policy in South Korea has attracted
criticism for its seeming incompatibility with consolidated democracy. The chapter presents
a pair of qualitative case studies examining Internet censorship in the context of recent major
protest movements in South Korea: the 2015 textbook protests and the 2017 impeachment
demonstrations. Further, over a six-year period, the project collected 30 million South Korean
tweets, and daily data from South Korea’s primary blogging platform (Naver Blog) on polit-
ical speech. By comparing discussion of politics, North Korea, and censorship on the two
platforms (one theoretically censorable by the South Korean government, the other not) the
chapter concludes that censorship is not a major factor in South Korean Internet speech.
xvi Handbook on democracy and security
Chapter 16, April A. Johnson’s “Conspiracy thinking”, takes on the apparently growing
prevalence of fanciful conspiracy theories in public discourse, examining the psychological
roots of conspiratorial thinking. Root causes emerge from a basic human need for certainty,
as well as individual-level correlates for which there is substantial variation from person to
person. She also considers how some issues, such as intergroup conflict, often tie in to matters
of power and control—government and authority—and consequently encourage conspiratorial
thinking. However, conspiratorial beliefs are not in and of themselves a hindrance to demo-
cratic functioning and are in some ways reflective of democratic ideals.
In the final thematic part, we have a collection of scholars who consider threats to democracy
from unconventional angles. Chapter 17, Robert L. Ostergard, Jr.’s “Democracy and health”,
explores a question on the cutting edge of the study of democracy and its long-known relation-
ship with rising public health outcomes. Interrogating the reciprocal impacts on democracy
from decreasing health outcomes, he contends that how citizens think about issues affecting
their health can translate into the erosion of public trust in both medical as well as democratic
institutions. Digging deeply into history, this chapter argues that a legacy of medical misdeeds
has contaminated trust in medical institutions. In times of acute public health threats—as in the
recent pandemic—mistrust may be transferred to the democratic institutions that stand behind
those medical institutions.
While the discourse, and by extension the present volume, tends to focus on system
factors impacting the security of democracy in the 21st century, Jeffrey A. Griffin deviates
from this approach in order to examine the role of individuals and political leadership in the
maintenance of democratic stability. In “Leadership, democracy, and security in sub-Saharan
Africa: insights from the Republic of Uganda” (Chapter 18), he explores this question through
a recent political history of Uganda; specifically, he interrogates how long-time leader Yoweri
Museveni’s leadership style, personality, and perceptions shaped crucial outcomes, including
those in the domain of democratic stability.
The final chapter, Susanne Martin’s “Terrorism and threats to democracy”, considers the
threat terrorism is often believed to present for democratic institutions. Offering a spot of opti-
mism against the wider backdrop of this volume, she argues that most terrorism tends to occur
in non-democratic countries, especially where states are weak and may be experiencing other
sources of instability. On the contrary, citizens of consolidated democracies tend to reject the
tactic and those who use it, and are less likely to be moved by the extreme ideologies motivat-
ing them. At the same time, democracies offer greater opportunities for political participation
through conventional means.
Not simply a form of government, democracy is an idea. The security of an idea is not
subject to the physical threats that we social scientists tend to associate with security as
a concept. The security of democracy is based upon the security of its place in the minds of
people as a mythology, a set of norms and values, an ideal, a dream. This volume attempts to
define and explore those dimensions of democracy’s security.
PART I
The French government, in a bid to reduce the influence of Islamist ideology within its
borders, shut down domestic Islamist organizations and published, in late 2020, a Charter
of Republican Principles, emphasizing the secular character of the state.1 In 2016, the
British government proscribed the far-right group National Action as a terrorist organization
(Macklin, 2018). In late 2020, Germany banned the pro-Nazi group Sturmbrigade 44, with the
spokesman for the Interior Minister stating: ‘Anyone who fights against the basic values of
our liberal society will feel the decisive reaction of our constitutional democracy.’2 It does not
take any particular insight to note that, in recent years, liberal democracies have been seriously
challenged by illiberal groups. The most serious threat to the security of democracy, however,
may come not from its challengers but from the very measures taken to combat them.
The strength and security of democratic institutions and norms depends enormously on
how liberal democracies choose to deal with illiberal or anti-democratic groups within their
borders. Militant democracy employs legal means to repress undesirable political expression
and participation. A key element of liberal democracy is the freedom of political participation
– signified most crucially by the ability of political parties to participate freely and equitably in
the electoral arena. It stands to reason that strategies which limit the ability of political parties
to participate in the electoral arena would only be used under extraordinary circumstances,
and yet these strategies are implemented or attempted more often than one might suppose. In
recent years, Germany, Belgium, Israel, Spain and the Czech Republic, among others, have
banned or attempted to ban political parties. Restricting the democratic rights of parties within
a democracy is, perhaps, the most extreme strategy of militant democracy. As anti-system
actors and parties are on the rise, the question of militant democracy will endure. We need to
explore the question of what constitutes a bigger threat to the security of democracy. Is it the
anti-liberal, anti-democratic extremists? Or is it the ‘militant’ responses to such extremism?
This chapter will suggest answers to this question. I will focus on how these strategies are used
against political parties to determine the consequences of these strategies for the security of
democracy.
In order to answer this, I will first discuss the theoretical underpinnings of militant democ-
racy before moving on to a review of its associated strategies. Then, I will discuss three cases
where the key militant democracy strategies have been applied. Finally, I will suggest areas
of further research.
1
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-france-security-organization/france-bans-islamist-group-after
-killing-of-teacher-government-spokesman-idUSKBN2761PQ; https://www.politico.eu/article/france
-political-islam-charter-imams-fight/.
2
https://www.dw.com/en/germany-bans-far-right-extremist-group-sturmbrigade-44/a-55780833.
2
Democratic Whack-a-Mole 3
MILITANT DEMOCRACY
Before I can begin to consider whether strategies of militant democracy present a greater chal-
lenge to the security of democratic regimes – that is, whether strategies of militant democracy
present as great or a greater threat to democratic norms and institutions than extremist parties
or groups – I first need to illustrate what is meant by ‘militant democracy’. In so doing, we
will have a better understanding of the problems associated with militant democracy – both in
terms of how the concept is understood and in terms of how it is implemented.
‘Militant democracy’ describes a democratic regime which takes pre-emptive and protec-
tive measures to safeguard democratic institutions and democratic norms from anti-democratic
parties. Karl Loewenstein developed the concept of militant democracy in 1937 as a response
to the proliferation of Fascist parties and governments throughout Europe. Militant democracy
was an area of inquiry which seemed to die out with the Fascist regimes which gave birth to it.
Recently, however, it has re-captured the imagination of scholars (Bale, 2007; Bourne, 2012,
2018; Capoccia, 2001; Pedahzur, 2002). This is as a result, perhaps, of the pressing concerns
facing democracies with which militant democracy grapples – concerns of the growth of
populism, extremism on both sides of the political spectrum, and, particularly in Europe,
a migration crisis which has stoked these fires and brought a host of new challenges to a polit-
ical system in which the cleavages which dictated party structures were previously assumed to
be stable, or ‘frozen’ (Lipset and Rokkan, 1967).
‘Militant democracy’ is a broad term which can encompass all manner of state responses
to anti-system parties (Bourne, 2012).3 It is generally understood as dealing with Popper’s
paradox of tolerating the intolerant (1945) – the legitimacy of banning anti-system parties and
the impact this may have on the democracy itself. Bourne criticizes ‘militant democracy’ as
a catch-all term which cannot take into account the differing mechanisms which regimes may
use to solve this ultimate democratic dilemma beyond legal and political repression. Some,
like Capoccia (2001) and Pedahzur (2002), prefer the term ‘defending democracy’, which
takes into account strategies of ‘defending’ democracy which are more long-term and less
immediately repressive. It is less responsive and more preventive in focus.
The literature on militant democracy can be divided, broadly, into two camps: conceptual-
ization and implementation. The first camp, mostly the domain of political theory, considers
whether it is legitimate to ban parties in a democracy at all. The debate over conceptualization
in the literature thus far has been about whether democracies should adopt a pre-emptive
model of militant democracy (Loewenstein, 1937a, 1937b) which would ban anti-system
parties outright or a self-limiting version (Kirshner, 2014) which would allow anti-system
parties to participate within the political system as long as their participation does not lead to
the impediment of the rights of others.
3
‘Anti-system parties’ is a term coined by Sartori to denote parties which have an ideological
difference relational to the dominant ideology shared by the mainstream parties in the political system
and which may have a delegitimizing impact on the regime itself via its actions and platform (Capoccia,
2001; Sartori, 1976). However, its common usage in the literature denotes a party as being anti-system
on the basis of its ideology and does not include the relational aspect of its ideological distance from the
other parties in the system. Anti-system parties are broadly viewed as a threat to the democratic regime.
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muistuttivat teekuppia ja sisälsivät sadevettä, johon oli senlisäksi
sekaantunut niiden omaa hyvältämaistuvaa mehua.
"Te ette ole juoneet mitään itse!" huudahti Iris. "Menkää heti
juomaan.
Ja olkaa ystävällinen ja tuokaa minullekin vielä vähän."
"Niin, madame."
"Ei, mutta", huudahti hän äkkiä, "tehän olette tarjoilija, jonka eilen
huomasin salongissa. Mistä johtuu, että olette merimiehen puvussa?"
"Ja nyt, madame", sanoi hän, "on tärkeintä saada jotain ruokaa.
En jätä teitä mielelläni yksin ennenkuin olemme oppineet tuntemaan
oleskelupaikkamme paremmin. Jaksatteko kulkea vähän matkaa
metsään päin, vai kannanko teitä?"
"Kiitos! Kuulkaa nyt, Robert Jenks. Minä olen miss Iris Deane.
Laivalla olin minä matkustajana ja te tarjoilijana — toisin sanoen,
siksi kun rupesitte merimieheksi. Täällä olemme
onnettomuustovereita, mutta te olette johtaja — minä olen aivan
avuton. Voin auttaa teitä vain antamienne ohjeiden mukaan, enkä
siis halua enää hetkeäkään tulla kutsutuksi 'madameksi'.
Ymmärrättekö?"
Kun Robert Jenks tuli lagunille, pysähtyi hän äkkiä. Hän muisti
varmasti lukeneensa neljätoista ruumista. Nyt niitä oli vain
kaksitoista. Kaksi laskaria, jotka olivat levänneet aivan lagunin
rantakivillä, oli kadonnut.
Löytö.
Hän ojensi Irikselle öljylakin, jota käytti. Itselleen oli hän ottanut
toisen. Tytön katse tuli vakavaksi, sillä hän muisti merimiehen asian.
Mutta kun hän oli harvinaisen ymmärtäväinen nuori nainen, ei hän
tehnyt mitään vastaväitteitä, vaan pakottautui solmimaan nyörit
leuan alta.
"Niin", sanoi merimies. "Oli onni että löysin ne, eikö niin?"
"Missä suhteessa?"
"Ei niin kauan kuin aurinko on ylhäällä", sanoi hän. "Illalla se kyllä
on erinomaista".
"Se oli teille aiottu", sanoi Iris kylmästi. "Minä en juo viiniä."
Jos Iris olisi ollut vähemmän väsyksissä, olisi hän ehkä pannut
merkille levottomuuden ja epäluulon merimiehen äänessä. Mutta
hiekalle levitetyt lehdet, joiden päällä hän loikoi, olivat hyvin
houkuttelevia. Hänen silmänsä sulkeutuivat, hän asettui niin
mukavasti kuin taisi ja nukahti.
"Mitä on tapahtunut?"
Hän oli kalpea kuin ruumis palatessaan Iriksen luo. "Te olette
väsymyksestä suunniltanne, miss Deane", sanoi hän. "Näkynne oli
todennäköisesti näköhäiriö. Olkaa kiltti ja lähtekää jälleen
nukkumaan."
Sateenkaarisaari.
Oltuaan poissa vähän enemmän kuin tunnin, palasi hän tytön luo.
"Miten olette onnistuneet?" huudahti tämä heti hänet nähdessään.
"Niin, täällä ennen asuneet ihmiset ovat kai kulkeneet sinne mistä
sattui."
"En tiedä", vastasi Jenks kääntyen pois. "Olisi ehkä väärä käännös,
jos sanoisi sen merkitsevän laivatarjoilijaa, palvelijaa."
"Vieläkö muuta?"
Se oli aivan mustaksi palannut. Hän käristi lisää. Kun se oli valmis,
oli Jenks jälleen ennallaan. He söivät vaieten ja jakoivat sen, mikä oli
jälellä pullossa. Mies ihmetteli, mitä mahtoi sinä iltana olla Savoyssa.
Hän muisti viimeksi siellä ollessaan tilanneensa jambon de York aux
epinards sekä puolipullollisen Heidsickciä. Hymy kirkasti hänen
väsyneitä kasvonpiirteitään.
Iris näki sen. Hän ei ollut ikinä ennen keittänyt edes perunoita tahi
munaa. Kinkku oli hänen ensimmäinen kokeensa.
"Ja se on?"
"Ei voi koskaan tietää mihin ne kelpaavat", sanoi hän. "Mutta mitä
varten teillä on tinapala."
N
9 16N
113. 80 Ö
WJSÖ
1—-? 32/1
S
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